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PAMBAZUKA NEWS 147: OPEN LETTER TO NKOSAZANA DLAMINI-ZUMA

A weekly electronic newsletter for social justice in Africa

To view online, go to http://www.pambazuka.org/

CONTENTS: 1. Highlights from this issue, 2. Features, 3. Comment & analysis, 4. Advocacy & campaigns, 5. Letters & Opinions, 6. Books & arts, 7. Women & gender, 8. Human rights, 9. Refugees & forced migration, 10. Elections & governance, 11. Corruption, 12. Development, 13. Health & HIV/AIDS, 14. Education, 15. Racism & xenophobia, 16. Environment, 17. Land & land rights, 18. Media & freedom of expression, 19. Social welfare, 20. News from the diaspora, 21. Conflict & emergencies, 22. Internet & technology, 23. eNewsletters & mailing lists, 24. Fundraising & useful resources, 25. Courses, seminars, & workshops, 26. Jobs

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Highlights from this issue

Selected headlines from Pambazuka News 147

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/20819

* Comment and Analysis: The Rise, Fall and Insurrection of Nationalism in Africa
* Conflict and Emergencies: Questions over Kgame’s role in genocide
* Human Rights: UN rights commission told to adapt or die
* Refugees and Forced Migration: African refugee working group set up
* Women and Gender: News on International Women’s Day
* Elections and Governance: Campaign for Democratic Angola launched
South Africa: (Un) civil society and the vote
* Development: Rescuing Nepad
* Health: Robbing the poor to pay the rich
* HIV/AIDS: Merck breaks promises on Aids drugs
* Environment: Sharing the Nile’s waters
* Land and Land Rights: Namibian land grab all fair and square
* News from the Diaspora: The Diaspora and Development
* Books and Arts: Against Global Apartheid (2nd edition)





Features

Open Letter to Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, and other women in the South African cabinet

Everjoice J. Win

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/20816

Dear sisters,
Happy International Women's Day to you. The 8th of March is meant to be a day to celebrate how far we have come as women worldwide. But for us North of your border, we have no cause to celebrate. I am writing this letter to talk to you, woman to woman. I believe in other women. I don't buy into the now oft heard refrain that "women don't support one another". I celebrate your presence in the highest offices of your land, and I want to continue to have faith in other women.

But, I am making a lot of assumptions in writing this letter to you; that you are in leadership to promote and protect the rights of women. I assume that you feel for other women. Yes it is an assumption that those of us who have worked as feminists know so well. We vote for women to get into high offices and assume that they will stand up for our collective rights.

We think that because one woman has gone through a particular struggle she will easily identify with the struggles of others. That like I said is an assumption that has since been proved to be just that, an assumption. So I am writing this with these huge assumptions that you are interested in the rights of women wherever they are, whoever they are. If you don't, stop reading here.

Sisters you are letting us down. The women of Zimbabwe are hurting. Thousands have been physically abused, raped, are unable to survive from day to day, and millions are groaning under the weight of oppression.

Honourable Zuma, I am not talking about the British's "kith and kin", that you like talking so much about. I speak only of YOUR kith and kin. Black women.
Women who have never owned land in pre-colonial times or post colonial times and who still have not been given any of the celebrated land that was redistributed.

But what all these women know is that their rights are violated day in and day out in the name of this land. Our President is on record for saying that women cannot be given land in their own capacity, unless they don't want to get married. On the former commercial farms all poor black women know is that they have lost their means of survival. You and I can argue from the safety of our good jobs that they were being exploited by the Rhodies. But to them it was a question of half a loaf is better nothing. Now it's a case of no bread is better than half a loaf! In the absence of alternatives they resort to commercial sex work, with all the dangers that it now entails, (your government's denialism around HIV/AIDS not withstanding here. In Zimbabwe we are quite clear that one in every three people has HIV).

Hundreds of female nurses and teachers fled from their rural posts since the 2000 elections till now, because of the politically motivated and organised violence that engulfed our country. Most of them are still unemployed as we speak, because the government refuses to allow them to "transfer".

Those who stayed continue to endure emotional and physical violence from so-called war vets and the Green Bombers. Young girls some as young as nine or ten, have been raped and infected with HIV by gangs of marauding state sponsored thugs. There are no figures of how many black women and their families have been displaced from their homes.

Have you never wondered what life must be like for an ordinary black Zimbabwean woman right now? Let me share with you what I know, bearing in mind my class status. A packet of 10 sanitary pads costs Z$10 000. A domestic worker in Highfield township earns Z$15 000 if she is lucky. I leave the horrors of her monthlies to your active imagination. Saying hello to a doctor is now $50 000. 10 good pain- killers will cost you Z$15000. A one- way trip into town from the nearest township by combi is $500.

Most walk back and forth every day. The woman still has to cook, clean and take care of everyone. Add to all this, the impact of the HIV crisis. It is women who still care for the sick, who have to care for their babies and who are still denied their reproductive rights. We are now back to the good-old system of pulling girls out of schools, because poor families can’t afford to pay fees for both girls and boys. Our gender roles and rights questions haven't gone away simply because we are in a political crisis. They just get worse.

You have probably seen various videos and read countless stories about what is going on in Zimbabwe. I know many of you doubt the authenticity of these stories given the "messengers" who put them out. But let me go back to the woman thing; you and I know the price that women pay for publicly speaking about any human rights violations that they suffer. We know the questions that are asked; What had she done? What was she wearing? Where was she going? Who is she? Can we really believe her? In the case of Zimbabwe's political violence against women add another set of questions; Which party is she from? Are you sure she wasn't paid by the British? Is it really true that Robert Mugabe a whole liberation war leader can do that? And in the case of the socio economic crisis: Surely these figures are exaggerated?

Isn't this just Western propaganda?

That my dear sisters, is why I said you are letting us down. We are dismayed, by the comments that some of you, particularly Nkosazana have made about our situation in Zimbabwe. As any woman in a violent situation will tell you, there are no prizes awarded for speaking out. If anything you are ostracized by your own family/community. You are branded a bad woman, and worse you are violated several times over for daring to open your mouth.

Your public denials and accusations against those of us who dare to speak hurts. Telling us that what we are going through is "British propaganda" is the same as accusing any South African woman who is raped of telling lies.

Your silence and quiet diplomacy does more harm to us emotionally than the physical wounds we carry. Those of you who have ever experienced domestic violence, (and I am sure there are a few among you), or rape must be quite familiar with this; the pain you feel when your own family doubts your story. The anguish you go through when his and your own family accuse you of being the bad woman. The anger when they literally tell you to change your behaviour.

That is what you and your government are doing to the women of Zimbabwe.
Partly blaming the victims, mostly silencing them. As you celebrate International Women's Day, think about the women and girls of Zimbabwe. We are over six million nameless, faceless individuals. Go beyond Bob and Morgan. Talk to us. We are here. As our rights continue to be violated in the name of "national sovereignty", all we ask of you is not to deny our pain. Don't silence us and deny us the space to name our violations and our violators. May none of what we are going through EVER happen to any one of you or any woman of South Africa.

* Everjoice J. Win is a Zimbabwean feminist activist. She is a former Commonwealth Adviser to the Commission on Gender Equality, (CGE). This letter was first published in South Africa’s Mail and Guardian newspaper. It is reproduced here with kind permission of the author.

* Send comments on this editorial - and other events in Africa - to editor@pambazuka.org

* Please see the Women and Gender section of Pambazuka News for more information on International Women's Day.





Comment & analysis

The Rise, The Fall and The Insurrection of Nationalism in Africa

Issa G. Shivji

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/20818

The Argument

We have become so used to the rhetoric of the “global village” that talking about African nationalism sounds anachronistic and outdated. But that is exactly what I wish to address. In this paper, I will explore the “National Question” in Africa and its erstwhile expression, nationalism, in three sections. First, I will discuss the rise of post-Second World War nationalism and its true essence, if you like. Then, I will address the debunking of nationalism in the post-cold war period under the apparent hegemony of neo-liberalism and so-called globalisation. Finally, still holding high the Gramscian adage, “pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will,” I anticipate the insurrection of a second nationalism.

Post-War Nationalism
The Essence of Nationalism

Introducing his book Freedom and After, Tom Mboya remembers what he calls the “proudest day of my life.” That was December 6, 1958, the opening day of the All Africa Peoples Conference in Accra, Ghana. Earlier in the same year, there had been a conference of independent African states, of which only eight existed at the time. “These two conferences,” says Mboya, “marked the rediscovery of Africa by Africans.”

"This rediscovery of Africa by Africans was ‘in complete contrast to the discovery of Africa by Europeans in the nineteenth century.’ The Conference of Independent African States had marked the birth of the African personality, and the delegates had all agreed on the need for Africa to rise and be heard at all the councils of the world affairs. "

The conference was attended by some five hundred delegates from political parties, trade unions, and organisations involved in the great awakening that was African nationalism. Patrice Lumumba and Roberto Holden were there, so was Dr. Kamuzu Banda. The nationalist upsurge in the post-war period in Africa was a great moment for a people that had been denied humanity by centuries of slavery and colonialism. Ideologies centered on Kwame Nkrumah’s “African Personality” or Leopold Senghor’s “Negritude” or Kenneth Kaunda’s “Humanism” or even Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s Ujamaa expressed one central theme, nationalism.

The quintessence of nationalism was, and is, anti-imperialism. It was a demand and struggle against, rather than for, something. It was an expression of a struggle against denial – denial of humanity, denial of respect and dignity, denial of the Africanness of the African. It was the struggle for the “re-Africanisation of minds” or to “rebecome Africans,” as Amilcar Cabral put it. Archie Mafeje sums up the period well:

"It was the historical experience of racial humiliation, economic exploitation, political oppression, and cultural domination under European and American slavery, colonialism, and imperialism that gave rise to theories of ‘African personality’ and ‘Negritude.’ At the centre of these theories was the question of the liberation of the Black man – his identity or the meaning of ‘being-Black-in-the-world.’ It was a philosophical or moral justification for action, for a rebellion which gave rise to African nationalism and to independence. The latter was the greatest political achievement by Africans. It was an unprecedented collective fulfillment."

Early African nationalism should not be confused with the traditional discourse on the expression and development of nations in the womb of capitalism in nineteenth century Europe. Rather, it was an expression of a people that was an antidote to White supremacist rule. In a sense, it is correct to say that nationalism was the process, a process of struggle, in the formation of nations. In that sense, perhaps, nationalism preceded nations. Militant nationalists grasped this to some extent although they did not express it as consistently nor did they wholly appreciate the defining characteristic of nationalism, that is, anti-imperialism. In explaining the objectives of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) to the UN Trusteeship Council in 1955, Nyerere said:

"Another objective of the Union is to build up a national consciousness among the African peoples in Tanganyika. It has been said – and this is quite right – that Tanganyika is tribal, and we realise that we need to break up this tribal consciousness among the people and to build up a national consciousness. That is one of our main objectives towards self-government."

This formulation is no doubt problematic. It lends itself to the reactionary side of bourgeois nationalism, or what later came to be called “nation-building theories.” Let us look at another formulation; this time, from a leading member of a national liberation movement and an avowed Marxist – Marcelino dos Santos, then a leading member of FRELIMO. In an interview with Joe Slovo of the South African Communist Party, Dos Santos analyses the tension between tribe and nation:

"The main conditions for [the] successful rejection [of tribalism] are present. On the general point of whether we have already moulded a nation in the true sense of the word, I want to say that a nation is based on concrete realities. And the most important reality in the present stage in Mocambique is the fight against Portuguese colonialism…It is our common fight against our common oppressor, which plays an outstanding role in creating a national bond between all the diverse groups and cultures…Of course, a nation is a product of history and its formation goes through different phases. In this sense, the work for the final achievement of nationhood will continue even after independence, although the fundamental elements of nationhood are already in existence and in the process of being further developed in Mocambique. "

Dos Santos’ conception of nation formation does not differ fundamentally from Nyerere’s presentation of “nation-building,” although their points of departure appear different. Dos Santos, like Slovo, takes as his starting point the Marxist theory of nation (this, presumably, is “the true sense of the word”), which, in its Stalinist version, emphasises the European conception of a nation – common territory, language, culture, and economy. If these ingredients are not present, or not present to a sufficient degree, you have a tribe at worst or a nation in the process of being formed at best. Implied in the European conception of nation also is the idea of voluntarism, that is, forming or building a nation from the top. Perhaps the point to underline in Dos Santos’ exposition is that the anti-colonial struggle is an important ingredient of nationalism. The problem with Dos Santos- and Nyerere-type formulations is that the nationalist petty bourgeoisie, when it rose to power, wavered on anti-imperialism and ended up with top-down statist notions of “nation-building.”

I find Amilcar Cabral’s propositions more fruitful. They contain a germ of great potential in understanding the historicity and specificity of the National Question in Africa. Cabral suggests that post-war African nationalism was a struggle not only to reclaim history but also to assert the right of the African people to make history: “The foundation of national liberation lies in the inalienable right of every people to have their own history.”

Cabral also makes the point that “so long as imperialism is in existence, an independent African state must be a liberation movement in power, or it will not be independent.” These are profound insights. First, nationalism is constituted by the struggle of the people against imperialism, thus anti-imperialism defines African nationalism. Second, nationalism, as an expression of struggle, continues so long as imperialism exists. Third, the National Question in Africa, whose expression is nationalism, remains unresolved as long as there is imperialist domination.

Archie Mafeje builds on these insights, observing that “all the struggles in Africa and most of the Third World centre on the National Question.” He perceives nationalism as the common denominator underlying the different interpretations and connotations of the National Question. Furthermore, he says, nationalism is always a reaction against something. In African history, nationalism has been a reaction to imperialist domination. As proto-nationalism, the reaction was against the colonial phase of imperialism, or political domination by aliens. Since independence, meta-nationalism has been coping with the changing modalities of imperialist domination.

The dominant discourse on the National Question has run along different lines, however. In both the political right and left, the central debate has been over whether Africa has nations and nationalities or tribes and ethnic groups. In the Eurocentric worldview, nations represent a higher level in the evolution of social and political formations than tribes. Fed on Stalin’s rather schematic formula, and therefore unable to find nations within the territorial units called African countries, even radical Marxists, like Slovo, have found it difficult to theorise adequately about the National Question. In the hands of rightwing pundits, it has been worse. The so-called lack of nations has been used to debunk and delegitimise African nationalist movements and their achievements. With the current hegemony of neo-liberalism and the imperialist comeback, the spokespersons of imperialism have been quick to condemn nationalism as nothing more than an expression of ethnicity and tribalism.

Note this typical sample from an editorial in US News and World Report:

"In the Third World, there had been grand ideas of new states and social contracts among the communities, post-colonial dreams of what men and women could do on their own. There were exalted notions of Indian nationalism, Pan-Arabism, and the like. Ethnicity hid, draped in the colours of modern nationalism, hoping to keep the ancestors – and the troubles – at bay. But the delusions would not last. What was India? The India of its secular founders – or the ‘Hindu Raj’ of the militant fundamentalists? What exactly did the compact communities of Iraq – the Kurds, the Sunnis, and the Shia – have in common? The masks have fallen, the tribes have stepped to the fore."

This type of denigration strikes at the heart of nationalism, that is, at anti-imperialism. Be that as it may, let us look more closely at the various aspects and expressions of nationalism.

* This is an extract from a paper 'The Rise, The Fall and The Insurrection of Nationalism in Africa' by Issa G. Shivji, Professor of Law at the University of Dar es Salaam Tanzania. The paper is from Keynote Address to the CODESRIA East African Regional Conference held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, October 29-31, 2003. To read the full paper, please click on the URL below.

THE RISE, THE FALL, AND THE INSURRECTION OF NATIONALISM IN AFRICA

by

Issa G. Shivji
Professor of Law
University of Dar es Salaam
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
ishivji@ud.co.tz

Paper from Keynote Address to the CODESRIA East African
Regional Conference held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
October 29-31, 2003

The Rise, the Fall, and the Insurrection of
Nationalism in Africa

By

Issa G. Shivji
Professor of Law
University of Dar es Salaam
ishivji@ud.co.tz

The Argument

We have become so used to the rhetoric of the “global village” that talking about African nationalism sounds anachronistic and outdated. But that is exactly what I wish to address. In this paper, I will explore the “National Question” in Africa and its erstwhile expression, nationalism, in three sections. First, I will discuss the rise of post-Second World War nationalism and its true essence, if you like. Then, I will address the debunking of nationalism in the post-cold war period under the apparent hegemony of neo-liberalism and so-called globalisation. Finally, still holding high the Gramscian adage, “pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will,” I anticipate the insurrection of a second nationalism.

Post-War Nationalism
The Essence of Nationalism

Introducing his book Freedom and After, Tom Mboya remembers what he calls the “proudest day of my life.” That was December 6, 1958, the opening day of the All Africa Peoples Conference in Accra, Ghana. Earlier in the same year, there had been a conference of independent African states, of which only eight existed at the time. “These two conferences,” says Mboya, “marked the rediscovery of Africa by Africans.”

This rediscovery of Africa by Africans was ‘in complete contrast to the discovery of Africa by Europeans in the nineteenth century.’ The Conference of Independent African States had marked the birth of the African personality, and the delegates had all agreed on the need for Africa to rise and be heard at all the councils of the world affairs.

The conference was attended by some five hundred delegates from political parties, trade unions, and organisations involved in the great awakening that was African nationalism. Patrice Lumumba and Roberto Holden were there, so was Dr. Kamuzu Banda. The nationalist upsurge in the post-war period in Africa was a great moment for a people that had been denied humanity by centuries of slavery and colonialism. Ideologies centered on Kwame Nkrumah’s “African Personality” or Leopold Senghor’s “Negritude” or Kenneth Kaunda’s “Humanism” or even Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s Ujamaa expressed one central theme, nationalism.

The quintessence of nationalism was, and is, anti-imperialism. It was a demand and struggle against, rather than for, something. It was an expression of a struggle against denial – denial of humanity, denial of respect and dignity, denial of the Africanness of the African. It was the struggle for the “re-Africanisation of minds” or to “rebecome Africans,” as Amilcar Cabral put it. Archie Mafeje sums up the period well:

It was the historical experience of racial humiliation, economic exploitation, political oppression, and cultural domination under European and American slavery, colonialism, and imperialism that gave rise to theories of ‘African personality’ and ‘Negritude.’ At the centre of these theories was the question of the liberation of the Black man – his identity or the meaning of ‘being-Black-in-the-world.’ It was a philosophical or moral justification for action, for a rebellion which gave rise to African nationalism and to independence. The latter was the greatest political achievement by Africans. It was an unprecedented collective fulfillment.

Early African nationalism should not be confused with the traditional discourse on the expression and development of nations in the womb of capitalism in nineteenth century Europe. Rather, it was an expression of a people that was an antidote to White supremacist rule. In a sense, it is correct to say that nationalism was the process, a process of struggle, in the formation of nations. In that sense, perhaps, nationalism preceded nations. Militant nationalists grasped this to some extent although they did not express it as consistently nor did they wholly appreciate the defining characteristic of nationalism, that is, anti-imperialism. In explaining the objectives of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) to the UN Trusteeship Council in 1955, Nyerere said:

Another objective of the Union is to build up a national consciousness among the African peoples in Tanganyika. It has been said – and this is quite right – that Tanganyika is tribal, and we realise that we need to break up this tribal consciousness among the people and to build up a national consciousness. That is one of our main objectives towards self-government.

This formulation is no doubt problematic. It lends itself to the reactionary side of bourgeois nationalism, or what later came to be called “nation-building theories.” Let us look at another formulation; this time, from a leading member of a national liberation movement and an avowed Marxist – Marcelino dos Santos, then a leading member of FRELIMO. In an interview with Joe Slovo of the South African Communist Party, Dos Santos analyses the tension between tribe and nation:

The main conditions for [the] successful rejection [of tribalism] are present. On the general point of whether we have already moulded a nation in the true sense of the word, I want to say that a nation is based on concrete realities. And the most important reality in the present stage in Mocambique is the fight against Portuguese colonialism…It is our common fight against our common oppressor, which plays an outstanding role in creating a national bond between all the diverse groups and cultures…Of course, a nation is a product of history and its formation goes through different phases. In this sense, the work for the final achievement of nationhood will continue even after independence, although the fundamental elements of nationhood are already in existence and in the process of being further developed in Mocambique.

Dos Santos’ conception of nation formation does not differ fundamentally from Nyerere’s presentation of “nation-building,” although their points of departure appear different. Dos Santos, like Slovo, takes as his starting point the Marxist theory of nation (this, presumably, is “the true sense of the word”), which, in its Stalinist version, emphasises the European conception of a nation – common territory, language, culture, and economy. If these ingredients are not present, or not present to a sufficient degree, you have a tribe at worst or a nation in the process of being formed at best. Implied in the European conception of nation also is the idea of voluntarism, that is, forming or building a nation from the top. Perhaps the point to underline in Dos Santos’ exposition is that the anti-colonial struggle is an important ingredient of nationalism. The problem with Dos Santos- and Nyerere-type formulations is that the nationalist petty bourgeoisie, when it rose to power, wavered on anti-imperialism and ended up with top-down statist notions of “nation-building.”

I find Amilcar Cabral’s propositions more fruitful. They contain a germ of great potential in understanding the historicity and specificity of the National Question in Africa. Cabral suggests that post-war African nationalism was a struggle not only to reclaim history but also to assert the right of the African people to make history: “The foundation of national liberation lies in the inalienable right of every people to have their own history.”

Cabral also makes the point that “so long as imperialism is in existence, an independent African state must be a liberation movement in power, or it will not be independent.” These are profound insights. First, nationalism is constituted by the struggle of the people against imperialism, thus anti-imperialism defines African nationalism. Second, nationalism, as an expression of struggle, continues so long as imperialism exists. Third, the National Question in Africa, whose expression is nationalism, remains unresolved as long as there is imperialist domination.

Archie Mafeje builds on these insights, observing that “all the struggles in Africa and most of the Third World centre on the National Question.” He perceives nationalism as the common denominator underlying the different interpretations and connotations of the National Question. Furthermore, he says, nationalism is always a reaction against something. In African history, nationalism has been a reaction to imperialist domination. As proto-nationalism, the reaction was against the colonial phase of imperialism, or political domination by aliens. Since independence, meta-nationalism has been coping with the changing modalities of imperialist domination.

The dominant discourse on the National Question has run along different lines, however. In both the political right and left, the central debate has been over whether Africa has nations and nationalities or tribes and ethnic groups. In the Eurocentric worldview, nations represent a higher level in the evolution of social and political formations than tribes. Fed on Stalin’s rather schematic formula, and therefore unable to find nations within the territorial units called African countries, even radical Marxists, like Slovo, have found it difficult to theorise adequately about the National Question. In the hands of rightwing pundits, it has been worse. The so-called lack of nations has been used to debunk and delegitimise African nationalist movements and their achievements. With the current hegemony of neo-liberalism and the imperialist comeback, the spokespersons of imperialism have been quick to condemn nationalism as nothing more than an expression of ethnicity and tribalism.

Note this typical sample from an editorial in US News and World Report:

In the Third World, there had been grand ideas of new states and social contracts among the communities, post-colonial dreams of what men and women could do on their own. There were exalted notions of Indian nationalism, Pan-Arabism, and the like. Ethnicity hid, draped in the colours of modern nationalism, hoping to keep the ancestors – and the troubles – at bay. But the delusions would not last. What was India? The India of its secular founders – or the ‘Hindu Raj’ of the militant fundamentalists? What exactly did the compact communities of Iraq – the Kurds, the Sunnis, and the Shia – have in common? The masks have fallen, the tribes have stepped to the fore.

This type of denigration strikes at the heart of nationalism, that is, at anti-imperialism. Be that as it may, let us look more closely at the various aspects and expressions of nationalism.

Three Aspects of African Nationalism

Three elements characterised proto-nationalism and, with various emphases, accents, and formulations, occur in all African nationalist thought and consciousness: Pan-Africanism, Independence or Freedom, and (Racial) Equality. Each is based in opposition – in this case, opposition to imperial domination. This opposition, this basic struggle, is what constitutes nationalism. The object of the struggle differs across historical periods, as Mafeje says, but the struggle is the common principle. The gravamen of the National Question, therefore, is not so much a nation in search of, or struggling for, identity, dignity, and independence, but rather a people imbued with a common experience of domination and exploitation asserting their “claim-in-struggle.”

The three elements of nationalism, which may be summed up as Unity, Independence, and Equality, are interrelated and inseparable. Together, they constitute and express African nationalism. In the hands of Kwame Nkrumah, who studied in the U.S. and was heavily influenced by such African-American theory giants as George Padmore and C.L.R. James, Pan-Africanism expressed the identity or the Africanness of the peoples both on the continent and in the Diaspora. To someone like Nyerere, as he himself later admitted, Pan-Africanism essentially meant African unity. Whatever the scope, African nationalism was – and, I might add, is – incomplete without Pan-Africanism. Nyerere presciently expressed this idea as early as 1963, when he said, “African nationalism is meaningless, is anachronistic, and is dangerous if it is not at the same time Pan-Africanism.”

In the immediate post-independence period, Pan-Africanism resolved itself into two elements: African Unity, as expressed in the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and the support of the liberation movements in the remaining colonies, including South Africa. In spite of various problems, Nyerere points out, “we have been reasonably successful in achieving the [end of colonialism], but as far as uniting Africa is concerned, we have not succeeded.”

The nationalism expressed as Freedom or Independence was primarily concerned with anti-colonialism, or the struggle against alien domination. This goal was the best achieved in the independence of African countries. But, Freedom or Independence also had another, deeper significance – the freedom or the right to make one’s own decisions, the right to self-determination. The external aspect of the right of self-determination is expressed in the sovereignty of the state. While independence meant that the African state was formally sovereign in international law, in practice, its independence and sovereignty were heavily circumscribed. The Cold War created even more limitations for African sovereignty. Nationalist leaders who took their independence seriously became the potential target of imperial wrath. Patrice Lumumba was assassinated. Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown. Thomas Sankara was killed.

Nyerere survived by making tactical compromises and nipping local opposition in the bud. When he was asked to name his greatest achievement ten years after the Arusha Declaration, he said, perhaps with a deep sigh of relief, “The fact that we have survived.”

The third aspect of nationalism, Equality, has several interrelated levels. It demands the equal treatment of states, big or small, weak or strong, at the international level in world councils. This goal, as every one knows, is spurious – some states are more equal than others. Yet, in solidarity with other Third World countries, militant African nationalists did manage to carve out a respectable place for themselves and their people in the discourse on the inequalities of the imperial world market and those fostered by international financial institutions. Non-alignment, UNCTAD conferences, and several UN conventions and resolutions in their favour were achievements, albeit small ones.

Another element of Equality is internal. Equality and equal rights are the cornerstone of the bourgeois legal system and liberal democracy. In many independent African states, barring military dictatorships and settler colonies, formal equality was installed as colonial racial privileges were dismantled. But that was Equality’s limit. For various reasons, even civilian African states became authoritarian, with leaders adopting rightless law and one-party states.

Bourgeois equality, as everyone knows, has severe limitations. It is always in tension with equity and social justice, which may require the negation of formal equality. In the African condition, the lack of equity underlying enormous economic inequality made nonsense of any formal equality. And the socio-economic conditions that cause inequality and inequity are in no small measure connected with imperial domination in its neo-colonial phase.
The petty bourgeoisie in power quickly differentiates socially. Sections of it become compradorised. Other sections are compromised. Thus it fails to address the National Question as a whole because, to use Cabral’s phrase once again, it is not “a liberation movement in power.” The petty bourgeoisie is compradorised, through and through. The damning judgment of the “national bourgeoisie” came from none other than that great paragon of African nationalism, Frantz Fanon.

The national middle class discovers its historic mission: that of intermediary. Seen through its eyes, its mission has nothing to do with transforming the nation; it consists, prosaically, of being the transmission line between the nation and a capitalism, rampant though camouflaged, which today puts on the masque of neo-colonialism…In the colonial countries, the spirit of indulgence is dominant at the core of the bourgeoisie; and this is because the national bourgeoisie identifies itself with the western bourgeoisie, from whom it has learnt its lessons. It follows the Western bourgeoisie along its path of negation and decadence without ever having emulated it in its first stages of exploration and invention, stages which are an acquisition of that Western bourgeoisie whatever the circumstances. In its beginnings, the national bourgeoisie of the colonial countries identifies itself with the decadence of the bourgeoisie of the West. We need not think that it is jumping ahead; it is in fact beginning at the end. It is already senile before it has come to know the petulance, the fearlessness, or the will to succeed of youth.

So the National Question remains unresolved. Nation-building turns into state-building. Nation is substituted by party and party by leader, the father of the nation. As Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba puts it, “The commonality which is viewed as the foundation of ‘national consciousness’ is reduced to its phenomenal expressions: cultural unity, territorial unity, linguistic unity, ‘one classless community,’ ‘one people, one party, one leader, father figure, father of the nation,’ etc.”

If the National Question was distorted, truncated, and caricatured during the period of meta-nationalism, it completely disappears and is delegitimised in the current globalisation phase of imperialism. The National Question is reduced to a race question or ethnic question or cultural question. In Tanzania, the journalistic discourse has transformed from utaifa (nationalism) or uzalendo (patriotism) to uzawa (indigenity)! Meanwhile, the leader harangues us to change, to move with the times, to embrace globalisation, to be members of the global village, while real villages are privatised and villagers marginalised, and the global pillage goes on unabashed. The African comprador bourgeoisie, as always, is being led by the nose by the imperial bourgeoisie. In the next section, I will discuss how nationalism – in both its proto and meta forms – is being annihilated by the assault of imperialism in the garb of globalisation.

The Neo-Liberal Assault on Nationalism

Addressing the parliamentary foreign affairs committee of my country, U.S. ambassador Robert Royall recently commended Tanzania for the change in its foreign policy from one based on principles of “African Freedom and African Unity” to one based on “economic diplomacy.”

The liberation diplomacy of the past, when alliances with socialist nations were paramount and so-called Third World Solidarity dominated foreign policy, must give way to a more realistic approach to dealing with your true friends – those who are working to lift you into the twenty-first century, where poverty is not acceptable and disease must be conquered.

As a representative of the super-imperial power, the ambassador is, in no uncertain terms, debunking the nationalist planks of the independence era. He assumes that the imperial power has the right to determine friends and enemies for African countries. Through the so-called anti-terrorism laws thrust upon African countries by the U.S. government, it is the U.S. and its cohorts – the so-called international community – that determine who is a terrorist and what is a terrorist organisation. This is a far cry from the nationalism of leaders like Nyerere, who could say that we will not allow our friends to choose enemies for us.

As the Berlin Wall fell and imperialism began to take the offensive, Douglas Hurd, then the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, sighed with relief in saying that “we are putting behind us a period of history when the West was unable to express a legitimate interest in the developing world without being accused of ‘neo-colonialism.’” One of the most articulate and fervent nationalists who opposed neo-colonialism was, of course, Kwame Nkrumah. His book, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, reverberated throughout the continent. The imperial powers never forgave his influence. As is known, a year after the publication of his book, Nkrumah was overthrown in a CIA-organised coup.

The political assault on nationalism in what Frank Furedi calls the “moral rehabilitation of imperialism” is accompanied and rationalised by the “organic” intellectuals and paid journalists of imperial powers. The basic claim is that Third World nationalism, particularly African nationalism, was spurious, and the pundits point to its collapse as proof. They say that an upsurge of “ethnic nationalism” and primordial tribal wars tore African nations apart and resulted in failed states, collapsed states, or, in more sophisticated language, the crisis of the nation-state. As astute and sympathetic an observer of Africa as Basil Davidson sees the nation-state as the “Black Man’s Burden.” So, because the nation-state has become a curse, presumably the African should return to the blessing of his (it certainly is not “her”) idyllic past.

Central to the early African nationalist project, as we have seen, was the right of the people to self-determination – the assertion of the people’s collective right to assert their identity and determine their own destiny. Opposed to the paradigm of the self-determination of the collective are the various forms of postmodernism premised on the self-determination of the individual. The universal individual stands in opposition to the African individual, never mind that in reality the universal individual is in fact the Western individual. Africanity and Africanness are demeaned, if not demonised, as the so-called “victimhood” mentality of the African. The parochial and self-fulfilling discourse of the African intellectual, based in myth rather than in reality, is roundly condemned. The ultimate vision of this free-floating, self-determining individual is Achille Mbembe’s frivolous narrative, in which, “in the future, everyone can imagine and choose what makes him or her an African.” But I need say no more on this apparently self-denying and yet utterly narcissistic vituperation. Mafeje has given the post-modern formulation a simple but fitting reply: “The ‘free-floating signifier’ is an illusion in a double sense. First, nobody can think and act outside historically determined circumstances and still hope to be a social signifier of any kind. [Secondly,] it is the historical juncture which defines us socially and intellectually.” For Mafeje, as for a number of others, the historical juncture remains that of the unresolved National Question.

But I am running ahead of my story. Let me return to the more mainstream and prevalent discourse of the universal being in the universal condition of the neo-liberal’s globalisation. In the flattened imagery of the global village, we have the good forces of globalisation poised to rescue the African villager from the mismanagement and bad governance of the corrupt, patrimonial state ruled by avaricious politicians who know no politics except those of the belly. The state, the nation, the people, and their historical national and contemporary social struggles are dismissed from the paradigm or rhetorically condemned as misguided projects. Sophisticated discourses are constructed to vindicate the debunking of the nationalist project and its social and political bases.

In a series of paradigmatic shifts, the meta-narrative, political discourse, and social science analysis of the National Question are systematically undermined. Civil society is opposed to the state, and both are presented as institutional formations rather than an ensemble of social and power relations. The state is condemned, civil society is acclaimed. National liberation movements and class-based organisations like trade unions and peasant associations are considered outdated, while NGOs, run by free-floating “activists,” are privileged. The human rights discourse is presented as a neutral, universal, apolitical, and ahistorical “revelation,” while a discourse on the oppression of peoples and nations is ridiculed as rhetorical and unworthy of science.

The so-called “new breed” leaders, from Meles Zedawi of Ethiopia and Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea through Museveni, Mbeki, and Mkapa, are a caricatured local representation of the neo-liberal hegemony. The “African Renaissance” is worse than a pale copy of Nkrumah’s “African Personality” and utterly uninspiring. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) comes nowhere close to the Lagos Plan of Action. It uses the same failed rhetoric of further integration into the so-called globalised world and derives its legitimacy from IFIs rather than from the African people. NEPAD has attracted opposition from “civil society” organisations whose main thrust is to highlight anti-globalisation. There is very little nationalist content to NEPAD.

Ironically, the equality of all countries and states in the OAU and its policy of non-interference in the internal affairs and sentiments of Pan-Africanism maintained a relative peace among them. Since the rise of new breed globalised leaders, however, we have had African wars and invasions, as in the Congo, between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and in West Africa. Today, under the guise of UN-U.S. peacekeeping, we are witnessing the rise of regional “superpowers” sponsored, armed, and financed by imperialist powers. The Pan-African ideal does not even get lip service from these proponents of the “African Renaissance.”

