Back Issues

Selected headlines from Pambazuka News 151

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/21362

* Comment and Analysis: Will he or won't he?: Nujoma and the fourth term bid
* Conflict and Emergencies: Sudan negotiations critical to solve Darfur crisis
* Human Rights: Action must be taken on human rights abuses, says Zimbabwe NGO Forum
* Elections and Governance: Campaign for democracy in Angola expands
* Development: Africa – Dogmatic development
* Corruption: Nigerian government urged to ratify AU convention
* HIV/AIDS: Aids drugs deal extended
* Education: Rich countries failing poor on education
* Environment: World Bank behind DRC logging interests
* Advocacy and Campaigns: Write a letter to the editor about debt

What choices for South African voters?

Henning Melber

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/21322

On 14th April, almost exactly ten years since the democratic transition, the citizens of South Africa will have for the third time a largely free and fair opportunity to cast their votes for another national parliament. The outcome is predictable: the ruling African National Congress (ANC) will remain in government with an absolute majority of votes. More of interest will be if the former liberation movement achieves a two-thirds majority, and if it also takes over the two provinces of KwaZulu/Natal and the Western Cape, so far governed by the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the New National Party (NNP) respectively.

Even more interesting will be the degree of voter participation in the elections. After a decade of post-Apartheid South Africa, the support base of the ANC still continues to exist. This is not because of enthusiasm for the government's policy since being in political power, but more because of a lack of any meaningful alternative.

The Tripartite Alliance - of the ANC, the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the umbrella trade union body Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) – has managed despite internal differences of opinion to maintain the coalition, even though discourses on developmental strategies have signalled rough times.

The ANC is increasingly criticised for what is labelled a neo-liberal paradigm in its socio-economic orientation. The society has shifted from racial segregation towards a similar discriminating and marginalizing class structure, with members of a new black elite joining the “haves”. Meanwhile, the living conditions of the “have-nots” (who remain mainly black) have shown little if any improvement.

Such a harsh and sobering but realistic conclusion is far from denouncing the ANC policy as a complete sell-out strategy or betrayal of the people (as tempting as it is to do so). It simply acknowledges the price at which negotiated transfer of political power came a decade ago.

While liberated from the racism of Apartheid as a political system of institutionalised discrimination, the controlled change towards a formally democratic society did not mean emancipation from or victory over the capitalist system. Instead, it signalled the beginning of a new partnership with the same capitalism managing to survive the onslaught.

The South African government's role in the international arena is similarly problematic and contradictory, and at times ambivalent and controversial in different ways. In its attempt to gain from the existing global market, South African policy is criticised on the one hand for a too collaborative approach to the G8 and the international financial institutions.

South Africa on the other hand continues to back the despotic regime of Robert Mugabe in neighbouring Zimbabwe to an extent, which provokes doubts about a proclaimed commitment to human rights and democracy. The degree of passivity is tantamount to complicity and even resulted in cautiously warning voices articulated from within the trade union alliance and the SACP.

Such seemingly contradictory dimensions indicate the problems for an emerging middle power to walk the tight rope between “African solidarity” (meaning solidarity with regime security for despotic cleptocracies of the Mugabe/ZANU-PF style) and own global interests (meaning to be the “good boy” in terms of “good governance” the IMF/World Bank/G8 way).

The disappointment among South African voters - more so over internal failures than the contradictory foreign policy - however, can at best result in them abstaining from the voting. The current parties competing with the ANC offer either no political alternatives or no convincing concept or power base.

Notwithstanding this current lack of options from the point of view of the majority, the question beyond the outcome of the elections will be if and to what extent the government will manage to overcome the structural legacy of Apartheid and the class society consolidated. Scepticism concerning the political determination among the office bearers to initiate fundamental socio-economic changes towards a redistribution of wealth beyond the limited cooptation of a new black elite (including themselves) is finding uncomforting evidence, as presented in many recent critical analyses by autonomous scholars and activists.

Growing (de facto) unemployment (despite questionable number crunching during the pre-election campaign), continued increase in absolute poverty, decline in the annual per capita and black household income, extreme social discrepancies as reflected in one of the highest Gini-coefficients the world over (an econometric indicator concerning the degree of income disparities), a continued crisis over the ownership of land and a lack of pro-active policy with regard to combating the deadly consequences of HIV/Aids are some of the contested issues offering reasons for growing disappointment with regard to the policy failures of the ANC government.

The slogan of a “national interest” replaced demands of the working class (not to mention the peasants) for more equality and less exploitation. The times changed and with them the trade unions. President Thabo Mbeki, angered by strikes in August 2001 and October 2002, blamed the organisers in his electronically circulated weekly “Letter from the President” (“ANC Today”, 4-10 October 2002) to “seek to defeat the ANC and the revolutionary masses”. He raised the question of whose interests they serve. This is a question that could be asked the other way round too.

The orthodox (in the sense of neo-liberal) economic policy orientation of the South African government was explicitly confirmed by Thabo Mbeki in an article on “Global Poverty and Progressive Politics” in “New Agenda” (4/2003). He maintains the view that “profit maximisation is a necessary condition for the existence of capital”, without which “capital dies and humanity perishes”.

He therefore declares as “a universally accepted proposition that the necessary macro-conditions should exist to ensure that new capital formation takes place”. Hence “the possibility has to be created everywhere, for capital to make such profits as it would consider acceptable to itself”.

He concludes further, “'market economics' has acquired the character of a universal and self-evident truth”. Since “capital dictates the rules that human society sets itself, to ensure that capital is able to reproduce itself”, it follows that this “is the reason for the universal victory of the neo-liberal/conservative economic paradigm”. In other words: If you can't beat them, join them…

Bob Geldenhuys, parliamentary leader of the New National Party (NNP), comes to a similar conclusion from an opposite point of departure. He concedes that “the ANC adopted a market-oriented economy” and “no party to the right of the ANC will ever be able to unseat the ANC as government of the day”. His own party “therefore firmly believes that it is in the best interest of South Africa to strengthen the centre of the political spectrum” by cooperating with the government (quoted in “Africa Confidential”, 20 February 2004). Who needs enemies with such friends?

Indicative of the big consensus in current South Africa might also be the phenomenon that South African capital supports the major parties: According to “South Scan” (5 March 2004) the insurance giant Sanlam as the flagship of Afrikaans speaking finance capital donates one million Rand each to both the ANC and NNP, while Anglo American, the synonym for British-South African multinational mining capital, supports the big parties with six million Rand.

Meanwhile, President Mbeki assures business leaders at fundraising dinners (for example at the Grand West Casino in Cape Town) that the poor, hungry and unemployed masses will not rebel against the ANC. Instead, he philosophises: “the people who complain about the slow pace of change are those who drive Toyotas. They are complaining because they want to drive BMWs” (quoted from “City Press”, 23 February 2004).

As Ashwin Desai from the Centre for Civil Society at the University of Natal, under the impression of such and similar examples, concludes, “the ANC has made a quick conversion to crony capitalism. It has not unleashed communism on Houghton (the posh millionaires' residential area in Johannesburg, H.M.), it has gone to live there.” (http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs) For critical assessments of this kind he and others are brushed aside as “ultra-left” by those who execute the power of definition in the democratic South Africa of today. They are also labelled “demagogues” and accused - as by Michael Sachs (a researcher working at the national ANC office) in the “South African Labour Bulletin” (6/2003) - of not acknowledging that under the given circumstances “social movements must serve to augment, not undermine democratic power”, meaning with democratic power of course the power of the ANC.

The challenge for those who have managed to remain outside of the power centred, currently dominant alliances of the kind suggested above, must be to continue to not be bullied by such intimidation into compromise, silence, withdrawal or even compliance. By maintaining loyalty to the ideological and political values and norms for which they had supported the struggle against Apartheid in the first place, and by continuing to demand commitment to such goals, they document that there are indeed choices - even if not for the time being at the ballot boxes following this year's Easter weekend in South Africa.

* Henning Melber is Research Director at the Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala/Sweden. He had joined SWAPO of Namibia in 1974 and was Director of the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit in Windhoek between 1992 and 2000.

* SEND COMMENTS ON THIS EDITORIAL – AND OTHER EVENTS IN AFRICA – TO EDITOR@PAMBAZUKA.ORG

* NOTE FOR EDITORS: We are pleased that several print publications have used our editorials, but we ask editors to note that if they use this article, they do so on the understanding that they are expected to provide the following credit: "This article first appeared in Pambazuka News, an electronic newsletter for social justice in Africa, www.pambazuka.org" Editors are also encouraged to make a donation.

SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTION LINKS:

* A "greenies" guide to the General Election
http://www.emg.org.za/frame/frameset.htm
* Do the people have power yet?
http://www.suntimes.co.za/2004/04/04/insight/in03.asp
* The Votacon Generation
http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,386
* Electoral Institute of Southern Africa Election Update
http://www.eisa.org.za/PDF/eu_200404.pdf
* Double think in SA
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=2&ItemID=4551
* Mbeki lashes doomsayers
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=13&ItemID=5004
* Housing battles in post-apartheid South Africa
http://www.laborsmilitantvoice.com/feaSA.htm
* South Africa: Special report on a decade of democracy
http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40469
* Growing unemployment main South African election issue
http://www.afrol.com/articles/12037
* Battle for KZN hots up
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=6&art_id=vn20040405030609782C416904&set_id=1

Will he or won't he? Nujoma and the fourth term bid

Phil ya Nangoloh

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/21277

Media and other reports over the weekend of April 2-3 2004 said that President Sam Nujoma has now officially “confirmed he would not seek a fourth term” of office and that he has “laid to rest speculation over the fourth term once and for all”. It has also been reported that Nujoma would now abide by the Namibian Constitution and would step down on March 21 2005 when his third term ends. Read the Press Statement by Nujoma: “The President of SWAPO reiterated his earlier decision that in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, he will not seek another term of office, and will step down at the end of his term on 21st March 2005”.

This obviously “shock” announcement, which purports to have been made by Nujoma himself, came after a rather tumultuous SWAPO Central Committee (CC) meeting held over the said weekend. This ‘official’ announcement is a far cry from another “shock” announcement by Nujoma who only on March 30 2004 reportedly indicated to a Reuters’ reporter that he might go for a fourth term “if the people” wanted him to do so. Vox populi, vox Dei, meaning “the voice of the people is the voice of God”.

Also, please note that what is conspicuously missing from the above statement is the fact that it does not say that Nujoma would not accept or entertain any further demands from any quarters that he stands for a fourth term.

Since 2002, Nujoma has been making similar flip-flop statements about his desire for a fourth term: in some cases he has indicated that he would step down, inter alia, because of his age, while in others he has indicated that he would go for a fourth term, among other things, because he was “still young”.

Over the April 2-3 2004 weekend, however, Nujoma cited only the constitutional limitation as the prime reason for his stepping down. In the past, when considering whether or not he would stand for a fourth term the Constitution did not appear to matter. The President has no track record of spontaneously adhering to the Constitution. Why all of a sudden now?

On Sunday evening April 4 2004 NBC TV News showed “joyous” SWAPO members in what appeared to be a celebrating mood. This mood was apparently caused by their decision that Nujoma should step down and that three candidates - announced in this order, Hifikepunye Pohamba, Nahas Angula and Hidipo Hamutenya - be nominated to vie for the presidential post. The winner of the three will be determined at the extraordinary SWAPO congress to be held on May 28-29 2004.

Media reports also indicated that central committee (CC) members turned down and rejected three of Nujoma’s four nominees, who included Secretary General Ernest Tjiriange and his deputy John Pandeni.

Hence, the “joyous” mood on the part of the committee members appears to confirm media speculations that there was “fierce” opposition to Nujoma’s fourth term bid. In the likely event that this, indeed, was the case, it is fair to conclude that a victorious palace revolution (or revolt) against not only the fourth term but also Nujoma’s authority has occurred during the said CC meeting. That is to say, Nujoma was subdued, vanquished and forced to shelve - albeit temporarily - his fourth term bid and all other collateral plans associated with the said term of office.

During the Politburo meeting on March 30 2004 Nujoma is said to have issued an ultimatum to his subordinates to choose between two things: either to accept Pohamba as the sole presidential candidate or to face a fourth term for him. Politburo members, however, “fiercely” opposed and defied such ultimatum.

My question is: how and why should Nujoma allow himself to be humiliated or insulted by people whom he has the executive power to constitutionally dismiss summarily in the same manner he had appointed them? In terms of both the country’s Constitution and SWAPO’s own constitution, Nujoma has the power to summarily dismiss anyone not towing his line. He also has popular support among rank and file SWAPO members to disciplining anyone seen as disloyal to him. Simply put, President Nujoma is unstoppable!

