The strengthening of Sino-African relations has attracted interest across the world. As a matter of fact, the red-hot relationship between the Middle Kingdom and African countries is so significant that it might be a prelude to the formation of a new world economic and political order which favours not only the developed North, but also the underdeveloped South.

In this process, civil society has an irreplaceable role to play, as inter-cultural exchanges and understanding will not come automatically as by-products of growing economic and political ties. Exchanges and understanding between cultures are highly important for building a peaceful world, without which the common evils of conflicts and confrontations – be they ethnic, religious, political or cultural – cannot be resolved. It is in these areas that Chinese and African civil society organisations (CSOs) can demonstrate their unique functions.

It is imperative to stress, however, that Chinese and African CSOs have different characteristics, thus presenting challenges for mutual understanding and dialogue. In this chapter I will discuss the mainstream opinions of Chinese people about African CSOs and how African CSOs should present themselves to China.

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CHINESE PERCEPTIONS OF AFRICAN CSOS

It would not be proper to generalise about the opinions of Chinese people as the country and its people are much more diverse than most people think. The much-hailed and publicised Sino-African relations are an important factor in shaping Chinese perceptions about African CSOs, generating different views in different sectors about African CSOs. Therefore, it is necessary to examine Chinese perceptions of African CSOs from the different perspectives of the government, the general public, academic circles, businesses and Chinese CSOs.

The government

Although some people still doubt the existence of civil society in China, the truth is that the country’s civil society has a long history and has always been interested in the outside world.1 The Chinese government keeps a close watch on domestic CSOs, but is beginning to realise and acknowledge their relevance in promoting good governance, social welfare, environmental protection and various social services. As the government cannot meet all the needs of its people, especially in times of natural disasters and in the fields of social services, the Chinese leadership has become more tolerant of sectors outside the government, allowing more space for the activities of civil society.

The improvement in policies related to the activities of civil society in China does not mean the government necessarily has the same opinions about all foreign CSOs operating in China indiscriminately. For those involved in environmental protection, poverty reduction and social services, governments at all levels are more hospitable, and in some cases, officials even provide help for these organisations to implement their programmes. But there are also foreign CSOs who take the common ‘naming and shaming’ approach to embarrass the government, albeit to no avail. This is because such organisations do not truly understand the Chinese ideology and have taken the wrong means to achievement of an honourable end.

In traditional Chinese culture, to maintain a certain kind of ‘face’ is vital for the government, as well as for individual citizens, to retain honour, and hence authority. Over two millennia of centralised feudal rule (221bc–1911) have left an indelible mark on the mind of both the ruling and the ruled. When it comes to building a modern democratic system with the consent of all parties involved – including the ruling and the ruled – this history therefore poses a dramatic challenge to a Chinese government undergoing a period of significant economic, political and social transformation.

In the context of contemporary Chinese politics, it is not realistic to assume that the overall environment for CSOs – be it domestic or foreign – will be changed radically in a short time. CSOs operating in the country need to understand the culture of the Chinese nation and the diversity of the people, so that programmes can be oriented to conditions on the ground.

African CSOs have little, if any, influence in China. Save for some African communities in a number of business hubs, such as Shanghai, Guangzhou and Yiwu, African CSOs are mostly unknown when compared to CSOs from other regions of the world.

However, the historical and friendly ties between Chinese and African governments may serve as a bridge for civil exchange between the two sides. With large amounts of Chinese commodities being exported to African markets by African as well as Chinese traders, some African CSOs have voiced concern over the impact of these goods on local producers – the exploitation of natural resources notwithstanding – especially in terms of the profits accrued and benefits enjoyed by Chinese and African political and economic elites. Therefore, governments on both sides of the relationship need to listen to the voices of CSOs.

The general public

The majority of the Chinese public has little knowledge about the African continent, let alone African CSOs. Some people think Africa is mysterious and has a variety of indigenous cultures, but their knowledge is mostly from books, magazines, newspapers and other mass media. CSOs occasionally come into their sight when political turmoil, conflicts and wars happen. They are more often seen as humanitarian entities rather than advocacy groups. This perception is in line with political conditions inside China. The general public’s impression of African CSOs evolves with the transformation of the government’s policies. In recent years, positive aspects of African CSOs have been more frequently covered in the Chinese media. A growing number of Chinese people have come to the knowledge that CSOs are the forces not only serving the needs of the needy, but also fighting against government injustices and contributing to the democratisation process.

Academic circles

Academics are beginning to show more interest in African CSOs. This is becoming a trend as the government is loosening its control over domestic CSOs in a bid to build a more harmonious society and world. Papers have been published discussing the role of CSOs in facilitating democratisation.