In sum, neo-liberal discourse and political rhetoric has served to debunk African nationalism on the one hand and to rehabilitate imperialism on the other. The majority of African intellectuals have pretty well accommodated mainstream thought. This includes former militant nationalists and radical socialist intellectuals. The metamorphosis of the African intellectual from a revolutionary to an activist, from a critical political economist to a postmodernist, from a social analyst to a constitutionalist liberal, from an anti-imperialist to a cultural atavist, from a radical economics professor to a neo-liberal World Bank spokesperson, from an intellectual to a consultant is blatant, unrepentant, and mercenary. Yet it is ephemeral. The stream of more radical, more committed, and more militant and insurrectionary thought continues to flow. It is to this thought that I turn in an effort to see how the National Question can be reconfigured and rearticulated in terms of today’s democratic and social questions.

The National, the Democracy, and the Social Question
The State of the Discourse

The conclusion of a symposium on Marxism held in Dar es Salaam in 1983 to celebrate the centenary of Marx’s death was that “the central question of the African revolution today is democracy.” The rise of the African authoritarian state and the statisation of civil society in the post-colonial period elicited a discourse on democracy in the ‘80s and ‘90s. This development dovetailed with the collapse of the Soviet empire, the end of the Cold War, and the comeback of Western imperialism led by the U.S. As neo-liberal discourse in economics was generalised to politics, the dominant democracy debate began to center on liberal paradigms – constitutionalism, human rights, and the restructuring of the African state in the image of liberal states.

In the first phase of the democracy debate, leftist intellectuals began to revisit the existing experience of the struggle of African peoples. Fine theory emerged, such as Popular Struggles for Democracy in Africa, edited by Anyang’ Nyongo, and African Studies in Social Movements and Democracy, edited by Mahmood Mamdani and Ernest Wamba-dia-Wamba. These works were rooted in the methodology of radical political economics, yet they critically interrogated them and, in the process, deepened our understanding of African societies. The democracy question was not abstracted from history and social character. What is more, then-prevalent notions of abstract civil society, class-less community, and apolitical NGOs were convincingly debunked. Instead, social movements were firmly presented as social struggles, nay, class struggles.

The African scholar’s activity in the 1990s was not as impressive, including that of leftist intellectuals. If the African ruling class has been even more denationalised and compradorised by globalisation, the African left has been liberalised, and perhaps even compromised. The neo-liberal discourse on constitutionalism, human rights, and democracy has proved overwhelming. The human rights discourse has been so hegemonised that when I produced a slim volume in the late ‘80s arguing that the rights discourse was an ideological discourse constructed historically within the dominant imperialist context, my left comrades roundly condemned me as demagogic! As fine a leftist scholar as Mamdani declared that “wherever there was (and is) oppression, there must come into being a conception of rights.” Now it may be true that wherever there is oppression, there is bound to be resistance, a là Mao, but it is simply not true that resistance necessarily takes the form of a human rights struggle, meaning equal rights, as in the bourgeois construct. Be that as it may, the point I am making is simply that the ahistorical and asocial human rights and democracy discourse has taken its toll on leftist scholarship. One consequence has been the increasing lack of discussion of the National Question in our democracy discourse.

There is no doubt that democracy is the central question of the African revolution today, but the question is how it is related to, or configured with, the national and social questions. Neither the National Question nor the Democracy Question can be addressed or interrogated outside of its social character, nor can it be resolved outside the frame of class struggle, the locomotive of history.

“Come Back, Africa”

While I may have talked bitterly about the conversion of African intellectuals to neo-liberalism, the picture is no doubt overdrawn to make the point. One is allowed to exaggerate the truth, so long as one is not telling lies! The truth is that in the people’s own struggle, the National Question and nationalism in the sense of anti-imperialism and anti-compradorism are being brought back onto the historical agenda. These struggles may be local and disparate, they may be issue-oriented and articulated in ways and ideologies that are sometimes parochial or even religious, but a resistance to the new and the old compradors is in the making. It is this resistance that African intellectuals need to research, expose, systematise, and theorise about.

CODESRIA intellectuals, although they are few, have been agonising over the present state of affairs. Numbers do not matter – “better fewer but better.” Samir Amin and Archie Mafeje have consistently argued their positions from the vantage point of political economy, posing a new alliance of popular classes and forces that may foster the anti-imperialist and anti-comprador national project. Mafeje has continued to underscore the importance of the National Question and has insightfully joined it with the Democracy Question and the Social Question. He has insisted on a concrete identification of social forces in concrete African conditions so as to determine what kind of democracy is at issue on the continent.

Let me offer a few thoughts that I presented in an article at an international conference in Dar es Salaam marking the 75th birthday of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. I argued for a new national democratic consensus in Africa that would be thoroughly popular, thoroughly anti-imperialist, and thoroughly anti-comprador. I suggested that three cornerstones are crucial in constructing a new consensus: popular livelihoods, popular participation, and popular power.
I use the term popular to signify three things. First, popular in the sense of being anti-imperialist. Imperialism is the negation of the idea of both national and democratic, but I use the term popular to transcend the limits of the term national, which implies anti-colonialism. Independence or first liberation led to state sovereignty. The core of the second liberation lies in resolving the issue of the people’s sovereignty.

The second meaning of popular refers to the social basis of the new consensus or nationalism. The social core of the new consensus has to be popular classes or a popular bloc of classes. The exact composition of the popular bloc would vary, of course, but in many African countries, the land-based producer classes and the urban working people together with the lower middle classes constitute “the masses.” This is where, to use Lenin’s phrase, “serious politics begin” – “not where there are thousands, but where there are millions.”

The third meaning of popular refers to popular perceptions, custom, culture, and consciousness. I use the terms custom and culture not in the vulgar sense of atrophied and unchanging tradition, but in the sense of a living terrain of struggles where the old and the new, the progressive and the reactionary, jostle to attain hegemony. This is the sense brought out in Cabral’s great premise that “national liberation is necessarily an act of culture.”

I shall not go on. These are only tentative pointers. I simply argue for, even anticipate, the insurrection of a new African nationalism that counters imperialism in its globalisation phase – a deeply anti-compradorial nationalism that could resolve the National Question and, hopefully, pave the way for social emancipation. I will end with the poem “Come Back, Africa,” written by Faiz Ahmed Faiz in 1955, which heralded the coming of the first African nationalism. May it also herald the second nationalism.

Come, your drum-beats echo in my soul,
The rhythm of my blood rings, Come Back, Africa!
From dust of humiliation have I raised my head,
Wiped sorrow-crust off my eyes,
Liberated my arms from pain,
And torn the net of helplessness, Come, Africa!
Each crooked ring of fetters which bound me
is now an armoury in firm grip,
I have broken the halter round my neck and
moulded it into a shield.
My spear-heads like the eyes of wild deers,
Surround him in all our dens,
And the dark of night is red with enemy blood,
The very heart of earth beats with my heart, Africa!
Rivers thrill, and forests tremble,
I am Africa now, I incarnate you, Africa,
Like your lions walk,
Come Africa, Come with the stride of a lion,
Come Back, Africa!





Advocacy & campaigns

Festival of Life Against Wars & Occupations

20th March 2004, Johannesburg

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/20817

The 20th March 2004 will mark a year since the United States of America and its allies declared war on Iraq. Hundreds of thousands of people all over the world will be demonstrating on this day against the continued exploitation and harassment of peoples by the United States of America and big corporations, in whose interests the USA works. In Johannesburg, the Anti-War Coalition (AWC) will be joining masses of people across the world by holding a march against wars and occupations and a "Festival of life against wars and occupation".
Posters and pamphlets available. Please enquire about transport details.
Salim.

Media Alert: Global Day of Action against Wars & Occupations


Issued by the Anti-War Coalition, Johannesburg


The 20th March 2004 will mark a year since the United States of America and its allies declared war on Iraq. Hundreds of thousands of people all over the world will be demonstrating on this day against the continued exploitation and harassment of peoples by the United States of America and big corporations, in whose interests the USA works.


In South Africa, this war is felt not only in solidarity with the people of Iraq, but also in the everyday lives of poor people struggling to live decent lives in the wake of privatisation, as well as in solidarity with those struggling against injustices all over the world, especially in Africa, where the struggle over control of various resources has resulted in wars that have wiped out entire communities and made the lives of ordinary people increasingly difficult. Furthermore, a number of South Africans have been fuelling these wars in Africa by acting as soldiers of fortune in these conflicts.


In Johannesburg, the Anti-War Coalition (AWC) will be joining masses of people across the world by holding a march against wars and occupations and a "Festival of life against wars and occupation".


March Against Wars & Occupations
Saturday, 20th March 2004
Assembling at 11am
Library Gardens, Johannesburg city centre
To march to the Workers Library and Museum Complex, Newtown


The march will be followed by a festival, including an exhibition of photographs and representations of wars and occupations; film screenings; poetry and live music. Two new video documentaries will be launched: Fourth World War (made in New York), and Life & Debt (made in Jamaica).


Festival of Life Against Wars & Occupations
20th March 2004
Starting at 2pm, after the march
Workers' Library Complex, Newtown


For further information or interviews, contact:
Prishani - 073 541 8172
Makhoma - 082 682 9177


Health Now Campaign

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/20736

There is less than two weeks from the March 20 launching of the Health NOW! campaign under the slogan ‘No war, No WTO; Fight for people’s health!’ The campaign will highlight the urgency of ensuring health for all while exposing neoliberal globalization and wars of aggression as today’s two major threats to global people’s health.
We are less than two weeks from the March 20 launching of the Health NOW! campaign under the slogan No war, No WTO; Fight for people’s health!. The campaign will highlight the urgency of ensuring health for all while exposing neoliberal globalization and wars of aggression as today’s two major threats to global people’s health.


The preparations for the campaign’s launching are in full swing and your participation will ensure the success of the launching and the further campaign. Please allow me therefore to suggest you 10 things to add to your “to-do” list:



Visit health-now.org
In the past few weeks we have worked hard to make www.health-now.org a website that can serve as our central campaign instrument. The site has two major sections: “news” and “Health & occupation watch.” The “news” section compiles materials that substantiate our main campaign demands: No war; No WTO and Healthcare, not warfare. “Health & occupation watch” monitors the impact of war, occupation and militarization on health with special attention for Iraq, Palestine and Afghanistan. Apart from these two sections, the website also features the campaign’s signature campaign and many campaign-related pages and resources. Currently, most pages are already available in English but the most important campaign pages will be made available in English, French and Spanish and articles in other languages will be added. Please visit www.health-now.org and send us your feedback and suggestions so we can improve the site’s design and content. If you like the site, don't forget to add a link to www.health-now.org on your organization's website.



Sign the petition
The Health NOW! signature campaign is integrated in www.health-now.org and can also be accessed at http://petition.health-now.org Please add your name already and encourage other people to sign so we already have a significant number of signatures when the campaign goes public.



Subscribe to the mailing list
The website gives every visitor the opportunity to subscribe to the Health NOW! mailing list. This list will be used for regular campaign updates after March 20.



Submit articles and materials
A unique feature of www.health-now.org is that everyone is invited to contribute to the campaign website. Contributions can also include one picture that will appear together with the text and other files (more picture files, pdf, etc.). They can be submitted through the form at http://www.health-now.org/site/publish.php? which is also accessible through the site’s navigation menu.



We are especially interested in the following contributions:

Data and reports about the health impact of military occupation and militarization for Health & Occupation Watch.
Reports of Health NOW! campaign activities of your local organization.
Data or reports that illustrate the urgency of the campaign’s major demands: Stop the occupation of Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan. WTO out of health. Health care, not warfare.

Please follow the 7 simple steps to upload your contribution. We are very much interested to hear your experiences with this form: Any technical hick-ups? Can we simplify the instructions? Other recommendations?


Prepare campaign materials
The campaign logos are available for download at the “resources” page of the www.health-now.org (or follow this link: http://www.health-now.org/site/resources.php) in jpg and pdf formats. We also have a general campaign flier available in English, French, Spanish and Dutch that can be adjusted to your own needs. More resources will be uploaded as they come in. Please feel free to use the logos and text to develop your own materials and send us a copy for upload to the site.



Plan a press conference to launch the campaign
The campaign will be launched with a series of press conferences in different countries to symbolize the worldwide opposition to war and globalization and the cry for health NOW! As of now, groups in the Philippines and Belgium are already planning press conferences on March 17 and probably we will also be able to hold a press conference in Baghdad. It would be great if your organization can also hold a press conference or issue a media release to announce the campaign to the media on or around March 17. Please inform us of place, date and time and don’t forget to post a report (with pictures!) on www.health-now.org



Submit March 20 plans
March 20 is also the global day of protest against war and occupation and many of you will participate on that day in activities where the Health NOW! campaign can be introduced. Please send us your organization’s March 20 plans so we can announce them on the website.


Refer volunteers
The Health NOW! campaign does not have any paid staff and relies on volunteers and the contributions of the participating organizations. Many volunteers are needed to translate (especially English, French and Spanish), to help in the maintenance of the website, to develop and design campaign materials etc. If you know people who are willing to volunteer, please bring them in touch with us.



Invite other organizations to join
As of today, the following networks and organizations have joined the campaign:

International networks: People’s Health Movement (PHM), International People’s Health Council (IPHC), International League of People’s Struggle – ad hoc health commission (ILPS), Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR), Pesticide Action Network Asia-Pacific (PAN-AP)



Initial list of local organizations:

Belgium: intal/Medical Aid for the Third World, Artsen voor Vrede/IPPNW

Iran: People’s Health Movement Iran

Italia: Democrazia Popolare

Korea: Korean Federation of Medical Groups for Health Right (KFHR)

México: Colectivo Salud en Movimiento, Salud Comunitaria de La Huasteca (Capás México)

Palestine: Union of Health Work Committees (UHWC), Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees (UPMRC)

Philippines: People’s Health Movement Philippines, Health Action for Human Rights (HAHR), Pesticide Action Network Philippines, Health Alliance for Democracy (HEAD), Council for Health and Development (CHD)

Syria: Yarmouk NGO

US: The Hesperian Foundation, International Action Center, PUSO Seattle



Many more groups and organizations will be added to this list. Please ensure that your organization also joins and invite your network to sign up formally as one of the participating organizations.

10. Give us your recommendations and suggestions

Don't hesitate to send your suggestions and recommendations to info@health-now.org .



Success with the preparations fro March 20! Expect more updates soon.



In solidarity,



Wim

Health NOW! volunteer



---
No war, no WTO; Fight for people's health. Health NOW! http://www.health-now.org
Wim's blog: http://pipolpower.blogspot.com


South Africa: Anti-war rally in Johannesburg

2004-03-11

http://www.africapulse.org.za/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=1927

In line with the Global day of action against the War in Iraq and the occupation of Palestine, the Anti-War Coalition (Gauteng) will be hosting a rally and a festival on the 20th March 2004.





Letters & Opinions

Land and Agrarian Reform

Norman Reynolds

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/20707

Namibia, close on South Africa's heals, has entered the realm of compulsory land appropriation to speed the distribution of agricultural land to small farmers and to the poor. To use law (a blunt instrument) and arbitrary measures is unnecessary and dangerous. It is the result of policy failure that should be corrected. In South Africa a new economic reform movement, www.thepeoplesagenda.co.za, proposes a Land Tax and the Community Investment Programme that, together, provide the land market and the community wherewithal for the small farmer and the poor to enter the land market and to successfully buy additional land for themselves.

Politics and arbitrary actions should not be part of any market operation. Rather, the state can influence a market's general working and it can act to assist certain groups to enter a market on fair or even favourable terms. The Land Tax, only on land and not on improvements, will force under-used, unused and land held for speculation onto the market. It will not punish or inhibit development. The former will swell the supply of land entering the market and so act to lower its price.

Small farmers and poor rural residents need a programme to help them to gain organisation, investment and resource management skills as the prelude to their deciding that it is time they expanded their land base and entered the market to buy land. The Community Investment Programme provides annual Investment Rights to all adults who organise, register Community Development Associations and set up the management conditions needed to invest in and to care for land and other productive resources. Most poor communities can turn a hopeless village into a dynamic investment body because, being poor, they have abundant labour to invest which commercial farmers do not have (see under Ownership in the web page for explanation).

Within a few short years, there will be hundreds, if not thousands of communities that find that to invest where they are is no longer their best option. They will then wish to enter the land market to seek land suited to their ambitions - maybe for just some of the families - near a market, on certain soils or enjoying particular crop conditions. These reform communities will find that, thanks to the Land Tax, there is land to buy at prices they can afford. Government's role is to support, to 'get policy' right and to stand back and 'to see the wood for the trees' so as to improve policy as citizens make their own business decisions. A quiet, optimising, production maintaining agricultural revolution is possible on behalf the small and the poor. But not if government uses arbitrary measures and the blunt instrument of the law to fix its policy and programme failures.

* See the Land and Land Rights section of Pambazuka News for more coverage of this issue.


On the Meaning of Justice and the Role of Amnesties in the ICC System

Josphat Ayamunda

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/20714

One of the questions raised in the ongoing debate in Pambazuka News on the International Criminal Court (ICC) is whether or not it is cogent to argue that ending impunity does not necessarily mean that prosecutions will have to be pursued in every case (Pambazuka News 144: Africa and the ICC: Is Africa ready and waiting?) It was suggested that there could be cases in Africa where it might genuinely be expedient or a requirement of justice that amnesties rather than prosecutions are pursued. The ensuing deliberations have turned the spotlight on the meaning of justice and the role of amnesties. According to the ICC statute, it looks like there is not only the possibility but also absolute necessity for the Prosecutor to consider other options besides prosecutions.

ICC was established to bring to justice perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community. The ICC statute affirms that ‘the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished’. Toward that goal, the Prosecutor is empowered to receive information on crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court, examine them and conduct investigations and prosecutions. In deciding whether to initiate an investigation, the Prosecutor is enjoined to take into account ‘the gravity of the crime and the interests of victims’. Having done that, he or she is obligated to consider whether ‘there are nonetheless substantial reasons to believe that an investigation would not serve the interests of justice’. There are two all-important points to note here. Firstly, the Prosecutor must consider whether an investigation may not serve the interests of justice, and secondly, a determination not to proceed may be based solely on this consideration. Even if the Prosecutor were to initiate an investigation, the ICC statute says that, upon investigation, he or she can conclude that there is not a sufficient basis for a prosecution because ‘prosecution is not in the interests of justice’. This suggests that although the general approach is that ICC crimes must not go unpunished, there might be exceptions.

The fact that the ICC statute may not envisage investigation, prosecution and punishment in every situation where it is apparent that ICC crimes have been committed could mean that other sorts of justice may be resorted to. And so justice forms that generally aim to move away from criminal verdicts and toward reconciliation come into play. Justice according to ICC is largely built around prosecution and retributive justice. But one can capture certain other nuances of ICC justice that transcend the traditional retributive understanding. The key factor in tackling the problem is to determine the circumstances under which an investigation or prosecution might not be in the interests of justice as conceived in the ICC statute.

Some are worried that alternative remedies would open the floodgates to many perpetrators. Such a possibility must be slight because the bottom-line is that decisions must be based on the interests of justice. Thus, whilst in principle some ICC crimes can go unpunished, in practice it would be extremely difficult to predict which circumstances would make an investigation or prosecution incompatible with the interests of justice. For that reason, it can be argued that one is not opening a Pandora’s box when one suggests that amnesties might be worth considering in certain special cases.

Whether or not it would be in the interests of justice not to pursue investigations or prosecutions in a given situation is largely a question of fact rather than law. It is for the Court to establish the justifiable facts of the matter. In this regard, the ICC statute guidelines say the Prosecutor should take into ‘account all the circumstances, including the gravity of the crime, the interests of victims and the age or infirmity of the alleged perpetrator, and his or her role in the alleged crime’. This appears to suggest that the views of the affected population are crucial in the determination of decisions relating to initiating investigations or prosecutions. There could be cases, for instance, where amnesty might be acceptable if it does not deny effective remedy to the victim. However, there is need to consider how the impunity gap can be reduced in light of the possibility that there could be situations where ICC investigations would not serve the interests of justice.


Open Letter to the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Kenya

Habitat International Coalition, Housing & Land Rights Network; World Organisation Against Torture

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/20673

The Coordination Office and Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Office of the Habitat International Coalition's Housing and Land Rights Network (HIC-HLRN) and the International Secretariat of the World Organisation against Torture (OMCT) would like to express their deep concern about the state of housing rights in Kenya. The Government's invitation of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing to conduct a mission on the situation of housing rights in the country, the support of its different ministries during the mission, its acceptance of the human-rights approach in its policies, and its creation of new laws and new bodies to promote and implement respect of human rights are promising. Yet, we want to ensure that your Government will take seriously into account all following issues, all of which the Special Rapporteur has mentioned in his preliminary observations on 21 February 2004.

Hon. Kiraitu Murungi
Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs
P.O. Box 56057 Sheria House
Nairobi, Kenya

Your Excellency:

The Coordination Office and Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Office of the
Habitat International Coalition's Housing and Land Rights Network
(HIC-HLRN) and the International Secretariat of the World
Organisation against Torture (OMCT) would like to express their deep
concern about the state of housing rights in Kenya. The Government's
invitation of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate
Housing to conduct a mission on the situation of housing rights in
the country, the support of its different ministries during the
mission, its acceptance of the human-rights approach in its policies,
and its creation of new laws and new bodies to promote and implement
respect of human rights are promising. Yet, we want to ensure that
your Government will take seriously into account all following
issues, all of which the Special Rapporteur has mentioned in his
preliminary observations on 21 February 2004.

HIC-HLRN and OMCT first matter of concern, as well as it has been
that of many other local and international organizations in the past
week, is the threat of eviction, according to the Centre on Housing
Rights and Evictions, over 330,000 people living in Kibera - Sub-
Saharan Africa's largest slum. The plans of destruction now have been
stopped, but the threat still exists and 2,000 people already have
been rendered homeless on 8 February 2004. The Government's plan is
twofold: to clear settlements on land that had been earmarked for
road reserves, in order to construct road bypasses; and to demolish
all structures near the railway line, power-lines and adjacent roads
for safety reasons. If it is implemented as such, the plan will make
150,000 people homeless by the destruction of 17,600 structures on
road reserves; 108,000 people would lose their homes in the
demolition of 20,210 structures nearby the railway line; and another
76,100 by the destruction of 3,255 houses located near power lines.
Many areas would be affected, in Nairobi and in other parts of the
country.

While the causes may appear logistically legitimate, their
implementation definitely will not be if the Government does not
provide for any fair alternative solutions nor compensation schemes,
in compliance with the international treaties to which Kenya is
bound. Moreover, the argument stating that the structures were built
illegally does not take into account that the construction took place
with the consent of the previous government, and because of the lack
of a low-cost housing policy that would allow poor people to afford
decent homes in a safe place. Also, this situation should create an
immediate opportunity for genuine consultation with the slum
dwellers. The consultation should include the people affected
including the women, Government ministries involved, provincial
administration, local authorities, the Kenya Human Rights Network and
concerned civic organizations. The consultation is a critical step in
the procedure toward the Government's compliance with General Comment
No. 7 on Forced Evictions of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights (1997), elaborating the requirements under treaty to
avoid such forced evictions.

If these evictions are carried out as such, they will create an
exodus to the slums, further worsening the situation of some of the
168 slum areas Nairobi counts, and in which 55 per cent of the city's
population live, while they occupy only one per cent of the total
land. HIC-HLRN and OMCT are also deeply concerned by this global
situation, and support the Special Rapporteur's urgent call for "a
comprehensive citywide strategy and action plan based on consultation
and participation, to identify geographical housing alternatives,
which will enable those relocated to sustain their livelihoods. "

As a general principle, we urge the Government to review its policies
along the approach of indivisibility of rights when looking at
housing rights, including land, water, access to public services but
also to environmental goods. By practicing evictions as proposed, the
Government would contradict the human rights to livelihood, security,
life, health, education, and of course adequate housing, among
others. The latter includes the right to secure tenure;
affordability; freedom from dispossession, damage and destruction;
information, capacity and capacity-building; participation;
resettlement and compensation. All these entitlements are recognized
in international law and treaties, and as such, the Kenyan Government
would derelict to its obligations under, inter alia, articles 2, 7,
11, 12, 13 and 15 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights, which Kenya accessed to on 3 January 1976. The
Kenyan Government also has committed itself to respect Habitat Agenda
21 and ensure that alternative solutions are provided when evictions
are unavoidable. Finally, it should be reminded that all these
elements, to be considered as respected, should be obtained in an
environment of nondiscrimination, gender equality, rule of law, and
nonregressivity.

We urge your Government to compensate the 2,000 people already
affected, and intervene urgently to find a durable solution for those
threaten, especially since, as the Special Rapporteur pointed out in
his observations, "the current practice has created a great deal of
insecurity amongst poor Kenyans, including internally displaced
people, forest dwellers, including indigenous peoples such as the
Ogiek, and slum dwellers. This is affecting the credibility of the
Government in the eyes of its own people and of the international
community."

We thank you in advance for your careful consideration of this
serious matter. We also look forward to receiving information
regarding the measures taken by your government to address this
situation in accordance with international human rights law.


Yours Sincerely,

Habitat International Coalition, Housing & Land Rights Network (HIC-
HLRN)
World Organisation against Torture (OMCT)

Kenya-Cairo-Geneva, 4 March 2004


To: Hon. Kiraitu Murungi,
Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs
P.O. Box 56057 Sheria House
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: +254 (0)20 316-317


CC:
His Excellency Mwai Kibaki
President of the Republic of Kenya
Office of President, Harambee House
P. O. Box 30510
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: + 254 (0)20 250-264

Hon. Raila Odinga
Minister of Roads, Public Works and Housing
Ardhi House, 6th Floor
P.O. Box 75323
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: +254 (0)20 720-044

Hon. Ochilo Mbogo Ayacko
Minister of Energy
Nyayo House
P. O. Box 30582
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: +254 (0)20 240-910

Hon. John Njoroge Michuki
Minister of Transportation
Nyayo House
P. O. Box 52692
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: +254 (0)20 273-0330

Hon. Karisa Maitha
Minister of Local Government
P. O. Box 30004
Nairobi, Kenya
Fax: +254 (0)20 240-910

Organisation Mondiale Contre la Torture (OMCT)
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
Organización Mundial Contra la Tortura (OMCT)
8 rue du Vieux-Billard
Case postale 21
CH-1211 Geneve 8
Suisse/Switzerland
Tel. : 0041 22 809 49 39
Fax : 0041 22 809 49 29
E-mail : omct@omct.org
http://www.omct.org


Thanks

Kossam Mupezeni

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/20672

Thanks for the news briefing.


Time is not on our side

Topper Whitehead

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/20722

"Time is on our side." (Pambazuka News 146: Zimbabwe: Four years after the plunge) WRONG. Every minute of procrastination allows Mugabe's regime to further entrench and more and more people suffer. A whole generation of youth are being indoctrinated through rape and torture.





Books & arts

Against Global Apartheid - South Africa Meets the World (2nd edition)

Patrick Bond

2004-03-11

http://www.zedbooks.co.uk

This is a lucid analysis of neoliberal economics as formulated by the World Bank and IMF and imposed on Africa and South Africa in particular. It shows the economic and human damage wrought by these policies, and how they have displaced the originally radical and pro-people orientation of the ruling African National Congress. The leadership's change of heart has cost the South African people a million jobs, stymied their hopes of sustainable access to housing, water, electricity, health and education, dramatically worsened income inequality, and opened up a dangerous gulf of disillusion between voters and government.


Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa

Jibrin Ibrahim

2004-03-11

http://www.africanbookscollective.com/

Ibrahim offers a comparative study of the democratic transitions in the Anglophone countries of West Africa, identifying regional trends and discreet factors. He argues that democracy is creeping up the agenda, owing to a determined struggle for human rights and because democracy has been denied to the people for so long. He identifies a number of common issues across the region: the rise of a militarised secular state; a significant increase in public corruption; the primitive accumulation of capital; an intense battle to deepen democracy between civil society and the state; the appropriation of gender politics by the state through the office of the 'first ladies'; and the growing dissidence between elections and political choice.


Journal of World Systems Research: Global Social Movements Before and After 9/11

2004-03-11

http://jwsr.ucr.edu/archive/vol10/number1/

The edition includes:
* Bruce Podobnik & Th omas Ehrlich Reifer: The Globalization Protest Movement in Comparative Perspective;
* Peter Waterman: Adventures of Emancipatory Labour Strategy as the New Global Movement Challenges International Unionism;
* Jeffrey M. Ayres: Framing Collective Action Against Neoliberalism: The Case of the “Anti-Globalization” Movement.


Reclaiming Zimbabwe: The Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation

Horace Campbell

2004-03-11

http://www.africanreviewofbooks.com/Reviews/campbellzim.html

Zimbabwe's suspension and decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth in November 2003 have confirmed the country's status as an international pariah. There has been steady criticism of President Robert Mugabe and his government in the media but scant appreciation of the ways in which violence and repression emerge from the very nature of state structures in Zimbabwe. Pan-African scholar Horace Campbell's new book posits that it is possible to break with the analysis of implicating individuals and to link murder, mayhem and masculinity to the European ideation system inherited by the post-colonial state.





Women & gender

Africa/Global: A focus on women and AIDS

2004-03-11

http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2004/03/08/a_focus_on_women_and_aids/

International Women's Day, focusing this year on the plight of women and HIV/AIDS, carries special significance. In the worst-affected regions of sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls account for 58 percent of those living with HIV/AIDS, and girls age 15-19 are infected at rates four to seven times higher than boys, a disparity linked to sexual abuse, coercion, discrimination, and impoverishment. The Bush administration's new five-year global HIV/AIDS strategy recognizes the urgent situation of women and girls, but much more is needed to translate this into action on the ground.


Africa/Global: International Women's Day: Working with women affected by war

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/20778

What problems must women cope with when the family breadwinner goes missing? Why is it important to facilitate family visits for detained women? ­ To mark International Women's Day on 8 March, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) launched an operational manual ­ 'Addressing the Needs of Women Affected by Armed Conflict: An ICRC Guidance Document' ­ that deals with questions such as the above. While International Women's Day is a symbolic occasion to pay tribute to women around the globe, it should be celebrated with more than words and gestures. It should also be marked by concrete action to improve the plight and preserve the dignity of women in wartime. The ICRC hopes that its new manual will prove useful to policy-makers and humanitarian workers seeking to achieve this aim.
Press release ICRC
5 March 2004

International Women's Day: Working with women affected by war

What factors increase the risk of sexual violence for women in wartime?
What problems must women cope with when the family breadwinner goes
missing? Why is it important to facilitate family visits for detained
women?

Geneva (ICRC) ­ To mark International Women's Day on 8 March, the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is launching an operational
manual ­ Addressing the Needs of Women Affected by Armed Conflict: An ICRC
Guidance Document ­ that deals with questions such as the above.

While International Women's Day is a symbolic occasion to pay tribute to
women around the globe, it should be celebrated with more than words and
gestures. It should also be marked by concrete action to improve the plight
and preserve the dignity of women in wartime. The ICRC hopes that its new
manual will prove useful to policy-makers and humanitarian workers seeking
to achieve this aim.

Women's experience of armed conflict is multi-faceted, including
deprivation, isolation, loss of relatives, increased responsibility for
dependants, physical and economic insecurity, detention and increased risk
of sexual violence, injury and even death. The manual is intended to be a
practical and thought-provoking guide to these issues and to help readers
develop appropriate responses. The advice and recommendations it contains
are based on the ICRC's research and experience in this field.

The manual translates the results of the ICRC's Women Facing War study
(published in 2001) into a practical tool for ensuring that humanitarian
programmes and services adequately address the needs of women in wartime.
It is not meant to be read from cover to cover but to be consulted as
specific needs arise. Each chapter contains a concise description of a
particular problem, various points that should be taken into consideration
when attempting to deal with it, an outline of the relevant legal framework
and practical examples based on existing programmes and activities.

The plight of women can be improved if international humanitarian law is
respected. The challenge lies in putting existing law into practice. There
are a number of steps that can and must be taken to maximize the legal
protection afforded to women in wartime and the guidance document explains
what they are in clear and simple terms.

While the manual is primarily an operational tool for ICRC staff, it has
been written in such a way as to make it a useful guide for other
humanitarian organizations working with and for women. The publication of
this document fulfils a commitment undertaken by the ICRC at the 27th
International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent in 1999.

For further information, please contact:
Florence Tercier Holst-Roness, ICRC Geneva, tel. ++41 22 730 3451
Ian Piper, ICRC Geneva, tel. ++41 22 730 2063 or ++41 79 217 3216


Africa/Global: It's in our hands: Stop violence against women

2004-03-11

http://web.amnesty.org/actforwomen/reports-index-eng

Violence against women is a global outrage. The experience or threat of violence affects the lives of women everywhere, cutting across boundaries of wealth, race and culture. In the home and in the community, in times of war and peace, women are beaten, raped, mutilated and killed with impunity. Breaking new ground in the work of Amnesty International, ‘It's in our hands: Stop violence against women’ investigates causes, forms and remedies, and highlights the responsibility of the state, the community and individuals for taking action to end violence against women.