Nujoma is bound to retaliate and punish those who dare to oppose his plans for many years. He has done so in the past with Tony von Wietersheim and recently with Hage Geingob, Ernest Tjiriange, Nangolo Mbumba and others. Constitutionally, President Nujoma has also the executive power to sack the entire Cabinet and even to dissolve the National Assembly if he so wished.

Hence, I am cautiously optimistic that Nujoma will, indeed, step down come March 21 2005. Or am I? Such optimism is based on my observations of incidental events or occurrences inside and outside this country, including:
Nujoma has been preparing for the fourth term at least since the dismissal of former Prime Minister Hage Geingob. This was followed by the demotion of Finance Minister Nangolo Mbumba, followed by the removal of Ernest Tjiriange from his post as Minister of Justice.

Hidipo Hamutenya who, according to media allegations, Nujoma fears or dislikes the most - and neither Nujoma nor Hamutenya has so far dismissed these allegations - was removed from his powerful and influential post at the Ministry of Trade and Industry and transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs minus the portfolio of the equally influential Minister of Information and Broadcasting.

Since August 2002 Nujoma or those he has sent encouraged or instigated among others Owambo traditional leaders and rank and file SWAPO supporters to march in favour of the fourth term. He has commissioned the construction of a multimillion Namibia dollar new State House. I am not a bit convinced that Nujoma would build a castle to be inaugurated by Lucas Pohamba, his favoured successor, let alone for Hidipo Hamutenya or Nahas Angula.
Rank and file SWAPO members credit Nujoma personally for having “liberated” this country and for being the only person capable - and I agree - of keeping SWAPO Party unity, from where national unity and peace as well as the relative stability flow, in this country. Under these circumstances, Nujoma cannot now, all of a sudden, be expected to shelve all these good things on which he has been working so hard at.

As in 2002 during his address to the opening of the SWAPO CC over the April 2-3 2004 weekend Nujoma made it clear that Party divisions were unacceptable, warned against infighting and urged unity among SWAPO members. Indeed, there are “widespread” divisions and “a potential rift” within SWAPO as various factions vie for support within and possibly without the ruling Party.

Seeing that the three leaders that the SWAPO CC has nominated to compete for the presidency would engage in what could be viewed as sowing Party divisions and disunity as well as posing a threat to national stability and security, this could be used by Nujoma and others as an excuse.

Hence, he could even use his constitutional powers to dissolve Parliament in accordance with the provisions of Article 57, read together with Articles 26, 32 (3)(a) and 50 of the Constitution. In this case, presidential and National Assembly elections would be held within 90 days to create a completely new Parliament and new Cabinet with Nujoma as new Head of State. Hence, there would be no need for holding a national referendum referred to in Articles 63 (2) (g) and 131 of the Constitution.

Furthermore, as a human rights activist specializing also in early warning systems, I smell a rat due to the over-intensive interactions between the principals of Namibian and Zimbabwean governments lately. I am particularly deeply alarmed by ominous signs of a Zimbabwe-style human rights and humanitarian crisis developing in this country. In addition to the aforementioned internal Party divisions within SWAPO there are several indicators pointing out to this scenario.

I am alarmed at the frequency of both high and low profile visits to this country by high-ranking Zimbabwe officials, especially those who have been pivotal in engineering and sustaining the current human rights and humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe, including Nujoma’s principal ally Robert Mugabe.

It is my belief that President Nujoma, called “a Mugabelite” by some media, is probably the closest ally of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe in the whole world. According to media reports, Mugabe has indicated he would not step down when his present term of office comes to an end sometime in 2008. If this is true - and I believe it is - then why on earth should Nujoma step down now, leaving his friend Mugabe to face a very hostile world alone?

Last November Mugabe arrived here under cover of secrecy. The exact purpose of his visit has not [yet] been disclosed officially. But according to State-controlled media, Mugabe came here for bilateral talks, including “the strengthening of security cooperation”.

Hence, my suspicion is that Nujoma and Mugabe might have signed a mutual defence pact along the lines of the SADC mutual defence pact concluded at Dar es Salaam, Tanzania in August 2003. The Namibian Parliament has since ratified the SADC pact paving the way for SADC Member States to intervene diplomatically, politically and militarily in the internal affairs of another country to remove a threat to national security and integrity and restore or enforce peace.

Prior to the Mugabe visit, Zimbabwean Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi visited Namibia sometimes in July 2003 and paid a courtesy call on President Nujoma. Mohadi also held talks with his Namibian counterpart, Home Affairs Minister Jerry Ekandjo, and visited several police stations in Windhoek and possibly elsewhere in the country.

Then came the “shock” announcement in the evening of February 25 2004 when Namibian Prime Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab “out of the blue” stated that there will be a land expropriation drive in order to “speed up” land reform in the country. This announcement came on the eve of the visit to this country by Mugabe’s propaganda Minister, Professor Jonathan Moyo. Moyo is a principal engineer in the Mugabe’s land grab fiasco.

The Moyo visit entailed touring Namibia’s Government-controlled media institutions: NBC, New Era and Nampa as well as the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB). The visit peaked in the signature of a MOU between the two countries apparently on media matters. The content of such MOU has never really been disclosed. Professor Moyo called his visit a ‘happy coincidence’.

On March 11 2004 Zimbabwe’s Defence Minister Sydney Sekeremayi paid a low-key visit to Namibia where talks were held with President Nujoma. Sekeremayi then headed north apparently to inspect Namibia’s military installations at Grootfontein and possibly other places in the country. The Zimbabwe Defence Force (ZDF) has at least two aircraft in this country, purportedly to help in the evacuation of flood victims in the Caprivi Region. The question is: was Namibia now really unable to deal with the flooding situation in the Caprivi Region?

Over the April 2-3 2004 weekend, Mugabe seconded to Namibia six of his “experts” in land reform to “advise” and “train” Namibians on the techniques of “compensation” for expropriated lands. There has never been similar compensation in Zimbabwe in respect of any lands expropriated by Mugabe. Moreover, Minister Lucas Pohamba recently explained in Parliament how disagreements over the amount of compensation for expropriated land could be taken to land Boards.

Hence, in my opinion these Zimbabwe contacts are no mere coincidences. Nor can they be seen in isolation. They are interconnected, interrelated, interdependent and mutually reinforcing.

Again, such contacts come at the time when there is wholesale ambiguity on whether or not President Nujoma would go for a fourth term as well as widespread media speculations that there is “stiff” resistance within and without the ruling SWAPO party against the 4th term for Nujoma, if not against Nujoma himself as both President of SWAPO and Namibia. This scenario is similar to the situation prevailing in Zimbabwe prior to Mugabe’s seizure of white-owned farmlands and his unleashing of violence on civil society organisations and the political opposition in that country.

Hence, the true picture is bound to emerge in the days, weeks and months to come, possibly before the extraordinary SWAPO Congress scheduled for May 28 –29 2004.

* Phil ya Nangoloh is Executive Director of the National Society for Human Rights, Namibia.

* SEND COMMENTS ON THIS EDITORIAL – AND OTHER EVENTS IN AFRICA – TO EDITOR@PAMBAZUKA.ORG

Appeal against Nairobi evictions

2004-04-08

http://www.habitants.org/IAI

The Kenyan Government has decided to enforce the demolition of dozen of thousand of structures (shacks, schools, churches, community centres, clinics, shops, etc.) in few days time and with no proper notice, thus causing the forced eviction of over 354 000 people from Kibera, Korogocho, Kahawa Soweto, Kamae, Kware, Kamwanya, Kanguku, Kandutu, City Cotton, Mutumba, Kareru, Kirigu, Muria-Mbogo, Mutego, Njiku and others of the most populated among the 168 Nairobi slums. Other evictions are also expected to happen in the whole country. We remind all that doing so, the Kenya Government badly violates the legal obligations stated by the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (art. 2, 7, 11, 12, 13 e 15) signed by Kenya on 3rd January 1976, as well as the Habitat Agenda and the Agenda 21, which provide for the obligation to find alternative solutions when evictions are unavoidable. Click now on the link below to read an appeal.

Have your say on World Bank-Civil Society engagement

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/21319

Do you work or live in a country in which the World Bank is active? Do you have any dealings with the World Bank? If so, take 10 minutes to speak out and share your views by joining the global survey on World Bank-Civil Society Engagement. The questionnaire was prepared and is being circulated by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, the Secretariat for the World Bank-Civil Society Joint Facilitation Committee (JFC).
Have your say on World Bank-Civil Society engagement

Do you work or live in a country in which the World Bank is active? Do you have any dealings with the World Bank? If so, take 10 minutes to speak out and share your views by joining the global survey on World Bank-Civil Society Engagement. The questionnaire was prepared and is being circulated by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, the Secretariat for the World Bank-Civil Society Joint Facilitation Committee (JFC).

What is the Joint Facilitation Committee (JFC)
The JFC is a transitional consultative body committed to facilitating the creation of transparent and democratic mechanisms for more effective engagement between civil society organisations and the World Bank at the global level. JFC had its first formal meeting in October 2003, where fourteen civil society organisations and senior World Bank management discussed the committee’s role and structure. The JFC aims to secure deeper and more meaningful opportunities for civil society to engage with the WB in terms of its operations, its policies and its governance structure. Its civil society participants are particularly concerned with the World Bank’s role as a public institution, and as such, are focusing on generic issues of access (particularly for organisations from the developing world), engagement, accountability, transparency and responsiveness. Further information on the JFC can be found at www.civicus.org under Participatory Governance in the site’s ‘Programmes’ section.

Why a survey?
The JFC secretariat seeks to consult with civil society worldwide on the following issues:
1. Should civil society organisations engage in a dialogue with the World Bank? If so, how can we best structure and use the space for dialogue and engagement between the civil society organisations and the World Bank at the global level?
2. Can the JFC be a useful additional mechanism for civil society engagement with the World Bank at the global level?

CIVICUS and the JFC civil society participants would like to hear your views on these issues to be better informed to take further appropriate action.

Join the survey
Contact tuya@civicus.org for the survey. It can also be filled in on-line at http://www.surveymonkey.com/s.asp?u=81022418999 . The questionnaire should take approximately 10 minutes to complete. For any queries or to request the results of the survey, please contact Tuya Altangerel, JFC Project Manager at tuya@civicus.org , or call +1 (202) 331 8518 or write to CIVICUS, 1112 16th Street, NW, Suite 540, Washington DC, 20036, USA. If you would like to receive the results of the survey, please e-mail Tuya at tuya@civicus.org

Women's rights are human rights

2004-04-08

http://www.isis.or.ug/advocacy.htm

Though quite a number of nations have ratified international human rights instruments, women’s rights are still violated on a day to day basis given the patriarchal set up of society. Through the International Feminist Network, Isis-Women's International Cross Cultural Exchange (WICCE) receives a number of calls for action from women and human rights activists worldwide. So please support the women whose lives are in danger.

Write a letter to the editor about debt

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/21275

At the end of this month, on April 24-25, the IMF and World Bank will meet in Washington for their spring meetings. This event, together with other stories in the news, provides an excellent “hook” to get letters to the editor and/or op-eds published in your local newspaper or online publication about debt! Writing a letter to the editor is easy, and letters are an effective tool to reach people in your community as well as decision-makers with our message. Read on for tips on how to write a letter, sample letters and talking points on various topics, and other helpful information.
Jubilee USA Network
April 2004 Grassroots Monthly Action


Write a Letter to the Editor or Op-Ed on Debt!

At the end of this month, on April 24-25, the IMF and World Bank will meet in
Washington for their spring meetings. This event, together with other stories in
the news, provides an excellent “hook” to get letters to the editor and/or
op-eds published in your local newspaper or online publication about debt!
Writing a letter to the editor is easy, and letters are an effective tool to
reach people in your community as well as decision-makers with our message. Read
on for tips on how to write a letter, sample letters and talking points on
various topics, and other helpful information. Be sure to send a copy of your
letter to the Jubilee USA office if you get published!

The information below, and more, is available online at:
http://www.jubileeusa.org/jubilee.cgi?path=/take_action&page=april04_media.html

Please find below: (1) tips on how to write effective letters and op-eds; and
2) “hooks” you can use to respond to current news items with a letter about
debt, the IMF, and World Bank. This section also includes talking points and
sample letter formats that you can use or adapt into your own words.