But it is necessary to point out that African studies had long been a marginalised discipline in Chinese universities and research-oriented institutions. The recent ‘Africa rush’ among scholars is mainly due to spiralling Sino-African relations, its direct objective being to serve the country’s foreign strategy. Up to now, scholars involved in serious African studies are estimated to number not more than 100. Even that number is believed to be optimistic.

Those scholars whose main interest is African CSOs are of the younger generation of Africanists. These young Africanists, with a more open perspective about the contemporary world and the future of the Chinese nation, see more common features between China and Africa. By studying African CSOs, they are able to see the importance of combining western ideas and structural designs with the conditions of a given country.

Furthermore, Chinese academics are becoming more knowledgeable about African cultures. They also have a mission to promote understanding of Africa and African peoples in China. In recent years, Africanists in China have had more chances to visit Africa. Their contribution is essential to enlightening the Chinese public about African CSOs.

Businesses

Chinese businesses are most known for their labour-intensive production mode. Outsourcing to Africa can be beneficial to both sides. Businesses are usually profit-driven, but they are under paramount pressure from local people in Africa to listen to the voices of African civil society.

Also, Chinese business people in Africa are not as well-positioned as their western counterparts because of language barriers and their limited knowledge about Africa. Most Chinese business people have no idea at all about African CSOs. Small Chinese businesses are more used to dealing with Africans directly rather than going through trade unions or rights groups. In those African countries where the rule of law is more mature, Chinese businesses are learning the lessons of fitting in. The charges of ignoring workplace safety measures, deplorable working conditions and low wages levelled against Chinese businesses have forced them to adapt to local requirements.

CSOs

Compared with their African counterparts, Chinese CSOs are more cooperative with the government. The question of the level of independence and/or closeness to government reflected in the behaviour of trade unions and the lack of rights groups has led some analysts to conclude that Chinese CSOs are governmentoutreach branches. I see no point in debating the independence of Chinese trade unions, but it is worth noting that apart from trade unions, international CSOs operating in China are pioneering ways of facilitating people-to-people exchanges. It is hard to deny that aid and endowments from western donors are important for Chinese and African CSOs to have first-hand information about each other, and then to conduct joint programmes. Cooperation and dialogue between African and Chinese CSOs lag far behind red-hot trade ties. Eliminating this imbalance is the key to long-term sustainable development.

HOW SHOULD AFRICAN CSOS ENGAGE CHINA?

As different parties hold different opinions about African CSOs, it is necessary for African CSOs to adopt different approaches in dealing with China if they wish to build a relationship with the Middle Kingdom in line with their own agendas.

The government

To start with, we should note that the Chinese government is much more open than the outside world, especially the West, likes to think. Constructive dialogue with the government can help African CSOs to present their concerns, and therefore to gain access to this enormous and diverse country. Government approval and support also increase African CSOs’ chances of realising their agendas on the ground.

In order to build a healthy relationship with the government, it is important to understand the government’s concerns about CSOs. China’s ‘one-party rule, multi-level cooperation’ political system influences the overarching environment in which CSOs – be they domestic or foreign – have to operate. The political system is flexible as it has the ingredient of ‘multiparty cooperation’, thus justifying the activities of factors other than the ruling party, but it also sets the bottom line – no one is allowed to challenge the authority of the ruling party. This bottom line is regarded as essential for the stability of the Chinese nation and has also contributed to the fast economic and social development of the past three decades.

African CSOs – which up to now have had little contact with China – can and should win the recognition and support of relevant Chinese government departments so that they can access the country in the first instance. The Ministry of Civil Affairs (in charge of domestic non-governmental organisation (NGO) affairs) and the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (in charge of foreign NGO affairs) are commissioned to deal with issues relating to CSOs.

As most African countries maintain friendly ties with the Chinese government, African CSOs will enjoy an equal, if not more favourable, treatment if they choose to operate in China. Particularly for those advocacy groups which have previously employed ‘naming and shaming’ tactics, by coming to China they can have direct contact with the Chinese people and avoid being described in the media as an alien ‘other’. However, there is one thing that African CSOs have to keep in mind: the Chinese government strongly rejects interference in its domestic affairs (especially on political issues). CSOs, be they African or western, should understand this reality and take a flexible approach while not compromising their principles.

The general public

The Chinese public is always cautious about new things and new people, but once they perceive friendship, they will be most willing to embrace new ways of life.

African CSOs should first come to China to publicise their agendas so that Chinese people can understand Africans and their cultures. Prejudices against the African continent, its cultures and its peoples exist not only in developed countries, but also in the Middle Kingdom, whose people had for thousands of years seen themselves as part of the greatest civilisation in the world. However, modern science and technology developed in the West, crushing this dream a century ago. Knowledge of and contact with African cultures, if well-publicised, will help the Chinese people to appreciate other cultures and to reconsider issues which used to seem so far away from them. Contributing to this process could become a focal point of African CSOs’ mission.