Africa/Global: The power of women's voices

Statement by Noeleen Heyzer, Executive Director, UNIFEM

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/20667

"Everywhere, women are confronting the challenges of our global world, from deepening poverty and economic uncertainty, the rising toll of HIV/AIDS on their lives and those of their children, to the violence they experience in everyday life. At the same time, in many regions, the gains that women have made over the last two decades are being lost. On International Women's Day this year, we must declare our determination to meet these challenges, and move forward."
International Women's Day - 'The Power of Women's Voices'8 March 2004 Statement by Noeleen Heyzer, Executive Director, UNIFEMInternational Women's Day 2004 this year is a crucial period for women. This year marks the beginning of worldwide preparations to commemorate, in 2005, the 10th anniversary of the Fourth World Conference of Women in Beijing. The largest conference in the history of the United Nations, this conference mobilized the global women's movement into strategic alliances and collective power. The result was the commitment of all nations to the advancement of women as outlined in the Platform for Action: Development, Equality and Peace. In other words, in 1995, women's voices were heard.Today, a decade later, these voices must be heard again. Everywhere, women are confronting the challenges of our global world, from deepening poverty and economic uncertainty, the rising toll of HIV/AIDS on their lives and those of their children, to the violence they experience in everyday life. At the same time, in many regions, the gains that women have made over the last two decades are being lost. On International Women's Day this year, we must declare our determination to meet these challenges, and move forward.UNIFEM came into being because women worldwide demanded a voice at the United Nations As we prepare for Beijing +10, the voices of women in all parts of the world must continue to be sought out, to be heard and to be heeded. This has been the guiding principle behind all UNIFEM programmes since its inception.Too often I have listened to women describe how their experiences are not part of the policy discussion. Whether talking about the unequal impact of globalization, the ravages of war and armed conflict, or the reality of living with HIV/AIDS, they feel marginalized and excluded from decision-making and resources that affects their lives. And yet, it is well known that the most effective policy approaches come from listening to those who have experienced such problems first hand, who can provide needed perspectives, improve understanding and offer creative solutions so that resources may be used creatively.In recent years, there has been a growth in women's networks across the world, proof that women are coming together to be heard - on the frontlines in their communities, in government and national institutions, in international fora and through the media, their voices are not only those of victims, but of survivors, leaders, advocates, and change agents.This year, on International Women's Day, women are coming together at the CSW to make themselves heard on HIV/AIDS, which is increasingly affecting women and girls. Ten years ago, women worldwide made up 38 per cent of people infected with the disease. Today they make up 50 per cent. In some regions this ratio has tilted further towards women: in the Caribbean it is 52 per cent, in Africa, 58 percent. Ten years ago, women were at the periphery of the epidemic. Today, they are at its epicentre. For young women the situation is particularly alarming. Young women in the developing world outnumber young men among newly infected 15-24 year olds by two to one. The social impact of HIV/AIDS on women and girls is greater - they are the ones who assume the burden of care when family members are affected by the disease, putting severe constraints on their access to education, employment, food cultivation, and often treatment. Violence against women, both a cause and a consequence of the epidemic, adds another major risk factor for transmission. Rape, sexual violence and women's inability to refuse unwanted sex or to demand safe sex are serious factors in the spread of the epidemic.Women living with HIV/AIDS are not suffering in silence however. Extraordinary work is being done by HIV-positive women's networks supported by UNIFEM in India, Senegal, South Africa and Zimbabwe as well as the International Community of Women living with HIV/AIDS, a global network run by and for HIV positive women. These women are demanding that they be listened to and their needs taken seriously. Building on their own experiences, they are demanding visibility and understanding of the issues related to the epidemic, identifying innovative solutions and shaping a future in which they can live without stigma and violence, where they have easy access to drugs and treatment, where they can continue to contribute to their national economies, and where they, and their children, can live healthy and meaningful lives.We know the power of women's voices. This year we especially applaud the power of women in Africa, who succeeded in the adoption of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of African Women. Women now make up 50 per cent of the Commissioners of the African Union (AU), based on the AU policy decision on equal participation of women in decision-making positions. Most recently in Rwanda, women succeeded in winning 49 per cent of seats in Parliament, ranking the country among the highest in the world in terms of women's shares of seats in Parliament. In addition, 50 per cent of Rwanda's High Court judges are now women. Elsewhere, too, women are finding ways to be heard. In Afghanistan, at the recent Constitutional Loya Jirga, Afghan women succeeded in including a provision in the new constitution that safeguards and holds equal the rights of men and women.Women have also made their voices heard on the issue of violence against women. As a result of constant advocacy by women's rights groups over the last 20 years, more and more countries have some type of legislation concerning violence against women. At least 45 nations have specific laws against domestic violence, 21 more are drafting new laws, and many others have amended criminal laws to include domestic violence.To make a real difference, we have to transform words into action and results. This requires governments and the international community at large to stand by their commitments and to allocate resources to translate them into action. On International Women's Day 2004, I call on the world community to pay close attention to what women are telling us about the situation they live in - their needs, hopes and visions of a better future. It is our responsibility to amplify their voices and to use them to guide our work and policies. Only then can we hope to achieve a world in which both men and women are able to lead the best lives they can.


Djibouti: Djibouti caravan highlights women's role in Millennium goals

2004-03-11

http://www.undp.org/dpa/index.html

Harking back to traditional caravans as carriers of news as well as goods, professional singers, musicians and actors travelled for three weeks through Djibouti's five districts to spread the word about Millennium Development Goals, and the important role women can play in achieving them. Organized by UNDP and other agencies in the UN country team, the Caravan on Human Development included 40 people, UNDP vehicles, two buses and a truck with camping gear.


Kenya: Boost for anti-FGM efforts as 200 circumcisers quit

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39965

Following various seminars conducted by NGOs to mark the 8 March International Women's Day, 200 female circumcisers from Kenya's Rift Valley Province have abandoned their tools of trade and vowed to fight the deeply rooted custom. Habil Oloo, a programme officer at the Kenya National Focal Point for FGM (female genital mutilation), which coordinates nationwide activities against the practice, said the development was the fruit of years of struggle by Kenyan NGOs against entrenched traditional attitudes among communities.


Nigeria: Call to domesticate UN conventions

Statement by Women's Rights Watch Nigeria

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/20779

The idea of an International Women's Day first arose at the turn of the century, which in the industrialized world was a period of expansion and turbulence, booming population growth and radical ideologies. International Women's Day has assumed a new global dimension for women in developed and developing countries alike. The growing international women's movement, which has been strengthened by four global United Nations women's conferences, has helped make the commemoration a rallying point for coordinated efforts to demand women's rights and participation in the political and economic process. Increasingly, International Women's Day is a time to reflect on progress made, to call for change and to celebrate acts of courage and determination by ordinary women who have played an extraordinary role in the history of women's rights.
Once more we celebrate the International Women's Day .

International Women's Day (8 March) is an occasion marked by women's groups around the world. This date is also commemorated at the United Nations and is designated in many countries as a national holiday. When women on all continents, often divided by national boundaries and by ethnic, linguistic, cultural, economic and political differences, come together to celebrate their Day, they can look back to a tradition that represents at least nine decades of struggle for equality, justice, peace and development.

International Women's Day is the story of ordinary women as makers of history; it is rooted in the centuries-old struggle of women to participate in society on an equal footing with men. In ancient Greece, Lysistrata initiated a sexual strike against men in order to end war; during the French Revolution, Parisian women calling for "liberty, equality, fraternity" marched on Versailles to demand women's suffrage.


The idea of an International Women's Day first arose at the turn of the century, which in the industrialized world was a period of expansion and turbulence, booming population growth and radical ideologies. International Women's Day has assumed a new global dimension for women in developed and developing countries alike. The growing international women's movement, which has been strengthened by four global United Nations women's conferences, has helped make the commemoration a rallying point for coordinated efforts to demand women's rights and participation in the political and economic process. Increasingly, International Women's Day is a time to reflect on progress made, to call for change and to celebrate acts of courage and determination by ordinary women who have played an extraordinary role in the history of women's rights.





The Role of the United Nations
Few causes promoted by the United Nations have generated more intense and widespread support than the campaign to promote and protect the equal rights of women. The Charter of the United Nations, signed in San Francisco in 1945, was the first international agreement to proclaim gender equality as a fundamental human right. Since then, the Organization has helped create a historic legacy of internationally agreed strategies, standards, programmes and goals to advance the status of women worldwide.


Over the years, United Nations action for the advancement of women has taken four clear directions: promotion of legal measures; mobilization of public opinion and international action; training and research, including the compilation of gender desegregated statistics; and direct assistance to disadvantaged groups. Today a central organizing principle of the work of the United Nations is that no enduring solution to society's most threatening social, economic and po itical problems can be found without the full participation, and the full empowerment, of the world's women. http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/women/womday97.htm

NIGERIA

Here in Nigeria we are thankful that no woman is facing the death by stoning penalty for adultery, the last known case , Amina Lawal having won her appeal.The law is still in the statutebooks of 18 states in Nigeria.That means we may have more women arrested, charged and prosecuted under this law. There is therefore an urgent need at the national level for legal framework protecting Nigerian women against violence, torture discrimination. In Nigeria violation of women's rights occur daily includes and is not limited to :Violence in the home,Sexual harassment at school and work,Rape and defilement,Harsh and punitive widowhood rites,Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), Forced childhood marriages,Sexual violence in conflict situations and during armed robbery attacks,Enforcement of gender biased laws,Discrimination against the girl-child,Disinheritance of wives and daughters,Harmful traditional practices.

Nigeria is a patriarchial society and a lot of these violations occur under the guise of customs and traditions.We at Womens's Rights Watch Nigeria believe that culture is dynamic and not static and we are demanding for a CHANGE in attitudes and beliefs.We should uphold customs that enhance us as persons and all cultural practices that discriminate MUST be abolished by law.

There is still a high incidence of violence against women , persecution and discrimination. The rising poverty of its citizens adversely affect women and children since they are the most vulnerable groups, thereby causing feminisation of povery. Although there is a national legislation against trafficking in persons and the Federal Government has created a National Agency against Trafficking in Persons,the crime however still goes on unabated, however few arrests have been made by the authorities.

THEREFORE we call on the National Assembly , which comprises of the Senate and House of Representatives to domesticate the following UN Conventions which Nigeria is already a signatory to, in compliance with our constitution which makes provision for such domestication:

UN Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) 1979 and the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women 1993 .

There is still a high incidence of violence against women , persecution and discrimination. The rising poverty of its citizens adversely affect women and children since they are the most vulnerable groups, thereby causing feminisation of povery. There is a national legislation against trafficking in persons and the Federal Government has created a National Agency against Trafficking in Persons.The crime however still goes on unabated, though few arrests have been made by the authorities.



Nogi Imoukhuede, nogi@rufarm.kabissa.org
Project Coordinator, Women's Rights Watch Nigeria
www.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/womensrightswatch-nigeria
Please sign our petition urging the Attorney General to go to court on Sharia criminal law at http://www.petitiononline.com/wrw/petition.html
Say NO to death by stoning in Nigeria


Somalia: Campaign against FGM launched on Women's Day

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39905

On the occasion of International Women's Day, a campaign against Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) has been launched throughout Somalia, where an estimated 98 percent of all women have undergone the ritual. The campaign is being led by four networks of Somali women’s organisations, namely the Coalition of Grassroots Women's Organization (COGWO), IIDA Women's Development Organization (IIDA means celebrate in Somali), We Are Women Activists (WAWA) and NAGAAD (roughly translated in Somali as 'Stay Rooted'). The networks represent nearly 90 grass-roots women's groups, Maryan Abdulle Qawane of COGWO told IRIN.


South Africa: Reproductive Care a Work in Progress

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/20777

With the world marking International Women's Day this week, women in South Africa might find themselves asking what benefits 10 years of democracy have brought them - especially in the important area of reproductive health. "Women have different levels of access to reproductive health services at a range of levels," says Martha Molete, Communication Officer at the Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa (PPASA). She told IPS that urban women generally had more access to health care than their rural counterparts. However, women in rural areas were undoubtedly more aware of their contraceptive options than they had been a decade ago.





Human rights

Africa/Global: UN Counterterrorism Body Must Include Rights Component

2004-03-11

http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/03/03/global7829.htm

A permanent United Nations counterterrorism body must have a strong human rights component, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said on the eve of an open debate of the Security Council on the establishment of such a mechanism. The Security Council is currently discussing a draft resolution that would establish a Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate under Chapter VII of the U.N. Charter. This new body, operating under the policy guidance from the Council would monitor the implementation of counterterrorist measures by states worldwide.


Africa/Global: UN rights commission must reform or risk irrelevence

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/20782

By failing to act promptly and effectively, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights risks becoming irrelevant, said Irene Khan, Secretary General of Amnesty International, on the eve of the 60th session of the Commission, which begins on 15 March. "The Commission is the pre-eminent human rights body within the UN. It was created to uphold human rights and denounce violations wherever they occur. But instead, time and time again, the Commission has behaved in a highly fractious, self-interested, politically expedient manner, turning a blind eye to human rights violations and allowing perpetrators to operate with impunity," said Ms Khan. "Countries with appalling human rights records, such as Algeria, China, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Russia and Zimbabwe, have escaped serious scrutiny, while the scandalous situation of detainees held by the United States at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, has not even made it to the Commission's agenda."
AI Index: IOR 41/008/2004 (Public)
News Service No: 55
10 March 2004

Embargo Date: 10 March 2004 10:00 GMT


UN Commission on Human Rights must reform itself or risk irrelevance
(Geneva) By failing to act promptly and effectively, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights risks becoming irrelevant, said Irene Khan, Secretary General of Amnesty International, on the eve of the 60th session of the Commission, which begins on 15 March.

"The Commission is the pre-eminent human rights body within the UN. It was created to uphold human rights and denounce violations wherever they occur. But instead, time and time again, the Commission has behaved in a highly fractious, self-interested, politically expedient manner, turning a blind eye to human rights violations and allowing perpetrators to operate with impunity," said Ms Khan.

"Countries with appalling human rights records, such as Algeria, China, Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, Russia and Zimbabwe, have escaped serious scrutiny, while the scandalous situation of detainees held by the United States at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, has not even made it to the Commission's agenda."

"All too often the Commission has ignored the finding and recommendations of its own rapporteurs and experts. All too often, Commission members have failed to implement the resolutions and decisions of the Commission, damaging its credibility and undermining its effectiveness," she added.

"We challenge the Commission to reform itself by establishing transparent and objective criteria for selecting the countries it will scrutinise, and by putting in place a more effective system for monitoring and evaluating the implementation by States of the Commission's recommendations," said Ms Khan.

Over the next six weeks the Commission is expected to consider the human rights situation in some 20 countries and address a range of thematic issues. Amnesty International is calling on the Commission to give urgent attention to Haiti where a human rights catastrophe is unfolding as regime supporters and past perpetrators agitate against the background of a UN-sanctioned intervention, and to Iraq where escalating violence continues to endanger civilian lives as plans are made to hand power to an Iraqi government. Amnesty International is also calling on the Commission to take up the human rights situation in Nepal, which is experiencing the highest level of violence since 1996, and in the Sudan where fresh conflict in the Darfur region has affected tens of thousands of people.

Noting the launch of Amnesty International's worldwide campaign to Stop Violence against Women on 5 March 2004, Irene Khan urged Commission members to give priority attention to ensure that women can lead lives free from the fear of violence.

"A decade after the Vienna Conference endorsed women's rights as human rights and the Commission established the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, one in three women in the world still continues to suffer serious abuse, attack, rape or coerced sex because of inequality and discrimination, impunity and apathy of state and society alike. This is an outrageous scandal that should shame every government into urgent attention," said Ms Khan.

"The international legal framework exists - what we now need is commitment and concrete action by governments to implement and uphold those obligations. The Commission is uniquely placed to demand states' compliance of standards that guarantee women's rights to freedom from violence. We support the recommendations of the UN Special Rapporteur to focus on effective implementation of international treaties and standards."

According to Amnesty International, as of last year, 54 countries still have laws that actively discriminate against women, 79 countries have no law against domestic violence and 127 countries have no laws against sexual harassment.

Welcoming the appointment of Louise Arbour as the next UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Khan said: "We count on her, as the UN's chief advocate on human rights, to provide leadership to the UN human rights machinery."

"Ultimately, however, the responsibility rests with the member-states of the United Nations. At a time when confidence in the United Nations is low and respect for international law and human rights are under unprecedented pressure, the Commission must rise to the challenge to regain lost territory and re-establish its credibility."

All Amnesty International media materials for the Commission will be available on http://news.amnesty.org/mav/pages/UNCHR_2004



Public Document
****************************************
For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566
Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW. web: http://www.amnesty.org

For latest human rights news view http://news.amnesty.org


Liberia: Monitors document sexual violations

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/20674

Human rights monitors are travelling around Liberia documenting crimes of sexual violence during the country's 14-year civil war in a project backed by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Over three months, 22 monitors will interview a random sample of 4,000 Liberians and give the results from those interviews to the country's soon-to-be established Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the agency announced on Tuesday.
UN-TRAINED MONITORS TO DOCUMENT SEXUAL VIOLENCE DURING LIBERIAN CIVIL WAR
New York, Mar 3 2004 5:00PM

Human rights monitors are travelling around Liberia documenting crimes of
sexual violence during the country's 14-year civil war in a project backed
by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Over three months, 22 monitors will interview a random sample of 4,000
Liberians and give the results from those interviews to the country's
soon-to-be established Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the agency
announced on Tuesday.

Some 40 per cent of the 600 people interviewed so far said they suffered
some form of sexual abuse during the war that ended in August last year,
according to UNDP.

The atrocities included rape, gang rape, the rape of children, the
insertion of foreign objects into genital areas and being stripped and put
on public display.

Victims are being referred to trauma counsellors, psychologists and health
workers after their interviews.

UNDP Human Rights Officer Awa Dabo said the goal of the project - which is
being implemented by the National Human Rights Centre of Liberia - is to
advocate for the country's many victims of sexual violence.

"We have young girls who have been infected with AIDS," Ms. Dabo said. "We
have women who became pregnant and have been ostracized by their families
and their communities. We are finding that men were also victims of sexual
violence."

The project is being financed by the UNDP and World Vision, a
non-governmental organization (NGO). The monitors have been trained by the
UNDP.


Sierra Leone: Justice Undermined by Taylor's Absence

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/20717

The United Nations and the United States should explicitly call on Nigeria to turn former Liberian President Charles Taylor over to the Special Court for Sierra Leone, Human Rights Watch says. On Wednesday, the Special Court will officially open its newly constructed courthouse in the Sierra Leonean capital Freetown. The first trials of senior officials are expected to begin shortly. The opening ceremony will be attended by high-ranking officials from the United Nations and donor countries.
Sierra Leone: Justice Undermined by Taylor's Absence
U.N., U.S. Should Urge Nigeria to Hand Over Liberian Ex-President

(New York, March 9, 2004) - The United Nations and the United States
should explicitly call on Nigeria to turn former Liberian President
Charles Taylor over to the Special Court for Sierra Leone, Human Rights
Watch said today.

On Wednesday, the Special Court will officially open its newly
constructed courthouse in the Sierra Leonean capital Freetown. The
first trials of senior officials are expected to begin shortly. The
opening ceremony will be attended by high-ranking officials from the
United Nations and donor countries.

"The U.N. Security Council has called for indicted war criminals
Karadzic and Kabuga to be surrendered to the international tribunals for
the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, but has remained silent about Charles
Taylor," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice
program. "This reluctance to press Nigeria to hand over Taylor fosters
a double standard that betrays the people of Sierra Leone. It is time
to break the silence."

Sierra Leonean lawyers, former combatants, and members of civil society
have repeatedly told Human Rights Watch researchers, currently in West
Africa, that Charles Taylor's apprehension is vital to the justice
process.

The United Nations created the Special Court through an agreement with
the government of Sierra Leone. Nine senior, indicted war criminals are
currently in custody awaiting trial in the court's detention facility.
The Special Court has the power to prosecute those "who bear the
greatest responsibility" for serious violations of international
humanitarian law and certain violations of domestic law committed in
Sierra Leone since November 30, 1996.

Taylor was indicted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone for war crimes
and crimes against humanity for his role in contributing to the deaths,
rape, abduction and mutilation of thousands of civilians during Sierra
Leone's civil war. The former Liberian president is currently in exile
in Nigeria after being forced from power in August 2003.

However, neither the U.N. Security Council nor the Secretary-General has
explicitly called for Nigeria to hand Taylor over to the Special Court.
The United States, which has been a principal financial donor and
supporter of the court, as well as a member of the court's management
committee, has also failed to urge Nigeria to bring Taylor to justice.

"By creating the Special Court, the international community has made an
important commitment to bringing justice for the horrific crimes
committed in Sierra Leone. But justice will be undercut if Taylor is
shielded from the court," said Dicker. "For the U.S. government and the
United Nations not to press Nigeria to hand Taylor over will send a
clear message that the law only reaches so far."

Elected president of Liberia in 1997 after a seven-year war that ousted
former president Samuel Doe, Charles Taylor gained international
notoriety for the brutal abuses against civilians committed by his
forces in Liberia, and for his use of child soldiers organized in "Small
Boy Units."

Forces supported by Taylor have also been involved in conflicts in
neighboring Guinea and Cote d'Ivoire. There are credible reports that
Taylor remains in frequent contact with members of his former
government, and that hundreds of fighters loyal to him are undergoing
training in Liberia near the border with Cote d'Ivoire. The U.N.
peacekeeping force in Liberia has expressed concern about the
allegations of troop training, but so far has found no evidence to
support them.

Human Rights Watch has consistently called on Nigeria to arrest and
surrender Charles Taylor to the Special Court for Sierra Leone.
Shielding Taylor from justice contravenes international law and
undermines Nigeria's express commitment to combat impunity.

For Human Rights Watch's reports on the widespread and systematic use of
rape and sexual violence and other crimes committed in Sierra Leone, see
"We'll Kill You If You Cry: Sexual Violence in the Sierra Leone
Conflict," http://hrw.org/reports/2003/sierraleone/sierleon0103.pdf,
"Sowing Terror: Atrocities Against Civilians in Sierra Leone,"
http://www.hrw.org/reports98/sierra/, and "Sierra Leone: Getting Away
with Murder, Mutilation, and Rape,"
http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/sierra/

For Human Rights Watch's letter urging Nigeria to hand Taylor over to
the Special Court, please see http://www.hrw.org/press/2003/11/nigeria-
ltr111703.htm.


Sierra Leone: War crimes investigators search Taylor properties

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39922

The UN-backed Special Court set up to try those considered most responsible for war crimes in Sierra Leone has begun carrying out investigations in Liberia: a team of investigators began searching residences of ex-president Charles Taylor on Friday. The team, headed by Chief Investigator Allen White, met strong resistance on Friday, when they tried to enter a house in Congo Town, the south-eastern suburb of the capital, Monrovia, where Taylor lived until he was forced into exile in August last year, clearing the way for the signing of a peace deal.


Sudan: Rights Defenders in Darfur Detained

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/20716

The Sudanese government has arbitrarily detained two human rights activists, apparently for their work in the war-torn region of Darfur in western Sudan, Human Rights Watch has said. Both are feared to be at risk of inhumane treatment, miscarriage of justice and possible execution. Dr. Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, the head of a voluntary organisation that provides humanitarian assistance and human rights training, was arrested on December 28 and has been charged with a variety of capital offences against the state. Saleh Mahmud Osman, a human rights lawyer, was arrested on February 1, 2004 and has been held without charge.
Sudan: Rights Defenders in Darfur Detained

(New York, March 9, 2004) - The Sudanese government has arbitrarily
detained two human rights activists, apparently for their work in the
war-torn region of Darfur in western Sudan, Human Rights Watch said today.
Both are feared to be at risk of inhumane treatment, miscarriage of
justice and possible execution.

Dr. Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, the head of a voluntary organization that
provides humanitarian assistance and human rights training, was arrested
on December 28 and has been charged with a variety of capital offenses
against the state. Saleh Mahmud Osman, a human rights lawyer, was arrested
on February 1, 2004 and has been held without charge.

"For the past year, the Sudanese government and its militias have waged
war on the people of Darfur," said Jemera Rone, Sudan researcher for Human
Rights Watch. "Now the government is persecuting those who are trying to
protect these voiceless victims."

Since early last year, the Sudanese army and government-backed Arab
nomadic militias known as janjaweed have embarked on a destructive
campaign to rid Darfur of the rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation
Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), and
their civilian supporters. These two Darfur-based rebel groups were formed
in the last fourteen months following increasing government- sponsored
attacks on the African Fur, Zaghawa, and Masaalit communities in north and
west Darfur.

The government-led campaign has led to an estimated 3,000 civilian deaths,
the widespread devastation of the farming areas of the region, and the
destruction of the local economy. Government-backed militias have
attacked, looted and burned villages while the government has bombed
civilian targets and forbidden or severely restricted humanitarian access
to the population at risk in Darfur.

Mudawi, director of the Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO), had
just returned from a humanitarian mission to Darfur, where he distributed
aid to internally displaced persons. He was arrested by security forces in
Khartoum and is detained in Kober prison, Khartoum, where he has been
allowed to see his wife and lawyer in the presence of police. Shortly
after his arrest, he went on a two-day hunger strike, demanding to be
charged or released. On February 8 he was charged with waging war against
the state, provoking hatred among religious sects, spying, releasing
secret information, revealing military information and establishing a
criminal organization. Some of these charges carry the death penalty.

Saleh Mahmud, a human rights lawyer, works in Nyala, South Darfur,
providing free legal assistance to persons accused or convicted of crimes
without fair trial, and in many instances without counsel at the summary
trial proceedings. He is a member of the lawyers' network of the Sudan
Organization Against Torture (SOAT), and many of his clients face severe
punishments, such as the death penalty or cross amputation-amputation of
the right foot and the left hand, or vice versa. He was arrested in Wad
Medani, Gezira state in eastern Sudan, by security forces on February 1,
and transferred to Khartoum two days later. He is currently being held in
Kober prison and he has not been charged with a crime.

Sudan has a record of arresting and harassing human rights defenders, and
of torturing persons suspected of sympathizing with armed rebels,
including in the Darfur region. Incommunicado detention in particular
raises the danger of torture, and Human Rights Watch urges that all
detainees be given access to private visits from family and legal counsel.

Human Rights Watch urges the Sudanese government to release Saleh Mahmud
from detention or promptly charge him with a crime. The government should
also promptly provide Dr. Mudawi with a fair hearing-in which he is
represented by his counsel-to determine whether there is any merit to the
charges against him, and to abstain from seeking the death penalty should
the case against him proceed. The death penalty is a form of punishment
unique in its cruelty and finality. The intrinsic fallibility of criminal
justice systems assures that even when fair trial rights are respected,
innocent persons may be executed.

Human Rights Watch Press release


Swaziland: Human rights under challenge, says US

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/20786

With no politically motivated killings or incarcerations in 2003, Swaziland is a haven of stability in a troubled continent, say defenders of the country's absolute monarchy. But a report released this week by the US State Department has criticised the country's human rights record, alleging the government "continued to commit serious abuses". "Citizens were not able to change their government peacefully. Police used excessive force on some occasions, and there were reports that police tortured and beat some suspects," the US government's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour said in its annual country report.
SWAZILAND: Human rights under challenge, says US

MBABANE, 11 March (IRIN) - With no politically motivated killings or incarcerations in 2003, Swaziland is a haven of stability in a troubled continent, say defenders of the country's absolute monarchy. But a report released this week by the US State Department has criticised the country's human rights record, alleging the government "continued to commit serious abuses".

"Citizens were not able to change their government peacefully. Police used excessive force on some occasions, and there were reports that police tortured and beat some suspects," the US government's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour said in its annual country report.

When contacted by IRIN, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it would withhold comment on the report until it officially received a copy from the US government.

"We don't conduct foreign policy over the Internet," said a ministry source, referring to the posting of the human rights report on the US State Department's web site.

"The government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The government restricted freedom of assembly and association, and prohibited political activity. The police on several occasions harassed political activists. There were some limits on freedom of movement," the report alleged.

One flash-point was a summit King Mswati III hosted for Commonwealth heads of state on the theme of good governance and economic growth. Efforts by banned political parties to draw attention to Swaziland's human rights record were broken up by the police, who ignored court orders to permit peaceful demonstrations.

"Government continued to limit freedom of speech and of the press. The law does not provide for freedom of speech or of the press, and the government limited these rights through a formal ban on political parties and occasional harassment of journalists. The government discouraged critical news coverage of the royal family, and journalists practiced self-censorship in regard to the royal family," the country report noted.

The police were characterised as generally professional and uncorrupt, but hobbled by a lack of resources. There have been repeated allegations in Swaziland of police using torture to extract confessions from suspects.

"When you have no crime labs, no forensics or DNA processing facilities, torture becomes the poor man's way to secure evidence," a police source told IRIN, without admitting to the practice in Swaziland.

The US report said 2003 was characterised by a "rule of law" crisis that still persists. Late in 2002, the government overturned Appeal Court rulings it disliked, resulting in the resignation of the Court of Appeal bench. The country still does not have its highest court.

"The law provides for an independent judiciary; however, the king has certain judicial powers, and government officials - including the king, the prime minister, the minister of justice and constitutional affairs, and the traditional government of the royal family - challenged the judiciary's independence by attempting to influence and also to reverse court decisions. Government ignored judgments that did not favour them," said the report.

"We have a problem with these strangers who want to lead Swazis astray with foreign ideas. We do not know them, but they want to take away the King's powers. Is that not a coup that must be stopped?" a traditional leader told IRIN in an interview.

The report also noted that "women occupied a subordinate role in society", adding: "In both civil and traditional marriages, wives were legally treated as minors. The law provides some protection from sexual harassment, but its provisions were vague and largely ineffective."


[ENDS]

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Refugees & forced migration

Africa: Refugee working group set up

2004-03-11

http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/news

The UN refugee agency has been tasked with setting up a working group to support the return and reintegration of millions of refugees in at least nine African countries, a move that could bring the continent a step closer to ending some of its most protracted refugee situations. The decision was taken at the end of Monday, the first of the two-day Dialogue on Voluntary Repatriation and Sustainable Reintegration in Africa. Sponsored by UNHCR, the Geneva meeting gathered delegates from some 60 countries, including senior government officials from throughout Africa, donor states and representatives of international organisations.


Africa: Wider cooperation in resettling refugees

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39940

For the first time in years multiple opportunities exist throughout Africa for the potential repatriation of up to 2 million refugees, and millions more internally displaced people, a senior UN official said this week. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Ruud Lubbers, was upbeat at a meeting in Geneva on Monday to discuss the prospects for repatriation in several countries, including Angola, Sierra Leone, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).


Algeria: International community ignores plight of more than a million Algerians uprooted by violence

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/20703

The plight of what could be more than a million people uprooted by violence in Algeria's conflict between the government and groups of armed Islamist extremists is largely ignored by the international community, according to a new report published by the Norwegian Refugee Council's Global IDP Project. “Our analysis suggests that the scope of the displacement crisis in Algeria is much more significant than previously thought,” said Raymond Johansen, the organisation's Secretary General.
Algeria: International community ignores plight of more than a million Algerians uprooted by violence




GENEVA, 5 March 2004: The plight of what could be more than a million people uprooted by violence in Algeria’s conflict between the government and groups of armed Islamist extremists is largely ignored by the international community, according to a report published by the Norwegian Refugee Council’s Global IDP Project today.

“Our analysis suggests that the scope of the displacement crisis in Algeria is much more significant than previously thought”, said Raymond Johansen, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council. “Most of the displaced people do not receive any assistance from the government. It is high time for the international community to start paying attention to Algeria’s displacement crisis and to remind the government of its obligation to protect and assist the displaced population.”

For full text of press release see:

http://www.idpproject.org/press/2004/Algeria_March_2004.pdf





Angola: Government, UNHCR analyse refugees situation

2004-03-11

http://www.angolapress-angop.ao/noticia-e.asp?ID=236866

Angolan Social Welfare minister, Joao Baptista Kussumua, this week analysed with representatives of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Geneva the situation facing Angolan refugees, within the framework of the programme of repatriation of nationals living in foreign countries. "The fact that a high number of fellow countrymen have returned and that about a million are still abroad, presses the Government into convincing the United Nations on the best format to reintegrate the Angolans returning home, now that the war is over," he said.


Nigeria: 2,500 displaced in Plateau State violence, says Red Cross

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39859

At least 2,500 people have fled Plateau State in central Nigeria following a fortnight of violence between Muslims and Christians that has left 62 dead and more injured, the Red Cross said last Thursday. Patrick Bawa, a spokesman for the Red Cross in Nigeria, told IRIN that his organisation had registered 2,500 displaced people in neighbouring Bauchi State by Wednesday afternoon and more were still arriving.


Tanzania/UK: Britain Denies Offering Dar es Salaam Cash for Refugees

2004-03-11

http://www.nationaudio.com/News/EastAfrican/current/Regional/Regional0103200425.html

Britain’s Home office has denied allegations that it is trying to dump failed Somali asylum seekers on Tanzania, with a spokesman dismissing as speculation media reports that thousands of Somalis who had failed to be given political asylum in the UK could be sent instead to Tanzania. In Dar, the Home Affairs minister confirmed that consultations with the British government over a request to set up a camp in Tanzania for screening Somali asylum seekers were going on, also adding that there were some alleged Tanzanian nationals in the UK who pose and continue to live in the UK as Somali refugees. Somalis made up the largest number of refugee applicants to Britain last year but the numbers are still tiny (around 6,000 in 2003) compared with the numbers that Tanzania has to host, over 600,000.


Uganda: NGO highlights conditions in IDPs camps

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39954

Camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in war-ravaged northern Uganda face critical problems of waste management, inadequate access to safe water, high disease prevalence and widespread dependency on food hand-outs, an NGO reported on Monday. Action Against Hunger, USA, said in a statement that the camps were mostly made up of huts with thatched roofs, called tukuls. Because families cooked inside the huts, fumes from the fires had increased the rates of acute respiratory infections among children.


West Africa: Ultimatum for Sierra Leone refugees in Guinea and Liberia

2004-03-11

http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendoc.htm?tbl=NEWS&id=404c85422&page=news

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees has announced that come June this year all their support for Sierra Leonean refugees reluctantly refusing to come will stop. This was disclosed by the new UNHCR Public Information Officer, Rachel Goldstein-Rodriguez during a question and answer session at the UNAMSIL press briefing last week. She said although UNHCR is not forcing the refugees to return home, they have nevertheless on several occasions been encouraging them, as according to her, "the Agency will soon stop all relief supplies to Sierra Leonean refugees in Guinea and Liberia that do not want to return home."





Elections & governance

Angola: Campaign for democratic Angola launched

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/20728

Civil society and opposition parties on Tuesday launched a united campaign to improve democracy in Angola, two years after the end of its decades-long civil war. The 'Campaign for a Democratic Angola', to be launched in a total of four provinces this month, will see around 30 organisations combine their efforts to push for change and ultimately improve the lives of the Angolan people.
CIVIL SOCIETY AND OPPOSITION LAUNCH THE
'CAMPAIGN FOR A DEMOCRATIC ANGOLA'

LUANDA, 9 March 2004 - Civil society and opposition parties on Tuesday
launched a united campaign to improve democracy in Angola, two years after
the end of its decades-long civil war.
The 'Campaign for a Democratic Angola', to be launched in a total of
four provinces this month, will see around 30 organisations combine their
efforts to push for change and ultimately improve the lives of the Angolan
people.
"We want to generate enough pressure to claim the realisation of the
current constitution, define when elections will be held and under what
conditions and to prepare citizens to play a more active role in changing
society," Rafael Marques, coordinator for the campaign said.
The war, which lasted 27 years, killed more than a million people and
displaced millions more, ended in April 2002. But in nearly two years of
peace, president Jose Eduardo dos Santos has failed to announce a date for
elections, citing the drafting of a new constitution as being the reason for
the delay.
Governmental promises to improve the lives of the country's population
of around 13 million after the end of the conflict have not been realised
and most people continue to live in abject poverty.
Pressure on the government to increase democracy and address the
problems of society has been growing.
"We've got scattered voices all pushing for democracy. We're now trying
to form a common platform from which together we can go forward and start to
respond to public demands," Marques said.
"The idea is to create a common alternative agenda," he added.
During the war - which ravaged the country's roads, schools and
hospitals - civil society was focused on ending to the conflict.
But with the onset of peace and its consolidation, a window of
opportunity now existed for its priorities to shift.
"Now that the military context in the country - with the exception of
Cabinda - is no longer a concern to us we can move ahead," Marques said.
Although the Angolan civil war is over, a low-intensity military
conflict continues in the northern enclave province of Cabinda, between
government forces and independentist guerillas.
Thousands of lives have already been lost and there have been widespread
human rights abuses against the civilian population by government soldiers.