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

1. Tips on Writing Effective Letters and Op-Eds

a. Tips on Writing Effective Letters to the Editor

Writing a letter to the editor is the easiest and most effective way to get your
own words into the media. The letters section is one of most read sections of
the newspaper. some guidelines:

· Submit a SHORT letter – best to keep it in the range of 150-200 words.
· Sometimes who you are makes a difference as to whether your letter is
printed, and other times it is the number of letters on an issue. An especially
moving letter may have a higher chance of getting printed.
· You always want to reference a previously published article. Reference
can be loose or specific. Always respond to a story that ran in the paper. With
a letter to the editor, you are not creating news, but responding to it and
offering your own views and insights, and you are continuing discussion of the
issue in the news article. The article you respond to can be about IMF/WB,
Haiti, Argentina, and of the above listed topics and/or the economy at large.
· You can write letters to the editor not just to correct errors but also
to amplify something the reporter said or to bring in whole new concepts and
pieces they don’t mention.
· It is always good to start your letter on a positive note. You could
start with: “Thanks for the interesting, provocative article on XXX.” Then
transition into the point you want to make. But keep it positive – don’t slay
the reporter.
· Decide what the main point is that you want to make, and focus on it.
Remember, after the introduction where you reference the article and identify
yourself, you only have 100-120 words to make your point.
· Be personal when you can. Who you are makes a difference. Say what
congregation you attend or what group you are a member of.
· Be timely – try to write your letter 1-2 days after seeing the article.
Remark on a very recent story.
· Keep your letter really simple and short.
· Proofreading is key – check your work before sending it in.
· Be sure to sign your name, give your address/phone number, as many
papers want to call you before printing the letter.
· Above all, don’t get discouraged!! The more letters to the editor they
get on a topic, even if they don’t run your story now, will make them more
likely to run one in the future!
· You don’t have to be a brilliant writer to publish a letter. You have
equal voice as a subscriber.
· Don’t forget: if you get published, send your letter to Jubilee USA,
and to your Member of Congress – LTEs are a great tool to get your members’
attention on an issue.
· Also, there is an equivalent to LTEs in the world of electronic media.
Radios have lines for feedback. TV stations have feedback lines too. Call in and
leave feedback on stories you hear or see on radio/TV.

Jubilee has a more detailed fact sheet on working with the media, which offers
additional hints on writing letters. See:
http://www.jubileeusa.org/edpacket/media.pdf


b. Tips on Writing an Effective Op-ED

· Op-eds are slightly different and more involved than a LTE.
· In general an op-ed is 500-700 words in length, though it varies by
publication.
· In an op ed, you want to be timely, but also be the voice of reason.
You can tell your personal story if it relates to your editorial viewpoint.
· Avoid cliches and jargon -- Be as clear as possible.
· A lot of times editors want someone with a special name, but sometimes
just being a changemaker is good.
· Avoid passive voice. Give insight and show your expertise.
· Pick one outlet and give it to them, don’t put it out broadly.
Newspapers like to have exclusive rights to op-eds; so start with one paper, get
a yes/no, then move on to another rather than sending it to many all at once.
· A good process: E-mail the op-ed, and then phone the editor to follow
up. Mornings are better than afternoons to make calls to reporters/editors.
· Also, you can ghostwrite an article, ask someone with a bigger name,
like a religious leader or community leader to sign it and submit it.
· As for timing, it is best to try to place op-eds when the issue you are
addressing has legs or salience. Best to pitch op-eds in advance of an event. If
people want to try to get something in by April 24-25 IMF/World Bank meeting,
try to get in at least a week to 10 days out.

Jubilee has a more detailed fact sheet on working with the media, which offers
additional hints on writing op-eds. See:
http://www.jubileeusa.org/edpacket/media.pdf

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

2. “Hooks” You Can Use: Responding to Current News Articles

When writing a letter to the editor, it is best to respond directly to an
article which appeared in the newspaper. As there are few articles directly
about the issue of debt cancellation for impoverished nations, it is most
effective to look for articles about related issues and make the connection back
to debt and IMF/World Bank policies.

There are a number of topics that are currently in the news (or that will be
later this month) that provide effective hooks to talk about debt and IMF/World
Bank policies. Some of these include stories about Iraq, Argentina, or Haiti;
about HIV/AIDS; about the April spring meetings of the IMF/World Bank itself;
about the current selection process for a new IMF Managing Director.

Follow this link to see talking points and sample language you can use to
respond to articles on these subjects:
http://www.jubileeusa.org/jubilee.cgi?path=/take_action&page=april04_newshooks.h
tml

Though these are some of the main topics in the news with easy links to debt you
don’t have to limit yourself to this list. Be creative! Make up your own links
to debt – just get those letters in!


+++++++++++++++++++++
Neil Watkins
Outreach and Communications Coordinator
Jubilee USA Network
222 E. Capitol St., NE
Washington, DC 20003
Direct line - (202) 783-0129
Fax - (202) 546-4468
Web - www.jubileeusa.org

Human Rights Soldier dies

Emmie Chanika, Malawi

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/21249

I just wanted you to know that Runnart Kambudzi died recently. Runnart was one of the pioneer staff members of Civil Liberties Committee.

She was an administrator and Gender officer. I preferred to refer to her as assistant director because the two of us did the donkey work with help from the founder members and dedicated members of CILIC. Whenever the wind turned against me personally, which could be nasty, she would manage to sooth me. She would convince me to go and meet people I thought I should not meet. She would do her job seven days a week, 10 hours a day and sometimes we would work in the field 8 hours a day and drive four hours a day for a one week field visit. She would work the accounts, help in the organisation and lecture, and work on our sentiments in such a calm manner.

She was a chronic asthmatic, so that travelling in the cold could have contributed to her early death. For some time we would go without salaries, yet she was a widow with so many dependants and her 2 children, one of them an adopted niece. She was a gallant Human Rights Soldier with no provisions for the battle.

I hope you can pass this on to people who knew her, most of whom admired her guts and her beauty.

In the name of peace

Urusaro Alice Karekezi, Department of Peace and Development Research, Goteborg University, Brogatan

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/21327

The events of ten years ago found me in Paris, in the office of the African National Congress (ANC), trying to continue to hope after the assassination of Chris Hani, and in Rwanda Felicien Gatabazi. But the news of Habyarimana’s death while the Arusha Peace Accords needed to become a reality was a sign that peace was not for that time.

Today exactly 10 years day after day, the tensions and the questions are still there, and their locations are multiplied. Let me share with you some of the questions that have been my companions since 1995, when I started to look more systematically into the responses to violence in post-genocide Rwanda. Let me say how I learnt about the universality of differences when it comes to expect justice and reconciliation. Why justice and reconciliation?

I have asked similar questions to thousands of people across Rwanda. As I kept on asking questions, I become aware that I can say less about the universality of their expectations, instead I must pay particular attention to their particular experience. I have learned that the answers to the many questions I have raised are far from being straightforward, including within the boundaries of the same “identity group”.

For some, justice was the ability to move on with their lives with amnesia; for others justice was testifying at a trial against the ones who raped, murdered or tortured them or their families. For some, justice is fulfilled with reparation; and for others justice is the possibility to burry their beloved ones in dignity.

Reconciliation too was so fluid a word though for most it equates to living side by side in the same community; for many it is forgiving without conditions in the name of God; some seemed convinced that given a chance they could rebuild tomorrow together while some think it can no longer be the same.

For others it is the prospect to live and raise their children in a country guaranteeing genuine security for all. The ideal of reconciliation is inextricably bound up with yesterday and the promises of tomorrow. Finally, the framing of justice and reconciliation without asking for whom, by whom, with whom and for what purpose leaves little room for other conceptions of what will allow Rwanda to acknowledge all voices and find a common pathway.

I have tried to understand what actually the legal apparatus would achieve in this context. I spent years listening to the stories of women that have experienced sexual violence during the conflict, by meeting them in their gatherings or their homes. My intention was then to look at the ways to voice their particular experiences and needs at the UN international tribunal, based in Arusha, and to monitor the considerations given to them by the tribunal.

The more I listened to their stories, the more I tried to make sense of what, beyond the “violation of their human right” in them was affected, and how far a judicial process could actually address it. I thought that knowledge could be a balm and foundation for a future Rwanda and went to the university to share my questions with the men and women of varied experiences.
Attending the public testimonies of prisoners who plead guilty helped make sense of the process and mechanisms that allowed popular violence to happen, but brought me another infinite set of questions. The sessions I had with prisoners helped me understand their experiences, their hopes and also their worries. What could justice and reconciliation possibly mean in this context?

After 10 years of being a careful student what have I learnt?

I am still at pain to tell in which ways to respond to the consequences of violence that has had such a high level of active participation in Rwanda and how individuals and groups forming Rwanda today look at these strategies aimed at assisting them rebuilding their lives and community.

It is probably not fruitful to view processes of justice and reconciliation as isolated a-historic phenomenon existing outside the realm of politics and every day life. But what have been the contribution of mechanisms such as fictionalized reconstructions of history; reinforcement of an in-group and out-group identity, legitimization and institutionalization of violence? Responding to the consequences of violence include an understanding of the interactions that occur on a daily basis among people whose sense of trust has been destroyed and those fearing reprisal for their deeds.

Another critical component of responses to violence is the recognition that these interactions occur on multiple levels of society but also are affected by time.

Dear sisters, dear brothers, dear friends. I know I have already taken so much of your time and patience, however I will ask for a last favour: have a second tomorrow to think about the women and men of Rwanda. In the name of peace, and love always.

Obstacles to justice

Margherite Williams

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/21246

Thank you for including Luleka Mangquku's eloquent portrayal of the helplessness and guilt-feelings of onlookers to the Rwandan genocide (Pambazuka News 150: Special edition on Rwanda). The end of the commentary raises the question of forgiveness and the difficulty of forgiving the untrustworthy on "seventy times seven" occasions.

I must protest the misuse of the Christian gospels by both Rwandan gacaca and the church in erecting this obstacle across the path of justice.
The Gospel According to Matthew (18:15-22) provides a process for forgiveness that includes confrontation, first by the injured individual, then by his/her community, then by the church itself, for the requisite repentance of the perpetrator. The Gospel According to Luke (17:3-4) requires forgiveness after the perpetrator requests it.

If the Christian gospels must be invoked for healing the monstrous wounds of Rwanda, let the process begin with truth-telling and forgiveness-seeking by the perpetrators, not the victims. Diffusing responsibility to include the victims promotes further injustice.

Ten years further down the road, as the wounds continue to fester, blaming victims for not divulging enough of their humiliation nor pardoning sufficient numbers of the murderers of their families would be the ultimate sacrilege.

So why should we remember the genocide?

Doreen Lwanga (Uganda)

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/21247

To many of you I may sound cynical or sadistic but let me grab this opportunity and ask my question: Why should we remember the Rwanda Genocide? Is it because there are some people who are more dead than others? I ask this question in the same context that I ask: Why should we remember 11 September?

To me, there seems to be a justifiable move towards remembering the dead within the human rights movement but unfortunately hijacked by misguided "guilt cleansing". Arguments that exist to date is that the Rwanda genocide happened because of prejudice, racism, failure of the international community, ineffectiveness of the UN, ethnic or tribal clashes, etc.

While many or all of these arguments maybe true, I do not see any difference in the way the world that I know has operated and continues to operate each day. For example, genocide is neither new in Africa nor unique to Rwanda. The mass massacres of protestors, secessionists, demonstrators in colonial Africa have never received the kind of attention that Rwanda receives today. The slave raids and trade of Africa's human resource into Europe and North America has never received historical global attention.

Sadly, hardly do any school curricular or national programs in Africa recognize it. In fact we are told in some corners that we should forget and move on. Why then do we have to remember 1994 Rwanda? The argument about racism (of the West) towards Black Africa is not convincing to me because this is the global structure in all corners of the world each day except with varying end results. In any case, assuming that the west is racist against Black Africa is a misguided assumption that each person in the West is "White" thus denying the diversity of colours.

We are also not told if indeed everyone in the West stood by in silence before and after the genocide. Instead we are told that the international community (which has become an oxymoron of USA and Europe) did nothing. Any keen observer would know that the Organization of African Unity (now AU) was engaged in the Rwanda peace process for many years; countries like Tanzania supported and hosted the Arusha Peace Process while Uganda supported the Rwanda Patriotic Front in their struggle to return home. Sadly, these and many other achievements (in my judgement) are shadowed in a misguided naming of the International Community.

The argument about the ethnic or tribal warfare between the Hutus and Tutsi fails to recognize the historical stimulants of such divisions. Why we cannot deny that surely the Tutsi exerted hierarchical power over the Hutus before Belgian colonialism, these differences and divisions became more sharp and antagonist during colonial rule when the Tutsi were granted racial accession close to Europeans. Thus, we cannot excuse the effects of such propaganda on the Rwanda of 1959 and 1994 by ignoring the ethnicitizing of the Banyarwanda.