Academic circles

Academics are the pioneers in understanding African CSOs. African CSOs should take the initiative to set up links with various institutions of higher learning and research to share information. This is the most efficient way to make their voices heard in a nation of 1.3 billion people.

Although Beijing provides the greatest convenience for the exchange of information and its dissemination, it is not the only place where African CSOs can operate. As a matter of fact, the vast regions of west China and some booming Chinese cities have many similarities with Africa, and exchanges in the fields of development and grassroots governance are important for longterm development.

Organising joint conferences with Chinese universities or research institutions is a good way to use the knowledge of academics to boost understanding of African CSOs. Currently, the Institute of West Asian and African Studies under the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, based in Beijing, and the Institute of African Studies at Zhejiang Normal University, based in the city of Jinhua in Zhejiang province, are the two biggest entities in China involved in African studies. Centres of African studies have also been set up in other universities such as Peking University, Shanghai Normal University, Xiangtan University and Yunnan University. These centres might be smaller in size, but their scholars are long-time Africanists whose contributions have been the driving force behind the development of African studies in China.

African CSOs can also include Chinese Africanists in their programmes for inter-cultural exchanges. As academics, Chinese Africanists maintain a degree of independence which is lacking in most government departments. It is also more constructive for Chinese Africanists to point out problems existing in China’s policy toward Africa (such as on the Darfur issue); the shaming China campaign organised by some western civil society activists before the Beijing Olympics had little if any positive impact on the policy of the Chinese government. It is high time that CSOs worked with academics to pursue their objectives.

Businesses

Pressure levelled against Chinese businesses operating in Africa can be helpful in regularising corporate behaviour, but violent incidents only cause lasting damage to the already difficult relationship among involved parties. Negotiation and legal litigation should be strengthened.

As more and more Chinese companies rush into Africa to do business, the working conditions and treatment of their employees need to be better supervised and reported objectively. It is also important to recognise that workplace safety in Chinese businesses is not only a problem in Africa, but is also a serious problem within China. Media reports of accidents at small mines and kilns have caused frequent outcry in China. African environmental NGOs and rights groups can present their complaints to relevant Chinese government departments in order to regulate the practices of Chinese businesses in their country. They should use Chinese media more than western media to publicise their information so that the message will not lead to a nationalistic response but rather to a rational re-evaluation of China’s role in Africa.

CSOs While academics enlighten the government as well as the general public on issues relating to Africa, Chinese CSOs can be the best partners in executing joint programmes as they are more familiar with Chinese conditions. Statistics from various sources show that the number of NGOs registered at the Ministry of Civil Affairs reached 266,000 by the end of 2003, growing at an annual 34 per cent. These figures do not even include NGOs operating either on the fringe or outside of state margins.

Different CSOs in China have different agendas. For African CSOs seeking to set up cooperative relationships with Chinese CSOs, the China International Exchange Association (CIEA) may be a springboard to an ocean of Chinese CSOs. With close relations with the Chinese government, the CIEA is commissioned to facilitate non-governmental economic and cultural exchanges and to promote mutual understanding and friendly cooperation with foreign countries. It also aims to make contributions to world peace, in which field African CSOs can present their concerns about issues such as Darfur.

CONCLUSION

After a tentative discussion of the topic, I have come to the following conclusions:

• Since the country adopted its reform and opening-up policies 30 years ago, opinions about African CSOs in China have been diverse.
• The political atmosphere in China has become more and more open and inclusive over the past three decades, and the space for the activities of both domestic and foreign CSOs has also expanded dramatically. Especially in the wake of China’s entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001, more international CSOs are flooding into the long-isolated country.
• There is a lot of work which African CSOs can do to improve their knowledge of China, and they can first get into China through government-affiliated entities, research institutions or through partnerships with other Chinese CSOs to achieve their goals.
• There is enormous potential for Chinese and African civil society to strengthen cooperation and dialogue. Mutual understanding can be achieved if African CSOs engage China in different ways with different approaches, and vice versa.

Speaking generally, the role of CSOs in Sino-African relations requires greater attention as a potentially effective alternative to solving some of the problems hindering the healthy development of the relationship between China and Africa.

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* Edited by Axel Harneit-Sievers, Sanusha Naidu and Stephen Marks, 'Chinese and African Perspectives on China in Africa' is now available from Pambazuka Press.
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NOTE

1. While not as well-organised as modern CSOs, public venues in traditional Chinese societies such as teahouses were instrumental in the dissemination of information and contributed to social mobilisation in different phases of history.