ACT NOW OR GET LEFT BEHIND
The 'Campaign for a Democratic Angola' hopes that government will act on
the pressure but it is warning the country's leaders that society will move
on even without them.
"We need elections as soon as possible to enable people to choose who
they want to lead this country. We -- as civil society and opposition --
must not wait for the ruling party to set a date at its own convenience, we
need to create our own alternatives," Marques said.
The last and only post-independence elections in Angola took place in
1992.
This campaign also seeks to push political parties to look beyond their
internal agendas.
"We want to encourage government, including members of the MPLA and
UNITA, to be open to other initiatives that are for the benefit of the
country, not of the parties," Marques said.
"Our hope is that if citizens are taking these kinds of initiatives by
themselves, the ruling party will see more clearly that either it engages in
serious talks with other sectors of the society or it will be left behind,"
he said.
The campaign is joining the hands of opposition political parties, four
of which are represented in parliament and civil society organizations.
The campaign will be launched in at least another four provinces between
April and June and the aim is to take it country-wide.
A conference to draw up a concrete agenda is also planned for April.

Ends

Key background information :

* Angola is sub-saharan Africa's second largest oil producer after Nigeria.
It produces nearly one million barrels per day (bpd).
* United Nations figures reveal that Angola has one of the world's worst
under-five mortality rates, 80 percent of homes do not have electricity and
as many as half of all Angolans remain without safe water, proper health
care or education.
* A January 2004 report released by New-York based Human Rights Watch
alleged that $4 billion disappeared from the Angolan government coffers
between 1997-2002.
* International watchdog Transparency International in a survey last year
placed Angola among the world's ten most corrupt nations.
* Angola has more than one hundred opposition parties.

For further information about the campaign please contact :
* Adriano Parreira, spokesperson for political parties represented
(Portuguese, French) +244 92 400 386 adrianoparreira@ebonet.net
* Rafael Marques, coordinator (English, Portuguese) +244 91 331 034
rafael@snet.co.ao

Campaign for a Democratic Angola

Manifesto for democracy

In colonial times, Angolans' greatest dream was independence. Once that had
been achieved, on 11 November 1975 amid discord and war among the liberation
movements, it was peace that became Angolans' most fervent wish. Hence,
confronted with the war situation in Cabinda, the greatest challenges
Angolans are facing now are democracy and the claiming of their rights and
freedoms.

It is now clear that the country rulers are making a point of ignoring the
existence of the people, so as to guarantee its own sovereignty and to
ensure that every political act is in the interests of its own well-being.

Despite the peace accord signed by the rival military leaders, the country
is experiencing its greatest ever political, economic and social crisis. The
government is doing nothing that might provide a way of alleviating social
exclusion and the suffering of the people. At the same time, the looting of
the country's wealth by its rulers is become ever more evident and ever more
scandalous as illustrated by the Angolagate, Pierre Falcone, the freezing of
assets in Switzerland and of the 37 million USD in a personal bank account
of the President of the Republic.

This dreadful state of affairs is sustained by the permanent coup d'état
which the government has imposed on the country and its people, by:

* Failing to implement the Constitution (absence of the Constitutional
Court, Ombudsman and democratic local government);
* Keeping it within the powers of the Attorney-General of the Republic to
defend socialist legality (law 5/90 of 7 April) and thereby a state of
"democratic dictatorship", and keeping the Attorney-General as subordinate
to the Presidency (Article 3 number 1 of law 5/90);
* Hindering the free exercise of the most fundamental civic and political
rights throughout the country;
* Preventing the exercise of social and economic rights;
* Stealing sovereignty from the people who are uniquely and legitimately
entitled to it, showing arrogance and the lack of will to hold free and fair
elections with the necessary urgency, so as to grant the people the right to
decide by ballot who should govern the country.

In this way, the MPLA is taking advantage of the fact of having ruled the
country since independence to run the national economy as a monopoly, using
the country's public institutions and natural resources to do so. With this
authoritarian and illegitimate power, the current leadership is
forestalling, with complete disregard to the will of citizens, a course of
action which might be able to bring the country to constitutional and
socio-economic normality.

Institutions such as the United Nations and countries with major petroleum
and other economic interests in our country have bestowed legitimacy upon
the present democratic farce. These countries and institutions pursue a
relationship of complicity with the MPLA regime, perpetuating the lack of
democratic legitimacy in the organs of state.

A country and a people cannot and must not be held hostage to the will of
one man, of one party, who are doing everything they can to ensure Angola
slides, slowly but surely, back into the past.

Only the people, through a free, secret, universal and regular franchise,
must be allowed to choose their leaders.

Thus the people, Angolan citizens, individually or through civil society
organisations and political parties, must, in a dignified and civilised
manner, take a greater initiative and responsibility in the process of
achieving constitutional normality and democratisation in the country.

Only through democracy can democracy be won.

We call for:

1. The bringing of a sense of morality to Angolan society, and the
restoration of values such as honesty, honour, solidarity, human dignity,
tolerance, and a sense of duty and responsibility in the exercise of public
duty.
2. Political parties and civil society to prioritise the discussion of ideas
and to put forward alternatives to the government's actions, so as to give
shape to a new vision for Angola.
3. An alternative national dialogue to address the following matters:

3.1 Defining the present structure of the organs of state and their
temporary legitimisation, until the holding of free and fair elections;
3.2 Defining the legal framework and tasks necessary to the process of
democratisation, including the establishment and functioning of the National
Electoral Council;
3.3 Consensus on the timetable for democratisation and the date for
elections.

Luanda, March 09 2004


CAR: Trade union rejects move to slash salaries

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39904&SelectRegion=Great_Lakes

Central African Republic's labour union federation, the Union Syndicale des Travailleurs Centrafricains, has rejected a government decision to slash civil servants' salaries in an effort to reduce state spending, a union official told IRIN on Monday. "There are other ways to generate money for the public treasury without cutting civil servants’ salaries," Sonny Cole, the union's secretary-general, said.


Nigeria: Election official shot ahead of poll

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=86&art_id=qw1078758361814B265&set_id=1

An electoral official in central Nigeria has been shot dead by gunmen, police said on Monday, in the latest suspected politically motivated attack ahead of municipal elections later this month. The death of Philip Olurunipa, head of the Kogi State Electoral Commission, on Sunday triggered a riot in his home town of Kabba where the house of one of the suspected killers was set ablaze, police said.


South Africa: (Un)civil Society and the Vote

2004-03-11

http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,375

Radical civil society is returning to a vision that aims to diffuse power rather than to seize it. It is a vision that aims to steadily limit the power of parliament and managers by building people's power from the bottom up. It is a spark in the ashes, write academics and activists Ashwin Desai and Richard Pithouse in South Africa's The Mercury newspaper.


South Africa: Isolated Violence, Poverty Focus of Election Campaign

2004-03-11

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=22759

Campaigning for South Africa's general elections, to be held next month, has moved into top gear - with politicians scrambling for an endorsement from the country's 20.7 million registered voters. "The parties are now in full-swing campaign mood,” says Khabele Matlosa of the Johannesburg-based Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA). Two of the country's nine provinces are the site of especially heated electioneering. "The major parties seem to have set their eyes on KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape,” notes Matlosa, adding "In the rest of the places, I think it will just be ceremonies, nothing much.”


South Africa: Youth league upgrades to elite status

2004-03-11

http://www.suntimes.co.za/2001/04/22/insight/in01.htm#top

The recent ANC Youth League conference was, in every respect, a gathering of the party's crown princes. And the aristocracy arrived in a style hitherto unimaginable. Unlike in past years when delegates came in buses and taxis, this year saw a flotilla of luxury sedans and hired cars for those who had flown in. An angry delegate from Alexandra township, north of Johannesburg, said the league was becoming an elite club of MPs and civil servants. "How will we be able to reverse the [township youth's] slide from political activism...when we live in town and drive flashy cars? The youth will not bother to vote when their leaders are seen to use them as stepping stones to their individual advancement."


Swaziland: Opening of parliament indefinitely postponed

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39881

Swaziland's banned political opposition parties have slammed the indefinite postponement of the opening of parliament, saying it showed that the kingdom's highest democratically elected body had no real power. "This 'postponement' is actually a suspension of the legislative branch of government. Parliament used to be a rubber stamp for palace policy, but now it has ceased to exist," an official of the People's Democratic Movement told IRIN.


Tanzania: Police probing protestors' link to opposition party

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39925

Police in Zanzibar have begun investigations into the possible link between protestors who clashed with them recently and the main opposition party, the Civic United Front (CUF), a senior police official told IRIN on Monday. "Many protesters were CUF members," Juma Mtumwa Abdallah, the assistant regional police commander, said on Monday. He added that the police were also looking into the protestors' possible links with other anti-Western political parties and terrorist groups.


Zimbabwe: Elections will shift focus from national crisis

2004-03-11

http://www.kubatana.net/html/archive/demgg/040304zlp.asp?sector=DEMGG

The government has announced that parliamentary elections would be held before March next year. The Zimbabwe Liberators Platform (ZLP) fears that the main political parties will concentrate their energies on winning the elections and shift their attention from addressing the deepening political and socio-economic crisis. "The same conditions of impoverishment and political tension will be carried over to the period after the election. There is need to focus on the national crisis and not elections because the crisis of governance is deepening. ZLP's considered view is that without a new electoral framework and a new democratic constitution, the elections will be far from being free and fair."


Zimbabwe: Mugabe brutalised opposition MPs

2004-03-11

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/mps.1516.html

President Robert Mugabe's government has terrorised almost every single opposition member of Zimbabwe's parliament with violence, intimidation and jail, according to a new report. A survey of 50 of the Movement for Democratic Change's 59 MPs and of 28 of its parliamentary candidates found that all claimed to have personally experienced human rights abuses in the past three years at the hands of the security services and supporters of the ruling Zanu-PF party.


Zimbabwe: The future lies in voting, popular participation

2004-03-11

http://www.kubatana.net/html/archive/opin/040227mm.asp?sector=OPIN

In the mire that is opposition activism in Zimbabwe, the concepts of protest and mobilisation have been interpreted to mean the same thing. This is the root of the apathy and the general numbness of our society in the face of tyranny. Whereas mobilisation refers to preparing the people for struggle, protest is just a noisy statement of disapproval or disagreement. It is easy to be an activist and to protest. In fact any fool can protest and wear the jacket of an activist - more so if there is financial reward. But to mislead an entire nation that protest is mobilisation is a treasonous transgression, says this commentary.





Corruption

Africa: Questioning corruption

2004-03-11

http://www.wits.ac.za/saiia/eAfrica/eAfricaMarch.htm

Africa is a less corrupt place and there has been a global recognition of how harmful corruption is and how detrimental and damaging it is to development, according to Dr. Peter Eigen, founder of the global corruption watchdog group Transparency International. "On the international front, far more effective measures to protect countries from corruption are now in place. Five years ago, it was not a crime in domestic law for a firm from Germany or Japan or the US to offer bribes abroad. In fact, in many instances bribes were tax deductible! But there has been a sea change in the international legal system now. Some 35 countries have acceded to the OECD Convention Against Corruption, which means that those firms now cannot bribe abroad with impunity in places like Africa." This is an extract from an interview with Eigen in e-africa, the electronic journal of governance and innovation.


CAR: Central African Republic becomes 100th signatory to corruption convention

2004-03-11

http://www.respondanet.com/english/index.htm

The Central African Republic became the 100th Member State to sign the United Nations Convention against Corruption. The new international treaty - worked out through a two-year negotiating process supported by the Vienna-based United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) - was adopted by the General Assembly in October 2003. At a special signing conference held in Mérida, Mexico, last December, 95 countries signed the new Convention.


Kenya: Tycoon denies bribing prominent personalities under video camera

2004-03-11

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=105180

Tycoon Kamlesh Pattni has denied videotaping prominent Kenyans as he bribed them. The denial, almost two weeks after the raids that police informants said yielded evidence of corruption, was issued by Pattni's lawyer Bernard Kalove. In the statement, Kalove accused "the press, both print and electronic, mainstream and gutter", of having gone on a "rumour generation and rumour mongering spree" intended to suggest that "our client was captured 'bribing', or 'greasing the palms of' or 'entertaining' certain prominent personalities".


Nigeria: African legislators wage war against corruption

2004-03-11

http://www.vanguardngr.com/articles/2002/politics/p211032004.html

One of the main promises of the Obasanjo administration when it kicked off in 1999 was to fight corruption. One of the first bills presented to the National Assembly was the Independent Corrupt Practices (and Other Related Offences) Bill. The bill was duly passed. Many human rights activists condemned that Act which was considered too harsh. They argued that the law could be a potent weapon for a dictator to hunt the opposition. On the other hand, the President and the ruling party argued that existing law had too many loopholes which offenders were exploring to escape punishment. Four years after, Nigeria is still deemed the most corrupt country in the world.


Rwanda: Audit unearths irregularities in use of state funds

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39861

A report from the Auditor General's office in Rwanda says that several government ministries and parastals were involved in irregular tendering procedures in 2002, causing the country to lose millions of dollars and frustrating the government's efforts to reduce high levels of poverty nationwide. "The findings indicate that some public officials continue to cause the government losses by dodging the National Tender Board in order to siphon government funds for their own interests," the report for 2002, which was released last week, said.


Zambia: Former military commander arrested

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=68&art_id=qw107890866145B251&set_id=1

A former military commander in Zambia was arrested and charged with corruption for allegedly engaging in illegal business deals while serving under former president Frederick Chiluba, an official said on Wednesday. General Wilford Funjika, former commander of the Zambia National Service (ZNS), was arrested for corrupt practices on Tuesday and detained along with a private businessman, Anuj Rathi, said Mpazi Sinyangwe, spokesperson for the taskforce on corruption.


Zambia: We'll conquer corruption, declares Vice-President Mumba

2004-03-11

http://www.u4.no/news/news.cfm?id=432

Vice-President Nevers Mumba has declared that Zambia shall conquer corruption the same way colonialism was conquered. And the US government has committed US $1 million to enhance Zambia's fight against corruption. Officiating at the Transparency International Zambia (TIZ) stakeholders' workshop on a comprehensive anti-corruption strategy, Vice-President Mumba said the hour had come for Zambia to get rid of corruption.


Zimbabwe: Anti-corruption head 'gets death threats'

2004-03-11

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=105197

The head of Zimbabwe's central bank, handpicked by President Robert Mugabe to lead the government's anti-corruption drive, has received death threats from corrupt businessmen and politicians, a newspaper said on Sunday. Gideon Gono, the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), was quoted by the private Standard weekly as saying he had received threats and needed personal security.





Development

Africa/Global: Plunder and Profit

2004-03-11

http://www.inthesetimes.com/comments.php?id=640_0_1_0_C

Rich countries - working through international institutions like the World Bank - rarely help poor countries modernize and strengthen public services. But they often push them to privatize and commercialize public services, a move that they themselves would never make. Leading the tide of globalization, international financial institutions are aggressively and undemocratically promoting an ideological agenda of privatization and commercialization. “The IMF, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation care about dismantling the state,” says Nancy Alexander, director of the Citizens’ Network on Essential Services (CNES), a research and advocacy group. International financial institutions claim that such reforms help reduce poverty, but they often simply are promoting the interests of multinational corporations in water, energy, telecommunications and other industries, says this article in the publication In These Times.


Africa: Rescuing Nepad

2004-03-11

http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0000724/index.php

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) should return to its original vision - revised to account for the impact of HIV/AIDS and some other key developments - before it becomes lost in a futile attempt to become an African 'ministry of planning' or worse still an implementer of projects. Can Nepad be rescued? Fortunately it can, if the heads-of-state recall that their role is to put Africa on a new development trajectory, and not to supervise programmes and projects. This is according to an article from Africa Analysis by Dr Tajudeen Abdul Raheem, general secretary of the Pan African Movement and Dr Alex de Waal, of the London-based Justice Africa.


Africa: Straitjacketing NGO's

2004-03-11

http://www.id21.org/society/s9alb1g1.html

Driven by concerns to demonstrate ‘value for money’, bilateral donors and major Northern development agencies are becoming more selective in the types of organisations and activities they will fund and the types of account keeping they demand from recipients. New requirements are forcing small non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in developing countries to change the way they work. They might be becoming more efficient, but are they also losing their ability to respond to the needs of the communities they serve? Research from McGill University and the University of Natal examines the influence of donors on South African NGOs.


Africa: The commodity Trap

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/20718

Africa remains caught in a "commodity trap," says a new report on trade performance and commodity dependence from the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Africa is less competitive than in previous decades even in traditional primary commodities, its trade position undermined both by competition from Asia and Latin America and by agricultural subsidies in rich countries. Market solutions have aggravated this structural vulnerability, and it is time to reconsider a greater role for both national and international state actions, UNCTAD concludes. A recent issue of AfricaFocus Bulletin contains a press release from UNCTAD and brief excerpts from the 84-page report.
Africa: Commodity Trap

AfricaFocus Bulletin
Mar 9, 2004 (040309)
(Reposted from sources cited below)

Editor's Note

Africa remains caught in a "commodity trap," says a new report on
trade performance and commodity dependence from the UN Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Africa is less competitive than
in previous decades even in traditional primary commodities, its
trade position undermined both by competition from Asia and Latin
America and by agricultural subsidies in rich countries. Market
solutions have aggravated this structural vulnerability, and it is
time to reconsider a greater role for both national and
international state actions, UNCTAD concludes.

UNCTAD cites French President Jacques Chirac calling for an end to
the "conspiracy of silence" on commodity issues. Yet current
international trade discussions give little sign that Chirac or
other world leaders are ready to act on his call.

This issue of AfricaFocus Bulletin contains a press release from
UNCTAD and brief excerpts from the 84-page report. The full report,
available on the UNCTAD website (http://www.unctad.org), has extensive tables and charts to document its conclusions. Additional data on Africa's trade, through 2002, is also available in the World Trade Organization's International Trade Statistics, available on the WTO website (http://www.wto.org),

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++++++++

United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)

New UNCTAD Study on African Development Prospects Echoes President
Chirac's Call for Ending "Conspiracy of Silence" on Commodity
Issues

UNCTAD/PRESS/PR/2004/003

February 26, 2004

The majority of African countries are boxed into a trading
structure that subjects them to secular terms-of-trade losses and
volatile foreign exchange earnings, according to a new UNCTAD
report, Economic Development in Africa: Trade Performance and
Commodity Dependence, released today. This position severely
encumbers effective macroeconomic management and stunts capital
formation, hampering efforts to diversify into more productive
activities and adding to the debt overhang. As a result, and
despite years under structural adjustment programmes, much of
sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has remained commodity-dependent. And, as
was exposed in Cancún with the cotton case, huge Northern subsidies
have contributed "in no small measure to undermining the efforts of
some African countries to tackle poverty". The Report calls for a
three-pronged response to easing the short-run burden of commodity
dependence and facilitating longer-run structural changes, by
combining measures to strengthen domestic institutional capacities
with more balanced international trading arrangements and more
generous and innovative international financing schemes.

Caught in a commodity trap

Even as the continent's reliance on non-primary fuel exports
persisted, paradoxically, its share in world primary non-fuel
exports dropped from 6 per cent to about 4 per cent between 1980
and 2000, indicating a loss of market share. The average annual
growth rate of Africa's non-fuel primary commodity exports was 0.6
per cent, compared to an overall developing-country average of 3.3
per cent and a 5 per cent average for Asia. For total merchandise
exports, the continent recorded a drop from 6.3 per cent to 2.5 per
cent.

By implication, SSA has barely participated in the trade boom in
dynamic products. Only one of its 20 leading non-fuel exports is
found in the world's 20 most dynamic products. As the Report notes,
to a significant extent this reflects both the failure to shift
into manufactures and the sluggish global demand for its non-fuel
commodity exports, a situation aggravated by both high price
volatility and secular decline in real prices. UNCTAD's analysis of
real commodity prices for 14 products of export interest to Africa
between 1960 and 2000 suggests that 12 of them suffer from high
price volatility, and nine depict declining real price trends.
Despite some signs of improvement in the early 1990s, between 1997
and 2001 UNCTAD's combined price index of all commodities fell by
over 50 per cent, while tropical beverages and vegetable seeds and
oil, which comprise one fifth of SSA's non-fuel commodity exports,
registered the highest decline of all in real terms. Had commodity
prices remained at 1980 levels, per capita incomes would have been
50 per cent higher than they are today. Many African countries are
thus caught in a commodity trap that has essentially become a
poverty trap.

According to the Report, adverse terms of trade and loss of market
share have caused serious damage to economic development in SSA,
leading to low savings and investment, and are the principal
factors contributing to Africa's high indebtedness. Several African
countries currently benefiting from debt relief under the Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative are projected by
multilateral financial institutions, on account of these factors,
to fall back into unsustainable debt positions. On average, the
Report notes, HIPCs with deteriorating debt indicators have higher
export commodity dependence, and their exports display a much
greater volatility relative to other HIPCs.

Trickle-up economics

The reasons for this situation are, doubtless, complicated. The
Report notes that market access is a critical factor, as most
post-Uruguay Round tariff peaks are in agriculture, and tariff
escalation has a negative impact on processed products. While
welcoming such recent initiatives as the African Growth and
Opportunities Act and the Everything but Arms initiative, the
Report notes that benefits would have been substantially higher but
for the stringent rules-of-origin requirements. Moreover, poor
farmers in SSA incur huge income losses as agricultural subsidies
and domestic support to less competitive (and often the wealthiest)
producers in OECD countries contribute to structural oversupply and
secular declines in real prices for such products as cotton,
groundnuts and sugar. These subsidies caused an estimated revenue
loss of up to $300 million in 2002 for the cotton industry in
Africa -- more than the total debt relief of $230 million approved
in the same year by the World Bank and the IMF for nine
cotton-exporting HIPCs in West and Central Africa.

The big winners from structural oversupply have been major
transnational corporations (TNCs) whose activities are concentrated
at the higher stages of the value chain and which can control
procurement and marketing through production contracts, alliances
and other mechanisms and restrict entry through massive financial,
information and technological advantages. Low input prices have
enabled these firms and traders to reap super-profits at the
expense of poor producers, and with the dismantling of state
enterprises (Commodity Boards and caisses de stabilisation), poor
farmers have little countervailing negotiating power. According to
the International Coffee Organization (ICO), coffee-producing
countries currently earn (exports f.o.b.) just $5.5 billion of the
$70-billion value of retail sales, compared to some $10-12 billion
of the $30-billion value of retail sales in the early 1990s. But
the Report also notes a similar pattern for newer, more dynamic and
higher-value added products, such as fish, cut flowers and
vegetables.

Hard choices ... "But nothing justifies the present indifference"
(President Chirac of France)

In light of the Report́s findings and other UNCTAD research, there is no doubt that global economic conditions and externally induced shocks have a major impact on growth and development prospects in Africa. But equally significant is the fact that many firms and consumers in the advanced countries have benefited from low commodity prices. And, as the Report points out, even as these countries have provided lavish protection for their own farmers from the adverse impact of volatile and generally declining real commodity prices, they have argued against deploying similar instruments to protect far harder-hit rural communities in the developing world. It thus behoves the international community to assume its share of responsibility, in the light of the Millennium Development Goals, by supporting a consistent and coherent policy framework that does not frustrate Africa´s own efforts at economic restructuring and diversification.

The UNCTAD study calls for new international initiatives on
commodities, consonant with the development needs of African
countries. Greater local institutional capacity has to be created
to fill the institutional void in such areas as research and
training, transport infrastructure, information management and
quality control, and the management of rationalization schemes.
This would necessitate a bigger role for the State in addressing
Africa's commodity dependence than currently conceived, but would
need to take account of past mistakes in this area as well as
financial constraints. On the latter, increased official
development assistance (ODA), and much deeper, broader and faster
debt relief, remain crucial to any effective strategy to revive the
performance of the primary sector and diversify the economic base.

A comprehensive assessment of compensatory finance mechanisms
designed to meet short-term price shocks and income shortfalls of
African commodity producers is required. Such a review will need to
address the procyclical working of previous schemes and the burden
of excessive conditionalities. The need for a "diversification
fund" with the objective of supporting export diversification,
thereby increasing the capacity of African countries to rationalize
the supply of traditional exports, must also be addressed.

The Report supports accelerating ongoing negotiations in the World
Trade Organization on reducing and finally phasing out agricultural
subsidies, as well as strengthening technical assistance to poorer
countries in such areas as quality control and health and safety
requirements. It recommends interim measures for compensating
African producers for income losses attributable to subsidies and
other domestic support for agriculture in the North.

Finally, new markets should be tapped, including through enhancing
South-South trade -- particularly in non-traditional commodities,
which have high income elasticity and lower rates of protection
(fruits, vegetables, fish and seafood) -- and increasing exports to
emerging markets. The Report also underscores enhancing
intra-African trade, which is one of the main objectives of the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD).

For more information:

http://www.un.org/publications
:
UNCTAD Press Office
T: +41 22 917 5828; E: press@unctad.org
or
Kamran Kousari, Special Coordinator for Africa,
T: +41 22 917 5800; E: kamran.kousari@unctad.org

************************************************************

Excerpts from
Economic Development in Africa: Trade Performance and Commodity
Dependence (UNCTAD/GDS/AFRICA/2003/1.)

The emphasis on trade liberalization and export orientation in the
past decade has led to a phenomenal growth in world merchandise
trade, which has consistently grown faster than output. ...However,
on the whole, Africa's share in world exports fell from about 6 per
cent in 1980 to 2 per cent in 2002, and its share of world imports
from about 4.6 per cent in 1980 to 2.1 per cent in 2002. ,,,

More than for any other developing region, Africa's heavy
dependence on primary commodities as a source of export earn ings
has meant that the continent remains vulnerable to market vagaries
and weather conditions. ...

The structure of developing-country exports, taken as a whole, has
changed significantly over the past two decades. Currently, about
70 per cent of these exports are manufactures. This is in sharp
contrast to the situation two decades ago, when primary commodities
accounted for three-quarters of developing-country exports. These
figures, however, hide significant variations among developing
regions. Africa hardly benefited from the boom in manufactured
exports. ,,,

In contrast, Latin America's share of global merchandise trade has
remained by and large unchanged, while its share of manufactures
has risen from 1.9 to 4.6 per cent of global exports. [Asia's]
share of global merchandise exports increased from 18 per cent in
1980 to 22 per cent in 2000 ,,,Similarly, its share in global
manufactures trade increased threefold, reaching 21.5 per cent in
2000. ...

... most African countries have been losing market shares in
commodity exports to other developing countries, while at the same
time most have been unable to diversify into manufactured exports.
Africa's difficulties in maintaining market shares for its
traditional commodities derive from its inability to overcome
structural constraints and modernize its agricultural sector,
combined with the high cost of trading. Africa has not been able to
increase the productivity of its agriculture because of a
combination of factors, including land tenure and small-scale
farming, rudimentary technology and policies that reduced the role
of state institutions in innovation and investment in the sector.
As a result, it has lost its competitive advantage in producing
cocoa, tea and coffee vis-à-vis the new and more competitive
producers in Asia and Latin America. The loss of market shares for
cotton and sugar is largely the result of high subsidies and
domestic support for less competitive producers in the United
States and Europe. The United States is the world's largest
exporter of cotton thanks to huge cotton subsidies, which in 2001
2002 amounted to $3.9 billion, double the level in 1992 and $1
billion more than the value of total United States cotton
production during the season at world market prices (Oxfam, 2002;
see also the Annex at the end of this report). However, according
to the estimates of the International Cotton Advisory Committee
(ICAC), the cost of producing a pound of cotton in Burkina Faso is
21 US cents compared to 73 US cents in the United States. ...

African countries depend on two to three main primary commodity
exports for the bulk of their foreign exchange earnings, and they
have had to contend with the problem of short-term instability of
primary commodity prices, which is greater than that of prices for
non-primary tradable commodities (Maizels, 1987; Kaldor, 1987).
Peaks (or booms) in commodity prices are interspersed by longer
troughs (or slumps), which have a large impact on African countries
via a variety of channels. ...

The extent of fluctuations in real export prices of SSA compared to
the other regions has been summed up in an IMF/ World Bank document
as follows: "Sub-Saharan exports experienced roughly twice the
volatility in terms of trade that East Asia's exports did in the
1970s, 1980s and 1990s, and nearly four times the volatility that
the industrial countries experienced" (cited in UNCTAD, 2001: 38).
...

The growing literature on commodity prices and commodity-dependent
countries reveals a "disconnect" between prices paid by final
consumers and those received by producers, because of higher
profits at later stages of the value chain. The stage in the value
chain where concentration is largest tends to acquire a large share
of the profits, with a smaller share of the final price going to
the other stages. ... For example, while business in several
commodities (such as coffee and tea) has been booming in recent
years in the markets of consuming developed countries, this is only
reflected in higher prices for final (processed) products, not in
the prices received by producers in developing countries. While
African producers have incurred income losses, traders and firms in
the higher steps of the value chain have been reaping significant
benefits. According to the International Coffee Organization (ICO),
for example, in the early 1990s, earnings by coffee-producing
countries (exports f.o.b.) were some $10-12 billion, while the
value of retail sales was about $30 billion. Today, the value of
retail sales is $70 billion, while producers receive only $5.5
billion. World market prices for coffee have fallen from about 120
US cents/pound in the 1980s to around 55 US cents, reaching their
lowest levels in real terms in 2002 (Osorio, 2002). ...

With an estimated 125 million people in the developing world
dependent on coffee production for their livelihoods, the impact of
such a price decline has been devastating in terms of social
dislocation, including social exclusion and poverty. ...

The World Bank estimates that in 2002 the world market price of
cotton would have been more than 25 per cent higher but for the
direct support of the United States for its cotton producers.
Furthermore, various estimates suggest that in 2002 cotton
subsidies by the United States and the EU caused a loss of up to
$300 million in revenue to Africa as a whole, which is more than
the total debt relief ($230 million) approved by the World Bank and
the IMF under the enhanced HIPC Initiative to nine cotton-exporting
HIPCs in West and Central Africa in the same year. ...


The present state of play

Secular decline in commodity prices, commodity price volatility and
associated uncertainty are likely to persist for a variety of
reasons. ...

international commodity agreements and compensatory financing
schemes have not provided satisfactory solutions to the
deteriorating terms of trade suffered by African countries, as
there has not been either the requisite political will or
sufficient financing to back them up. Similarly, commodity risk
management through market-based instruments has severe limitations
in the current African context. Domestic stabilization schemes and
associated institutions have been dismantled under the banner of
market efficiency, and this has created an institutional void with
adverse consequences for the livelihoods of millions of African
farmers.

As Maizels observes, opposition by developed countries to
intervention in international commodity markets remains strong, "in
glaring contrast to the widespread interventionist measures adopted
by the same developed countries in the operation of their domestic
commodity markets, including price support, together with
consequential tariff and non-tariff barriers to imports of
agricultural products, and of processed commodities generally, from
more efficient producing countries" (1987: 547). ...In effect, the
developed countries have found it worthwhile to politically protect
a mere 3 to 4 per cent (more or less) of their working population
from the adverse impact of volatile and generally declining real
commodity prices, but have argued against deploying similar
instruments to protect about 70 to 80 per cent of much poorer
developing countries' population whose sole livelihood is
agriculture. ...

... policies aimed at reducing the role of the state in the
commodity sector within the context of agricultural trade
liberalization have not had the desired outcomes, and that markets
have not been able to fill the resulting institutional void...

Pending a positive outcome with respect to the phasing out of
subsidies and agricultural protection, a mechanism is required at
the international level to ensure that countries providing
subsidies to their producers compensate African countries for
income losses arising from such subsidies on a pro rata basis. This
is particularly so considering the loss of income to African cotton
producers that stems from subsidies provided by cotton-producing
developed countries to their own producers. The president of
Burkina Faso, in his address to the Trade Negotiations Committee at
the WTO on 10 June 2003, made the case for compensation on behalf
of African cotton producers. The proposed transitional compensation
mechanism (TCM) could be adopted for other exports whose long-term
price decline could be traced to developed-country agricultural
subsidies and other domestic support.

Winning the argument concerning some of the policy measures
discussed so far would not be easy, in particular because the
practical difficulties encountered by some of the traditional price
support and stabilization schemes have not disappeared. However,
the persistence of the problems of commodity dependence in the past
three decades suggests that markets have not been able, and cannot
be expected, to solve the problem. It could also be argued that the
limited support of the international community for the traditional
price support and stabilization schemes was an important factor in
their demise. Thus, it is now time for the international community
to recommit itself unambiguously to addressing the commodity
problem in all its manifestations, exploring with a seriousness of
purpose all available means.

*************************************************************
AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with
a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.

AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at africafocus@igc.org Please
write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin,
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Africa: Towards a new realism for big African states

2004-03-11

http://www.wits.ac.za/saiia/eAfrica/eAfricaMarch.htm

African states are among the least successful on the continent. They have been among the least successful in overcoming the early post-colonial legacy of single-party or military regimes and in moving toward democracy. Forty-plus years after independence, most are still struggling to find a political system capable of holding together their diverse populations. Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Angola together account for about 40 percent of the population of Sub-Saharan Africa. Their chronic internal problems have repercussions that go well beyond their boundaries. In addition, Africa’s big states, with the exception of South Africa, do not serve the interests of their citizens, their neighbours or the broader international community. Despite the advantage for growth that large states with resource bases and domestic markets should theoretically enjoy, Africa’s three most populous countries - Nigeria, Ethiopia and the DRC - have an average per capita income under $300 a year, virtually unchanged in the last 20 years and representing a substantial decline in real income and living conditions for most citizens. New paradigms of governance and engagement must be sought to address the special challenges posed by large populations and national territories, argues this article in e-africa, the electronic journal of governance and innovation.


Ghana/South Africa: Amandla! Awethu! Africans Fight Corporate Greed

2004-03-11

http://www.halifaxinitiative.org/index.php?article=ART404e1c6a4764f

With fist in the air, Virginia Setshedi shouts “Amandla!” The crowd gathered in a University of Alberta classroom raises fists in the air and responds “Awethu!” – “Power to the People,” the cry of South Africa’s liberation movement. But this cry is in opposition to a new form of oppression – privatization. Virginia Setshedi, a founding member of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee in South Africa, and Rudolf Amenga-Etego, the national campaign coordinator of the Coalition Against the Privatization of Water in Ghana, visited Edmonton as part of a cross-Canada speaking tour organized by the Halifax Initiative. Setshedi and Amenga-Etego spoke of the detrimental effects of the privatization of electricity and water services and other neoliberal policies foisted on poor countries by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).