Lastly, while the United Nations indeed shares the blame given its avowed promise in 1948 to prevent human suffering, save lives and save the world of another holocaust, one wonders whether it should indeed take all the blame and the accolades? In my opinion, it is high time that we recognized that the UN is a group of Member States, each with their own interests and their conduct will always reflect their priorities. For example, the US's decision to block UN efforts to stop the Rwanda Genocide reflected its memories of the Somali engagement. As one of my colleagues mentioned, the US withdrew from Somalia after 11 US soldiers died but is still in Iraq after more than 500 deaths. France did not want to see another French culture disappear into oblivion to the Anglophone RPF. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and UK were still making money selling arms and military hardware to the Habyarimana government while The World Bank was still lending and hoping to collect its debt from Rwanda.

Therefore, it is not that I do not want to mourn the dead; it is in realizing that there are too many dead and always let to die by the same people who come to mourn. What is the impact of parading skulls of the other people’s dead in national memorials on the customary closure of life and transition into after-life? What is the impact of the victim mentality on the future of Rwandese Tutsi-Hutu and the creation of Rwanda of national unity? Shouldn't we really ask what is the impact of selective memories on state responsibility towards its own people and reconciliation (in Rwanda) if there is ever going to be?

With love for Mother Africa!

Azeh John Muma, Cameroon (Posted to the Afro-nets list in response to Pambazuka News 150: Special Edition on Rwanda)

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/21248

I want to thank Pambazuka News. We Africans do have a lesson to learn from this genocide. It happened in Rwanda but this was an African reality brought to the lamplight. I have a point for all of us Africans: there are more genocides to come and in progress that we need to fight. To my Rwandan brothers and sisters I will ask you to take heart, love your country and know that the human being is God's creature. To leaders I will advise them to be God fearing and do to their people what you would like them to do to you. To all African believers or not, every evening just say God thank you for the day and help us to love one another. With love for Mother Africa!

RESPONSE TO AZEH JOHN:
FROM NICOLE VENTER, SOUTH AFRICA

I am always so inspired by your mail, and proud to be part of the African renaissance - we are indeed all brothers and sisters here and God willing we will take heed when the call comes to assist each other, sustain each other, teach, support and care for each other.

Concerning Rwanda - an issue very close to my heart is that of the children. If anyone can assist with information (other than that which has been posted in Pambazuka News) relevant to the formulation of new programmes of assistance in various health and development related areas, I would like to invite them to forward such information to us. (shae@worldonline.co.za)

RESPONSE TO NICOLE VENTER:
FROM VALENTINE NGWA

I really hope that the African Renaissance is a reality. Ten years is too short a time for us to understand how our so called brothers and sisters can sit down, plan, import machetes and slaughter almost a million of their neighbours, rape many and plunder their property. I wonder how long it takes for the memories of such barbaric acts to go away; especially so when there are many things to remind the victims including HIV.

Rather than Africa taking a leaf from Rwanda, we see neighbouring DR Congo in anarchy, Sudan on the verge of their own genocide and my native Cameroon under a very uneasy calm; which lessons have we learnt? These issues get difficult to comprehend and at times one is tempted to wonder whether such things were meant to be.

After all, history teaches us that men and nations behave wisely once they have exhausted all other alternatives. In all these, you will always hear our people in their usually escapist tendency say 'The International Community failed us!' They should rather say how they have failed themselves. I weep for Mother Africa.

Chimurenga - New issue announcement

2004-04-08

http://www.chimurenga.co.za

The latest issue of Chimurenga, a quarterly publication of arts, culture and politics from and about Africa and its Diasporas, is inspired by the writings of Bessie Head (1937-1986) and titled Triptych: Head/Body (& Tools)/Corpses. It features unpublished notes by Ms Head and new writing and art by Olu Oguibe, Chimamanda Adichie, Greg Tate, Sandile Dikeni, Charles Mudede, Khulile Nxumalo, Achille Mbembe, Jean-Claude Fignole, Tanure Ojaide, Pumla Dineo Gqola, Muthoni Garland, Pravasan Pillay...amongst others. The cover art is by Dread Scott.

Justice Matters: Legacies of the Holocaust and WWII

Mona Sue Weissmark

2004-04-08

http://www.weissmark.com/

Springing from an unprecedented meeting between the sons and daughters of the Holocaust and the children of the Third Reich, Justice Matters: Legacies of the Holocaust and World War II takes readers on an unparalleled journey of hatred and ethnic resentments. Although more than half a century has passed, recollections of the Holocaust and WWII still sear the lives of survivors, their children and grandchildren. Weissmark’s book shows how the cycle of ethnic and religious strife is kept alive generation after generation through story-telling, with each side recounting the injustice it suffered and the valour it showed in avenging its own group.

Magic faith and healing mysteries of Africa

A. Manji

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/21254

For many indigenous African people, magic still governs the life of the individual and the course of the universe. If you have ever been intrigued by the healing arts of the witchdoctor, this is the book for you. Discover in detail the methods used to cast demons out of the possessed, call spirits from trees, and use medicinal plants to cure physical illnesses.
Magic faith and healing mysteries of Africa
A. Manji
For many indigenous African people, magic still governs the life of the individual and the course of the universe. If you have ever been intrigued by the healing arts of the witchdoctor, this is the book for you. Discover in detail the methods used to cast demons out of the possessed, call spirits from trees, and use medicinal plants to cure physical illnesses.
African magic rituals, spells and words of power can be used to raise one's self-esteem and provide a happier life, get the glimpse into the mysterious spiritual heart of Africa in this fascinating book when you read about (a) The evil eye and how to combat it (b)Human souls trapped in animal bodies (c) Love achieved through magic formulas or can you "lock" your woman not to make love to another woman? (d) The power of faith healing.
Get a glimpse into the super natural powerful people or people with nature and paranormal behaviour who create more integrated way of life with their charms. Read more about:
- Origin of witchcraft practice in Africa
- Symbols used to practice the occult in Africa
- Language, philosophical and psychological rationalization
- A protective metaphoric belief in witchcraft .
- Africa's influence on occultism
- Various experience with involvement in other African countries.
- Thoughts on theology and beliefs connected with occultism
Address of the Bookseller
Press And Publicity Centre, PO Box 20910, Daressalaam, Tanzania.
E-mail ppctz@yahoo.com

This book is a scholarly researched on occult- all about magic practices and cultural discoveries of Africans who churn charms and magic formulas, Vampires, omens, psychic phenomena and much more and more ...

The Permanent International Criminal Court - Legal and Policy Issues

Edited by Dominic McGoldrick, Peter Rowe and Eric Donnelly

2004-04-08

http://www.hart.oxi.net/bookdetails.asp?id=380&bnd=1

The idea of an International Criminal Court has captured the international legal imagination for over a century. In 1998 it became a reality with the adoption of the Rome Statute. This book critically examines the fundamental legal and policy issues involved in the establishment and functioning of the Permanent International Criminal Court. Detailed consideration is given to the history of war crimes trials and their place in the system of international law, the legal and political significance of a permanent ICC, the legality and legitimacy of war crimes trials, the tensions and conflicts involved in negotiating the ICC Statute, the general principles of legality, the scope of defences, evidential dilemmas, the perspective of victims, the nature and scope of the offences within the ICC's jurisdiction - aggression, genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, questions of admissibility and theories of jurisdiction, the principle of complementarity, national implementation of the Statute in a range of jurisdictions, and national and international responses to the ICC.

Voices of the Transition: The Politics, Poetics and Practices of Social Change in South Africa

Editors: Edgar Pieterse and Frank Meintjies

2004-04-08

http://www.isandla.org.za/book3.htm

South Africa’s political transition was astonishing. The reversal of overall economic decline has also been remarkable. However, the social change process has been chequered, mixed, arduous, open to diverse interpretations and often contradictory. Proud moments and excitement co-exist with disappointments. This book tells South Africa’s story of change in the best way that it can be told – through multiple viewpoints and different ways of conveying it: articles, interviews, short stories, poetry, and photography. It combines intensely personal reflections with broad-sweep viewpoints and assessments.

Who fights? Who cares?

Edited by Alex de Waal

2004-04-08

http://www.justiceafrica.org/whofights.html

Africa faces huge political and humanitarian challenges. Sixteen countries are stricken by war or serious instability; the shadow of genocide looms over central Africa; while natural and man-made disasters threaten the lives and livelihoods of millions of Africans. International structures for peace and security and the delivery of humanitarian assistance have so far failed to prevent enduring crisis across the continent. Hopes of new models for ‘African solutions to African problems’ have suffered severe setbacks in the last few years. The essays in this book address the various challenges faced by Africa.

Africa/Global: Access to resources and the millennium development goals

2004-04-08

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC14216

Linking the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) on the issues of poverty eradication, gender equality and environmental sustainability can expand women's access to natural resources, according to a report from Women's Environment and Development Organisation (WEDO). The report illustrates, through grassroots initiatives and real life examples, the practical linkages between the issues, and provides strategies, tools and actions for organisations and institutions to integrate gender issues and women's participation in the MDG process.

Africa/Global: Rehabilitation Programs Reportedly Failing War-Affected Females

2004-04-08

http://www.unwire.org/News/328_426_22484.asp

Aid programs designed to rehabilitate war-affected populations fail to address the needs of children, particularly girls, who often receive no support at all, experts said at a conference on children and war. Women may be abducted by warring parties and forced to serve as fighters, scouts, cooks, porters, spies and sexual slaves. Like boys, they may also volunteer, whether because of poverty, concern for their safety or ideological reasons.

Africa: Women Hold the Key to Food Security

2004-04-08

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=23170

Women’s right to land ownership could change the face of Africa and speed up efforts to achieve food and nutrition security. This is the view of some 500 delegates who attended a three-day international meeting on food security in Uganda’s capital Kampala. The gathering which ended Saturday attracted delegates from 50 countries, 30 of them from Africa.

Burkina Faso: Government tackles tradition of girl-brides

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40209

In impoverished Burkina Faso, girls as young as eight are married off to men often older than their own fathers. But the government is now trying to eradicate this practice, alarmed by the continuing emergence of pregnancy complications in very young mothers. Typical of this phenomenon is the case of 22-year-old Christine. When she was 16, Christine ran away from home after realising that her family was preparing to marry her off to a polygamous old man.

DRC: Words alone will not put an end to sexual violence

2004-04-08

http://www.msf.org/countries/page.cfm?articleid=6D8731EF-9FDC-4480-AD18A8AB1892EA6E

The international humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has expressed its serious concern about continued sexual violence against women and girls in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a phenomenon that is being perpetuated by ongoing insecurity. One year after a peace agreement was signed to put an end to the war in DRC, MSF continues to see victims of rape in its clinics. Releasing a report entitled "I have no joy, no peace of mind", MSF describes the terrible medical, psychosocial and socio-economic consequences of sexual violence in the DRC and the use of rape - against both women and men - as a weapon of war.

Uganda: Vaginal microbicides bring new hope in AIDS war: study

2004-04-08

http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200404/05/eng20040405_139461.shtml

Ongoing trials of two potential vaginal microbicides against HIV/AIDS at a hospital in Kampala have so far produced promising results, local newspaper Sunday Monitor reported. Vaginal microbicides are substances that a woman can insert before sex in order to inactivate HIV and other sexually transmitted microbes. The microbicides can work in one of three ways - by killing the virus before it enters the body, by preventing it from taking hold once inside the body, or by creating a barrier to stop it from entering the body in the first place, the report said.

Zimbabwe: Instead of Targeting Sex Workers, Police Harass All Women

2004-04-08

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=23177

It is retold so often that the account of how an embarrassed government minister rescued a female relative, who had been caught in a police sex worker crackdown he sanctioned, has become something of an urban legend. Some say it is surprising that the woman’s embarrassment - not to mention that of the official - did not lead him to entertain the possibility that police may have acted too arbitrarily when they set out to banish the world’s oldest profession in the 1980s. Officers’ methods included accosting - and even arresting - any ‘suspicious’ woman walking around after dark, especially if she was daring to move about unaccompanied.

Zimbabwe: National gender policy launched

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/21274

Zimbabwe used the occasion of International Women's Day to launch its National Gender Policy. Developed in collaboration with UNIFEM, the Zimbabwe Gender Forum and UNDP Zimbabwe, the policy will facilitate gender mainstreaming in all sectors of the economy and government to promote gender equality and redress historical gender imbalances. Contact Nomcebo Manzini on the email address below for more information.

Africa: Slave descendants sue for billions

2004-04-08

http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1179732,00.html

Centuries after Africans were beaten, chained and transported in their millions across the Atlantic, Britain's role in the slave trade is set to resurface in sensational fashion in a New York courtroom. Descendants of black American slaves are preparing a multi-billion dollar action against Lloyd's of London, the best-known name in world insurance, for allegedly financing the trading fleets that uprooted them from their homelands and condemned them to generations of slavery in the New World. The dramatic claim is the latest in which 'UK plc' is being forced to confront allegations of a murky past. In recent years a host of British companies have been sued for allegedly collaborating with South Africa's racist apartheid regime.

