Let the African Union Set Democratic Standards

(John Githongo and William Gumede)--There are leadership failures across Africa. The meltdown in Zimbabwe has focused the world’s attention on just one. Robert Mugabe’s efforts to prolong his rule have provoked an unusually strong African reaction. This may be because Africans are beginning to recognise that there are no “national” crises.

The deepening social and economic interdependence of their countries mean that Zimbabwe’s problems are regional and truly African. Across the continent people are demanding more from very limited democracies. They want jobs, economic opportunities, access to justice and equity. Yet most governments have failed to deliver these things and have been indifferent to the expectations of their citizens.

The real danger is that Africans will lose confidence in the limited democratic institutions available to them. Nigerians shrugged away the travesty of a poll there last year with alarming cynicism. True feelings will emerge later. Citizens will increasingly find refuge in tribalism, violence or religious fundamentalism. Many, too, will give up and migrate.

On paper, many African economies are booming. Yet higher economic growth has not led to political stability. Indeed, the reverse appears to be unfolding as the fruits of the commodity boom underpinning higher growth are distributed unequally in countries that are governed poorly. Compounding a growing gulf between rich and poor are rising food prices. These are affecting some of the fastest growing cities in the world, packed with well informed, underemployed, angry and malleable young men between the ages of 16 and 24. It is likely that we will see more social implosions across the continent, especially around elections.

Because these are continental problems, the most appropriate tool available is the African Union. The African principle of non-interference in the affairs of neighbours was shaken by the Rwanda genocide. It still partially informs the AU, which has been reluctant to intervene forcefully in misgoverned nations. The unravelling of Zimbabwe is changing that. The crisis in Zimbabwe must also change another cardinal African principle – the inviolability of colonially inherited borders. Migration, urbanisation and the free flow of information mean that borders are increasingly meaningless. South Af–rica, for example, cannot easily get rid of 3m Zimbabwean refugees: Zimbab–we’s problems are South Africa’s now. They are also Africa’s. The same applies to east Africa: if Kenya catches a fever, so too do Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and Congo.

To make the AU more relevant, Africans must set minimum requirements of democracy and good economic governance for membership. Now, gangsters sit alongside leaders with serious democratic aspirations. Repressive laws in member countries will have to be scrapped. Member countries must establish credible democratic institutions, especially judiciaries and electoral commissions. There need to be effective pan-African institutions, such as a continent-wide supreme court and a constitutional court. These courts should be independent and have jurisdiction over prescribed areas in member states, so that when tyrants like Mr Mugabe emerge, they can no longer depend on the support of fellow rogues.

The AU’s charter must be changed from protecting the sovereignty of individual countries to protecting Africans themselves. A citizen from a member country must have recourse to the AU if he or she is brutalised or discriminated against on the basis of race, ethnicity, creed or gender. There will have to be a transparent procedure to impeach leaders who begin as democrats but become tyrants.

Those countries that make the grade must be rewarded; at present, some donors pour money into regimes that are orchestrating democratic reversals. As the Group of Eight leading industrial nations prepares to discuss aid to Africa, along with health and education, let them invest in an empowered AU as well.

Unless we act now, Africa may never catch up with the fast growing economies of the east and west. This is perhaps our best chance since independence to reorganise, consolidate and move to the next level. The democratic recession across Africa can cause us despondency or force us into action.

John Githongo is a senior associate member of St Antony’s College at Oxford university. William Gumede is the author of Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC. He is senior associate and programme director of the Africa-Asia Centre at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London

<< Back to main