South Africa: Has the EU denied South Africa an equal place at the world trade table?

2004-03-11

http://www.id21.org/society/s7brg1g1.html

The trading relationship between the European Union (EU) and South Africa is shaped by the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) signed in 1999. Far from giving preferential treatment to an ex-colony, the TDCA actually imposes harsher liberalisation standards on South Africa’s agricultural exports than it does on Europe’s. Research from the University of Plymouth examines the protracted and acrimonious trade talks which led to the TDCA. Evidence drawn from interviews with key players in the negotiations suggests that European desires to please the World Trade Organisation (WTO) pre-determined the outcome. South Africa has had to adopt the neo-classical economic approaches which dominate the philosophy of development across the African continent.





Health & HIV/AIDS

Africa/Global: Merck Breaks Promise to Reduce AIDS Drug Price in Developing

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/20656

More than sixteen months after the multinational pharmaceutical company Merck & Co. announced that it would reduce the price of its first-line AIDS drug Stocrin (efavirenz, EFV) to less than $1 per day in developing countries, the offer has failed to materialize, according to the international medical humanitarian organisation Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF). EFV is among the antiretrovirals recommended by the World Health Organisation for first-line treatment, and is a critical component of antiretroviral combination therapy, particularly for patients co-infected with HIV and tuberculosis (TB).
Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF)

For Immediate Release
Contact for more information & additional fact sheet:
Kris Torgeson, +1-212-655-3764 or +1-917-913-0183
Kevin Phelan, +1-212-655-3763

MSF Calls for Immediate Action to Reduce Price and Register
Efavirenz

New York/Geneva, 3 March 2004

More than sixteen months after the multinational pharmaceutical
company Merck & Co. announced that it would reduce the price of
its first-line AIDS drug Stocrin (efavirenz, EFV) to less than
$1 per day in developing countries, the offer has failed to ma-
terialize, according to the international medical humanitarian
organization Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres
(MSF). EFV is among the antiretrovirals recommended by the World
Health Organization for first-line treatment, and is a critical
component of antiretroviral combination therapy, particularly
for patients co-infected with HIV and tuberculosis (TB).

Drug price offers have no meaning unless they are followed by
swift registration of the drug in the countries the offer is
made for. The 600mg tablet formulation of EFV allows patients to
take one tablet instead of three 200mg capsules per day. To
date, Merck has not registered this easy-to-use formulation in
low- and middle-income countries hardest hit by HIV/AIDS, in-
cluding South Africa, Malawi, and Nigeria, so the drug is not
available to patients there.

Merck has refused to offer developing countries the same price
for a daily dose of EFV whether they are taking three 200mg cap-
sules or one 600mg tablet, although people living with HIV/AIDS
in the US and Europe pay the same price regardless of which for-
mulation they use. As a result, people with HIV/AIDS in develop-
ing countries who need to take EFV are obliged to take three
200mg capsules at a cost of 44 percent more than the price an-
nounced by Merck.

MSF is demanding that Merck immediately lower the price of the
200mg capsule of EFV to $0.32, so that the real price of the
drug will be, as advertised, $0.95 per day. MSF is also urging
Merck to take all steps necessary to register the 600mg formula-
tion of EFV, as promised, in developing countries.

"They have misled us, and the result for patients is unaccept-
able. We have been waiting for almost a year and a half since
this announcement to be able to give our patients with HIV and
TB the once-a-day formulation of EFV that will make their lives
easier and lead to better adherence. We are tired of waiting"
said Dr. Eric Goemaere, head of mission for MSF in South Africa.
"The real problem is that there is virtually no generic competi-
tion for EFV, so Merck gets away with charging what it wants and
delaying registration. Because of the high prevalence of TB
among HIV positive people in South Africa, we have no alterna-
tive but to use this drug, but it is three times more expensive
than the other first-line drug of this class, which is available
generically."

Merck's offer was announced as the company and its marketing
partners were launching the 600mg formulation in the U.S. and
Europe. "It appears Merck's announcement was really about gain-
ing attention and expanding their market in wealthy countries,"
stated Ellen 't Hoen, director of MSF's Campaign for Access to
Essential Medicines. "Had Merck been serious about making EFV
more widely available in developing countries, it would have not
only registered the EFV 600mg tablet directly following its an-
nouncement, but also immediately lowered the price of the 200mg
formulation. We urge Merck to come clean and immediately lower
the price of the 200 mg formulation, which is widely available."

Note to Editors: In October 2002, Merck announced a price reduc-
tion for the 600mg formulation of EFV, bringing the price down
to $346.75 per person per year ($0.95 per unit). The Merck com-
munication at the time claimed that this price would be valid
for low Human Development Index (HDI) countries plus medium HDI
countries with adult HIV prevalence of 1% or greater. For medium
HDI countries with adult HIV prevalence less than 1%, the price
of the 600mg was announced as $767 per person per year ($2.10
per unit).

MSF provides antiretroviral therapy for over 11,000 people with
HIV/AIDS in over 20 countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America,
and Eastern Europe.

[Moderator comment: MSD is welcome to respond in E-drug! WB]

--
Leela McCullough, Ed.D.
Director of Information Services
SATELLIFE
30 California Street, Watertown, MA 02472, USA
Tel: +1-617-926-9400
Fax: +1-617-926-1212
mailto:leela@usa.healthnet.org
http://www.healthnet.org
_______________________________________________


Africa/Global: Robbing the poor to pay the rich

2004-03-11

http://www.eldis.org/cf/search/disp/DocDisplay.cfm?Doc=DOC14209 &Resource=f1health

This paper argues that the government of the United States is contravening its commitment under the "Doha Declaration" of 2001by using technical assistance, bilateral and regional trade agreements, and the threat of trade sanctions to ratchet up patent protection in developing countries. The paper states that the U.S. is pressuring developing countries to implement patent laws which go beyond TRIPS obligations and do not take advantage of its public-health safeguards in order to benefit the influential U.S. pharmaceutical industry.


Africa: Drug Firms Face Tough Questions after Tests in Poor Nations

2004-03-11

http://www.globalethics.org/newsline/members/pastissue2.tmpl?issueid=3/8/2004#0308041653273

As U.S. pharmaceutical firms shift a growing number of their drug trials to poorer nations, companies are facing tough ethical questions about what -- if anything -- they owe to volunteers when the tests are done. The quandary is covered in a report from last week's New York Times, which found little consensus among corporate executives about how to handle end-of-trial issues. While some firms continue to provide volunteers with drugs after the tests have concluded, others simply wash their hands of the volunteers, saying the cost of setting up shop in underdeveloped countries is too steep.


Africa: Groundbreaking Report on HIV/AIDS-Related Stigma released

2004-03-11

http://www.icrw.org/projects/hivrelatedstigma/hivdisentanglingstigma.htm

In many developing countries, stigma and discrimination together pose one of the most significant challenges to stemming the spread of HIV and AIDS. People known to have HIV often are isolated and the targets of gossip and name-calling. They can lose status and decision-making power in the household and community, many are shunned by family and friends, and they frequently lose their jobs and sometimes their housing. As a result, it is not surprising that people often go to great lengths to hide their HIV status or deny that they might have it - fuelling the spread of the epidemic. A new International Centre for Research on Women (ICRW) report discusses these and other findings, based on a three-year study of HIV and AIDS-related stigma conducted by ICRW and partners in Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Zambia.


Africa: HIV prevention should also focus on older people

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/20677

Older women are at risk from contracting HIV and are often the main carers of adults with HIV related illnesses and children orphaned by AIDS. Yet, HIV information and prevention messages are rarely targeted at older people and international data on infection rates does not include the over 50s. The exclusive focus on younger people in educational campaigns ignores the need for older women to have information on HIV/AIDS to protect themselves and the children in their care.
International women’s day 2004: Women and HIV/AIDS

“We want to be part of the prevention of HIV/AIDS.” Older woman, Zimbabwe.

Older women are at risk from contracting HIV and are often the main carers of adults with HIV related illnesses and children orphaned by AIDS. Yet, HIV information and prevention messages are rarely targeted at older people and international data on infection rates does not include the over 50s.

The exclusive focus on younger people in educational campaigns ignores the need for older women to have information on HIV/AIDS to protect themselves and the children in their care.

Older women at risk of infection
Many women continue to engage in sexual relations into old age and are therefore at risk of HIV infection through unprotected sex. In societies where women have little control over the use of protective measures, older women are as much at a disadvantage as younger women.

Infection data from Uganda collected between 1992 and 2002 shows that the number of people over the age of 50 registering for HIV testing and counselling services has risen sharply from 3% to 30%. Of these, over a third are women and a fifth have tested HIV positive.

Older women carry the burden of care
Older women are often the primary carers of their adult children living with HIV/AIDS. In Zimbabwe, for example, over 70% of carers are over the age of 60, and three quarters of these are women.

Furthermore, grandparents, particularly grandmothers, are the sole carers of over half of all orphaned and vulnerable children in Southern Africa.

“It wasn’t supposed to be like this. These children’s parents were supposed to be taking care of me. Now they are dead and I am nursing their children,” says Akeyo, 74, an older carer from Kenya, who is looking after her 10 grandchildren.

Where is the global response?
The recently launched Global Coalition on Women and recognises that older women often become the sole carers for their adult children and orphaned grandchildren, but does not explicitly mention older women as an at risk group.

The World Health Organisation has a target of ensuring treatment and care for 3 million people living with AIDS by 2005.

Perhaps these new initiatives will galvanise much needed support for older women?


**********************************************************************************************************

HelpAge International is a global network of not-for-profit organisations with a mission to work with and for disadvantaged older people worldwide to achieve a lasting improvement in the quality of their lives. For further information visit our website at www.helpage.org

HelpAge International is a member of the UK Consortium on AIDS and International Development and the Stop AIDS Campaign.


CAR: Review cost-sharing in health care, UN official urges

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39947

A senior UN official urged the government of the Central African Republic on Tuesday to reconsider its objection to a cost-sharing proposal in health care, so as to take into account the public's low purchasing power. The official, Ramiro Lopes Da Silva, is the special humanitarian adviser on the CAR for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs(OCHA).


Kenya: Score On Health is Still Poor

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403090080.html

Kenya's efforts to ensure it has more healthy citizens shows no sign of improvement except for a reduction in the HIV/Aids prevalence, a survey report indicates. Consequently, the Kenya Family Service Provision Survey, launched in Nairobi this week, recommends a radical review of priorities and approaches in addressing the country's health issues. However, the report says there are pockets of past success stories, including a substantial increase in contraceptive use and a considerable success in the overall reduction of family sizes.


Lesotho: Government moves to tackle Aids epidemic

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39918

Lesotho's Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili at the weekend became one of the first heads of state to publicly test for the HI virus as he kicked off a free national HIV testing programme. Mosisili, joined by other members of his cabinet, said that with his test he hoped to stem the stigma surrounding HIV/AIDS.


Mozambique: Number of Cholera Cases Still Rising

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403100543.html

The Mozambican health authorities are concerned over the rise in cholera cases in several of the country's provinces, which is blamed on continuing heavy rains. Maputo city chief doctor Nidia Remane, cited in Wednesday's issue of the daily paper "Noticias", said that the average number of admissions to the Cholera Treatment Centre, at the Mavalane General Hospital, stood at about 150 a day, but the figure rose to 167 on Tuesday.


Nigeria: Northern state seeks new polio vaccines from Muslim countries

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39919

Nigeria’s predominantly Muslim Kano State, which is boycotting a global polio immunisation programme on suspicion that the vaccines are tainted by anti-fertility substances, plans to order its own supplies from Muslim countries in Asia, a senior official said on Sunday.


South Africa: HIV-Prevention Program Fails Rape Survivors

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/20676

The South African government has undermined its promising initiative to provide anti-AIDS drugs to prevent HIV among rape survivors, putting lives at risk amid a dual epidemic of sexual violence and HIV/AIDS, Human Rights Watch says in a new report. The 73-page report, "Deadly Delay: South Africa's Efforts to Prevent HIV in Survivors of Sexual Violence," documents how government inaction and misinformation from high-level officials have undermined the effectiveness of South Africa's program to provide rape survivors with post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP)-antiretroviral drugs that can reduce the risk of contracting HIV from an HIV-positive attacker.
South Africa: HIV-Prevention Program Fails Rape Survivors
Mass AIDS Plan Should Learn From Post-Rape HIV-Prevention Efforts

(New York, March 4, 2004) - The South African government has
undermined its promising initiative to provide anti-AIDS drugs to
prevent HIV among rape survivors, putting lives at risk amid a
dual epidemic of sexual violence and HIV/AIDS, Human Rights Watch
said in a report issued today.

The 73-page report, "Deadly Delay: South Africa's Efforts to
Prevent HIV in Survivors of Sexual Violence," documents how
government inaction and misinformation from high-level officials
have undermined the effectiveness of South Africa's program to
provide rape survivors with post-exposure prophylaxis
(PEP)-antiretroviral drugs that can reduce the risk of
contracting HIV from an HIV-positive attacker.

"The South African government has taken a crucial step in
recognizing the importance of HIV prevention for rape survivors,"
said Rebecca Schleifer, researcher with Human Rights Watch's
HIV/AIDS and Human Rights Program. "But there is a deadly
disconnect between the government's stated intention to provide
drugs that can prevent HIV and the reality for rape survivors who
can't get them."

In the face of South Africa's explosive AIDS epidemic, rape and
other rampant forms of sexual violence can be a death sentence
for women and girls. In April 2002, the government pledged to
provide PEP as part of a comprehensive package of services for
rape survivors. Obtaining PEP quickly can reduce the risk of
contracting HIV after rape.

However, the government launched its PEP program in near silence.
Government failure to provide adequate information or training on
PEP has left both service providers and rape survivors in the
dark. Given the state's history of opposition to antiretroviral
drugs, the lack of clear messages from high-level officials
supporting PEP has further undermined rape survivors' ability to
get the drugs.

"Police and nurses who should have been helping rape survivors
get anti-HIV drugs didn't do so, sometimes because they had no
idea that the program even existed," Schleifer said. "And some
service providers may not have offered these drugs even when they
knew about them, because they thought that doing so was against
government policy."

After years of government opposition to providing anti-AIDS drugs
in the public health system, including statements by President
Thabo Mbeki questioning whether these drugs were too toxic to
use, the government announced in August 2003 a nationwide
treatment program for people with AIDS.

"South Africa's broader plan to provide antiretroviral treatment
will encounter many of the same challenges as providing anti-HIV
drugs to rape survivors: effective public education, clear
political support, and guaranteed access for children," Schleifer
said. "The government's inability to implement a small-scale
program like PEP raises concerns about its plan to provide
antiretroviral treatment on a grand scale."

Police often respond inadequately to rape complaints, neglecting
to help rape survivors get medical treatment, or in some cases,
even turning them away. Coupled with health professionals'
insistence that rape survivors file a police report to get
medical services, which is a requirement at odds with Department
of Health policy, these factors have further impeded access to
PEP. One counselor told Human Rights Watch, "almost all the time
police refuse to open a case" for rape survivors. In turn,
doctors have refused to examine rape survivors who had not
reported their cases to police.

Children, an estimated 40 percent of rape and attempted rape
survivors in South Africa, are especially harmed by the
government's failure to take their needs into account. By law,
children under 14 cannot consent on their own to PEP services or
the prerequisite HIV testing. This poses problems for children
seeking services unaccompanied by a parent or legal guardian-a
common problem, particularly for children in communities hard hit
by HIV/AIDS. Moreover, national PEP guidelines do not include
information on how to give PEP to children under 14, leaving many
health professionals without basic guidance for younger children.

Few African countries provide PEP for rape survivors, although
this is a standard service in many other countries. South
Africa's PEP program could become a model as other states in the
region begin to develop PEP services and broader antiretroviral
treatment programs.

Human Rights Watch calls on South Africa to take urgent action
to:
- Launch a comprehensive public education campaign on PEP
services for survivors of rape and other forms of sexual
violence, and make clear statements supporting antiretroviral
drugs;
- Issue a clear policy directive that filing a police report
is not a prerequisite to obtaining PEP or other medical services
following rape or other forms of sexual violence;
- Ensure adequate training on PEP and sexual violence for
police, health professionals and other service providers who work
with sexual violence survivors;
- Adopt procedures to facilitate prompt consent to PEP
services and HIV testing for children under 14; and
- Restore and enact provisions in the Criminal Procedure
(Sexual Offences) Amendment Bill requiring the state to provide
PEP as well as other appropriate medical treatment and counseling
to sexual violence survivors.

To read the Human Rights Watch report, please see:
http://hrw.org/reports/2004/southafrica0304/

For more information on HIV/AIDS and human rights in Africa,
please see: http://hrw.org/doc/?t=hivaids_africa


South Africa: Inspired health and development strategies

Focus on Health Economics & HIV/AIDS Research Division (HEARD)

2004-03-11

http://www.heard.org.za

The Health Economics & HIV/AIDS Research Division (HEARD) is based at the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal. HEARD conducts research on the socio-economic aspects of public health, especially the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The intent is to inspire health and development strategies that improve the welfare of people in and beyond Africa. HEARD's ethos is to share knowledge and transfer skills. This is accomplished by having a dedicated team of multi-skilled staff and a commitment to training African researchers.


South Africa: TAC Threatens Lawsuit over ARV delays

2004-03-11

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=22594

The South African treatment advocacy group Treatment Action Campaign on Monday threatened to file a lawsuit against the government before the country's April 14 elections unless the government begins its national HIV/AIDS treatment program, Reuters reports.


Swaziland: Unregulated ARVs cause health havoc

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39885

After years of resisting the introduction of antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) in Swaziland, the government bowed to pressure from international donor organisations last year and permitted their distribution. However, what followed has been a confusing and dangerous free-for-all which has reached the point where some activists have called for the drugs to be banned.


Uganda: Transcending boundaries to improve the food security of aids affected households in rural Uganda

2004-03-11

http://www.icrw.org/docs/aids_foodsecurity_1003.pdf

This paper provides information on the implementation of the collaborative project to improve household food security in rural Ugandan communities affected by HIV/AIDS. The aim of the project is increased collaboration between communities and specialists to improve the ability of households to meet their food security needs. Gender is addressed as a central role in household food security.


Zambia: Aids momentum growing, says Aids chief

2004-03-11

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=22525

The world is "in the middle of a political momentum" to fight the HIV/AIDS epidemic, Executive Director Peter Piot said last Thursday in Livingstone, Zambia, at the opening of a meeting of representatives from U.N. agencies and the ministers of health, education and finance from six Southern Africa countries - Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe - AFP/Yahoo! News reports.


Zambia: Mwanawasa hits out at Aids NGO's

2004-03-11

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=22739

Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa has had an uneasy relationship with civil society from the beginning of his term in office. However, matters worsened recently when he accused AIDS activists of monopolising the funds provided by donors to fight the pandemic. Mwanawasa told a two-day AIDS conference attended by United Nations officials and cabinet ministers from across Southern Africa that most civil society groups were composed of family members who got donor funding under the guise of AIDS prevention programmes. He also lashed out at the United Nations for favouring civil society in the distribution of AIDS funds.


Zimbabwe: Activists speak out on Aids

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/20661

"We need food and drugs," has emerged as the message the world should get loud and clear from People living with HIV and AIDS from the ongoing Harare, Pan African Treatment Access Movement (PATAM) conference. Speaking during a session on 'Understanding Antiretroviral (ARV) therapy' led by Francoise Louis, a Technical Advisor on ARVs with Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSFE) (Doctors without borders), a united voice of AIDS activists noted that good nutrition and drugs are critical components in the fight against HIV and AIDS.
SOURCE: AF-AIDS is the regional forum on HIV/AIDS in Africa, coordinated by the Health & Development Networks Moderation Team (HDN, www.hdnet.org) with technical support from Health Systems Trust (HST) on behalf of the AF-AIDS Steering Committee (HST, HDN & SAfAIDS), with the support of the Government of
reland.

The views expressed in this forum do not necessarily reflect those of HDN, HST, SAfAIDS or their supporters.

Reproduction welcomed provided source is cited as follows:
AF-AIDS eForum 2003: af-aids@healthdev.net

"We Need Food and Drugs"

Harare, Zimbabwe- "We need food and drugs," - has emerged as the message
the world should get loud and clear from People living with HIV and AIDS
from the ongoing Harare, Pan African Treatment Access Movement (PATAM)
conference.

Speaking during a session on 'Understanding Antiretroviral (ARV) therapy'
led by Francoise Louis a Technical Advisor on ARVs with Medicins Sans
Frontieres (MSFE) (Doctors without borders) a united voice of AIDS
activists noted that good nutrition and drugs are critical components in
the fight against HIV and AIDS.

Louis' presentation explored in detail how ARV therapy has reduced a death
sentence of HIV infection to a simple chronic illness. Reducing stigma and
discrimination associated with the virus.

ARV therapy although expensive is available and it has changed lives of
many, bringing hope for life. It helps reduce the viral levels in the body
through reducing the reproduction of the virus in the body. It also helps
to repair the damaged immune system of the body.

It emerged in the discussion that a successful treatment plan has to be
holistic in nature and incorporates issues of nutrition. Nutrition is
important to help the body rebuild and repair the cells damaged by the
virus. Eating well nutritious food helps the body fight any disease.

Nutrition on its own cannot cure AIDS but it is important to reinforce
treatment for opportunistic infections and ARV therapy.

Both nutrition and antiretroviral therapy are integral in the fight
against the virus and they need to be provided together not one or the
other.

Louis is working in the region on a number of initiatives to roll out ARVs
to the public and to educate health workers in the handling of these
complex drugs. She is scheduled to visit Zimbabwe in August on a mission
to help MSFE in their ARV roll out plan.



---------


Zimbabwe: Zimbabweans turn to condoms to free themselves from Mugabe's evil regime

2004-03-11

http://www.africapulse.org.za/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=1923

Condoms, which for years have been used for combating the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, and stopping unwanted pregnancies, are the latest campaign weapons to remove president Mugabe of Zimbabwe from power. In a bulletin broadcast this week, Zimbabwe’s State controlled radio claims that the US is behind a scheme in which re-branded ‘revolutionary condoms’ with the message “get up, stand up,” are being used to urge Zimbabweans to stand up for their rights and overthrow the government.





Education

Africa/Global: Transforming nations

2004-03-11

http://www.basiced.org/otherdocs/teach_a_child_as_printed.pdf

Of 680 million primary school age children, 115 million do not attend school, while half of those who start primary school finish it, except in sub-Saharan Africa where two out of three do not. This is according to a report from the Basic Education Coalition that portrays the state of basic education in the world and presents data to show the multifaceted benefits that basic education brings to a nation.


Burundi: Gendarmes arrest teachers' union leaders

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39949

Burundian gendarmes arrested on Tuesday the leaders of the two main teachers' unions in the country after they held a meeting with striking teachers in the capital, Bujumbura, to evaluate the stoppage that began countrywide on 5 January. Upon their arrest, the representative of the Union of Burundi Educational Workers, Eulalie Nibizi; and the leader of the Free Union of Burundi Education, Adolphe Wakana, were taken to a jail of the government's intelligence services, known as the Documentation Nationale; Wakana's deputy, Chantal Nahishakiye, told IRIN.


Gabon: Trouble at president's school

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3523467.stm

It is normally vibrant with pupils in classrooms and the yard, but the students and teachers are now at home. They will not return until a commission set up by the ministry of education to investigate the problems plaguing the school submits its report. The authorities in Gabon, which oil has made one of Africa's richest countries, closed the school a month ago following student unrest. "The Omar Bongo High School is sinking," said the minister, after participants informed him that there was prostitution in the school. The minister was informed that girls had sexual relations with teachers to get better grades and that expelled pupils offered bribes to remain in the school.


Guinea-Bissau: Students go on the rampage after police break up demo

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39887

Several hundred students went on the rampage in the capital of Guinea-Bissau after police used baton charges, tear gas and shots in the air to break up a demonstration by secondary school pupils protesting at a strike by their teachers. Eyewitnesses said several dozen students were arrested in the disturbances that took place last Thursday. Bissau’s main avenue was closed to vehicle traffic and the city’s main market was shut down as a result of the clashes.


Kenya: Decline in primary school education

2004-03-11

http://www.gdnet.org/pdf2/gdn_library/r_m/reforms_poor/kimalu_paper.pdf

Since independence in 1963, Kenya has made impressive gains in improving access to education, driven by substantial investments in education by the government. However, since the mid to late eighties there has been a decline in school enrolment rates, and a reversal of the gains achieved in previous decades. This paper from the Global Development Network explores the reasons for this decline in primary school enrolment. The paper discusses Kenya's education system and traces recent trends in enrolment rates.


Mozambique: Schools provide safe space to talk about sex

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39921

Twenty-six-year-old Lucia stands confidently in front of a class of about 30 children aged between 12 and 18, asking them a series of direct questions about sexual practices, sexual transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. Lucia (not her real name) belongs to Kindlimuka (meaning "wake up" in Ronga, a local language), a non-profit association of people living with, or supporting those with HIV/AIDS. Lucia is HIV-positive. She has participated in training to give lessons to pupils aged 13 to 18 in a UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) supported project, which began five years ago.


Namibia: Usakos kindergarten stand-off haunts children

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403100154.html

The seizure of the Hakhaseb multi-purpose community centre-kindergarten at Usakos on Monday has left many children and their family members traumatised. Usakos Municipal personnel, accompanied by armed Police officers, stormed the centre on Monday and locked the complex. Angry mothers told The Namibian that their children were having nightmares and anxiety attacks during the night. "The children are scared that the Police will come and lock them up," said Fielie Walda, whose one-year-old daughter attends the kindergarten.





Racism & xenophobia

Libya: Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimation considers reports of Libya

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/racism/20701

The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has considered the periodic reports of Libya on its implementation of the provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Presenting the reports was a representative from the United Nations Department in the General People’s Committee for Foreign Liaisons and International Cooperation in Libya, who said that Libya had been a pioneer in the fight against all forms of discrimination. In the course of the discussion, which was held over two meetings, the issues of the Berber population in Libya, migrant workers and Libya’s assertion that no racial discrimination existed in the country were addressed, among other subjects.


South Africa/Nigeria: Much-Maligned Nigerians in SA need image revamp

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403080895.html

A screening of a documentary about Nigerian drug syndicates in Durban has sparked a new wave of allegations on South Africans' seemingly deep-rooted xenophobia about Nigerians, who maintain that the lowest 10% of their country's lower social class sets the perception for all their nationals. This has damaging implications for the majority, including issues such as credibility in business, ease of getting visas and even access to credit. Drug syndicates have been operating in SA since the 1980s. By the time Nigerian professionals began arriving in numbers mostly in the mid1990s the tone for Nigerians had been set and has proved difficult to counter.


South Africa: Racism suspected after refuge burns down

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=15&art_id=vn20040308042654841C876707&set_id=1

Three years ago in the former white mining village, West Village, Krugersdorp, Pastor Robert Bruun started a centre, with a church, a school for children who live in a nearby squatter camp, accommodation for the needy, and counselling. Last year, he was threatened that his church would be destroyed if he continued to accommodate and help "kaffirs". About 1am on Sunday, the pastor was awakened by a passer-by who noticed that his centre was on fire. Bruun is sure that the cause of the fire was arson.


South Africa: Rugby race probe ignores key figures

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=4&art_id=vn20040309122218541C155029&set_id=6

The white rugby player who refused to share a room with a black team-mate has been cleared of racism by the South African Rugby Football Union. The president of the union, Brian van Rooyen, said he was sorry for what had happened to Geo Cronjé at the Springbok training camp last August. He said the union would officially announce that no racism was involved in Cronjé's refusal to share a room with Quinton Davids, an incident which led to punishment drills for both players and expulsion of the two from the training camp.





Environment

Africa/Global: Global warming costs to spiral out of control, warns insurance giant

2004-03-11

http://www.busrep.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=565&fArticleId=364592

Swiss Re, the world's second-biggest reinsurer, has warned that the costs of global warming threaten to spiral out of control, forcing the human race into a catastrophe of its own making. In a report revealing how climate change is rising on the corporate agenda, Swiss Re said the economic costs of global warming threatened to double to $150 billion (R1 trillion) a year in 10 years, hitting insurers with $30 billion to $40 billion in claims.


Egypt: Sharing the Nile's waters

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3546245.stm

The 10 African nations that share the waters of the Nile have been meeting this week in Uganda to discuss how the river's precious resources should be distributed. A number of countries, including Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya are calling for the water to be shared more evenly. But according to a treaty signed between Britain and Egypt in 1929, no country can undertake any project that would reduce the volume of water reaching Egypt. Egypt has reportedly said that any effort to alter the terms of the colonial treaty would be regarded as an act of war.


Kenya: Elderly people start project

2004-03-11

http://www.eastandard.net/archives/March/tue02032004/provincial/rift.valley/rift_valley02.htm

Elderly people in three North-Rift districts have launched an environmental conservation programme. Through the support from the Kenya Elderly People Organisation (Kepo) and the Eldoret-based Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, the elderly are expected to keep themselves busy by being involved in environmental conservation matters. "The elderly people from Uasin Gishu, North Nandi and South Nandi districts have formed the Mwangaza Elders Community based organisation to achieve this goal," said Mr David Koros, an official from the rights group.


Kenya: Ivory ban should continue, says Kenya

2004-03-11

http://www.enn.com/news/2004-03-05/s_13733.asp

Kenya urged African countries last Thursday to stick by a 15-year global ban on the ivory trade, which it says has saved the elephant population across the continent from further decimation. The ivory trade was prohibited worldwide in 1989 after the African elephant population halved to 600,000 in just over a decade. "Even a limited reopening of the trade would signal to the consumer that it was, once again, acceptable to buy, sell, and wear ivory and would stimulate global demand and raise the prices," said Kenyan Vice President Moody Awori.


Kenya: New Initiative to Clean Up Nairobi Dam

2004-03-11

http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.asp?DocumentID=389&ArticleID=4377&l=en

A new initiative to restore the Nairobi Dam and its waters back to health has been launched. The project, called the Nairobi Dam Trust Initiative, aims to raise up to $600,000 to clean up the reservoir so that it can be again an important source of clean and healthy drinking water as well as a magnet for water sports enthusiasts, fishermen, picnickers and bountiful bird life.


Nigeria: The Oil Leaks That Yield Vast Profits - and Tragedy

2004-03-11

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=22707

It happens at night, under cover of darkness. Thieves move into the mangrove swamps and creeks of Nigeria's southern Niger Delta region, homing in on the oil pipelines that criss-cross the area. They puncture the lines or open their valves, siphoning off crude and refined oil into barges or trucks. "Bunkering" - as this method of stealing oil is known - is taking a toll on local communities and the environment. After puncturing pipelines to steal oil, the thieves tend to leave them leaking. The resultant spills have proved detrimental for vast expanses of forests and farmlands in the Niger Delta - and have also led to fires.


Rwanda: Primate-Rich Forests Now A National Park

2004-03-11

http://www.enn.com/direct/display-release.asp?objid=D1D1366D000000FB307CB226637E7B76

One of the world's great centres of primate diversity is now a national park, created in one of Africa's smallest and most densely populated nations. With the help of the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS), the government of Rwanda has recently established Nyungwe National Park, a rich landscape that contains 13 different types of primate, along with 260 bird species, and more than 260 species of trees and shrubs.


South Africa: Toxic flare gags students

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/20732

On Thursday 4th March 2004 at 12:45pm learners and educators at the Settlers Primary School, Merebank, as well as local residents were gassed out yet again, according to the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA). This occurred after a huge toxic release from the Engen refinery, from all stacks. The flare was visible from 10 kilometres away, near the city centre. Numerous complaints were logged at the eThekwini Emergency Services, as well as the SDCEA offices. On arrival at the scene, SDCEA members saw numerous casualties, including educators; learners and local residents treated by local paramedics (KZN Emergency Rescue Services).
PRESS RELEASE ON LOCAL SCHOOL BEING GASSED OUT AS LEARNERS AND EDUCATORS ARE SENT TO HOSPITAL FOR FURTHER TESTS
Today, Thursday 4th March 2004 at 12:45pm learners and educators at the Settlers Primary School, Merebank, as well as local residents were gassed out yet again. This occurred after a huge toxic release from the Engen refinery, from all stacks. The flare was visible from 10 kilometers away, near the city centre.
Numerous complaints were logged at the eThekwini Emergency Services, as well as the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) offices. On arrival at the scene, SDCEA members saw numerous casualties, including educators; learners and local residents treated by local paramedics (KZN Emergency Rescue Services). Metro fire and eThekwini Health Department was also at the scene. At least seven KZN rescue vehicles were on the scene, as well as a medical doctor, Dr Yusuf Asmal, from the KZN Emergency Services, who was summoned and then examined and stabilized all causalities. He further instructed that all causalities be sent to hospital. Senior Engen management at the scene agreed to pay for the medical bills.
In total, at least 24 people were treated and six were sent to hospital for further tests and observation. As this gassing took place late in the school day, a number of learners left for home, before they were treated. This will probably result in a high absentee rate tomorrow, as a reaction may set in later today. This comes on top of the scientific health study conducted by the Nelson Mandela Medical School, together with the University of Michigan which proved that Engen, SAPREF and Mondi are the highest polluters.
According to the study, 52% of the learners and educators are currently affected with asthma and 26% have persistent asthma, and both these figures are higher than international norms. Qualitative teaching time is going to be lost for both educators and learners on account of this gassing. This is not the first time, neither will it be the last, as some city officials at the scene do not believe that the refineries are responsible. Maybe when a learner or educator dies on account of these incidents, we will see action. We are calling on the Minister of Education, as well as the MEC to visit the school and take serious action on the polluter. We are also calling for corporate accountability, and communities are calling for investigations to be conducted, and those responsible should be criminally charged. Minister Dumisani Makhaye disappointed communities on a recent visit by not taking action on the Engen refinery for a spill into the Stanvac canal. Multi-national industries have admitted to major oil leaks into the Durban Harbour, and yet there has been no prosecution. We are tired of cancer, leukemia and asthma - the time for action is now! Or are the Green Scorpions actually chameleons?
For further comment, please contact Des D'Sa 083 982 6939 or contact the SDCEA offices on 031- 461 1991





Land & land rights

Botswana: San culture under threat

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39960

With nimble fingers, Sobo Cgara digs around a plant and unearths a calabash-shaped root full of water. Cgara, 24, is a San guide who shows tourists his people's unique knowledge of the Kalahari at a community-owned game farm near D'kar in Ghanzi district, in central-west Botswana. He is one of the few San youth with education, a job and a future. For centuries and up to the present, the San have been the losers in the conflict between their need for land on which to forage and the demands of cattle ranching.