DRC: Dutch court jails Congolese man

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3608027.stm

A Dutch court has sentenced a former colonel from the Democratic Republic of Congo to 30 months in prison for torturing people there in the 1990s. This is the first case of war crimes committed in another country to reach a Dutch national court. Sebastian Nzapali - known as the king of the beasts - was acquitted on charges of rape and received half the sentence recommended by prosecutors. He was tried under a new law based on the 1984 UN Convention Against Torture.

Sudan: Massive Atrocities in Darfur

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/21214

The Sudanese government is complicit in crimes against humanity committed by government-backed militias in Darfur, Human Rights Watch said in a recent report. In a scorched-earth campaign, government forces and Arab militias are killing, raping and looting African civilians that share the same ethnicities as rebel forces in this western region of Sudan. The report, “Darfur in Flames: Atrocities in Western Sudan,” describes a government strategy of forced displacement targeting civilians of the non-Arab ethnic communities from which the two main rebel groups - the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) - are mainly drawn.
For immediate release:
Sudan: Massive Atrocities in Darfur
Almost One Million Civilians Forcibly Displaced in Government’s Scorched-Earth Campaign

(New York, April 2, 2004) — The Sudanese government is complicit in crimes against humanity committed by government-backed militias in Darfur, Human Rights Watch said today in a new report. In a scorched-earth campaign, government forces and Arab militias are killing, raping and looting African civilians that share the same ethnicities as rebel forces in this western region of Sudan.

The report, “Darfur in Flames: Atrocities in Western Sudan,” describes a government strategy of forced displacement targeting civilians of the non-Arab ethnic communities from which the two main rebel groups—the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM)—are mainly drawn. Human Rights Watch found that the military is indiscriminately bombing civilians, while both government forces and militias are systematically destroying villages and conducting brutal raids against the Fur, Masaalit and Zaghawa ethnic groups.

“The Sudanese military and government-backed militias are committing massive human rights violations daily in the western region of Darfur,” said Georgette Gagnon, deputy director for the Africa division of Human Rights Watch. “The government’s campaign of terror has already forcibly displaced one million innocent civilians, and the numbers are increasing by the day.”

Human Rights Watch called on the government of Sudan to immediately disarm and disband the militias, and allow international humanitarian groups access to provide relief to the displaced persons.

The government has recruited and armed over 20,000 militiamen of Arab descent and operates jointly with these militias, known as “janjaweed,” in attacks on civilians from the Fur, Masaalit, and Zaghawa ethnic groups. In the past year, nearly one million civilians have fled their rural villages. Most are displaced into towns and camps where they continue to be murdered, raped and looted by the militias.

Although Arab and African communities in Darfur for decades have intermittently clashed over land and scarce resources, the current conflict began 14 months ago when two new rebel groups emerged. The Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) demanded that the Sudanese government stop arming the Arab groups in Darfur and address longstanding grievances over underdevelopment in the region.

In response, the government launched a massive bombing campaign which, combined with the raids of the marauding militias, have forced more than 800,000 people from their homes and sent an additional 110,000 people into neighboring Chad.

In a scorched-earth campaign, government forces and militias have killed several thousand Fur, Zaghawa and Masaalit civilians, routinely raped women and girls, abducted children, and looted tens of thousands of head of cattle and other property. In many areas of Darfur, they have deliberately burned hundreds of villages and destroyed water sources and other infrastructure, making it much harder for the former residents to return.

“The militias are not only killing individuals, they are decimating the livelihoods of tens of thousands of families,” Gagnon said. “The people being targeted are the farmers of the region, and unless these abuses are stopped and people receive humanitarian relief, we could see famine in a few months’ time.”

U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan should request the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights to immediately dispatch a mission of inquiry to investigate the situation in Darfur, Human Rights Watch said. The mission should report back to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, currently meeting in Geneva, before the end of its session on April 23. Human Rights Watch urged the U.N. Commission on Human Rights to adopt a resolution—under item 9—to appoint a special rapporteur for human rights in Sudan.

The report describes how government forces allow the janjaweed to operate with full impunity. Government forces fail to protect civilians even when these unarmed people have appealed to the military and police forces, warning that their villages were about to be attacked. Government forces and janjaweed have also obstructed the flight of civilians escaping to Chad.

“The Khartoum government has tried to repress this rebellion with lightning speed in hope that the international community wouldn’t have time to mobilize and press the government to halt its devastation of Darfur,” added Gagnon, “But the Sudanese government will still have to answer for crimes against humanity that cannot be ignored.”

The Sudan peace talks in Kenya convened by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an intergovernmental body of East African countries, are limited to the two main parties to the 20-year conflict in Southern Sudan. The peace talks do not include Darfur or the Darfurian rebels. Taking advantage of the internationally regulated ceasefire in the south, the Sudanese government has shifted its attack helicopters and other heavy weapons, purchased with oil revenue from the south, to the western region of Darfur.

The government’s indiscriminate bombing, scorched-earth military campaign, and denial of access to humanitarian assistance in Darfur reflects the same deadly strategy employed in the south, with yet more rapid dislocation and devastation than witnessed or experienced there.

“Darfur in Flames: Atrocities in Western Sudan” is available at: http://hrw.org/reports/2004/sudan0404/

Uganda: Torture Used to Deter Opposition

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/21215

Ugandan security forces are torturing supporters of the political opposition and holding them in secret detention amid the government's pursuit of rebels involved in the country's armed conflict, Human Rights Watch said. The 76-page report, "State of Pain: Torture in Uganda," documents cases of torture committed by military, intelligence and security agents in the government's pursuit of armed rebels. However, politicians challenging the de facto single-party state and the 18-year rule of Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, are often detained, severely beaten and threatened with death by the uncontrolled security apparatus.
Uganda: Torture Used to Deter Opposition
Political Opponents Swept Up by Security Apparatus Beyond Legal Oversight

(New York, March 29, 2004) - Ugandan security forces are torturing supporters of the
political opposition and holding them in secret detention amid the government's pursuit
of rebels involved in the country's armed conflict, Human Rights Watch said in a new
report released today.

The 76-page report, "State of Pain: Torture in Uganda," documents cases of torture
committed by military, intelligence and security agents in the government's pursuit of
armed rebels. However, politicians challenging the de facto single-party state and the 18-
year rule of Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, are often detained, severely beaten
and threatened with death by the uncontrolled security apparatus.

"Uganda set up a shadow sector of security operations to contend with armed rebel
groups and crime waves," said Jemera Rone, Uganda researcher for the Africa Division
of Human Rights Watch. "But now, the security system serves to punish and deter
political opposition by detaining and torturing supporters of the political opposition."

Military intelligence and security forces reportedly have suspended victims from the
ceiling for hours or days in a position called kandoya (with their hands and feet tied
behind their back), beaten them severely with wooden or metal rods, cables, hammers or
sticks studded with protruding nails, and subjected them to water torture in which the
victim is forced to lie face up while a water spigot is opened directly into his mouth.

In 2001 the government established a system of covert "safe houses"-unacknowledged
and illegal places of detention-to hold persons suspected of supporting opposition
politicians or rebels, groups that often merge in the minds of security officials. With no
real oversight by the Ugandan judiciary and no access given to Ugandan government
human rights officials, these places of detention facilitate torture and other abuses by
shielding abusers from scrutiny.

Individuals have been held incommunicado in such places with no contact with family
members or lawyers-sometimes for months. They have been denied medical care
despite severe injuries, kept blindfolded so they cannot later identify their torturers and
interrogators, and threatened with retaliation if they talk about their torture. The
constitutional requirement that criminal charges be brought within 48 hours of
detention or the suspect released is rarely honored in these cases, so that fresh marks
of torture can fade and the suspect can be coerced to sign a "confession."

"People are swept up into a security apparatus that is operating outside the law," said
Rone. "Uganda's security system has served to keep victims of the government's
abuse silent and its perpetrators immune from punishment."

The only mitigating mechanism for detainees is the writ of habeas corpus, a legal
procedure usually available only to persons who can afford attorneys. The writ
requires authorities to produce the suspect in court. Afterwards, the government
usually quickly brings criminal charges for treason or terrorism to justify further
detention. However, it must then transfer the accused to prison, where torture does not
appear to occur.

Reforms by the government and within the Ugandan justice system are needed to stop
torture and end rampant impunity in Uganda's military, security and intelligence
services. Human Rights Watch called on the government to disband security services
that are outside parliamentary oversight, to start conducting medical examinations of
suspects when they are first taken into custody, to stop using illegal places of
detention, and to rescind the policy of prolonged incommunicado detention. The courts
should enforce the constitutional requirement to promptly charge or release all
detainees held 48 hours, and that all confessions be voluntary.

The report can be found at: http://hrw.org/reports/2004/uganda0404/

-----------
Please help support the research that made this bulletin possible. In order
to protect our objectivity, Human Rights Watch does not accept funding from
any government. We depend entirely on the generosity of people like you.
To make a contribution, please visit http://hrw.org/donations/

Zimbabwe: Action must be taken on human rights abuses, says NGO forum

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/21218

For the period February 1-29, The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum recorded 100 cases of political discrimination, 97 cases of freedom of expression violations, 74 cases of torture and 32 cases of assault. Detailing the abuses in its political violence report for February, the forum called upon the responsible authorities to take action regarding the human rights violations cited in this report in terms of bringing the perpetrators to justice. "Failure to do so will create a climate of impunity in which politically motivated violence may thrive. It is imperative that checks be put in place to prevent this prior to the upcoming Parliamentary Elections in early 2005."
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM
POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT
FEBRUARY 2004
2 April 2004
A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum

OVERVIEW
National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) held a demonstration to call for a new constitution outside Parliament on 4 February 2004. The police stopped the demonstration and the demonstrators were arrested and subjected to varying forms of torture. NCA Chairperson, Lovemore Madhuku and 8 other members of the NCA, were reportedly abducted by ZRP officers from outside Parliament where they were had been rounded up. The victims were taken away in a police Defender truck and were dropped off in different areas in and around town. The police reportedly proceeded with Madhuku alone. He claims that the police severely assaulted him with baton sticks and clenched fists before they dumped him at a rubbish dump site near the National Sports Stadium on the outskirts of the city centre. Madhuku reportedly had difficulties breathing after the assault. Madhuku claims that the police called him stubborn and said that he had to be eliminated.
The police continue to prevent members of the NCA from exercising their rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression by routinely arresting them and assaulting them whenever they attempt to hold a peaceful demonstration. The police reportedly assaulted sixty-six other NCA demonstrators with baton sticks while some had dogs set upon them at the time of their arrest. Setting dogs upon the demonstrators is cruel and inhuman and must be strongly condemned. DG, NM, JM, TM and other demonstrators had dogs set upon them. TM was reportedly bitten by one of them on her left arm. JM alleges that a dog was instructed to bite her on the right hand and that the dog only let go of her when it was ordered to do so. EP, who reportedly fell face down and was bitten by a police dog on her right arm as she was lying on the ground. Torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment by law enforcement agents as exhibited against the NCA demonstrators is deplorable. The Human Rights Forum urges the Commissioner of Police to ensure that police officers do not use gratuitous force in the exercise of their duties.
Violence continues to be commonplace on Charleswood Estate, which belongs to Roy Bennet (MDC MP for Chimanimani – MANICALAND PROVINCE). Farm workers at Charleswood have been consistently victimised on the basis that they work for an MDC MP. Shemi Chimbarara, a farm worker at Charleswood Estate, reportedly died when he was shot by a soldier settled at the farm. JK, also a farm worker at Charleswood, was reportedly shot in the knee as he was running away from the soldier. JK was taken to SASU Hospital in Mutare for treatment the following morning, while the body of the deceased Shemi Chimbarara was taken to Chimanimani Hospital Mortuary by the police. Chamunorwa Muusha, a war veteran settled at Charleswood reportedly raped a farm worker from the farm on 6 February 2004. MC, VN and SC were reportedly abducted by ZANU PF supporters and taken to Muusha’s homestead. The three were allegedly subjected to assaults and were forced to run around in circles then bound to a tree with a leather rope by their necks. The rope around their necks was then untied and they were further assaulted with a rubber whip all over their bodies for about 3 hours. VN was reportedly assaulted on the back and buttocks, and was ordered to stop working for Roy Bennet and work for Chamunorwa Muusha instead. SC was reportedly severely beaten on her head, back, buttocks and thighs. VN alleges that she was later taken to Chamunorwa’s bedroom for sweeping as she had been ordered to, and that Chamunorwa fondled her as well. She alleges that Chamunorwa slapped in the face when she declined his advances. VN claims that she fell down and Chamunorwa raped her twice, at around 21:00 hours and then again at about 02:00 hours.
The Human Rights Forum calls upon the responsible authorities to take action regarding the human rights violations cited in this report in terms of bringing the perpetrators to justice. Failure to do so will create a climate of impunity in which politically motivated violence may thrive. It is imperative that checks be put in place to prevent this prior to the upcoming Parliamentary Elections in early 2005.

