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Comment & analysis

When reality contradicts rhetoric: Civilian protection in the DRC

Joseph Yav Katshung

2008-10-30, Issue 404

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/51613

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Reviewing the entrenched state of crisis engulfing the eastern DR Congo, Joseph Yav Katshung argues that it is only through strong political will that the conflict will begin to stem. As the author underlines, this is will on the part of a range of domestic and international actors, whose ability to articulate a clear strategy for enhanced civilian protection will ultimately determine whether vulnerable populations see the consequences of armed conflict reduced. Only on the strength of sustained political commitment, Katshung emphasises, can rhetoric translate into reality.

In September 2005, world leaders at the United Nations endorsed a historic declaration that the international community has a ‘responsibility…to help protect populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity’ and expressed a willingness to take timely and decisive action when states ‘manifestly fail’ to protect their own populations from these threats.(1)

Despite the collective shame and regret expressed over genocides and related atrocities, gross violations of human rights, and mass killings continue in the Great Lakes region of Africa and in the DR Congo in particular. Conflict, violence and religious radicalism continue to undermine the maintenance of peace and security and the promotion of human rights in the region. Civilians bear the heaviest brunt of acts of terror, wars, and criminal violence. How best to effectively respond to this threat,is the central question this brief sets out to discuss.

PROTECTING CIVILIANS IN THE DRC: A NIGHTMARE?

A clear picture of civilian suffering in the DRC has just been painted in the second Cross-Cutting Report of the Security Council Report dealing with the Protection of Civilians.(2) It is clear from this report that ‘over the past 14 years, the DRC has experienced continuous instability and a civil war that took an extremely heavy toll on the civilian population. The numbers are vast: from the spill-over from the Rwandan genocide in 1994, to the 1996-1998 and the 1998-2003 civil wars and the ensuing political transitions, millions of civilians died of conflict-related causes and hundreds of thousands of others were displaced. The second civil war alone is estimated to have led to the death of between 3.3 and 5.4 million civilians, which ranks it as the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II. The war involved dozens of rebel groups-both Congolese and foreign, including Rwandan “génocidaires”, the LRA and the Angolan UNITA-in addition to other African countries: Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Sudan, Angola, Zimbabwe, Chad and Namibia.’(3)

Today, the DRC continues to face instability in its eastern provinces and resulting abuse against the civilian population. The primary causes are recalcitrant foreign and Congolese militias (in particular the Rwandan Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and General Laurent Nkunda’s forces), the resulting controversial relations between the DRC and Rwanda/Uganda, and the lack of discipline and integration within the government’s security forces.(4)

The current situation in the eastern DRC is a tragic part of Africa’s contemporary history, despite international community’s pledge to never let another chaotic situation happen again in this region. It is a failure of governments, international organisations and the UN Security Council to generate the necessary political will to protect the world’s citizens. In this line, the United Nations Mission in the DR Congo (MONUC), the biggest international peacekeeping mission, has been criticised by an increasingly angry population for failing to prevent the advance of rebels led by Laurent Nkunda. There are also reports that hundreds of protesters had attacked the mission's headquarters, saying the UN was not doing enough to protect them. Demonstrators are angry that the 17,000-strong UN force has not better protected them against an offensive by rebel forces.

Against this background, someone can ask if MONUC is really a ‘mission’ or an ‘omission’ in protecting civilians? It is therefore clear that the development of law, norms and political mechanisms to allow collective intervention in crisis situations is of little more than academic value if it is not accompanied by a political will to protect civilians.

WITH POLITICAL WILL, RHETORIC CAN BE TRANSFORMED INTO REALITY

With sufficient political will – on the part of Africa and on the part of the international community – protecting civilians in Africa can be enhanced. Governments must not wait to act until images of death, destruction and mass displacements are shown on TV screens. With political will, rhetoric can be transformed into reality. Without it, not even the noblest sentiments will have a chance of success. Political will is also needed from the international community. Whenever the international community is committed to making a difference, it has proved that significant and rapid transformation can be achieved. Yet significant progress will require sustained international attention at the highest political levels over a period of years.