Namibia: A 'land grab' in Nambia? Not quite

2004-03-11

http://www.sarpn.org.za/newsflash.php#1193

The recent announcement by the Namibian government that it will begin to expropriate agricultural land held under freehold title for redistribution has grabbed the headlines. For many landowners and investors, this statement conjured up images of Zimbabwe-style land occupations. Reactions in Namibia have varied from expressions of shock by the Namibia Agriculture Union to praise from trade unions and the Council of Churches. The predominantly white Republican Party, formerly part of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, has described the intention to expropriate freehold agricultural land as “responsible, fair and reassuring”. To call the government’s announcement a “land grab” is an overreaction, argues this commentary published in South Africa's This Day newspaper.


Namibia: Farm expropiation drive misguided

National Society for Human Rights

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/20671

"As a human rights organisation, the National Society for Human Rights fully supports in principle, expropriation of private property, including land, in the public interest. NSHR also strongly opposes all unfair dismissals or unfair labour practices and unlawful evictions committed by both private and public entities. Nevertheless, by the same principle, NSHR also questions the motive and reason the Government has given for the sudden and expedient move to expropriate certain white-owned commercial farms in this country."
March 3 2004
PRESS RELEASE


MISGUIDED FARM EXPROPIATION DRIVE


As human rights organization, NSHR fully supports in principle, expropriation of private property, including land, in the public interest. NSHR also strongly opposes all unfair dismissals or unfair labor practices and unlawful evictions committed by both private and public entities.



Nevertheless, by the same principle, NSHR also questions the motive and reason the Government has given for the sudden and expedient move to expropriate certain white-owned commercial farms in this country. The Government argues that the present expropriation drive, albeit with just compensation, is intended to “speedy up” the land reform process in order to enhance poverty alleviation programs. Specifically, NSHR questions the bona fides of the present land reform process on the following grounds:



1. There is no track record or history indicating that the Government has been working in the public interest. Hence, if the Government was really interested in promoting the public interest, then the practical track record since Independence points to the contrary.



2. Virtually all statistics on human development indicate that during the last 13 years, poverty has been increasing steadily as evident from ever-growing income disparities. In other words, while the human development indices (HDI) deteriorate steadily, the per capita gross national product increases steadily. This is why or how the United Nations classifies Namibia as one of worst performers worldwide in terms income distribution among its population.



3. Many of the public interest laws in the country either have only recently been promulgated or have yet to be enacted. For example, legislation governing key public interest issues, such as basic education, communal land reform, minimum wage, affirmative action, combating of corruption, customary marriages, children rights and persons with disability, to mention but a few, have either only been passed during the last three years or have yet to be enacted 14 years after independence.



However, legislative priority was given to passing laws that were either politically expedient or made it easier for the governing elite to enrich itself through either State employment or assuming control of lucrative businesses in the construction, commercial farming, banking, fishing, hotel and casino, mining, printing and transportation sectors, to mention just a few.



4. Expropriation of private property, including white-owned commercial farms, does not compare well in the presence of wholesale privatization, the reverse process, in this country. Privatization of public or state-owned corporations has become widespread as evident at NamPower, NamWater, NamPost and other public-owned enterprises. Privatization has led to prices of essential goods and services, such as education, health care, water, electricity and telecommunication services becoming unaffordable to ordinary citizens. This process is being carried out in accordance with the globalization agenda of IMF and World Bank.



5. In his statement in the National Assembly yesterday, Minister of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation Honorable Lucas Pohamba, seems to make a clear distinction between “commercial farmers”, on the one hand, and “Namibian farmers” on the other. This classification appears to expose hidden racism behind the expropriation drive, directed against white commercial farmers only. Over the last 14 years white citizens have been subjected to acts of racism, often branded “Europeans, foreigners or whites” by high-ranking Government officials.



6. There appears to be a misleading impression created equating ownership of white-owned commercial farms to the eradication of poverty.



7. Much more public monies have been spent or set aside to be spend on the construction of grandiose landscapes, such as the new State House for President Sam Nujoma and the Heroes Acre. According to the Government only N$20 million has been set aside for the acquisition of land for the resettlement of landless citizens. However, over N$500 million has been or will be set aside to enable construction of the new State House.



8. Oukwanyama Senior Head George Nelulu (62) was recently evicted and his communal farm “in the public interest” without compensation. This discounts Government claims that the public interest is the real motive for the planned expropriation of white-owned commercial farms.



For further comment, please contact: Phil ya Nangoloh or Dorkas Nangolo-Phillemon at Tel: 061 236 183 or 061 253 447




South Africa: Court case over land invasions

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=13&art_id=vn20040309030248840C293548&set_id=1

The High Court in Pietermaritzburg has been asked to make a ground-breaking ruling to protect the interests of all landowners in South Africa whose constitutional rights are said to be threatened by an ongoing illegally "orchestrated mass land invasion" at Mangete in northern KwaZulu-Natal. The application is being brought by Durban human rights advocate and civil rights activist Jenny Wild and the Mangete Landowners' Association. The latter is involved in a dispute, dating back to 1993, with members of the Macambini tribe led by Chief Khayelihle Mathaba, over the alleged illegal settlement of land claimants on property owned by the descendants of English settler John Dunn.





Media & freedom of expression

Africa/Global: HIV Prevention-Our Voices are necessary

Bradford McIntyre

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20706

As an individual living with HIV for 20 years, I have been working to break down the barriers of fear and discrimination for nearly a decade now. I believe there is a serious problem stemming from the lack of media coverage, when it comes to educating people about HIV/AIDS. How can there be any real understanding about HIV/AIDS and HIV prevention, without the necessary information reported? HIV/AIDS reported in the news is minimal, at a time when it needs to be at the forefront! Why is this? HIV is a global problem which demands attention yet those of us working tirelessly are unable to get articles or /letters published in newspapers, events covered, or messages conveyed to help educate the public.
HIV Prevention-Our Voices are necessary by Bradford McIntyre



As an individual living with HIV for 20 years, I have been working to break down the barriers of fear and discrimination for nearly a decade now. I believe there is a serious problem stemming from the lack of media coverage, when it comes to educating people about HIV/AIDS.

How can there be any real understanding about HIV/AIDS and HIV prevention, without the necessary information reported?

HIV/AIDS reported in the news is minimal, at a time when it needs to be at the forefront! Why is this? Money is being spent trying to determine ways to provide HIV prevention but in order to reach everyone; HIV needs to be in the news! Talking about safe sex and the need to use a condom or providing condoms is not working! HIV is a global problem which demands attention yet those of us working tirelessly are unable to get articles or /letters published in newspapers, events covered, or messages conveyed to help educate the public. Who better to address the situation than individuals who are living with HIV, or AIDS?



People need to see others who are infected with HIV, to see they are not afraid to tell others they are infected. Yet, science, medical, pharmaceutical, government and the media has ignored much of what individuals infected have to say, which is a major contribution when it comes to understanding HIV and AIDS. There is an abundance of information which is not being provided by individuals infected, and this can obviously be attributed to the stigma attached to HIV, but, there are those of us who are infected with HIV who are not afraid, who are willing to have our voices heard and willing to do what ever it takes to help create awareness. Many of us know the severity of HIV on a global scale as well as the realities of living infected with HIV. The public needs to understand HIV and let go of the fear, each person taking part in a global prevention strategy.



Unfortunately because of the stigma associated with HIV, still, people are not letting others know they have been infected. Who better to reach these people as well as informing the general public than individuals living with HIV! But we do not see people living with HIV explaining the realities. The time the media gives to HIV/AIDS coverage is that of news covering a new drug or conference or a statistic. More familiar, media coverage of the sick! For many of us, even though illness has been a constant, we have crossed the boundaries of fear and discrimination, in our own lives as well as for the sake of others. Our voice not only needs to be heard but I believe our voices are necessary if the stigma is going to change. We can no longer continue as we have!



People believe HIV infection will never happen to them and many still associate HIV/AIDS with gay people. Yet men, women and children of every race and religious or spiritual belief are being infected with HIV every day, all over the world! Even the Vatican continues to oppose condom use to fight AIDS while HIV infection escalates!



For years, the gay community successfully promoted and practiced safe sex practices, which reduced the number of infections dramatically over a period of ten years. With antiretroviral therapies and fewer deaths associated with these treatments, many gay people have discontinued safe sex practices. HIV infection is not disclosed to partners and anal sex without a condom is increasing at alarming rates. So now HIV infection is on the rise again amongst gay people.

Also, the heterosexual community is not practicing safe sex, which is evident in the statistics of HIV infection amongst heterosexuals worldwide. Seventy five percent of the world population infected with HIV is heterosexual. Fifty percent of all HIV infections are in women. There has been insufficient time or attention given to the dispersal of proper information through the media regarding HIV and AIDS and HIV prevention.

Studies show that anal sex is common throughout the world and in some countries 60% of adults practice anal sex. Women in the United States are reported to be seven times more likely to engage in unprotected anal sex, than men having sex with men. Condom usage is lower for heterosexual anal sex compared to vaginal sex. Many men who have sex with men do not define themselves as gay. More and more women are being infected with HIV through sexual intercourse with their male partner, unaware their partner is bisexual! In heterosexual relationships, infidelity is also responsible for increases in HIV infection among women.



With antiretroviral therapies and fewer deaths associated with these HIV/AIDS treatments, many people have discontinued safe sex practices. There is no doubt this situation is going to have an enormous effect on all our lives. The United Nations predicts “AIDS will cut population by 300 million; 300 million fewer people in the world by the year 2050 from the impact of AIDS.”

People think because we have antiretroviral therapies there is no need to practice safe sex or worry. There is no guarantee these medications will work on everyone! An infected individual may be resistant to all the drugs taken by the person who transmitted the disease. One out of every 10 Europeans newly infected with HIV has a drug-resistant strain of the virus according to a study released at the 2003 International AIDS Society’s 2nd Conference, on HIV Pathogenesis and Treatment, held in Paris. Multiple sex partners mean multiple infections can occur with the likelihood of infection with more than one HIV strain. This places an individual in greater danger of illness and or death as well as any person they infect. Some strains of HIV have been shown to cause illness and death rapidly regardless of immune status. The World Health Organization (WHO) has estimated 170 million people worldwide are infected with hepatitis C. Being infected with HIV may also include being infected with Hepatitis C along with other sexually transmitted diseases such as; syphilis, gonorrhea, chlamydia, human papilloma virus (HPV), herpes simplex virus (HSV), and hepatitis A, B, and/or C.



There is the perception that if you are infected, HIV is manageable. Managing HIV/AIDS can become a full time job! It involves management of your health through doctors’ appointments, hospital visits for blood work and appointments at hospital pharmacies to pick up your necessary HIV/AIDS medications. You must manage the side effects of the drugs and drug resistance. There are the demands of managing to overcome each opportunistic infection. All of these are essential to manage to stay alive!

HIV infection does not occur without an opportunity!

HIV can be stopped, but without more public awareness of the risks involved, safe sex practices and the realities of people living with HIV, the numbers of infections will continue to grow and more lives devastated! This awareness cannot be provided by AIDS organizations alone! Government and the media need to play a more active role in HIV prevention. The truth about HIV infection needs to be told!

Health authorities predict by the year 2010, there will be 45 million new infections and 70 million people will die of AIDS by 2020.

UNAIDS estimates as many as two thirds, of the 45 million new HIV infections expected by 2010 could be prevented if prevention programs were immediately expanded.



by Bradford McIntyre

Vancouver, Canada

www.PositivelyPositive.ca


Burkina Faso: The Right to Access Information

2004-03-11

http://www.article19.org

A report from Article 19 explores the right to freedom of information, and specifically the right to access information held by public authorities in Burkina Faso. It looks at existing legal and other obstacles to free access to information. It looks into recent human rights violations where "official reluctance to provide information has prevented those responsible from being held accountable, and has denied the victims' relatives the right to truth."


CAR: Bangui prosecutor seeks 18-month prison sentence against newspaper director

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20754

Bangui Public Prosecutor Firmin Seindiro is seeking an 18-month prison sentence against Jude Zossé, director of the private daily "L'Hirondelle" (The Swallow"). Zossé is charged with "insulting the head of state". The journalist, who has been detained since 25 February 2004, was not granted a provisional release. A verdict in the case is expected to be delivered on 12 March.
Bangui prosecutor seeks 18-month prison sentence against newspaper director
for "insulting the head of state"

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

**Updates IFEX alert of 26 February 2004**

(RSF/IFEX) - Bangui Public Prosecutor Firmin Seindiro is seeking an 18-month
prison sentence against Jude Zossé, director of the private daily
"L'Hirondelle" (The Swallow"). Zossé is charged with "insulting the head of
state". The journalist, who has been detained since 25 February 2004, was
not granted a provisional release. A verdict in the case is expected to be
delivered on 12 March.

RSF is shocked by Zossé's extended detention and asks that he not be
sentenced to prison. "We are all the more surprised considering that the
prosecutor assured Reporters sans frontières in a 26 February telephone
exchange that Jude Zossé would be granted a provisional release. In addition
to not respecting his promise, the prosecutor is seeking an 18-month
sentence with no parole. Such a decision would be contrary to United Nations
recommendations, according to which press offences should not be punishable
by prison terms. This is unacceptable behaviour from a representative of the
justice system. We urge the court to correct this grave error and abstain
from sentencing the journalist to a prison term," RSF said.

"The Central African Republic government is not respecting its commitments
either. The authorities had signaled their clear intention to decriminalise
press offences when they contacted us in 2003. Nothing has happened since
then and Mr. Zossé is paying the price of this inaction. It is imperative
that the authorities relaunch discussions on a reform of the law with a view
towards abolishing prison sentences for offences of this nature," the
organisation added.

Zossé was arrested on 25 February and charged with "insulting the head of
state". The authorities were upset by the publication of an article in the
23 February edition of "L'Hirondelle" entitled, "General Bozizé, great
cashier-tax collector of the state". The article originally appeared on the
website of the opposition bi-weekly "Centrafique-Presse". It accused the
president of embezzling a large portion of state funds for his personal use.

Zossé was since transferred to Bangui's Ngarangba prison. The verdict in his
trial is scheduled to be delivered on 12 March.

For further information, contact Jean-François Julliard at RSF, 5, rue
Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45
23 11 51, e-mail: afrique@rsf.org, Internet: http://www.rsf.org

The information contained in this alert update is the sole responsibility of
RSF. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
RSF.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________


DRC: Two journalists face legal harassment in Tshikapa

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20752

On 14 February 2004, the Tshikapa Tribunal's Prosecutor's Office requested a 12-month prison sentence with no parole against Roger Salomon Lulemba Kiabululu, a correspondent with the Kinshasa-based weekly "L'Eveil". Lulemba was earlier charged with "defamation" against diamond entrepreneur Shamwenze Mwahindji. Tshikapa is the second largest city in West Kasai province, in the Democratic Republic of Congo's central region. In its 3 October 2003 edition, "L'Eveil" newspaper published an article written by Lulemba in which he reported on a conflict in the village of Mutshima between soldiers in the pay of Mwahindji and a group of young people commonly referred to as the "red army". Mutshima is located 110 kilometres from Tshikapa, near the Angolan border.
Two journalists face legal harassment in Tshikapa

SOURCE: Journaliste en danger (JED), Kinshasa

(JED/IFEX) - On 14 February 2004, the Tshikapa Tribunal's Prosecutor's
Office requested a 12-month prison sentence with no parole against Roger
Salomon Lulemba Kiabululu, a correspondent with the Kinshasa-based weekly
"L'Eveil". Lulemba was earlier charged with "defamation" against diamond
entrepreneur Shamwenze Mwahindji. Tshikapa is the second largest city in
West Kasai province, in the Democratic Republic of Congo's central region.

In its 3 October 2003 edition, "L'Eveil" newspaper published an article
written by Lulemba in which he reported on a conflict in the village of
Mutshima between soldiers in the pay of Mwahindji and a group of young
people commonly referred to as the "red army". Mutshima is located 110
kilometres from Tshikapa, near the Angolan border.

Following seven public hearings, the court recessed on 14 February. A
decision in the case is to be announced at a later date. The journalist is
being represented by lawyer Jean-Marie Mamba Kanku.

In addition, in a separate case in Tshikapa, Casimir Twite, a correspondent
for the Kinshasa-based newspaper "L'Alerte", was summoned on 26 February to
appear before the Luebo High Court to face a charge of "defamation" brought
by court bailiff Ignace Mulumba Nkoshi. The Luebo court is sitting in
Tshikapa.

In an article that appeared in the 17 February edition of "L'Alerte" (issue
207), Twite reported on a case of influence peddling involving the bailiff.
The first public hearing in the case is scheduled to get underway at the
Luebo High Court on 9 March at 9:00 a.m. (local time). Mulumba Nkoshi is
seeking US$10,000 in damages and interest.

For further information, contact D. M'Baya Tshimanga, president, Journaliste
en danger (JED), B.P. 633 Kinshasa 1, Democratic Republic of Congo, tel.
+243 99 29 323/+243 81513 05 85, fax: +243 88 01 625, e-mail:
direction@jed-congo.org, alertes@jed-congo.org, Internet:
http://www.jed-congo.org

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of JED.
In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit JED.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________


Ethiopia: IFJ and IPI criticise government over lack of transparency in media bill

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20753

Two of the world's leading press freedom groups, the International Press Institute (IPI) and the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), have criticised the failure of the Ethiopian government to inform the domestic media, civil society and the international community of crucial amendments to the draft press law, as well as set out a transparent legislative process for the law. According to information provided to IPI and IFJ, the Ethiopian Minister of Information, Bereket Simon, indicated on 27 February that he intended to submit the draft press law to the Council of Ministers by 5 March. As a result, unless the newly amended law is provided for external comment, there will be no discussion of the law until the bill reaches parliament.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/UPDATE - ETHIOPIA

9 March 2004

IFJ and IPI criticise government over lack of transparency in media bill
drafting

SOURCE: International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Brussels; International
Press Institute (IPI), Vienna

**Updates IFEX alerts of 18 and 5 December, 14 and 10 February and 21 January
2003**

(IFJ/IPI/IFEX) - The following is an 8 March 2004 joint IFJ and IPI media
release:

IFJ and IPI Criticise Ethiopian Government Over Lack of Transparency in Media
Bill Drafting

Two of the world's leading press freedom groups, the International Press
Institute (IPI) and the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), have
criticised the failure of the Ethiopian government to inform the domestic media,
civil society and the international community of crucial amendments to the draft
press law, as well as set out a transparent legislative process for the law.

According to information provided to IPI and IFJ, the Ethiopian Minister of
Information, Bereket Simon, indicated on 27 February that he intended to submit
the draft press law to the Council of Ministers by 5 March. As a result, unless
the newly amended law is provided for external comment, there will be no
discussion of the law until the bill reaches parliament.

"The entire process for the passage of the bill now appears shrouded in almost
total secrecy," said Johann P. Fritz, IPI Director. "The Ethiopian government
appears determined to push the law through without additional comment. It
suggests that many of the law's discriminatory sections have been retained. The
Ethiopian government should show good faith and publish the amended law for
further comment before going ahead."

"The failure to allow public comment will undermine the credibility of the
process and weaken the law," said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary. "In this
case, more than most, it is vital to have open government."

The IFJ and IPI are calling on the Ethiopian government to recognize the
fundamental role of a free press in the development of a democratic and open
society.

For further information, contact the IFJ, International Press Centre, Residence
Palace, Block C, 155 Rue de la Loi, B-1040 Brussels, Belgium, tel: +322 235 2200
or +322 235 22 01, fax: +322 235 22 19, e-mail: safety@ifj.org, Internet:
http://www.ifj.org/, or IPI at Spiegelgasse 2/29, A-1010 Vienna, Austria, tel:
+43 1 512 90 11, fax: +43 1 512 90 14, e-mail: Michael Kudlak at
mkudlak@freemedia.at, Diana Orlova at info@freemedia.at, or David Dadge at
ddadge@freemedia.at, Internet site: http://www.freemedia.at

The information contained in this press release/update is the sole
responsibility of IFJ and IPI. In citing this material for broadcast or
publication, please credit IFJ and IPI.
________________________________________________________________
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tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
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Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________


Ivory Coast: Political leaders on all sides urged to keep their promises concerning press

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20751

Reporters sans frontières (RSF) has called on all national and local politicians to keep the promises they made concerning press freedom as part of the January 2003 Marcoussis Agreement aimed at ending the country's civil war. The organisation said journalists still face a climate of constant lawlessness and that despite advances in the national reconciliation process, arrests, threats and physical attacks on members of the press have not diminished.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT - CÔTE D'IVOIRE

5 March 2004

Political leaders on all sides urged to keep their promises concerning press
freedom

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

(RSF/IFEX) - RSF has called on all Ivoirian national and local politicians to
keep the promises they made concerning press freedom as part of the January 2003
Marcoussis Agreement aimed at ending the country's civil war.

The organisation said journalists still face a climate of constant lawlessness
and that despite advances in the national reconciliation process, arrests,
threats and physical attacks on members of the press have not diminished.

"Harassment comes from all sides. Local bosses in some areas of the north ban
journalists from going there, threaten and arrest them and seize their
equipment. In government-controlled areas, police and other officials are
responsible for the harassment," RSF said. "All political and military leaders
must stick to the promises they made so journalists can work properly. This
includes curbing the excesses of soldiers and police," the organisation added.

The distribution of newspapers has been disrupted in Bouaké and other
rebel-controlled towns in the north after attacks on vendors. The state-run
television station RTI is still only broadcast in the southern part of the
country, despite promises by Communications Minister Guillaume Soro, leader of
the rebel New Forces and a member of the national unity government.

Eleven journalists have been threatened, arrested or physically attacked so far
in 2004. They include Jonas Ouattara Nagolourgo, a photographer with the daily
"Notre Voie", who was threatened on 3 January by armed members of the New Forces
in the north. His photographs were seized and destroyed.

On 16 January, Danielle Sylvie Tagro and Thierry Gouégnon, of the
privately-owned daily "Le Courrier d'Abidjan", were detained by the technical
education minister during a student demonstration at the ministry's offices.
Tagro was also manhandled (see IFEX alert of 26 January 2004).

On 20 January, Agence France-Presse photographer Georges Gobet was struck by
police officers at the opening of the trial of French journalist Jean Hélène's
killer.

On 31 January, Ibrahim Diarra and Charles Sanga, of the daily "Le Patriote", and
Franck Konaté, of the daily "24 Heures", were physically attacked by
presidential guards during an official ceremony in Yamoussoukro (see alert of 2
February 2004).

On 11 February, Emmanuel Konan, a correspondent for the daily "Fraternité Matin"
in the western town of Daloa, was arrested by a local warlord and had his
equipment confiscated. A few days later, Youssouf Sylla and Diallo Mohamed,
correspondents for "Fraternité Matin" in Bouaké, were forced to flee after they
were threatened by local political leaders.

On 21 February, Polycarpe Ilboudo, a photographer with the independent daily "Le
Jour Plus", was arrested without explanation and questioned by police in Abidjan
after an identification check.

For further information, contact Jean-François Julliard at RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy
Marie, Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45 23 11 51,
e-mail: afrique@rsf.org, Internet: http://www.rsf.org

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of RSF. In
citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit RSF.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________


Zimbabwe: 'Timid' interview with Mugabe shows bias

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/20750

The government-controlled media's professional timidity was glaringly evident during the week when ZBC failed to get President Mugabe to answer burning questions on matters of great national importance. The interview, "President Mugabe at 80", broadcast on ZTV and Spot FM on February 22 & 23 ironically left many questions unanswered, chief among them the issue of talks between the MDC and ZANU PF, says the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe in their latest newsletter.
Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Monday February 23rd - Sunday February 29th 2004
Weekly Media update 2004- 8

CONTENTS
* General Comment
* ANZ situation has its roots in AIPPA- Media botch link
* Mugabe's monologue- interview, public media leave audience
blank



1. GENERAL COMMENT

Nothing more aptly demonstrates the government-controlled media's
hypocrisy in exposing government's disdain for the Constitution when
formulating self-serving laws than the manner in which they reported
Supreme Court Judge Vernada Ziyambi's ruling on James Makamba's
bail application.
Makamba, facing charges of externalizing foreign currency, was
arrested on February 9th and remanded in custody under the newly
gazetted Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) (Amendment of
Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act) Regulations of 2004.
In her judgment, Justice Ziyambi ruled that the new regulations were
"patently unconstitutional" as they deprived judicial officers of the
discretion to grant the accused bail thereby reducing them to a mere
"rubber stamp to give a semblance of legality to the detention".
While The Daily Mirror, The Tribune and The Zimbabwe Independent
(27/2) gave prominence to this revelation, The Herald (27/2) buried it
deep in its story, Makamba bail application referred to High Court.
Worse still, the report was merely carried as a side story to a report on
Jane Mutasa's conviction for illegally dealing in foreign currency under
the same regulations.
ZBC and Chronicle (27/2) censored Ziyambi's ruling altogether.
Besides this, the government media continued to suffocate reports
exposing Zimbabwe's deteriorating human rights record.
For example, the government papers carried only three stories out of
the 17 reports on human rights abuses carried by the private Press
during the week.
Similarly, only the privately owned radios exposed the country's poor
human rights record by reporting on 14 of the 15 reports recorded in
the week.
ZBC carried the other one. Even then, the report appeared as a denial
of worsening human rights abuses leveled against government by the
international community.
Despite this denial, the situation on the ground proved otherwise.
For example, The Daily Mirror (25/2) reported that the police had
disrupted a Harare City Council meeting on the proposed 2004 budget
using the repressive Public Order and Security Act (POSA) as an
excuse. But as one councilor quoted by the paper pointed out,
"according to the provision of the Public Order and Security Act,
(it's) political gatherings, which the organizers ought to seek
police clearance for, not council meetings".
More worrying was the revelation in The Herald (26/2) that when the
council finally met, their meeting was held "under heavy police
presence amid concerns on the security of (acting mayor) Ms
(Sekesai) Makwavarara and town clerk, Mr Nomutsa Chideya."
In another related case of police harassment, Studio 7 & SW Radio
Africa (25/2), The Manica Post (27/2), and The Standard (29/2)
reported the arrest and detention of National Constitutional Assembly
chairman Lovemore Madhuku while on his way to address a seminar in
Mutare.
According to The Standard, state security agents still "trailed"
Madhuku "into the conference venue where he was presenting a
paper on the security of the nation and human rights" after the
police had released him.
The Manica Post however, seemed to justify Madhuku's arrest by
saying he "is well-known for organising anti-Government
demonstrations and is viewed as a security threat wherever he
would be".


2. ANZ SITUATION HAS ITS ROOT IN AIPPA: Media botch link

The government-induced ruin of the Associated Newspapers of
Zimbabwe (ANZ), publishers of The Daily News and its sister weekly,
The Daily News on Sunday, attracted considerable media attention.
This followed the ANZ's announcement that it was cutting its workforce
by 80 percent saying it would be unable to sustain its salary bill if it
were to meet its workers' demands of a 960 percent salary hike.
Notable however, was the narrow perspective in which the media,
especially the government controlled media and The Daily Mirror,
interpreted the unfolding events at the troubled publishing house.
They failed to relate the ANZ's massive retrenchment to the adverse
ramifications of the repressive Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA), which has since ensured that the ANZ's two
papers remain silenced. Their superficial coverage of the matter also
resulted in them twisting the facts by alleging that the ANZ problems
were self-inflicted. To support this claim they accused management,
particularly ANZ chief executive officer Sam Sipepa Nkomo, of being
insensitive to the workers' plight by allegedly refusing to register the
ANZ with the government appointed Media and Information
Commission (MIC) as required under AIPPA.
Amid this distortion, the objectives behind government's enactment of
AIPPA were totally lost: mainly to put journalists on a government leash
and police their operations.
The Daily Mirror and government media's glossing over of the real
problems besetting the ANZ was epitomised by ZTV (23/2, 8pm). It
blamed Nkomo for the publishing house's troubles, adding that the
developments at the ANZ confirmed "rumours that Nkomo was put
at the helm of the organization to bring it down".
No evidence was provided to support these claims.
Power FM and Radio Zimbabwe (24/2, 6am) carried similar reports.
And like ZTV, their accounts did not link ANZ's decision to retrench to
the hostile political environment it was operating in.
Similarly, The Daily Mirror, The Herald and Chronicle (24/2) ignored
this aspect. They simply dismissed ANZ's cost-saving measure by
pointing out that the company's majority shareholder, Strive Masiyiwa,
had promised to pay the workers for the next two years even if the
company was not publishing. They thus viewed the retrenchment as a
cover-up for management's machinations to close down ANZ.
This unsubstantiated perspective of the matter saw The Daily Mirror
carry a story under a untruthful headline; Nkomo shuts Daily News.
However, Studio 7 (23/2) provided a fresh angle to the matter. It
quoted an ANZ administrator saying the staff cuts were a result of the
company losing close to $15 million dollars a day in revenue ever since
it was forced to stop publishing its titles. Nkomo echoed the same
sentiments on Studio 7 (24/2) adding that the workers' demands for a
substantial increment "at a time . we are not operational." were
the last straw.
But The Daily Mirror comment (25/2), ANZ management betrayed
workers, continued with its simplistic attack on Nkomo and his
managerial team. It observed that "with the sky-rocketing inflation
and the. bad patch the economy is going through, it was
obvious that workers would require salary hikes now and then",
adding that the money Masiyiwa promised staff "could not be from
sales or advertisements generated" by ANZ "because the
assumption was that they would not be operating."
Interestingly, ZTV (23/2, pm) did quote Nkomo as saying Masiyiwa's
promises to pay workers for two years even if the company was not
operational was based on the assumption that there would be "no
demands for unreasonable increases in. salaries".
This obviously did not calm The Daily Mirror whose comment
continued to accuse management of being the "architect of the
current mess at the stable" because "they decided not to register
in accordance with the laws of the country".
Similar accusations were carried in The Sunday News (29/2). But both
papers still distracted their readers on how government, via the
draconian AIPPA, had literally hounded the ANZ off Zimbabwe's media
landscape.
This was only explored by SW Radio Africa (24/2), which traced ANZ's
downfall to 2002 when government promulgated AIPPA. The private
radio station quoted legal analysts as saying "it (AIPPA) was enacted
with one object in mind; to close the Daily News".
Besides directly linking the collapse of the ANZ to AIPPA, the station
also reminded its audiences about how government regularly terrorised
ANZ staff since the publishing house began operations in 1999. This
persecution also coincided with the bombing of the ANZ's printing
Press by yet-to-be-arrested culprits.
The Press and ZBC ignored this background.
The nearest any newspaper came to reporting it was when The
Sunday Mirror (29/2) quoted one of the ANZ workers as having said
"in as much as Information and Publicity Minister.was the force
behind the stable's fate, Nkomo was the 'conspirator from
within'".
The Financial Gazette merely added a conspiracy theory to the
tragedy. The paper quoted some unnamed ANZ workers as having
said Nkomo's decision to lay off workers was meant to "coerce
donors into throwing a lifeline to the faltering group".
The Chronicle (28/2) echoed this unsubstantiated claim. It quoted an
unnamed ANZ worker saying, "They (management) have climbed
onto the bandwagon of pro-opposition civic groups who are
exploiting the West's fixation with Zimbabwe to extract
donations".
Ironically, while The Daily Mirror and the government-controlled media
appeared oblivious to the havoc wreaked on the ANZ by AIPPA,
journalists in South Africa did.
Studio 7 (23/2) reported that SA's Justice Minister, Penuela Maduna,
had "shocked and angered" people at a Pretoria seminar on freedom
of expression when he said that he "saw nothing wrong" with
registering journalists.
The report duly noted Maduna's apparent out-of-touch statements in
relation to the ANZ saga and quoted SA media practitioners pointing
out that government's registration of journalists with a view to policing
them, as is the case in Zimbabwe, was incompatible with Press
freedom.
SW Radio Africa (26/2) reported South Africa's Deputy President
Jacob Zuma as expressing his government's wish to see the
Zimbabwean Press enjoying the same freedom as that of SA.
But any hope that government would respond to calls for it to relax its
media laws were shattered when SW Radio Africa (27/2) revealed that
the UN had failed to get a government response to freedom of
expression abuse charges laid against it by several local and
international human rights groups.
Meanwhile, the government's enthusiasm to use AIPPA against the
private media, through its hand-picked MIC, was again demonstrated
when The Herald (24/2) reported that MIC chairman Tafataona
Mahoso had "filed a complaint with the police" over a Standard
article, which claimed that High Court judge Justice Sandra Mungwira
had fled the country to Britain.
Mahoso contested that the paper's editors and writers of the story
should be charged with criminal defamation and abuse of journalistic
privilege because the report had "criminally defamed" Justice
Mungwira, the government and the entire judiciary.
But as the Zimbabwe Independent reported, Mahoso is seemingly
unaware of the Supreme Court's nullification of "abuse of journalistic
privilege" when it invalidated Section 80 (1), (a) and (c) of AIPPA, a
law he is supposed to administer.
Also notable is the fact that Mahoso has remained apparently silent on
the violations of the basic tenets of journalism by the government
media.
In fact, MIC's partiality and its over-arching role was clearly illustrated
when it interfered in a labour dispute in defence of The Herald's
decision to dismiss three of its senior journalists accused of freelancing
for Voice of America, (The Herald, Chronicle, The Financial Gazette,
26/2 and The Daily Mirror, 27/2). The MIC castigated ZUJ, which it
described as a "morally corrupt association", for condemning the
dismissal of their colleagues.
Mahoso claimed the dismissed journalists risked "national interest
and national security" because the Voice of America is a
"propaganda tool" and "an arm of the US State Department,
which is on record as seeking to overthrow the government of
Zimbabwe through unconstitutional means."