For the full report, contact research@hrforum.co.zw or zimelectionchallenges@yahoo.com

Zimbabwe: Judicial Rulings Must Be Respected

2004-04-08

http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=3301&lang=en

In a further blow to the independence of the judiciary, the Zimbabwean Government ignored two judicial rulings and used State-controlled media to attack magistrates, stated the Centre for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers of the ICJ (ICJ/CIJL). On 17 March, Magistrate Judith Tsamba, following a precedent of the High Court in a similar case, ordered the release of prominent businessman James Makamba due to irregularities in his arrest. Despite the Magistrate's order, the police decided to ignore the ruling and immediately rearrested the accused. In a similar case, the Government ignored Judge Bhunu's ruling ordering the immediate release of Phillip Chiyangwa. Mr. Chiyangwa, Chinhoyi legislator and ZANU-PF chairman for Mashonaland West, is facing criminal charges involving the obstruction of justice, contempt of court and perjury.

Africa/Global: Forced Migration Online resource available

2004-04-08

http://www.forcedmigration.org/browse/thematic/newssources.htm

The Forced Migration Online (FMO) team, of the Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford has prepared an online resource page highlighting key relevant news sources on the web. References are available for specific news services that focus on refugees/IDPs, emergencies, migration, conflict, as well as more comprehensive news search engines and directories. The Internet provides a wealth of opportunities for sharing news and information; examples of mailing lists, discussion boards, blogs and wikis are also featured. Finally, several free newsfeeds are also noted.

Africa: Gender and displacement

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403291135.html

Over the last two years, the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) Global Studies Programme has organised a series of workshops in Africa on Refugees' Right to Communicate. The series culminated in the publication of a call to action summarising the key findings of the workshops. Here, Valérie Gatabazi highlights critical gender issues in relation to the situation of refugees, based on the presentation she gave at one of the workshops which took place in the Great Lakes region of Africa. The issues are universal and call for urgent redress, especially with regard to the situation of women and girls in refugee camps.

Angola: Lack of assistance undermines sustainable return of IDPs

2004-04-08

http://www.db.idpproject.org/Sites/idpSurvey.nsf/wViewSingleEnv/AngolaProfile+Summary

The ceasefire agreed between the Angolan government and UNITA in 2002 ended 27 years of civil war and provided the momentum for millions of internally displaced people (IDPs) to return home. More than four million people were displaced before the ceasefire. In early 2004, 450,000 of them were still waiting to go back to their homes, while around 400,000 were expected to settle permanently in their current place of residence. The majority of those IDPs who were able to return have faced a lack of basic services and food insecurity, as well as a widespread threat of land mines.

Burundi: With peace at hand, the displaced need support to return home

2004-04-08

http://www.db.idpproject.org/Sites/idpSurvey.nsf/wViewSingleEnv/BurundiProfile+Summary

Since the early 1990s, hundreds of thousands of Burundians have fled their homes to escape fighting between the government and Hutu rebel groups seeking to put an end to the political dominance of the Tutsi minority. Many others, predominantly Hutus, were forcibly displaced into camps by the government in the second part of the 1990s. More than one in seven Burundians has fled his or her home over the past ten years. Prospects for the return of internally displaced people (IDPs) improved significantly at the end of 2003, following the signing of ceasefire agreements between the government and several rebel groups. Many challenges lie ahead though, such as conflicting land claims and the lack of preparation of communities in areas of origin to receive returnees may complicate the process.

Guinea: Unstoppable exodus

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3568329.stm

The Fouta Djalon region of northern Guinea is among the most picturesque parts of West Africa. Its lush rolling hills are covered in coconut trees, orange trees, banana trees, mango trees - just about whatever you plant will grow. It is also the region's water tower, boasting the sources of the Rivers Niger, Senegal and Gambia. But despite its abundant natural wealth, its biggest export is people.

Liberia: Returning teachers aim to put Liberia back on learning curve

2004-04-08

http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/news

A first group of displaced Liberian teachers have gone home with UNHCR assistance under plans to resume basic services and restore normalcy for tens of thousands of returnees in post-conflict Liberia. They had fled their homes and jobs at Zwedru's Multilateral High School at the height of the conflict last year, and are returning now as part of efforts by the Ministry of Education to kick-start basic services like education in areas of return.

Rwanda-Uganda: 1,000 refugees return from Uganda

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40309

At least 1,000 Rwandan refugees have returned home from Uganda since January, in a repatriation programme organised by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the agency reported on Monday. Some 228 of the returnees left Nakivale Camp in the southwestern district of Mbarara in Uganda on Monday, aboard five UNHCR trucks. "The returnees were visibly happy to be back," UNHCR reported. "Many had not seen their home country in at least 10 years, while their children had been born in the settlements and were setting foot in Rwanda for the first time."

Angola: Campaign for democracy expands

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/21219

The aim of the 'Campaign for a Democratic Angola' - joining the hands of civil society and opposition - is to form a common front to push the government to improve democracy in Angola and to call on its leaders to announce a date for national elections. The organisers will launch the campaign in four of the country's 18 provinces in its first month (March) alone - Luanda, Cabinda, Huambo and Lunda-Sul. The campaign will be launched in up to a further four provinces between April and June 2004 and the ultimate aim is to make it nationwide. Organisers will hold a conference in April during which they plan to draw up a concrete agenda for the campaign's future activities. The hope is that pressure from the campaign will force the government to implement significant changes in Angola but organisers are also warning the country's leaders that they will be the ones left behind if they do not start to move quickly.
Campaign for a Democratic Angola

1st Public Report

OBJECTIVES

The aim of the ‘Campaign for a Democratic Angola’ – joining the hands of civil society and opposition – is to form a common front to push the government to improve democracy in Angola and to call on its leaders to announce a date for national elections.
The organisers will launch the campaign in four of the country’s 18 provinces in its first month (March) alone – Luanda, Cabinda, Huambo and Lunda-Sul.
The campaign will be launched in up to a further four provinces between April and June 2004 and the ultimate aim is to make it nationwide. Organisers will hold a conference in April during which they plan to draw up a concrete agenda for the campaign’s future activities.
The hope is that pressure from the campaign will force the government to implement significant changes in Angola but organisers are also warning the country’s leaders that they will be the ones left behind if they do not start to move quickly.

THE ANGOLAN CONTEXT

The 27-year civil war in Angola killed over a million people and displaced millions more. The conflict ended in April 2002 but after two years of peace, and despite repeated promises of a ballot, president Jose Eduardo dos Santos has failed to announce a date. He has cited the drafting of a new constitution as being the reason for the delay and most observers say elections are very unlikely to take place before 2006.
The last and only post-independence elections in Angola took place in 1992. Dos Santos is the head of the ruling MPLA and has been the country’s president for 24 years. The MPLA has been in power since Angola gained its independence from Portugal in 1975.
Angola is sub-saharan Africa’s second largest oil producer after Nigeria, producing nearly one million barrels per day (bpd). Despite this natural wealth and two years of peace, United Nations figures reveal that Angola has one of the world’s worst under-five mortality rates, 80 percent of homes do not have electricity and as many as half of all Angolans remain without safe water, proper health care or education. Most of the population of over 13 million continue to live in abject poverty. Denouncements of corruption, mismanagement of state funds and a lack of transparency have been widespread and persist.
A low-intensity military conflict continues in the northern enclave of Cabinda between government forces - estimated to number around 30,000 - and independentist guerrilla groups. Thousands of lives have already been lost and there have been massive and systematic human rights abuses against the civilian population by government troops.

ANGOLAN CIVIL SOCIETY AND OPPOSITION PARTIES

During the last period of the civil war (1998-2002) Angolan civil society was focused on finding an end to the devastating conflict.
The onset and consolidation of peace across most of the country has created a window of opportunity for its priorities to shift.
But until now the voices of dissatisfaction from within civil society have been scattered.
There are more than 100 legalised opposition parties in Angola – most are very small and lacking the most basic conditions to develop proper political activities. There has been an increase in organised protests since the end of the war with more voices of opposition heard, but these parties remain largely ineffective and are too dispersed.
Furthermore, the ruling party MPLA continues to shake off any calls, national and international, to seriously engage in talks with the rest of the society on the country’s ways forward.

THE LAUNCH : LUANDA, 9 MARCH 2004

Around 30 Angolan non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and opposition parties launched the ‘Campaign for a Democratic Angola’ at Luanda’s Hotel Tropico on 9 March 2004. Up to around 300 people attended the launch, which adopted the slogan “Peace without Democracy is a Fantasy.”
At the launch, the country’s largest opposition party UNITA (which has 70 seats in parliament) announced it would also join the campaign.
A straw-poll was taken among the participants and results showed over 90 percent of people wanted national elections held in 2005.
The Angolan rap group MCK performed the now infamous song which a young Luanda man, washing cars to earn a living, was singing when he was killed by the presidential guard. People at the launch were very enthusiastic about the performance and asked for more.
The campaign organisers launched a motion of solidarity with Angola’s only independent radio station – the Catholic Radio Ecclesia. Ecclesia, which is an essential source of non-partisan information in Angola, is currently authorised to make FM broadcasts only in the capital, having so far failed to gain permission from government to broadcast countrywide through FM repeaters already installed in 10 provinces.
A motion of solidarity with the population of Cabinda was also made.
The launch took place in a very relaxed atmosphere of singing.

POLITICAL IMPACT

The campaign now has parliament’s five opposition parties on board (UNITA (70 parliamentarians), PRS (6), PLD (3), PDP-ANA (1) and FPD (1)).
The announcement by the country’s largest opposition party UNITA that it too was joining the campaign was seen by observers as extremely significant to strengthening the call for true democracy in the country.
With half the parties represented in parliament having joined the campaign, any consensual decisions to come out of the April conference will be more politically binding.
The campaign is becoming a melting pot in which political parties are merging under the banner of democracy for Angola and a better life for its people. It is likely to speed up talks between them to come together and also create greater communication between political and civil society organisations.

OUTREACH

Angolan state media coverage of the Luanda launch was fair in as far as it reported on the event. State daily newspaper Jornal de Angola focused on the issue of elections, failing to mention more sensitive issues which the campaign is concerned with. State television TPA dedicated over 3 minutes to it on its main evening news bulletin, again with a focus on elections.
The state radio RNA (whose director general Manuel Rabelais was elected member of MPLA’s central committee in December in contravention of Angola’s media law and constitution and in effect making RNA completely partisan) did not report on the launch.

Radio Ecclesia brought live coverage of the launch from 8.30 to midday, thus enabling thousands of citizens to participate indirectly in the launch by following the discussions. On March 12, Radio Ecclesia held an hour and a half call-in program on the campaign, in which listeners were also able to express their concerns about democracy in the country.

SINCE THE LAUNCH

The campaign has continued to gain momentum since the Luanda launch. It has already widened its support base with close to 50 organisations now on board.

In reaction, days later, MPLA called a press conference, for the State media only, in which it announced a “consensual agenda” of 14 points to hold elections.

March 15 2004

The Campaign for a Democratic Angola
C/O: Largo da Unidade Africana, 41
Bairro do Miramar, Luanda
Angola
Tel: +244 91 331 034
E-mail: rafael@snet.co.ao

Burkina Faso: Alleged coup plotters in Burkina Faso court

2004-04-08

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=68&art_id=qw1081258561472B216&set_id=1

The trial began in a military court in the Burkina Faso capital on Tuesday of 11 soldiers and two civilians accused of plotting to topple President Blaise Compaore. All 13 are charged with plotting to undermine state security, while the alleged mastermind of the putsch, Captain Luther Ouali, also faces charges of treason and of colluding with a foreign power to destabilise the Burkinabe government.

Guinea-Bissau: PAIGC wins election, but lacks absolute majority

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40413

PAIGC, which ruled Guinea-Bissau until it was ousted from power following a brief but bitter civil war five years ago, has emerged as the biggest party in the country’s new parliament, according to elections results published on Sunday. The PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde)won 45 of the 100 seats declared – leaving it just short of an absolute majority.

Malawi: A Blow to UDF Ambitions for Further Victory at the Polls

2004-04-08

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=23222

As Malawi's general elections draw closer, deepening national poverty is haunting efforts by the ruling United Democratic Front to remain in power. In March, a United Nations Development Programme study on governance in Malawi revealed that poverty in the country had worsened during the past decade of multi-party politics - compared to the situation under former dictator Hastings Kamuzu Banda.