On a continent where gross human rights abuses and violence are rampant, African leaders have not demonstrated the will to exercise the African Union’s right to intervene to stem gross human rights violations in either a concerted or consistent manner. Yet the involvement of the international community – and of African states in particular – in seeking to promote peace and security remains ad hoc and inconsistent. Generating the political will to protect civilians remains therefore a priority in Africa. With sufficient political will – on the part of Africa and on the part of the international community – protection of civilians in Africa can be enhanced. Genocide and other related atrocities are not only a dark legacy of the past but a threat to the present and future of many societies.

TIME TO DEMONSTRATE THAT CIVILIAN PROTECTION IS A SHARED RESPONSIBILITY

It should be noted that civilian protection is not just a responsibility of the government, armed forces, and other security apparatus but rather a collective and shared responsibility of the state, civil society groups and the international community. In this regard, the responses to protect civilians should immensely benefit from Vaclev Havel’s sagacious words, ‘we live in a new world, in which all of us must begin to bear responsibility for everything that occurs.’(5) Besides a strong commitment, effective civilian protection requires resources. Over time, civilian protection must not only become a norm but also a practice. Its success as a norm will rightly be judged on whether it has reduced the vulnerability of civilian populations to armed conflict, and on the extent to which human rights and humanitarian obligations are observed and enforced. Successful implementation of protection strategies requires the development of a comprehensive and holistic approach to security combined with the necessary political will.

* Joseph Yav Katshung is an associate professor in the Faculty of Law at the University of Lubumbashi, an advocate at the Lubumbashi Bar Association and the coordinator of the UNESCO Chair for Human Rights, Democracy, Good Governance, Conflict Resolution and Peace at the University of Lubumbashi, DR Congo.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

(1) Expressed in the United Nation Resolution A/60/L.1 referred to as the 2005 World Summit Document (or, simply, the Outcome Document).
(2) Security Council Report, Cross-Cutting Report, Protection of Civilians, 2008, Number 02, 14 October 2008. This report is available online at http://www.securitycouncilreport.org
(3) Idem
(4) Ibidem
(5) Memorable Quotes and quotations from Vaclev Havel, at http://www.memorable-quotes.com/vaclev+havel,a2181.html (Accessed on 15 August 2007)


Readers' Comments

Let your voice be heard. Comment on this article.

Dear Professor Katshung:

I have been reading with great alarm for years about the massacres and genocide going on in the Congo (Zaire). Around 2003 I was outraged by the massacres of the Hema and Lendu tribes in Ituri province that killed 50,000 people and wrote poetry to protest it. The occasional articles about Congo in the New York Sun indicated that the information was heavily censored by the regime and the full extent of the atrocities wasn't known.

Recently I have read more in detail about the genocide in the Congo. The more I learn, the more alarmed I become. It seems that the primary driver of the genocide has been the fight over coltan and casserite mines which are used to produce cell phones and gold mines. In addition the other problem has been Congo's refusal to disarm the Hutu genocidal killers from Rwanda. Perhaps the most alarming thing I learned is that the leaders of the Hutu killers are being politically sheltered with asylum protection in Belgium, the U.S., France, and Germany. I sent letters to my friends asking them to support legislation in the U.S. Congress which would try to certify that coltan and casserite from the Congo is not being mined by any of the combatant parties.

I have been reading your articles and have been deeply moved by them. I read your article marking the 14th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide that touched and saddened me. I admire your efforts to support legal mechanisms both international as well as congo national to prosecute the killers and ensure justice for the victims. It seems obvious that the West is as indifferent to the genocide in Congo and Darfur as it was to the genocide in Rwanda. Tragically there is no political will at all for genuine action to stop genocide anywhere in Africa on the part of either Western or African leaders.

I am looking for the following information to continue my research and action on behalf of the Congo:
1. ethnic composition of North and South Kivu provinces before 1998 and after the recent war / genocide
2. books explaining the pre-colonial history of the Kongo Kingdom and other tribal groups that previously ruled in Congo such as Luba
3. ethnic composition of the victims of ongoing genocide in North and South Kivu provinces of Congo - including whether particular groups have suffered proportionately more deaths due to massacres as opposed to starvation and disease
4. your opinion on the efficacy of the U.S. trying to ensure that coltan and casserite in the Congo isn't produced by warlords

Thank you for your efforts on behalf of justice in your country, and looking forward to keeping in touch with you.

Sincerely,
Ms. Rebecca Witonsky
USA

Ms. Rebecca Witonsky




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