3. MUGABE'S MONOLOGUE: INTERVIEWER LEAVES AUDIENCE
BLANK

The government-controlled media's professional timidity was glaringly
evident during the week when ZBC failed to get President Mugabe to
answer burning questions on matters of great national importance.
The interview, "President Mugabe at 80", broadcast on ZTV and Spot
FM on February 22 & 23 ironically left many questions unanswered,
chief among them the issue of talks between the MDC and ZANU PF.
In fact, not only did interviewer Tazzen Mandizvidza fail woefully to
follow up Mugabe's rambling comments with pertinent questions that
would have shed light on critical political and economic issues in the
country, the rest of the government media bungled the job too. They
either reported parts of the interview with little or no analysis at all, or
passively ran the full text of the interview, The Herald (25 & 26/2).
This is despite the fact that the interview was laced with useful political
snippets that begged to be critically analysed, such as Mugabe's
retirement plans, (Power FM, Radio Zimbabwe, 24/2, 6am) and his
unequivocal stance on his party's purported dialogue with the
opposition MDC, (ZTV 24/2, 7am).
But the government media downplayed these important issues and
instead highlighted the interview's bland aspects like the President's
esoteric wish for a better-educated population (Power FM 23/02, 1pm
& 8pm).
However, the private media attempted to interpret some of the crucial
revelations Mugabe made.
For example, while the government media seemed content to echo
Mugabe's sentiments that ZANU PF would not talk with the MDC until
they "sever their links with the forces that are opposed to
Zimbabwe" (ZTV 24/2, 7am), the private media were more inquisitive.
Studio 7 (24/2), SW Radio Africa (25/2), The Zimbabwe Independent
(27/2) and The Standard (29/2), for example, sought various opinions
ranging from political commentators to the MDC itself over Mugabe's
assertions.
In its report, SA churches push for Zim talks, the Zimbabwe
Independent quoted South Africa's Democratic Alliance official, Joe
Seremane, as saying Mugabe's statements had exposed Thabo
Mbeki's policy on Zimbabwe as "an embarrassing and costly
disaster", and that his claims that the MDC/ZANU PF talks were about
to take off were "untrue".
Studio 7 (25/2) quoted a political analyst with SA's Institute of
Democracy agreeing. He said: "I don't see anybody being able to
convince Robert Mugabe into coming to grips with realities other
than Mugabe himself. Silent diplomacy. smart sanctions did not
work. Mbeki has lost all credibility as far as the Zimbabwe crisis
is concerned."
The Zimbabwe Independent also quoted the MDC secretary-general,
Welshman Ncube, dismissing Mugabe's statement that the MDC has
"to cut ties with Western countries" as a precondition for talks as
"unfortunately and tragically delusional".
Similarly, Studio 7 (24/2) quoted Eliphas Mukonoweshuro, advisor to
MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai, describing Mugabe's demands as
a mere propaganda tool "to justify why (ZANU PF) does not want to
engage a legitimate political opposition party".
The same views were made by Tsvangirai on Studio 7 (25/2) and
political analyst Brian Kagoro on SW Radio Africa (25/2).
Interestingly, Studio 7 (26/2) aired ZANU PF Secretary for External
Affairs Didymus Mutasa adding more confusion to the talks saga
saying "talks will start, but we've not been told yet the modalities
in which they will be conducted".
The Standard also quoted Zimbabwean ambassador to South Africa
Simon Khaya Moyo insisting: "Talks are taking place with a section
of the MDC who believe in moving forward".
However, none of the two ZANU PF officials were asked to explain the
source of their optimism.
Meanwhile, Studio 7 (25/2), SW Radio Africa (27/2) and the Zimbabwe
Independent, revealed that SA church leaders and their Zimbabwean
counterparts were making concerted efforts to bring both ZANU PF
and the MDC to the negotiating table.
Ends

The MEDIA UPDATE is produced and circulated by the Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ). Comments and queries should
be sent to the Project Coordinator, MMPZ, 15 Duthie Avenue,
Alexandra Park, Harare, Tel/fax: +263 4 703 702, E-mail:
monitors@mweb.co.zw






Social welfare

DRC: Vitamin A campaign launched for 9.5 million children

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39871

A three-day nationwide campaign to provide some 9.5 million children aged six to 59 months in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with Vitamin A supplements was launched on Friday in Kinkole, 30 km east of the capital, Kinshasa, by Arthur Z'Ahidi Ngoma, one of the country's four vice-presidents. According to the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), who in collaboration with Congolese authorities are carrying out the initiative, recent studies have found that 60 percent of Congolese children aged five and under suffer from Vitamin A deficiency, which is an underlying cause of 40 percent of childhood deaths in the country.


Kenya: Threat of demolition looms in "Africa's largest slum”

2004-03-11

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=22782

When the World Social Forum took place in India during January, Kenyan activists who attended the event pledged to highlight their country's housing crisis. This issue has hit the headlines again now, with the planned demolition of buildings in one of Nairobi's poorest areas. Since last December, authorities have been pulling down structures built along railway and power lines, on the grounds that this property was illegally allocated for development. Some of the first structures to go were mansions worth millions of Kenyan shillings - many of them owned by key members of the government under former President Daniel arap Moi.


Lesotho: HIV/AIDS robs children

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403050528.html

What does it mean to a town to have 10% of its children lose parents? Sarah Crowe from Unicef visited a school in Thaba Tseka, one of the worst hit districts in Lesotho. Residents blame large-scale development projects and road construction that have brought migrant workers to the area for the increasing HIV/Aids prevalence rates.


Namibia: UN agencies launch emergency appeal

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403100444.html

The United Nations will need US $5.8 million to help over 600,000 Namibian orphans, vulnerable children and women suffering the combined effects of erratic weather, severe poverty and a worsening HIV/AIDS epidemic. On Wednesday the World Food Programme (WFP) and UN's Children's Fund (UNICEF) launched an emergency appeal, noting that "tens of thousands of children and their families will face severe difficulties in the coming months, unless international assistance is forthcoming".


Rwanda: Struggle for survival in child-headed households

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39950

Janine Umuhoza was seven years old in April 1994 when her parents were killed during the genocide in which hundreds of thousands of Tutsis and politically moderate Hutus died. On that fateful day, she bade the usual farewell to her parents before setting off to school. Later, Hutu militiamen marched onto their home compound and killed her mother, father and other members of the family. However, her two younger brothers and two sisters survived. As the eldest, and a lot sooner than she could have imagined, she became mother to her siblings in a country fraught with danger at the time.


Sudan: Children march for peace

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3544965.stm

Hundreds of Sudanese schoolchildren have marched to the presidential palace in the capital Khartoum to demand an end to the 21-year civil war. The children, from around the country, held hands and lit torches. In an appeal for peace the children said the war was depriving them of "milk, food and medical treatment". The organisers - Sudan Peace and Dignity - plan to fly five children to Kenya, where peace talks are taking place, to hand over the appeal.


Zambia: ILO's musical solution to child labour

2004-03-11

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403100848.html

Celebrities can cause considerable change in society. Little wonder you have the likes of celebrated soccer star Kalusha Bwalya getting involved in the measles campaign, late Princess Diana in the land mine crusade and Bono in debt relief for developing countries, and the list is endless. Having realised the grand impact that celebrities give in effecting social change, the ministry of Labour and Social Security which has been working in close collaboration with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in the fight against child labour in Zambia, have identified local celebrities to help in fighting the scourge. They have picked on two local artistes, St Michael (Michael Zulu) and his wife Sista D (Daputsa Nkhata-Zulu) to be their child labour ambassadors in Zambia.


Zambia: Women and Children: Discrimination through the ages

2004-03-11

http://news.amnesty.org/mav/index/ENGAFR6360320044

From pre-independence Zambia to independence from British colonial rule in 1964, in times of the slave trade as well as the fight for independence, Zambian women and young girls have faced discrimination and violence at the hands of the slave traders, the state, the community and family. Every year, thousands of Zambian women face violence from their relatives when their husbands die. Most Zambian women and children suffer violence in their home and most cases are not reported to the police.


Zimbabwe: Fresh TV show gives youth voice and advise

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39962

"Who's Next?" is the provocative title of an award-winning TV talk show aimed at promoting safer sex and sexual health among Zimbabwe's urban youth. It stands out from the field of anaemic talk shows as a bold and refreshing approach to get young people discussing the issues. "'Who's Next?' basically centres around issues that affect young people generally and personally, including peer pressure, counselling, HIV and the issue of communication between parents and young people," explained Priscilla Mujuru, programme officer for Adolescent Reproductive Health at UNAIDS, which funds the show through the National AIDS Council.





News from the diaspora

Africa 2005 mobilises to make 2005 a year for Africa

2004-03-11

http://www.africa2005.com

“Africa 2005 is an international movement mobilising the African civil society and the international community to make 2005 the world year for Africa. Africa 2005 takes the year 2005 as the starting point to commit itself to increase African influence on a global level.” The organisation’s immediate objective is to unite and mobilise African and international strengths to create an equitable partnership between Africa and the rest of the world. From 2005 onwards, the organisation seeks to demonstrate Africans’ energy and drive; to change perceptions of Africa so it is seen as dynamic and proactive; and to involve people around the world to highlight a successful Africa.


Africa in the African Diaspora: New Insights into the Diffusion of African Identity and Cultural Forms

2004-03-11

http://africa.wisc.edu/diaspora/index.htm

“We suggest that the question of identity, though not so deeply explored in the newer facets of African diaspora scholarship, permeates much of the cultural life of the diaspora and should be at the centre of diaspora scholarship generally. Thus the theme of our proposed workshop: Africa in the African diaspora, the diffusion of African identity.”


African Diaspora Initiative web portal

2004-03-11

http://www.isa-africa.com/english/diaspora/index.htm

The African Diaspora Initiative (ADI) is an internet gateway designed to locate and highlight Africans in the diaspora, in keeping with the NEPAD plan and G8 Africa Action Plan. ADI aims to help African leaders and business leaders to access profiles, find solutions and opportunities, and to highlight dynamic, experienced, qualified and highly motivated African resources in the diaspora.


Diaspora and development

S.M. Naseem

2004-03-11

http://www.dawn.com/2004/01/19/ebr2.htm

Naseem’s commentary and observations of South Asian diasporic issues may have relevance for other regions:
- “One of the more benign and virtuous aspects of globalization in the past three decades or so has been the increase in the migration of people from the poorer, labour-surplus economies of the South to the richer , labour-scarce economies of the North, as well as to some resource-rich, labour-scarce economies within the South, itself.”
- “…They remit a high proportion of their earnings to home countries and are eager to return home with some capital to start a better life in their countries. The Gulf emigrants, however, are treated as a lower species of the diaspora and command very small clout in public policy to the extent one exists in South Asian countries, which attach a much higher weight to the preference of the more affluent sections of diaspora and domestic elites. The phenomenon of elite capture is no less omnipresent than elsewhere in public policy.”


Faculty UK to be launched on 20 March

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/diaspora/20652

Faculty UK, an Association of Ghanaian faculty members in higher education in the UK, and members of other professions interested in education, is to be officially launched in London, on Saturday 20 March 2004. Faculty UK’s broad objective is to contribute towards providing global education for the Ghanaian. Its membership consists of lecturers and other staff in higher education institutions, as well as professionals with an interest in literary and other pursuits that border on education.
Faculty UK to be launched on 20 March
Faculty UK, an Association of Ghanaian faculty members in higher education in the UK, and members of other professions interested in education, is to be officially launched in London, on Saturday 20 March 2004. Faculty UK’s broad objective is to contribute towards providing global education for the Ghanaian. Its membership consists of lecturers and other staff in higher education institutions, as well as professionals with an interest in literary and other pursuits that border on education.

Two main events will mark the Association’s Launch Day: an afternoon education conference with the theme "Enhancing and financing higher education in Ghana and its Diaspora". This will take place at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. The conference will be followed by an evening dinner and dance to be held at the Rembrandt hotel in Knightsbridge, in the West End of London.

The main speakers at the conference include Professor Ama Ata Aidoo, founder of Women's Words Women's Affairs; Professor Kwadwo Asenso-Okyere - Vice-Chancellor, University of Ghana; Professor Selwyn Cudjoe, President of the National Association for the Empowerment of African Peoples (NAEAP), Trinidad and Tobago; and Professor Pikay Richardson of Manchester Business School, UK, who is also Professor and Academic Director for Executive Programmes at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, USA.

Other speakers are Professor Abiola Irele - Professor of French, African and Comparative Literatures at Harvard University, USA; Hon Paul Boateng MP, Secretary to the Treasury, UK; Hon Kwadwo Baah-Wiredu MP, Ghana’s Minister for Education, Youth and Sports; and His Excellency Isaac Osei - Ghana’s High Commissioner to the U.K.

For further information contact Dr Kwadwo Osei-Nyame Jr – +44 (0)20 7898 4377 or Becky Ayebia Clarke - +44 (0)1295 709 228.


Interims for Development revamps its website and launches newsletter

2004-03-11

http://www.interimsfd.com/

Interims for Development has just revamped its website and launched a newsletter. The UK-based organisation works with African organisations and international companies operating in Africa to support their strategic human resources, technical needs and business development requirements. Its aim is to bridge the gap required to build African skills and capacity to take on the challenges of the 21st century.


Museum of the African Diaspora honours Fela

2004-03-11

http://www.museumoftheafricandiaspora.org/HTML/MoAD_events.html

Black President is a multimedia exhibition that explores the influence and artistic legacy of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, the legendary Nigerian Afrobeat musician and activist who died in 1997. Thirty-four artists ranging from painters to rappers, who continue to be inspired by Fela's artistic genius and his dedication to justice and equality, will examine and respond to this cultural icon through approximately forty works of art. Black President is a multimedia exhibition that includes painting, drawing, sculpture, photography, video, film, computer animation, music, and mixed media and sound installation. Black President was curated by Trevor Schoonmaker and organized by the New Museum of Contemporary Art.


UK International Development Select Committee’s inquiry on migration and development: Evidence from diaspora organisations

2004-03-11

http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200304/cmselect/cmintdev/uc79-v/uc7901.htm

The transcript of evidence recently provided by three UK-based diaspora organisations – African Foundation for Development (AFFORD), AfricaRecruit, and the British Bangladeshi International Development Group – to the House of Commons International Development Select Committee is now available. Memoranda presented by two of the organisations are also available (a version from AFFORD containing an executive summary is available at www.afford-uk.org) Subsequent sessions will focus on the “brain drain” and international recruitment issues; on remittances; and on the economics of migration, and temporary mobility schemes.





Conflict & emergencies

Africa/Global: From military strife to civil society

2004-03-11

http://www.carleton.ca/csds/occaisional_papers/NPSIA-39.pdf

The dimensions of peace operations in the post-Cold War era have tended to reflect comprehensive attempts at settling conflicts rather than simply policing ceasefires. As a result, international humanitarian NGOs and multinational military forces are increasingly working together in the same theatre of operations than ever before due to a strong demand for coherence of approach. This article examines the various factors impeding effective NGO-military cooperation, and offers suggestions for improvement of the relationship. It argues that given the complex nature of contemporary conflict management and resolution, involving military and non-military activities, only a well-planned and coordinated combination of civilian and military measures can create the conditions for durability of peace in divided societies.


Eritrea: Government denies soliciting for Nigerian mediation

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39908

The Eritrean government has denied soliciting for Nigerian mediation in its border conflict with neighbouring Ethiopia. In a statement, the Eritrean embassy in Nigeria said contrary to reports in the Nigerian daily, The Guardian, on 3 March, the Eritrean government had not sought any assistance from that country to intervene in the matter, because it regarded the April 2002 ruling of the boundary commission as "final and binding".


Ivory Coast: UN Ivory Coast force will build peace

2004-03-11

http://uk.news.yahoo.com/040307/323/envjf.html

The decision by the UN Security Council to send more than 6,000 peacekeepers to Ivory Coast will not only lift a huge burden off France's shoulders but also has underscored the pressing need for the world body to become involved in the troubled west African region. The Security Council on February 27 unanimously approved a resolution to deploy 6,240 soldiers in Ivory Coast for an initial period of 12 months starting from April 4, but only after a weeks-long standoff between Ivory Coast's former colonial power France and Washington over the issue.


Lesotho: Humanitarian crisis in Lesotho continues for third year

2004-03-11

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_19595.html

Hundreds of thousands of people in Lesotho will require international assistance for a third consecutive year due to the combined impact of another devastating drought and the worsening HIV/AIDS epidemic, warned James T. Morris, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa. “Any hopes that Lesotho’s humanitarian crisis would begin to ease this year have been dashed by yet another drought and by the increasingly devastating impact of HIV/AIDS,” Morris said.
Joint press release
Humanitarian crisis in Lesotho continues for third year
MASERU, 4 March 2004 – Hundreds of thousands of people in Lesotho will require international assistance for a third consecutive year due to the combined impact of another devastating drought and the worsening HIV/AIDS epidemic, warned James T. Morris, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa.

Morris will arrive in Lesotho on Friday as part of a high level UN delegation including the Executive Directors of UNICEF and UNAIDS, Carol Bellamy and Peter Piot. They will meet with the Prime Minister as well as visit some of the worst affected areas.

“Any hopes that Lesotho’s humanitarian crisis would begin to ease this year have been dashed by yet another drought and by the increasingly devastating impact of HIV/AIDS,” Morris said. “Hundreds of thousands of people – many of them infected or affected by HIV/AIDS – will once again need the help of the international community to survive.”

In February, the government declared a State of Emergency after it became clear that the country was heading for another year of severe food shortages. Early estimates indicate that Lesotho might only produce 10 percent of its cereal requirements in 2004 – leaving tens of thousands of families dependent on food assistance.

But non-food aid projects, which provide better access to water, sanitation, education and health care, will also be essential, in particular to help combat HIV/AIDS.

Lesotho has the fourth highest adult prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS in the world at 31 percent – a rate that shows no signs of dropping. UNAIDS estimates that 70 people are dying every day from AIDS-related causes, while 73,000 children have already been orphaned by the disease – a staggering 17 percent of all children.

“Tens of thousands of orphans in Lesotho are growing up without the care and protection they need,” Bellamy said. “We must do everything we can to make sure they are in school and are getting the information, skills and support that will help protect them from HIV/AIDS and give them a fighting chance of having a healthy and productive future.”

It will require an enormous effort to address HIV/AIDS in Lesotho, where the epidemic is destroying families and communities and threatening the very fabric of the state.

“Drought has slashed Lesotho’s harvests over the past three years but HIV/AIDS is at the root of the food crisis – as well as of other crises in health and education,” said Piot. “Lesotho’s future depends on how successfully it tackles the epidemic and that depends on the help of the international community. Without our support, Lesotho has no chance of combating HIV/AIDS and will slip into perpetual crisis and eventually catastrophe.”

The crisis in Lesotho has been further exacerbated by severe poverty – with around two-thirds of the population living below the poverty line. The retrenchments in the South African mining industry have also reduced household income, especially in rural areas.

In July 2002, the UN launched a Consolidated Appeal for vital food and non-food aid for Lesotho and five other southern African countries – Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. A second appeal was launched a year later in July 2003.

The international response to the appeals has so far helped to prevent the crisis from turning into a catastrophe by providing aid to hundreds of thousands of vulnerable people, even though donors have been less willing to fund essential non-food activities.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has delivered over 50,000 MT of food aid to over 370,000 people since the launch of emergency operations in mid-2002, while the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) has provided assistance to many HIV/AIDS affected farming families through greenhouses, gardens and share-cropping.

UNICEF has provided thousands of orphans and vulnerable children who are not yet in school with literacy kits, as well as funding eight sites for the prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV/AIDS, which covers 50 percent of the country. UNICEF has also contributed substantially to the nationwide measles and vitamin A campaign.

“The international community has done a remarkable job in Lesotho over the past two years but our work is far from finished,” said Morris. “Tens of thousands of people have depended on us since 2002 and will continue to do so for at least another year. And after two years of real struggle and hardship, they will be even more at risk.”

While the drought in Lesotho is particularly bad, other southern African countries are also facing another year of crisis due to the triple threat of food shortages, HIV/AIDS and inadequate government capacity.

Swaziland has declared a National Disaster due to drought while another year of food shortages is also looming in southern and central Mozambique, southern Malawi and parts of Zimbabwe. All of these countries have high adult prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS, with Swaziland and Zimbabwe – like Lesotho – battling with rates above 30 percent.

* * * *

For more information please contact:

Mike Huggins, WFP Lesotho,Tel: + 27 11 517 1655;
(cell)+ 27 83 291 3750,

Sarah Crowe, UNICEF Lesotho,Tel:+ 27 11 517 1617;
(cell)+ 27 83 402 9812,

Richard Delate, UNAIDS Lesotho, Tel: (cell)+ 27 82 370 2666

Liza Barrie, UNICEF New York, Tel: +1 212 326 7593


Nigeria: Dozens arrested after clash at Nigerian port

2004-03-11

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=68&art_id=qw1078856462839B252&set_id=1

A clash between troops and unidentified ethnic militants on Tuesday in Nigeria's oil city of Warri left a soldier and four others dead, military officials said. Skirmishes between ethnic militants and soldiers occur frequently in the oil-rich Niger Delta, where militants steal crude oil from pipelines and sabotage oil facilities in a bid to export payoffs from the government and oil multinationals.


Rwanda: Accusations over plane crash that sparked genocide

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/664863.stm

The Rwandan Government has dismissed press speculation that the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) shot down President Juvenal Habyarimana's plane in April 1994 as "baseless propaganda". In a lengthy article, published on 1 March, the Canadian daily, The National Post, said it had obtained a confidential United Nations report which provided detailed testimony from RPF informants on their own involvement in the attack on the plane.
Related Link:
Kgame triggered genocide, claims French probe
http://www.expatica.com/source/site_article.asp?subchannel_id=58&story_id=5476


Somalia: Faction leaders warn of possible peace talks collapse

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39955

Over a dozen faction leaders participating in the Somali peace talks in Kenya have warned the organisers that the launching of an interim charter next week could lead to the failure of the talks, claiming that unresolved issues remain. "We feel that the formal launch of the Transitional Federal Charter of Somalia... is uncalled for as the contentious article 30 (1) of the charter still stands unresolved," said a statement signed by the leaders. The "contentious article" deals with the selection of members of parliament.


Sudan: Militias ravage Darfur in gangs of hundreds

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39948

A total breakdown of law and order is reported in Darfur, western Sudan, as militias roam the region in gangs of hundreds, attacking one village after another. The entire Jabal Si area, previously home to about 70,000 people living in over 119 villages, had been cleared of civilians, the UN said following an assessment. Many of the displaced, over 90 percent of whom are women and children, have fled to Kabkabiyah town in Northern Darfur.


Sudan: Peace prospects threatened

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/20653

As peace talks continue in Kenya between the Sudanese government and its principal opponent, the SPLM/A, the prospects of securing a sustainable peace are increasingly threatened by other issues not on the table in this process. These include intense fighting in Darfur in western Sudan and unresolved questions of democratic participation throughout the country. The humanitarian crisis of as many as one million people displaced in Darfur and across the border in Chad, is currently rated among the worst in the world. The latest edition of the Africa Focus Bulletin contains a variety of news articles and links on the crisis.
Sudan: Peace, No Peace

AfricaFocus Bulletin
Mar 6, 2004 (040306)
(Reposted from sources cited below)

Editor's Note

As peace talks continue in Kenya between the Sudanese government and its principal opponent, the SPLM/A, the prospects of securing a sustainable peace are increasingly threatened by other issues not on the table in this process. These include intense fighting in Darfur in western Sudan and unresolved questions of democratic participation throughout the country. The humanitarian crisis of as many as one million people displaced in Darfur and across the border in Chad, is currently rated among the worst in the world.

This issue of AfricaFocus Bulletin contains several brief statements from different sources on the current crisis. The e-mail version also contains excerpts from the latest monthly report from the Sudan Focal Point, while the web version contains the full text of that monthly report.

Other sources for updates and analysis include:

AllAfrica.com
http://allafrica.com/sudan
A variety of current news and statements.

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN)
http://www.irinnews.org/frontpage.asp?SelectCountry=Sudan
Includes a series of "Special Reports" on peace prospects as well as current news.

Sudan Tribune
http://www.sudantribune.com/mot.php3?id_mot=42
Extensive portal for news & views

Sudan Information Gateway
http://www.unsudanig.org
Wide variety of reports and news links provided by UN

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++++++++

Darfur Conflict Threatens Peace in Sudan

Sudan Ecumenical Forum Press Release

27th February 2004

Contact persons:

John Ashworth, Sudan Focal Point Africa, sudan@sacbc.org.za +27-82-853-3556

Marina Peter, Sudan Focal Point Europe, sudan.fpe@real-net.de, +49-175-1647-413

"A new threat to peace in Sudan has emerged." This stark warning was given by South African Catholic Bishop Kevin Dowling after his recent visit to Sudan, as the conflict in Darfur continues to escalate. The armed forces and associated militia of both the Government of Sudan and the liberation movements have been responsible for gross violations of human rights, and a humanitarian tragedy is unfolding in Darfur. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced and many thousands killed. To date the Government of Sudan has restricted humanitarian access, and has prevented human rights monitors from visiting Darfur.

Bishop Dowling was speaking in his capacity as Chair of the Sudan Ecumenical Forum, a coalition of Sudanese and international churches under the auspices of the World Council of Churches. Dr Sam Kobia, the Secretary-General of the World Council of Churches, added his voice, expressing concern at "the on-going conflict in the western region of Darfur that has resulted in an alarming deterioration in the humanitarian and human rights situation and threatens to unravel the gains made in the peace process."

While negotiations aimed at ending the war in southern Sudan continue under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), there are no talks in sight to end the conflict in Darfur. The Sudan Ecumenical Forum urges the international community, and particularly the African Union and the European Union, to press for meaningful internationally-supervised ne
otiations to end this conflict, and calls on the parties to the conflict to negotiate in good faith. At th
same time, the Sudan Ecumenical Forum calls on all parties to immediately safeguard the lives and property of the citizens of the area, and to allow unimpeded international access for humanitarian aid and human rights monitoring.

Bishop Dowling made a special plea to African countries, and particularly South Africa, to engage in this issue which poses such a threat to the security and development of the region. "African countries have taken the lead in working for peace in southern Sudan through IGAD; let Africans now also stand in solidarity with their suffering sisters and brothers in Darfur."

[For additional background on Darfur see the IRIN special report
most easily available at:
]http://allafrica.com/stories/200402160771.html]

************************************************************

SUDAN: Peace process threatened by exclusivity, says think-tank

UN Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)
http://www.irinnews.org

3 March 2004

[This material comes via IRIN, a UN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations or its agencies. If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post any item on this site, please retain this credit and disclaimer.]

NAIROBI, 3 Mar 2004 (IRIN) - The ongoing peace process between the government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) is threatened by its almost total exclusivity, necessitating a new approach from both the negotiating parties and Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mediators, according to the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) think-tank.

Whereas the first phase of the process had necessitated a narrow focus on the two main belligerents, a second phase after the signing of a bilateral peace agreement would need to radically change to involve the Sudanese public, said ISS in a report entitled: "The Sudan IGAD Peace Process: Signposts for the Way Forward".

"For IGAD it means a marked change in philosophy and direction from that of the first stage, which can be characterised as secretive, eite driven, narrowly focused and which pointedly ignored the issue of human rights, to the next stage where transparency, engaging the large mass of Sudanese, and vastly expanding the focus and direction of the peace initiative, must set the tone," it said.

Once a peace agreement was signed, a new approach taking account of the rights of all Sudan's citizens needed to be implemented, said the report. "It will be a critical test of the IGAD mediators whether they can adapt to the new demands placed upon them and carry the process forward."

The Machakos Protocol, signed by both the government and the SPLM/A in July 2002, underlines the need for a democratic transformation of Sudan, referring to "democratic governance, accountability, equality, respect and justice for all citizens of Sudan", and for the Sudanese to establish "a democratic system of governance".

But so far, a number of key groups, including northern opposition groups, southern militias and the National Democratic Alliance have been pointedly excluded from peace negotiations.

The rebellion in Darfur, northwestern Sudan, which exploded in February 2003, is deemed by observers to be a direct reaction to this exclusivity and to fears that the national cake is being divided up into only two slices.

In southern Sudan, there has also been no sustained effort to bring about south-south reconciliation, despite the fact that the South Sudan Defence Forces, an umbrella of government-aligned militias, are armed, control large swathes of the region, and hold many strategic positions particularly around the oil fields.

According to ISS, a failure to win the popular support of Sudanese civil society and the country's major political players threatens the viability of the entire peace process and raises the possibility of a return to war. "However difficult the task, IGAD must play a leading role in the intimately lin
ed objectives of an inclusive peace process and establishing a democratic Sudan," it warned.

"The building of a democratic Sudan is not a luxury, but the best - and perhaps only - insurance that the many aggrieved groups in Sudan do not take up arms," said ISS, adding that southern grievances increasingly coming to the fore represented "only the tip of the iceberg of resentment".

"Remarkably, the issue of human rights has received almost no attention thus far in the IGAD negotiations, but it cannot be ignored much longer," it added, urging a change of approach and the setting up of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Last week, the US State Department's 2003 report for Sudan noted that the two key parties to the peace process - who will be governing Sudan once a peace agreement is signed - had poor human rights records.

The Sudanese government's record "remained extremely poor", with security forces and associated militias responsible for extrajudicial killings and disappearances, beatings, torture, rape and harassment with impunity. Similarly, the SPLM/A was accused of killings, beatings, rape, arbitrary detention, forcible military conscription of underage young men, and the manipulation of humanitarian assistance for military advantage.

[For the ISS report,see
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=1796
or visit ]http://www.iss.co.za]

*************************************************************

Largely Ignored by International Community, Yearlong Massive Displacement and Death in Darfur Region Continues

United States Committee for Refugees (Washington, DC)

[Excerpts: for full text see:
]http://www.refugees.org/news/press_releases/2004/022404.cfm]

Press Release

February 26, 2004

Violence that erupted in Sudan's western Darfur region nearly one year ago and continues unrestrained today, has displaced at least 800,000 Sudanese civilians-including more than 110,000 who have fled to the remote deserts of eastern Chad-and has killed countless thousands of others. Although precise numbers are difficult to determine, it is estimated that the displacement caused by the Darfur crisis has increased the number of uprooted Sudanese from more than 4.5 million to nearly 5.5 million.

Poor security and Sudanese government-imposed travel restrictions to the Darfur region have prevented humanitarian assistance agencies from conducting adequate assessment missions to determine the extent of the crisis and the precise number and needs of displaced people in the region. Various sources suggest that an estimated more than 1,000 Darfurians are dying every week. While the true scale of the violence remains largely unknown, some international observers believe that the yearlong bloodshed has disrupted the lives and further isolated more than half of the Darfur region's estimated six million residents.

High-level peace negotiations seeking to end 20 years of civil war in Sudan between the Islamic government in Khartoum and the mainly southern Christian and animist Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) have garnered tremendous international attention, but are void of discussions surrounding the crisis in Darfur.

Roots of Conflict

Residents of Darfur's North, West, and South states-which cover approximately one-fifth of Sudan's territory-have long claimed that they inhabit one of the most neglected and underdeveloped areas of the country. The arid Darfur region also suffers from chronic drought. In addition, nomadic groups reportedly killed hundreds of civilians from pastoral and sedentary agriculture populations in the region from 2000-2002.

In early 2003, Sudanese authorities reportedly armed and provided horses to [one of these groups] ... [engaged in] raids against civilian populations. "These attacks have reportedly included burning and looting of villages, large-scale killings, and abductions," the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recently
eported.

Responding, in part, to the lack of government protection against increasingly frequent raids and indiscriminate killings, Darfurian residents organized and armed themselves. Two main groups, the Sudanese Liberation Army (SLA) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), eventually emerged as formidable forces in the Darfur region. Initially, the Sudanese government and the SLA sought to peacefully resolve the burgeoning conflict through dialogue. Halting talks failed to produce meaningful resolution, however.

Massive Internal Displacement

In late April 2003, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir declared that, "Khartoum will not negotiate with those who raised arms in Darfur." Immediately after President al-Bashir's statement, targeted attacks against civilians intensified. SLA assaults on government administrative and military sites also increased. The violence surrounding the massive displacement began in earnest in June 2003 and slowed briefly during a tentative agreement between the Sudanese government and the SLA to end hostilities in September before resuming and expanding in late 2003.

Intensified and sustained Janjaweed raids, Sudanese government aerial bombings, and alleged joint Chadian military and Sudanese government-aligned militia offensives on Darfurian civilian populations have decimated and emptied hundreds of towns, villages, and other populated areas throughout the Darfur region. ...

Nearly 400,000 Darfurians remain sheltered in some 20 displacement camps scattered throughout the Darfur states, including nearly 10 camps with more than 50,000 residents each. An estimated additional 300,000 internally displaced Darfurians remain disbursed in remote mountains, in the desert near the Sudan-Chad border, and with relatives and others in host communities. ...

Refugee Flows

The situation in and around sites hosting refugees immediately across the border in neighboring Chad, where militia incursions and aerial bombardments have reportedly occurred, is as troublesome as the internal displacement in Sudan.

Many of the more than 110,000 Sudanese refugees who fled to neighboring Chad during the past 10 months remain strewn along a 375-mile (600 km) stretch of border and are struggling to survive under difficult humanitarian and climatic conditions. Chadian villagers provided already scarce food and water to refugees upon their arrival last year. The sizeable Sudanese influx, however, quickly exhausted meager local resources.

Sudanese refugees continue to battle harsh weather in eastern Chad, where international humanitarian assistance has been slow to arrive. Tens of thousands of refugees, many who fled with minimal personal belongings, are living in the open and enduring sandstorms and temperatures that exceed 120 degrees Fahrenheit (50 degrees Centigrade) during the day and fall below freezing during the night. They are also susceptible to cross border Sudanese government and militia attacks. ...

UNHCR has begun airlifting 265 tons of relief supplies to the border region and has identified three additional sites to construct camps. International donors have provided the agency with approximately $1 million, or one-tenth of what UNHCR estimates is needed to continue and expand its relocation and humanitarian assistance operations.

*************************************************************

A View of Sudan from Africa

Monthly Briefing February 2004

Sudan Focal Point - Africa, Pretoria

24th February 2004

[For more information about Monthly Briefings and other information from Sudan Focal Point - Africa, contact John Ashworth at sudan@sacbc.org.za]

The Peace Process

Peace talks under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have resumed in Naivasha, Kenya, after a break to allow members of the Government of Sudan (GoS) delegation to complete the hajj. ...

The first item of business is the "contested areas" of the Nuba Mountains, the Funj Region (also known as southern Blue Nile), and Abyei, which are technically in the north according to the 1956 colonial boundaries but which are culturally, ethnically, politically and militarily closer to the south. A tentative agreement is believed to have been reached on the first two, but Abyei remains a major stumbling block. GoS appears unwilling to offer even the limited concessions which it made on the other two areas. Once agreement has been reached, the talks will move on to the issue of power-sharing.

Much of the discussion on power-sharing will be relatively easy. ...

More controversial and less easily solved is the status of the national capital. For GoS, it is in the north, the majority of its citizens are Muslims (this partially explains why GoS brutally transported internally displaced southerners from the outskirts of Khartoum into camps in the desert - there was a real danger that the more than two million southerners resident there would change the electoral balance within the capital), and therefore Islamic shari'a should be the source of law. For southerners, the national capital must be equally accessible to all Sudanese who might be based there as cabinet ministers, members of parliament, civil servants, other government officials or employees, or simply citizens accessing their national government, and therefore its law should not be that of only one section of the community. Thus southerners seek at least an enclave within the national capital which is free of shari'a. This is an issue which challenges GoS as to what are its r
eal priorities - the territorial integrity of Sudan or the primacy of Islam. It cannot have both. ...

Once these issues have all been agreed, the next stage is to discuss the implementation of the peace agreement, and this opens up a new range of pitfalls and potential disagreements. Nobody trusts GoS to implement the agreement without reneging, based on southerners' bitter experience of agreements with the north since 1947, and most agree that strong guarantees must be built into the implementation process. In particular a robust peace-keeping force is needed, preferably under Chapter VII (peace-keeping) rather than Chapter VI (monitoring), although the latter looks more likely at the moment. The USA has estimated that up to 10,000 troops could be needed. SPLM/A has welcomed the prospect of foreign troops, saying that Sudan needs not only monitors but also peace-keepers on the ground to ensure that both parties fully implement the terms of the peace accord during the interim period. GoS is completely opposed. ...