Mauritania: Haidalla supporters create new opposition party

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40470

A group of prominent Mauritanians who backed former president Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidalla in his failed bid to regain power in last year’s presidential election, filed papers for the creation of a new political party on Wednesday. Opposition political sources said papers seeking to legalise Ould Haidalla’s new Party for Democratic Convergence were submitted to the Interior Ministry in the capital Nouakchott.

Namibia: Nujoma changes his tune on fourth term plan

2004-04-08

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=84&art_id=qw1081167841275B255&set_id=1

Namibian President Sam Nujoma has abandoned any prospect of a fourth term in office after a weekend meeting with leaders of his ruling SWAPO. The 74-year-old former guerrilla leader suggested only last week he would be willing to contest a fourth term - currently barred by the constitution - if asked by the party he led in a three-decade armed struggle for independence from South Africa.

Nigeria: Ruling party wins poll

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3572539.stm

Nigeria's ruling People Democratic Party (PDP) has won a sweeping victory in local elections during which almost 50 people died. President Olusegun Obasanjo's party now controls almost all levels of government across the country. The local elections were marred with claims of massive rigging and recorded a very low turn out.

Zimbabwe: Levelling the playing fields?

Sokwanele Comment

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/21328

That the ruling ZANU PF party won the crucial by-election in Zengeza occasioned no surprise at all to those who had witnessed the violence, intimidation, vote-buying and other serious irregularities that occurred in the constituency, both in the run-up the election and while it was in progress. “The results of the Zengeza by-election do not surprise us in view of the gross intimidation, violence and the callous murder of our member”, commented the MDC spokesman, Paul Themba Nyathi. The murder he was referring to involved the shooting of a youth at the home of the opposition MDC candidate, James Makore. Against such a background of bloody violence the reference by many reporters to the need to “level the playing fields” between the ruling party and the opposition is surely a misnomer. Playing fields suggest a game in progress, and that between players who accept that the game is to proceed according to certain well defined rules. What we have in Zimbabwe today should rather be called be called the killing fields.
SOKWANELE
Enough is Enough
Zimbabwe
PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY
We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!

Sokwanele comment
07 April 2004

That the ruling ZANU PF party won the crucial by-election in Zengeza occasioned no surprise at all to those who had witnessed the violence, intimidation, vote-buying and other serious irregularities that occurred in the constituency, both in the run-up the election and while it was in progress. “The results of the Zengeza by-election do not surprise us in view of the gross intimidation, violence and the callous murder of our member”, commented the MDC spokesman, Paul Themba Nyathi. The murder he was referring to involved the shooting of a youth at the home of the opposition MDC candidate, James Makore. Another youth was shot in the leg and ten others were injured in the same incident during an armed attack by ruling party supporters.
Against such a background of bloody violence the reference by many reporters to the need to “level the playing fields” between the ruling party and the opposition is surely a misnomer. Playing fields suggest a game in progress, and that between players who accept that the game is to proceed according to certain well defined rules. What we have in Zimbabwe today should rather be called be called the killing fields.
The violence, the vote-buying, the heavy intimidation (even by the police and other so-called law enforcement agents) and the gross irregularities that accompanied the electoral process have been chronicled elsewhere. State agents did their best to limit the observance of the process by any independent agents, the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) only being allowed to deploy half the independent poll observers they wanted. Nevertheless enough was seen by those who are non-partisan to establish the fact that the electoral process was hopelessly flawed – many would say, rotten to the core. Dr Reginald Matchaba-Hove, the head of ZESN, said that observers had reported irregularities and intimidation across the district. Of particular concern was the fact that law enforcement agents were mentioned among the perpetrators of violence. And in a press release that is unusually sharp and specific on details, the United States Department of State commented “We condemn the violence, intimidation and irregularities that occurred prior to and during the March 27-28 Zengeza parliamentary by-election. The election’s improprieties preclude it from being deemed free and fair”. The statement continues “The by-election should have been a routine and peaceful expression of a local constituency’s political will. Instead, it became another symbol of the ruling party’s pursuit of electoral victories at the expense of the peaceful expression of democratic rights in Zimbabwe”.
Given that the by-election took place against this violent and threatening background and that the official result cannot be taken in any way to represent the wishes of the electorate, nevertheless it is still worth considering the voting figures carefully because they tell an interesting story. In the General Election of 2000 the MDC romped home to victory in this constituency with almost three times the number of votes cast for ZANU PF The figures were 14,814 for the MDC candidate (who has since fled to the UK fearing for his life) and
5,330 for the ruling party. In the recent by-election the official figures give the MDC 6,706 votes against 8,447 for ZANU PF. For MDC a majority of 9,484 has become a deficit of 1,741. Both the votes cast for each party and the aggregate of votes are significant.
First, the aggregate of votes for both parties. In the 2000 poll it was 20,144 ballots. In the 2004 poll, 15,153. In other words a quarter less voters cast their ballot in this poll than in the previous one. According to a statement issued on ZBC, 32 per cent of registered voters voted in the recent by-election, against 46 per cent in the General election of 2000. Whichever way one looks at the figures there has been a sharp drop in the number, and percentage, of voters turning out to vote, and this in a by-election which was of crucial importance to both parties. The obvious question is why voters are staying away from the poll in increasing numbers when the stakes have actually been increased. Many answers are possible of course – and we cannot interrogate those who chose not to vote – but surely the most obvious and likely answer is fear, and not just a general fear of a difficult situation, but specifically fear of the consequences of daring to vote for the opposition. Those who were minded to vote for the ruling party had little or nothing to fear; indeed every inducement. But those who wished to vote for the MDC had a barrage of obstacles to overcome, and it is fair to say that only the most resolute and courageous would have made it all the way to the polling stations to cast their ballots as their consciences led them. Hence the dramatic fall in the number of votes cast for the MDC (8,108) accompanied by the very much smaller increase in the number voting for ZANU PF (3,117). It is speculative of course but nonetheless a reasonable conclusion to draw that the missing voters in the 2004 poll were mostly MDC supporters – and the reason for their conspicuous absence is not far to seek. Fear of the consequences over-rode their desire to vote for the party that was attracting a huge degree of violence.
But if this so it is all the more remarkable that, against all these odds, 6,706 voters still had the determination and the courage to vote for the MDC candidate. Given the violence that was being meted out to the opposition on a daily basis, the massive intimidation that was taking place due to the menacing presence of the youth militia, police and security forces throughout the constituency, and the blatant vote-buying that was going on – not to mention the huge irregularities in the electoral process itself – given all this, the fact that 6,706 voters still dared to vote for the opposition is nothing less than a miracle. And this is surely the true measure of Zimbabweans’ grit, and a clear sign to those who would ride roughshod over the will of the people, that the present brutal dictatorship will not last forever. Democracy will come to this land eventually through the sheer determination of the people, and their willingness to suffer if necessary in the process.
Ends
Visit: www.sokwanele.com

Zimbabwe: Opposition MP's brutalised

2004-04-08

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/mps.1516.html

Robert Mugabe's government has terrorised almost every single opposition member of Zimbabwe's parliament with violence, intimidation and jail, according to a new report. A survey of 50 of the Movement for Democratic Change's 59 MPs and of 28 of its parliamentary candidates found that all claimed to have personally experienced human rights abuses in the past three years at the hands of the security services and supporters of the ruling Zanu-PF party. In collecting MPs' accounts of vandalism, torture and attempted assassination for the first time, the Zimbabwe Institute, a non-governmental organisation based in South Africa, said it had revealed the price of standing up to Mugabe.

Africa: Looting the state

2004-04-08

http://www.sarpn.org.za/newsflash.php#1281

The ruling classes or ruling groups in a number of sub-Saharan African states use their control of the state machinery as a direct method of accumulating wealth. State finances are treated as personal finances, leading to a looting of the exchequer. This is particularly so with regard to foreign earnings, as from export of raw materials, and foreign aid. These personally looted monies are exported out of the country, leading to capital flight. As Kofi Annan put it, “Africa is suffering from multiple crises… Billions of dollars of public funds continue to be stashed away by some African leaders, even while roads are crumbling, health systems have failed, school-children have neither books nor desks nor teachers, and the phones do not work”.

Kenya: Bill to govern parties 'is in the pipeline'

2004-04-08

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=115048

Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Kiraitu Murungi says the Government and the Electoral Commission of Kenya were in the process of enacting the law to encourage accountability and provide funding for political parties. He made the remarks at the United States International University during a two-day international conference on the role of the media in the fight against corruption. The Bill would also cater for party nominations to be conducted by the ECK to ensure effective leadership in political parties. This, Mr Murungi said, would prepare the parties as governments "in waiting".

Nigeria: Government urged to ratify AU convention

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/21221

Against the backdrop of last week's declaration by foreign affairs minister Olu Adeniyi that Nigeria has ratified the UN Anti Corruption Convention, Independent Advocacy Project (IAP), the good governance group, has urged the federal government to also ratify the African Union (AU) Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption which was adopted last July in Maputo, Mozambique by African Heads of State. While describing the ratification of the UN Convention as a significant development, IAP in a statement released in Lagos points out that both the UN and the AU Conventions are useful instruments and that one should not be ratified to the neglect of the other.
IAP URGES GOVT TO RATIFY AU CONVENTION

Good governance group welcomes the ratification of UN Anti Corruption
Convention, insists that government
should also ratify regional instrument

LAGOS 6 APRIL, 2004. Against the backdrop of last week’s declaration
by foreign affairs minister Olu Adeniyi that Nigeria has ratified the
UN Anti Corruption Convention, Independent Advocacy Project (IAP),
the good governance group, has urged the federal government to also
ratify the African Union (AU) Convention on Preventing and Combating
Corruption which was adopted last July in Maputo, Mozambique by
African Heads of State.

While describing the ratification of the UN Convention as a
significant development, IAP in a statement released yesterday in
Lagos points out that both the UN and the AU Conventions are useful
instruments and that one should not be ratified to the neglect of the
other.

The AU Convention has useful provisions - especially in the areas of
access to information, political party financing and repatriation of
stolen assets - that will complement the salient provisions of the UN
Convention. Incorporating this instrument into Nigerian laws will
pave way for a systematic and systemic approach to the fight against
corruption. For instance Article 19 (3) of the Convention
enjoins “all countries to take legislative measures to prevent
corrupt public officials from enjoying ill-acquired assets by
freezing their foreign accounts and facilitating the repatriation of
stolen or illegally acquired monies to the countries of origin.”

Besides, the regional instrument compliments the transparency
provisions of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD),
which is particularly important especially as Nigeria has voluntarily
submitted itself to be reviewed under NEPAD’s African Peer Review
Mechanism (APRM). Ratifying the Convention will no doubt assist
Nigeria in living up to its NEPAD promises.

Says IAP: “Ratifying the Convention will further empower the public
sector anti corruption organisations such as the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Independent Corrupt Practices
Commission (ICPC), the Code of Conduct Bureau, the Public Complaints
Commission and others.”

Nigeria: UK attacked for backing consortium accused of bribery

2004-04-08

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=110161

Anti-corruption campaigners have attacked the British government's financial support for a UK-based subsidiary of Halliburton that is part of a consortium under investigation over bribery allegations. The consortium is alleged to have paid $180m (€149m, £99m) in bribes to secure a construction project in Nigeria. In a letter to the UK's Department of Trade and Industry, a group of five pressure groups claims the British government failed to vet properly the consortium's work on a multi-billion dollar natural gas project under construction in the country.

Sierra Leone: Electoral officials charged with corruption

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40465

A British-born judge brought in specially to try corruption cases has imposed stiff bail on two electoral officials accused of embezzling public funds in a high profile case being heard during the run-up to Sierra Leone’s local government elections. At a court hearing on Monday, Justice Robert Schuster set bail of 128 million leones (US$43,000) for Joseph Aruna and Francis Hindowa, two former electoral commissioners in Sierra Leone’s Eastern Region, for misappropriating more than $1,000 of public funds each.

South Africa: SA flouts AU ruling on political funding

2004-04-08

http://www.sarpn.org.za/newsflash.php#1287

Corruption watchdog Transparency International has warned that SA could be in breach of the African Union (AU) convention by allowing political parties to keep the sources of their private sector donations secret. Nongovernmental organisations have criticised government for not addressing this in the soon-to-be enacted Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Bill as it leaves the door open for business to buy political influence without anyone being aware of this relationship. SA's major political parties are set to clash with the Institute for Democracy in SA (Idasa) in court later this year contesting Idasa's demand that they disclose the identity of private sector donors.