It is convenient to speak of "pragmatists" and "hard-liners" within the ruling regime, but it is unlikely that the National Islamic Front has really changed. For some years it has been willing to make superficial (and usually reversible) changes as part of a "charm offensive" to regain international respectability. ... But few believe that a leopard can change its spots. Its radical expansionist Islamic agenda may be on the back burner for a while but has not gone away. And southerners have also yet to be convinced that the north in general has changed. After all, it was not the current regime that reneged on treaties and promises from 1947 to 1989 - it was the northern political elite of all parties.

However the biggest threat to the peace process at the moment comes from outside the south. The escalating conflict in Darfur poses an imminent and concrete threat, while the ongoing conflict in northern Uganda presents a less immediate but no less real threat to peace and stability in the south.

[The web version of this Bulletin contains additional sections of the Monthly Briefing omitted here, on Darfur and Northern Uganda. See ]http://www.africafocus.org/docs04/sud0403.php]

*************************************************************
AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with
a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.

AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at africafocus@igc.org Please
write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin,
or to suggest material for inclusion. For more information about
reposted material, please contact directly the original source
mentioned. For a full archive and other resources, see
http://www.africafocus.org

************************************************************


West Africa: Libya accused of fuelling war

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3544423.stm

The chief prosecutor at the UN's new court for Sierra Leone has repeated claims that the Libyan leader is behind the past decade of war in West Africa. The accusation against Muammar Gaddafi was made by David Crane in an interview with the BBC. Mr Crane said there was a detailed plan by Mr Gaddafi to destabilise several West African countries which had caused widespread suffering in the region.


Zimbabwe: South Africa confirms alleged mercenary coup plot

2004-03-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=39981

South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma confirmed on Wednesday that the plane held by Zimbabwean authorities and an alleged coup plot in Equatorial Guinea were linked. "Indeed there was a link between the plane and Equatorial Guinea," Dlamini-Zuma was quoted as saying by the South African news agency (SAPA). Zimbabwean authorities on Sunday detained a Boeing 727 carrying 20 South Africans, 18 Namibians, 23 Angolans, two Democratic Republic of Congo citizens and one Zimbabwean with a South African passport, Zimbabwean police spokesman, Wayne Bvudzijena, told IRIN on Wednesday.





Internet & technology

Africa/Global: How to make computers greener

2004-03-11

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3543839.stm

Refurbishing an old computer can often be a better option than throwing it away, argues Tony Roberts of the charity Computer Aid. Recycling of electrical goods has become headline news in recent months as the UK consultation on the forthcoming EU Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) Directive hots up. Research carried out previously by UN researcher Eric Williams proves empirically that re-use is better for the environment than recycling.


Africa: Making science and technology work for the poor

2004-03-11

http://www.eldis.org/cf/search/disp/DocDisplay.cfm?Doc=DOC14230&Resource=f1ict

This report argues that Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries that have not sufficiently addressed the acquisition of scientific and technological knowledge must redouble their efforts with a strategy that begins with the popularisation of science and its application to development. It also argues that the key issue should be the empowerment of individuals and groups, to be able to use scientific knowledge and technological know-how to address problems like prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS and other public health crises, food security and nutrition, high unemployment, drought, and water supply.


Ethiopia: Computers help Ethiopian high schools harness online power

2004-03-11

http://www.undp.org/dpa/frontpagearchive/2004/march/8mar04/index.html

UNDP and Ethiopia's ICT for Development Authority have delivered the first batch of 1,500 computers to the Ministry of Education as part of efforts to bring information and communications technology (ICT) to more than 160 high schools around the country. UNDP has provided US$3.5 million for the initiative and is seeking support from donors for an equal amount to enable all high schools to get online. Partners include the Ministry of Capacity Building and the Ministry of Education.


Namibia: Evaluation of Swedish support to Schoolnet Namibia

2004-03-11

http://www.eldis.org/ict/schoolnet.htm

Schools in developing countries are beginning to get computers and access to the Internet. They are using them in teaching and administration; learners can also use them to become computer and Internet literate. This report evaluates the activities of SchoolNet Namibia and argues that programmes like this should aim to provide affordable access using open platforms, pay attention to longer term cost of ownership issues, leverage change through partnerships, work closely with governments, involve school principals and teachers, and seek to ensure that necessary capacities are developed in schools themselves.


Tunisia: Informal Discussions on WSIS Tunisia to Start in Tunis

2004-03-11

http://portal.unesco.org/ci/ev.php?URL_ID=14593&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201

Two-day preliminary discussions on the process, content and themes of the second phase of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), to be held in Tunis, Tunisia from 16 to 18 November 2005, are due to start in the Tunisian capital. The informal meeting is organized by the Government of Tunisia and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) in anticipation of the preparatory meeting agreed upon in Geneva on 12 December 2003 by the Heads of State and Government.





eNewsletters & mailing lists

Femnet bulletin

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/enewsl/20811

The African Women's Economic and Policy Network (AWEPON) is a network founded on the principle that women have the fundamental right to shape economic policies that impinge on their lives. It has partners several African countries and works with them to strengthen the capacity of women especially at the grass root and national levels to influence the shape of economic policy. Find out more information about Awepon and other organisations by reading the Femnet bulletin.
FEMNET

EVENTS

The Organizing Committee of the 2nd International Conference on Politics and
Information Systems: Technologies and Applications (PISTA '04), is pleased
to invite you to participate in this international event that will be held
in July 21-25, 2004, in Orlando, Florida, USA. Papers about research
results, solutions and problems of the applications of ICT in Politics and
Society are highly encouraged. You are also invited to organize a panel or
an invited session. Panel sessions with panelists coming from both: ICT
researcher/practitioners and political consultants or politicians are highly
encouraged. You can find more information about Pista '04, in our web site:
http://www.confinf.org/Pista04

The City of Nantes with the support of UNESCO, and in cooperation with the
French National Commission of UNESCO, a World Forum on Human Rights have
organized a World Forum on Human Rights which be held in Nantes, France in
May, 16-19 2004. This will be with a view to discuss the major challenges to
human rights today and will bring together representatives of all actors
involved in the promotion and protection of human rights- States,
intergovernmental organisations, the academic community and civil society.
These parties will discuss key issues in the field of human rights with a
view to create a global partnership to contribute to the advancement of
human rights for all.
For general information please email:
franck.barrau@communaute-urbaine-nantes.fr
For registration and practical information please email: aframery@laurus.fr

The American Association of University Women Educational Foundation invites
proposals for its third biennial international symposium, International
Perspectives: Women Leading Change in Public Health and Technology.
Presenters will explore the importance of women's leadership roles both
formal and informal, and how women have used their education to create
changes that concern public health, technology and the intersection of
public health and technology. A limited number of travel scholarships will
be available for presenters and participants. All proposals must be
received by May 3, 2004.
Symposium information and for can be found at www.aauw.org/rf/?symp3


ANNOUNCEMENTS

International Women's Media Foundation Seeks Nominations for 2004 Courage in
Journalism Awards and Lifetime Achievement Award
The International Women's Media Foundation is seeking nominations for its
2004 Courage in Journalism Awards and Lifetime Achievement Award. The only
awards program exclusively for international women journalists, the Courage
in Journalism Awards honor women journalists who have demonstrated
extraordinary strength of character in pursuing their profession under
difficult or dangerous circumstances, such as government oppression,
political pressure, physical danger or other intimidating obstacles.
Nominations for the 2004 awards will be accepted by the IWMF between January
1, 2004 and March 15, 2004.
For further information about the awards and to learn how to nominate a
journalist, visit the IWMF website at
http://www.iwmf.org/courage/nominate.php

The Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP) is pleased to announce its Seed Grant
and Small Innovative Projects Fund (SGSIP Fund) for the year 2004. Supported
by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), GKP invites
Letters of Inquiry for pilot projects or from new or ongoing small-scale
initiatives, between US$10,000 to US$15,000, with a focus on developing
countries. Priority will be given to small or locally-based organizations.
Letters of Inquiry are invited fromnow until 29th February
2003. To submit your Letter of Inquiry, please complete the online form.
Proposal guidelines will only be provided to those invited to submit their
full proposals (Request for Proposal).
For more information, please visit the GKP portal at
http://www.globalknowledge.org

RESOURCES
The African Women's Economic and Policy Network (AWEPON) is a network
founded on the principle that women have the fundamental right to shape
economic policies that impinge on their lives. It has partners several
African countries and works with them to strengthen the capacity of women
especially at the grass root and national levels to influence the shape of
economic policy. AWEPON has launched it's website at http://www.awepon.org and
encourages all to create time to visit the website and give their views,
comments and correspondence.

"ICT Policy: A Beginner's Handbook" - a new book from APC
APC's new book lays out the issues and dispenses with the jargon to
encourage more people to get involved in ICT policy processes. This book is
for people who feel that ICT policy is important but don't know much about
it.
Download the beginner's handbook from the APC site:
http://www.apc.org/books (in a zipped file)
Or order a printed copy from handbook@apc.org

VACANCIES

The Irish Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway, in conjunction with the Bank
of Ireland is proud to announce a one-year fellowship in Human Rights Law
for a scholar of note from a developing country. Interested candidates
should send in their complete CV, outlining their engagement with human
rights issues or organisations and teaching interests as well as a brief
abstract of research they wish to pursue during their time at the Irish
Centre for Human Rights. It is also desirable to submit one or more letter
of recommendation with the application. Applications must be received by 1
March 2004
The application package should be sent addressed to:
Ms Fiona Gardiner: Fiona.gardiner@nuigalway.ie


Council on Foreign Relations
Assistant to the Vice President of Communications - New York, United States
The successful candidate will provide support to the Vice President and
assist with the general administration of the office. S/he will also assist
the Communications Associate with handling on the record meetings in New
York, including sending media advisories, managing press lists, checking in
press, and creating press kits.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1697.html
Contact humanresources@cfr.org

Humanitarian Policy Group
RESEARCH OFFICER - London, United Kingdom
The Humanitarian Policy Group is one of the world's leading teams of
independent researchers and information professionals working on
humanitarian policy issues. The incumbent will have a post-graduate degree
with 2-3 years experience in a research environment or in the humanitarian
or related sectors involving substantial analytical work.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1696.html
Contact recruitment@odi.org.uk

American Institutes for Research
SENIOR SPECIALIST IN BEHAVIOUR CHANGE STRATEGIES - Kampala, Uganda
The post holder will work closely with UPHOLD stakeholders in the public
sector, private sector and civil society to promote the delivery and
utilisation of quality services in health, education and HIV/AIDS through
communication and other behaviour-centered strategies.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1692.html
Contact jillsolomo@aol.com

Women for Women International
COUNTRY DIRECTOR - Bukavu, Democratic Republic of Congo
The successful applicant will be the official representative of Women for
Women International in the country, overseeing staff, programmes and
administrative activities. The position is for an 18 month period. French or
Swahili also required.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1686.html
Contact humanresources@womenforwomen.org

Femmes Africa Solidarite (FAS)
INFORMATION & COMMUNICATION OFFICER, REGIONAL OFFICE - Dakar, Senegal
The successful applicant will be responsible for conducting research,
analysis and publications on issues related to FAS programmes on engendering
the peace process in Africa. Fluency in written and spoken English and
French a necessity.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1674.html
Contact info@fasngo.org


Management Systems International (MSI)
PROPOSAL COORDINATOR - Washington, DC, United States
This coordinator for mostly USAID proposals will be responsible for proposal
editing and writing, coordinating overall proposal development and
submission, follow up recruiting, negotiating teaming agreements,
liaising/building relationships with prospective partner organisations, and
creating marketing materials.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1678.html
Contact gcritchley@msi-inc.com



=====================================================================
BULLETIN DE FEMNET
Février 2004

EVENEMENTS

Le Comité organisateur de la 22ème conférence internationale sur les
systèmes politiques et de l'information: Technologies et Applications (PISTA
04) a le plaisir de vous inviter à participer à l'événement international
qui se tiendra du 21 au 25 juillet 2004 en Floride, EUA. Des articles sur
les résultats, les solutions et les problèmes de recherche sur l'application
des TIC en Politiques et société sont grandement encouragés. Vous êtes aussi
invités à organiser un panel ou une session d'invitation. Les sessions de
panel regroupant des parties spécialistes en matière de TIC et des
consultants en politiques ou des politiciens sont vivement encouragées. Pour
plus d'informations sur Pista '04, veuillez visiter notre site:
http://www.confinf.org/Pista04

Avec l'appui de l'UNESCO, de la Commission française nationale sur l'UNESCO,
a organisé un Forum Mondial sur les droits de l'homme qui se déroulera du 16
au 18 mai dans la ville de Nantes. Ce sera l'occasion de discuter les défis
majeurs qui se posent aux droits de l'homme de nos jours. Des représentants
de tous les acteurs impliqués dans la promotion et la protection des droits
de l'homme tels que les états, les organisations intergouvernementales, la
communauté académique et la société civile. Ces parties examineront des
questions clés du domaine de droits de l'homme en visant à créer un
partenariat mondial permettant de contribuer à l'avancement des droits de l'
homme pour tous.

Pour plus d'informations, veuillez envoyer un e-mail à:
franck.barrau@communaute-urbaine-nantes.fr
Pour vous enregistrer et obtenir des informations pratiques, veuillez
envoyer un e-mail à:
aframery@laurus.fr

L'association américaine de la Fondation d'éducation des Femmes
Intellectuelles invite la soumission de propositions pour son troisième
symposium trimestriel international intitulé "Perspectives internationales:
les femmes aux avant gardes du changement en matière de Santé Publique et de
Technologie". Les présentatrices exploreront l'importance des rôles
officielles et non officielles que les femmes jouent en leadership, et des
manières par lesquelles elles ont utilisé leur éducation pour créer des
changements en matière de santé publique, technologie et l'intersection de
la santé publique et la technologie. Un nombre limité de bourses de voyages
seront mis à la disposition des présentateurs et des participants. Toutes
les propositions doivent être reçues au plus tard le 3 mai 2004.
Prière de télécharger les informations et le formulaire sur le symposium
à: www.aauw.org/rf/?symp3


ANNONCES

La Fondation Internationale des Médias Féminins appelle des nominations pour
le prix Courage en journalisme et réalisation de durée de la vie pour l'
année 2004
La Fondation Internationale Médias de Femmes recherche des nominations pour
son prix intitulé " Courage en journalisme et réalisation de durée de la vie
de l'année 2004." Programme unique exclusivement conçu pour les femmes
journalistes reconnues au niveau international, le Prix Courage en
journalisme honore des femmes journalistes ayant fait preuve de force de
caractère extraordinaire en exerçant leur profession sous dans des
circonstances dangereuses telles que l'oppression du gouvernement, la
pression politique, les dangers physiques ou toute autre obstacle
intimidants.
Les nominations en vue des prix de 2004 seront acceptés par l'IWMF à partir
du 1er janvier jusqu'au 15 mars 2004.
Pour plus d'informations sur les prix et pour connaître les modalités de
nomination d'un journaliste, veuillez visiter le site du IWMF à
http://www.iwmf.org/courage/nominate.php

Le Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP) a le plaisir d'annoncer son Fond Seed
Grant and Small Innovative Projects (SGSIP) (Fonds de subvention pour des
semences et des petits projets novateurs) Appuyé par l'Agence suisse de
développement et de coopération (SDC), le GKP invite des lettres de
renseignements pour de petits projets pilotes de nouvelles initiatives ou d'
initiatives actuelles de l'ordre de 10.000 à 15.000 Dollars, surtout pour
les pays en développement. La priorité sera accordée aux petites
organisations ou aux organisations locales. Des demandes de renseignements
sont invitées dès maintenant jusqu'au 29 février 2004. Pour soumettre la
vôtre, veuillez remplir le formulaire en ligne. Les directives des
propositions ne seront accordées qu'aux personnes invitées à soumettre leur
pleine proposition (Requête de proposition).
Pour plus d'information, veuillez visiter le portail de GKP à:
http://www.globalknowledge.org

RESSOURCES
Le African Women's Economic and Policy Network (Réseau économique et
politique de la femme africaine (AWEPON) est un réseau fondé sur le principe
que les femmes ont le droit fondamental de changer les politiques qui
bloquent leurs vies. AWEPON dispose de partenaires dans plusieurs pays
africains et travaille avec eux pour renforcer la capacité de femmes à
influencer la formulation des politiques économiques, particulièrement au
niveau local et national. L'organisation a inauguré son site web à
www.awepon.org et encourage tout le monde à le visiter et à leur donner
leurs idées et commentaires et à leur écrire.

"Politiques sur les TIC: le manuel du débutant" un nouveau manuel publié
par APC.

Le nouveau manuel de l'organisation APC expose les questions et se sert du
jargon pour encourager davantage de personnes à s'engager dans les processus
des TIC. Ce livre s'adresse aux personnes qui ressentent que la politique
des TIC est importante mais n'en savent pas grand chose.

Veuillez télécharger le manuel du débutant au site de APC à:
http://www.apc.org/books ou commander une copie imprimée en envoyant un
e-mail à: handbook@apc.org

VACANCES DE POSTE

Le Centre Irlandais des Droits de l'Homme, NUI Galway, en conjugaison avec
la Banque d'Irlande, a le plaisir d'annoncer l'offre d'une bourse d'un an en
Loi des droits de l'homme pour un boursier exceptionnel en provenance d'un
pays en développement. Des candidats intéressés sont invités à envoyer leurs
C.V. complets soulignant leur engagement dans les questions ou les
organisations relatifs aux droits de l'homme ainsi que leur intérêt à l'
enseignement et un bref aperçu d'une recherche qu'il/elle désire faire
durant leur séjour au Centre Irlandais des droits de l'homme. Il serait
aussi convenable de munir la demande d'une ou plusieurs lettres de
recommandation. Les demandes doivent être soumises au plus tard le 1 mars
2004. Le dossier doit être adressé à Mme Fiona Gardiner à:
Fiona.gardiner@nuigalway.ie

Conseiller des relations étrangères adjoint au Vice Président en
communication - New York, Etats - Unis d'Amérique

Le candidat retenu soutiendra le travail du Vice Président et participera
aussi dans l'administration générale du bureau. Il/elle aidera l'Adjoint aux
Communications à élaborer le compte rendu des réunions de New York,
notamment la diffusion des avis de médias, l'administration des listes de
presse, vérification de presse et création d'équipement de presse. Pour plus
d'informations, veuillez consulter :
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1697.html
ou contacter: humanresources@cfr.org

Groupe de politiques humanitaires
Responsable de la recherche - Londres, Royaume Uni

Le groupe de politique humanitaire est l'une des équipes de chercheurs
indépendants et de professionnels de l'information travaillant sur les
questions humanitaires. Le candidat retenu sera titulaire d'un diplôme post
universitaire et devra avoir deux à trois ans d'expérience dans un
environnement de recherche ou dans un secteur humanitaire ou similaire dans
lequel on effectue beaucoup de travail analytique.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1696.html
Contact recruitment@odi.org.uk

Institut américain pour la recherche
SPECIALISTE SUPERIEUR EN STRATEGIES DE CHANGEMNET DE COMPORTEMENT - Kampala,
Ouganda
Le candidat retenu travaillera de près avec les parties prenantes du
secteur public, du secteur privé et la société civile pour promouvoir la
prestation et l'utilisation de services de santé, du domaine d'éducation et
du VIH / SIDA par des stratégies de communication et d'autres encore axées
sur le comportement.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1692.html
Contact jillsolomo@aol.com

Women for Women International (Femmes pour les femmes International)
DIRECTEUR NATIONAL - Bukavu, République Démocratique du Congo
Le candidat retenu à ce poste sera le/la représentant(e) officielle de Women
for Women International, et aura les responsabilités de superviser le
personnel ainsi que les activités administratives et de programmes. Le poste
est vacant pour une période de 18 mois. Une bonne connaissance des langues
française et swahili est nécessaire.
http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1686.html
Bien vouloir contacter:humanresources@womenforwomen.org

Femmes Africa Solidarite (FAS)
Chargé de l'INFORMATION et de la COMMUNICATION BUREAU REGIONAL - Dakar,
Sénégal
Le candidat retenu sera responsable de diriger des recherches, des analyses
et des publications sur les programmes de FAS relatifs à l'engendrement du
processus de paix en Afrique. Une bonne connaissance écrite de l'anglais et
du français est nécessaire. ttp://www.comminit.com/vacancy1674.html
Bien vouloir contacter info@fasngo.org


Management Systems International (MSI)
COORDINATEUR DE PROPOSITIONS - Washington, DC, Etats Unis
Ce coordinateur des propositions de l'organisation USAID sera responsable de
la révision et la rédaction des propositions, du développement et de la
soumission générale des propositions, de donner suite aux recrutements, des
négociations des accords de partenariats, et de la création du matériel des
marchés. http://www.comminit.com/vacancy1678.html
Bien vouloir contacter gcritchley@msi-inc.com



African Women's Development and Communications Network (FEMNET)
Réseau de Développement et de Communications des Femmes Africaines
P. O. Box 54562, 00200, Nairobi, Kenya.
Tel: +254 20 3741301/20
Fax: +254 20 3742927
E-mail: admin@femnet.or.ke
Website: http://www.femnet.or.ke

FEMNET aims to strengthen the role and contribution of African NGO's
focussing on women's development equality and other human rights, through
communications, networking, training and advocacy.

FEMNET vise à renforcer le rôle et la contribution des ONG des femmes
africaines en mettant l'accent sur le développemnt, l'égalité et d'autres
droits humains de femmes par le moyen des
communications, travail de réseau, formation et plaidoyer.


Former West Africa magazine editors launch Africa Week e-magazine

2004-03-11

http://www.africaweekmagazine.com/main.php

Following the demise of the 85-year-old weekly magazine, West Africa, the London-based editorial team has launched a new virtual magazine that they hope will fill the vacuum created by West Africa’s disappearance.


HealthICT Discussion List

2004-03-11

http://mail.virtualmedonline.com/mailman/listinfo/healthict_virtualmedonline.com

HealthICT is a worldwide Open Discussion List on Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) applications in healthcare. You can subscribe to HealthICT by filling out a form on the website.


ICC update

2004-03-11

http://www.iccnow.org/publications/update.html

The ICC Update keeps its readers informed with up-to-date articles and concise summaries on issues concerning the International Criminal Court. In a few pages, the Update regularly covers the regional updates, media coverage, upcoming events, and resources in the weeks since the last Update. Special articles are often included covering crucial issues and developments. The Update is distributed electronically, by fax and in printed editions to the UN community, the press, and civil society.





Fundraising & useful resources

Call for applications: Ecosystem approaches to human health training awards 2004-05

2004-03-11

http://web.idrc.ca/en/ev-54483-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html

The Ecohealth Training Awards encourage graduate-level students to examine the relationships between the environment, human health, and development from a holistic perspective through field research that contributes to understanding these relationships as inter-related. The focus of this year’s competition is health in an urban context. Applicants are asked to submit proposals that use ecosystem approaches to human health to analyse the links between human health and urban ecosystem conditions, as well as identify potential intervention strategies based on better natural resource management that improves human health and ecosystem sustainability. Deadline for receiving applications: May 15, 2004


Call for proposals: Understanding the social and public policy dimensions of transformative technologies in the South

2004-03-11

http://web.idrc.ca/en/ev-54504-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html

The Research on Knowledge Systems (RoKS) initiative of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) in partnership with the Rockefeller Foundation (www.rockfound.org) is launching a competition to support research on the social equity and public policy challenges of transformative technologies faced by developing countries. The focus is on how social equity and the human condition is being affected by emerging technologies, as well as on what mechanisms and learning processes are in place - or have been developed - to assist governments and public stakeholder groups engaged in the decision-making processes associated with these new technologies.


Dubai International Best Practices Award

2004-03-11

http://www.sustainabledevelopment.org/blp/awards/

The Municipality of Dubai, United Arab Emirates, and the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) are inviting submissions for 'Best Practice' for the 2004 Dubai International Award. Previous submitters are also encouraged to submit updates of their best practices for eventual inclusion in the database. Contact bestpractices@unhabitat.org for submission guidelines. Best Practices are initiatives which have made outstanding contributions to improving the quality of life in cities and communities around the world. The original call for Best Practices was launched in 1995 during preparations for the Second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II) as a means of identifying what works in improving living conditions on a sustainable basis.


Pan Africa: UNAids endorses more funding through governments

2004-03-11

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=521

IOL reports that UNAids, a United Nations agency that funds Aids programmes, will no longer fund NPOs directly due to a lack of accountability. The move that NPOs have termed "retrogressive" was proposed by Zambia and Zimbabwe and was supported by Lesotho, Swaziland, Botswana and Namibia. UNAids will instead channel funding for Aids programmes via government authorities dealing with Aids. Some donors criticised NPOs for spending too much money on salaries, with little money going to medicine and care programmes.


South Africa: National Lottery has allocated R2bn in grants so far

2004-03-11

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=512

According to the Natal Witness, the National Lotteries Board has distributed R2bn in grants to 4 700 beneficiaries nationally since its inception in 2000. The National Lotteries Board spokesperson, Sershan Naidoo, indicated that the board has also allocated R1bn to 1 300 beneficiaries between April 2003 and March 2004.The biggest grant ever allocated thus far has been to the Children's Hospital Trust and other major beneficiaries include the South African National Council for Child and Family Welfare, South African Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence, National Institute for Crime Prevention and Reintegration of Offenders, Project Literacy and the Association for People with Disabilities.





Courses, seminars, & workshops

Advances in Behaviour Change Communication for HIV/AIDS

19 July, 2004 Centre for African Family Studies (CAFS), Nairobi, Kenya

2004-03-11

http://www.cafs.org/apply2004.doc

This course explores the communication process; the concept of behaviour change; steps in developing a behaviour change communication strategy; understanding the risk factors that expose individuals to HIV; defining desired behaviour and attitude changes; and setting communication goals and objectives.


International Conference on ICT's in Education

July 6-9 2004, Nigeria

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/20748

There is no doubt that ICTs have become central to the development agenda debate globally. The academic community should be in the forefront of this. While in the developed world, much research on ICTs in development is taking place, very little of it is happening in Africa. Critical to this relative low level of engagement with the sector in Africa in particular is the poor state of ICT accessibility in most of the academic institutions of the continent. There is the need to strengthen interest in ICTs with the hope that the institutions and their researchers would be empowered to utilize them both as tools for research and administration, as well as a subject of research. This is the focus of the conference on ICTs in Education in Nigeria being organised by the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD).
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ICTS IN EDUCATION IN NIGERIA
July 6-9 2004

By

Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD)
Flat 3, First Floor, Zumunch Stores Building
BUK Road, Kofar Kabagu, Kano, Nigeria
citad@citad.kabissa.org
www.citad.interconnection.org


Introduction
There is no doubt that ICTs have become central to the development agenda debate globally. The world is being reshaped and the evolving information society is become ubiquitous. Yet much needs to be understood about how best to engineer the information society to produce and inclusive, just and democratic world order. We need to research how and with what policies existing global inequalities in access to ICTs could be bridged so that all will equal opportunities to benefit from the development potentials. What shall be done to reverse the emerging trend that these globally inequalities are exacerbating development divide in the world?

The academic community should be in the forefront of this. While in the developed world, much research on ICTs in development is taking place, very little of it is happening here. Critical to this relative low level of engagement with the sector in Africa in particular is the poor state of ICT accessibility in most of the academic institutions of the continent. There is the need to strengthen interest in ICTs with the hope that the institutions and their researchers would be empowered to utilize them both as tools for research and administration, as well as subject of research. This is the focus of the conference on ICTs in Education in Nigeria being organized by the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD) (www.citad.interconnection.org)

Objectives
The aim of the conference is to allow scholars and ICTs practitioners an opportunity to discuss on the role of ICTs in academic institutions. It hopes to specially:
· Provide road map of the research on ICTs in development in Nigeria
· An update on the level of ICT connectivity in institutions of Higher Learning in the country
· Establish a Network of Researchers interested in ICTs in Education and Development

The papers presented of the conference shall be published in the maiden edition of the Nigerian Journal of ICTs for Development (NIJID), which would thenceforth be published quarterly.

Sub-themes
1. ICTs as Research Tools
2. The State of ICT Connectivity in Nigerian Institutions of Higher Learning
3. ICTS as tools for Administration: Case Studies
4. Integrating ICTs in Higher Education
5. Requirements of pre-tertiary ICT education
6. Researching into ICTs in Development in Nigeria
7. Researching into ICTs in Development: International Perspectives
8. Networking and the Academic Community

Calendar
· Submission of Abstracts: 7th t April 20004
· Notification of selection of abstracts: 30th April 2004
· Submission of full papers: 30th May 20004
· Conference dates: 6-9, July 2004
Venue
The conference shall take place at the Conference Centre of the Centre for Democratic Research and Training, Mumbayya House, Bayero University, Kano

Submission of Abstracts
Researchers wishing to present papers at the conference are required to submit abstract of not more 800 words in length. All abstracts should be submitted as e-mail attachment (MS-Word Format) to citad@citad.kabissa.org on or before 7th April 2004. Authors of selected abstracts shall be notified by 30th April 2004. They will be required to submit the full papers on or before 15th May 20004.

Other Information
For more information, contact the Secretary, Conference Organizing Committee (citad@citad.kabissa.org) or write to P. O. Box 10210, Kano, Nigeria.





Jobs

Administrative Associate

Women's Learning Partnership (WLP)

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/20744

WLP is an international, non-governmental organisation (NGO) established to advance communication and cooperation among the women of the world in order to protect human rights, facilitate sustainable development, and promote peace. WLP's programs promote women's leadership and participation in civil society, and women's equal engagement in the production and exchange of information and resources worldwide. Towards these aims, WLP has established programs in collaboration with local partner NGOs in 12 countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. WLP provides multimedia training materials, equipment, and other tools to its partner organisations as part of our strategy to advance women's involvement in critical decision making processes.
Women's Learning Partnership (WLP) Job Opportunity:
Administrative Associate


WLP is an international, non-governmental organization (NGO) established to advance communication and cooperation among the women of the world in order to protect human rights, facilitate sustainable development, and promote peace. WLP's programs promote women's leadership and participation in civil society, and women's equal engagement in the production and exchange of information and resources worldwide. Towards these aims, WLP has established programs in collaboration with local partner NGOs in 12 countries in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. WLP provides multimedia training materials, equipment, and other tools to its partner organizations as part of our strategy to advance women's involvement in critical decision making processes.

Job Description: WLP’s Administrative Associate is based at WLP headquarters in Bethesda, MD and is responsible for providing key administrative and programmatic support for all areas of WLP’s work. Responsibilities include:

General office management including assisting WLP’s accountant, basic bookkeeping, overseeing and updating WLP’s database, and other related administrative responsibilities;


Correspondence including responding to public inquiries and requests from funders, mass mailings, and fulfilling other office correspondence requirements;


Coordinating and reporting on WLP’s events and outreach activities;


Assisting with the planning and implementation of international conferences and meetings;


Managing and updating WLP’s library and resource center;


Conducting research on the Internet, compiling materials, and writing short news items for WLP’s website.



Qualifications: Experience in office management, basic bookkeeping, organizing events, and proficiency in computers/wordprocessing and the Internet; Excellent organizational skills, and ability to manage multiple tasks and work under pressure; Strong writing and editing skills, ability to communicate with individuals from diverse backgrounds, and dedication to women’s empowerment.

Preferred Skills: Experience in the fields of international development and/or human rights, foreign language(s) (particularly French, Spanish, or Russian), and international experience.

Salary and Benefits: Competitive salary commensurate with experience. Excellent medical, dental, and retirement benefits.

Please send your resume and a list of three references to:

Search Committee/Administrative Associate
Women's Learning Partnership
4343 Montgomery Avenue, Suite 201
Bethesda, MD 20814
Fax: (1) 301-654-2775
Email: wlp@learningpartnership.org
Web: www.learningpartnership.org

No calls please



Burundi: Program Coordinator

International Rescue Committee

2004-03-11

http://www.fpa.org/jobs_contact2423/jobs_contact_show.htm?doc_id=214567

The International Rescue Committee (IRC) has been working in Burundi since 1996, implementing humanitarian relief activities in water and sanitation, infrastructure rehabilitation, distribution of non-food items, education support, and assistance to vulnerable youth. In 2004, IRC Burundi is consolidating programming in two sectors - Environmental Health and Youth - making an effort to create programmatic and geographic synergies to the maximum extent possible.


Gambia: Senior Program Officer

Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa

2004-03-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/20745

The Institute for Human Rights & Development in Africa is a pan-African human rights organisation with its headquarters in Banjul, the Gambia. The Institute specialises in the African regional human rights system, including impact litigation in national and international fora based on African human rights treaties, training and research and publication in the procedures of African treaty mechanisms. The Institute is recruiting a Senior Program Officer to coordinate its program activities.
Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa
Institut pour les Droits Humains et le Développement en Afrique





VACANCY ANNOUNCEMENT


Senior Program Officer

The Institute for Human Rights & Development in Africa is a pan-African human rights organisation with its headquarters in Banjul, the Gambia. The Institute specialises in the African regional human rights system, including impact litigation in national and international fora based on African human rights treaties, training and research and publication in the procedures of African treaty mechanisms.

The Institute is recruiting a Senior Program Officer to coordinate its program activities. Under the direct supervision of the Executive Director, the Senior programme officer will co-ordinate training workshops, conduct litigation before the African regional human rights institutions, and undertake research on human rights issues. The Senior Programme Officer will also be responsible for programme planning, fund-raising, and reporting.

Programme officers must possess the following qualifications:
- Degree in law or social science from a recognised university
- At least 5 years of proven working experience with human rights work, preferably with NGOs
- Computer literacy
- Good writing skills
- Fluency in English or French and working knowledge of the other language
- Knowledge of the African Union and the African regional human rights system
Preference will be given to citizens of Africans countries.

Compensation is very competitive and is tax-free (for non-Gambians). The salary is subject to negotiations and depends on experience. Retirement benefits and family health coverage are provided.
Interested candidates are invited to submit: a letter of motivation; a recent CV; 2 samples of writing and a list of 3 referees who are not related to the candidate. Please note that only short listed candidate will be contacted.

Closing date for applications is April 30, 2004 and interviews will be held in Banjul in May 2004. Please see the Institute's website for further information. www.AfricanInstitute.org or send correspondence to info@africaninstitute.org

The Institute is an equal opportunity employer


Malawi: Legal Specialist

International Bar Association

2004-03-11

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/res.nsf/wDocs/C5AF10792FAFA915C1256E460059F330

In its role as a dual membership organisation, comprising 16,000 individual lawyers and 194 Bar Associations and Law Societies, the International Bar Association (IBA) influences the development of international law reform and shapes the future of the legal profession. The International Bar Association (IBA) is seeking a Legal Specialist to work for a period of six months to undertake capacity building work with the Malawi Law Society.


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