Tanzania: Human rights body expresses corruption concerns

2004-04-08

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=110209

A Tanzanian human rights body has expressed concern over the high level of corruption in the country, which it said was continuing unabated and was curtailing people's human rights. However, in its 2003 report released on Tuesday, the Legal and Human Rights Centre said there had been some steps taken to tackle the vice, notably in the strengthening of the Prevention of Corruption Bureau and the prosecution of some government officials, but that this was merely "scratching the surface".

Zambia: Media should help in monitoring corruption

2004-04-08

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=115049

The media should assist in monitoring corruption and not leave the task to public prosecutors and law enforcement officers alone, chief Government spokesperson Mutale Nalumango has said. Mrs Nalumango said corruption did not respect national boundaries and as such the media had a crucial role to play in fighting the scourge which had deepened poverty around the globe.

Africa: Debt for aids swaps

2004-04-08

http://www.unaids.org/html/pub/publications/irc-pub06/jc1020-debt4aids_en_pdf.pdf

Debt swaps exchange debt for some other asset or obligation. In the context of development, they normally involve countries negotiating cancellation of external debts in return for commitments on internal resource mobilization or some other government action. There has been considerable international interest in debt swaps and their potential to create a new and additional financing mechanism to help overcome long-standing barriers to development. The impact of AIDS on many developing countries, including many of the most indebted, has been severe. In the worst cases, AIDS has caused development progress to be set back by decades. There is therefore emerg­ing interest in examining whether debt swaps are potentially useful new instruments to apply to the problem of AIDS and development. This is according to a UNAIDS policy brief on the issue.

Africa: Dogmatic development

2004-04-08

http://www.waronwant.org/?lid=7540

This report from War on Want looks at how conditionalities and pressures from aid agencies and development banks force developing countries to adopt privatisation policies in public services. It focuses specifically on the sectors of water, electricity, and healthcare, in six countries: Colombia; El Salvador; Indonesia; Mozambique; South Africa; and Sri Lanka. It examines the impact of the requirements and policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), and other agencies including regional development banks, the European Commission (EC) and donor countries. It includes a specific examination of the various ways in which the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) supports privatisation in these services.

Africa: Food Security Depends on Access to Western Markets

2004-04-08

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=23156

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has renewed his appeal to the West to open up its market so as to enable Africa to achieve food security. "You cannot talk about total food security for Africa without talking about the need for Africa to gain access to rich western countries’ agricultural markets. Can we have food security when we are competing on an unequal playing field with these nations? When they flood our markets with finished agricultural products that have been manufactured from our raw materials?" he posed to delegates attending an international meeting on food security.

Kenya: Kenya Urges African Flexibility in WTO Talks

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403310567.html

Kenya has urged other African countries to adopt a spirit of compromise in negotiations aimed at ending the impasse on the Doha round of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks. "Without sacrificing the principles and fundamental issues that we stand for, we cannot be successful negotiators unless we have some negotiating room," Kenya's Trade Minister Mukhisa Kituyi told reporters in Nairobi. He was speaking on the sidelines of a meeting of government officials and private sector representatives from 12 African countries to discuss how to revive deadlocked world trade liberalisation talks.

Africa/Global: Africans Do Not See AIDS As A Dire Problem, Survey Shows

2004-04-08

http://www.unwire.org/UNWire/20040402/449_22414.asp

Africans do not see AIDS as a dire problem, unlike health experts, who predict the pandemic will unleash catastrophic consequences on the continent, according to a survey conducted in 15 African countries during 2002-2003 by the Institute for Democracy in South Africa. According to the study, for which 23,000 adults were interviewed, many Africans, especially in East and southern Africa, had either lost relatives or friends to the disease or were affected by it in some other way, but many were undecided about whether their governments should divert resources from other priorities to fight AIDS.

Africa/Global: WHO Registry Provides Free Access To Research Results

2004-04-08

http://www.unwire.org/UNWire/20040405/449_22474.asp

Under a new project co-sponsored by the World Health Organisation announced Friday, physicians and researchers across the globe will have free online access to the results of the latest clinical trials in reproductive health, infectious diseases, vaccines and other medical fields. As of Friday, all randomized controlled trials - considered the best way to compare the success of various methods of disease prevention or treatment - that receive approval from the WHO ethics review board will be assigned a number and catalogued under a register set up by WHO and an independent publishing house, London-based Current Controlled Trials Ltd. The International Standard Randomized Controlled Trial Number Register will for the first time make readily available research about neglected diseases, many of which disproportionately affect the poor in developing countries.

Africa: Cheaper Aids drug deal extended

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/3601645.stm

A deal giving cheaper Aids drugs to the developing world is being made available to hundreds of thousands more patients. Previously available in 16 countries in the Caribbean and Africa, the deal will now cover up to 122 nations. The agreement is with five drug manufacturers and five firms which make Aids and HIV diagnostic tests. ActionAid said the move was positive but warned the cost of drugs would still be too high for poor countries.

Africa: WHO failures led to hundreds of thousands dying from malaria, say medical experts

2004-04-08

http://news.independent.co.uk/world/science_medical/story.jsp?story=509559

Two of the world's most powerful medical organisations have been accused of medical malpractice for knowingly promoting useless drugs that have led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of children. The World Health Organisation and the UN Global Fund, which was set up to buy drugs for poor countries, have allocated millions of dollars to malaria medicines that are no longer effective against the disease, a group of specialists said. They claim negligence by the two organisations contributed to a rising death rate from malaria, which has doubled in a decade in some parts of Africa because of growing resistance to older drugs.

Botswana: New voluntary testing centre opens

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40468

Parents the world over usually find it difficult to talk to their children about sex, even if they are growing up in a country like Botswana, with one of the highest HIV rates on the planet. Embarrassment over discussing matters related to sex and the stigma surrounding those that are HIV-positive is helping to drive the pandemic. It is a challenge the Botswana government hopes to overcome, and this week opened the latest voluntary HIV testing facility in Molepolole, about 50 km outside the capital, Gaborone.

CAR: 40,000 immunised against meningitis

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40361

Medecins Sans Frontieres reported on Wednesday that by mid-March 40,000 people had been vaccinated against meningitis in the western district of Batangafo, in the Central African Republic. The ongoing vaccination drive was launched on 8 March in collaboration with the Ministry of Health and includes protection against measles. MSF reported that all 59,000 people over two years old in Batangafo and neighbouring rural areas, some 386 km north the nation's capital, Bangui, were being vaccinated.

Ethiopia: National HIV/Aids Forum Launched

2004-04-08

http://ippfnet.ippf.org/pub/IPPF_News/News_Details.asp?ID=3368

Ethiopia has launched a National Partnership Forum Against HIV/AIDS to coordinate a multi-sectoral response to the disease, highlight the government's commitment and bring together a wide range of partners to avoid duplication of efforts, according to an AllAfrica report. A statement from the foreign ministry quoted President Girma Wolde-Giorgis, who launched the forum on Wednesday, as saying: "We should be able to discharge our historical responsibility of saving the generation from HIV/AIDS."

Kenya: Government to lobby US for ARV funding

2004-04-08

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=23085

The Kenyan government plans to continue to lobby the U.S. government to try to gain additional money for its donor-funded antiretroviral drug distribution program, the Financial Times reports. Kenyan Health Minister Charity Ngilu in February said that the government hopes to provide free antiretroviral drugs to 140,000 HIV-positive individuals by 2005. She also said that the government has adopted the World Health Organisation's 3 by 5 Initiative to combat HIV/AIDS.

Kenya: WHO to Support Planned National Health Scheme

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404070414.html

The World Health Organisation will provide financial support to the Kenya Government's proposed national health insurance scheme to ensure its success. Outgoing WHO Africa Regional Director, Dr Ebrahim Malick said the Government had in the last one year put in place health sector policies that had attracted donor support.

Rwanda: HIV/AIDS project registers high acceptance rate

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40453

A pilot project in Rwanda on the prevention of mother-to-child HIV infection has registered a high rate of acceptance and has helped improve the chances of HIV positive mothers giving birth to HIV negative children, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) reported on Tuesday. Rwanda is one of eight pilot countries in eastern and southern Africa to have participated in the project in 1999, involving trials for use of antiretrovirals (ARVs) to minimise the possibility of HIV infection from mother to child.

South Africa: Cholera confirmed in the Eastern Cape

2004-04-08

http://news.hst.org.za/view.php3?id=20040321

Thirteen people in the Eastern Cape have died from cholera and more than a hundred had to be treated in hospital for the disease after a recent outbreak. The provincial government has promised the affected communities emergency medical resources to stop the spreading of the disease. Monwabisi Goqwana, the health MEC, flew to Sebeni in Ntabankulu, one of three affected villages, to confirm the outbreak. Goqwana appealed to the community not to blame the deaths on witchcraft.

South Africa: Government Has Not Done Enough To Fight HIV/AIDS, says survey

2004-04-08

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=22985

A majority of South Africans point to the government for "doing little to stop the spread of HIV/AIDS" in the country, according to a survey conducted by the Washington Post, the Kaiser Family Foundation and Harvard University, the Post reports. Researchers interviewed in person 2,961 people - including 1,715 black South Africans, 612 white South Africans, 364 South Africans of mixed race and 265 Indians living in South Africa between Sept. 29, 2003, and Nov. 7, 2003.

South Africa: National AIDS Treatment Program Begins

2004-04-08

http://cme.kff.org/Key=2480.DXn.F.D.lyVV6

As expected, South Africa last Thursday began the rollout of its national antiretroviral drug distribution program at five hospitals in Gauteng province, SAPA/SABC News reports. The South African Cabinet in November 2003 approved a plan for the program, which aims to provide antiretroviral drugs to 1.2 million people - or about 25% of the country's HIV-positive population - by 2008. Gauteng is the first of the country's nine provinces to begin dispensing drugs under the government's program.

South Africa: One in ten of SA youth have HIV, says survey

2004-04-08

http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/zones/sundaytimes/newsst/newsst1081329779.asp

Ten percent of South African youth are infected with HIV and young women, often forced into unwanted sex, are the worst affected, according to a new survey. The survey of 12,000 youths aged between 15 and 25, who were interviewed by the reproduction health research unit of Johannesburg's respected Witswatersrand University, showed that one in 10 youths had contracted the virus that can lead to Aids, SAFM radio reported.

Uganda: Government may post doctors up-country

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404060337.html

Government is considering posting medical doctors at sub-county level in a wider strategy aimed at delivering effective health services in villages. The state minister for primary health care, Dr. Alex Kamugisha, said this at a health workshop at Kolping House in Masindi town recently. "The rate at which mothers and children are dying is unacceptable and that is why the Government is working hard to reduce the distance to health facilities," he said.

Africa/Global: Rich countries 'Failing poor on education'

2004-04-08

http://www.ibrd.org/

Rich country governments have failed to provide financing they promised under the "Education for All Fast Track Initiative" (FTI) to help fund universal primary education in poor countries, according to a World Bank report. The scheme—intended to help countries meet the Millennium Development Goal of providing primary education for all children by 2015—is suffering from a lack of financing, according to a report by World Bank staff. The report was prepared for the development committee of finance and development ministries, which advises the boards of the World Bank and IMF.

Kenya: Four teachers dying every day of Aids

2004-04-08

http://www.sarpn.org.za/newsflash.php#1280

The Ministry of Education loses between four to six of the 235,000 teachers daily through HIV/Aids. Permanent Secretary Prof Karega Mutahi said there was a large number of teachers already infected and that many others are bed-ridden. This has affected teaching and student performance in both primary and secondary schools, he added. "Sick teachers have to be on the payroll which means that the already stressed education system must carry a large proportion of unproductive persons. That means that work is piled up on those not sick," he said.

Kenya: Review Pay Or We Strike, Lecturers Say

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404050872.html

Public university dons could call a fresh strike if the Government refuses to renegotiate their salary terms. A national delegates conference at the Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, Juja, told the lecturers' union to push for higher salaries than those published in a recent Memorandum of Agreement. The University Academic Staff Union members want the new package effected immediately and backdated to last July. If this is not done, they threatened to convene a meeting to discuss possible industrial action.

Nigeria: Crackdown on exam fraud

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404070173.html

A total of 450 principals, teachers, supervisors and invigilators have been blacklisted for aiding and abetting examination malpractice in some schools in the country. Also, 360 post-primary schools have lost recognition as examination centres.

Uganda: Child Labour Worries ILO

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404070437.html

A report funded by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has recommended the extension of universal education to O'Level to minimise the rate of school dropout and child labour. The research was conducted by the Makerere University Social Sciences Department and the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development.

Uganda: Lecturers demand higher wages

2004-04-08

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=136&art_id=qw1081258211474B225&set_id=1

Almost 700 lecturers of Makerere University in the Ugandan capital went on strike on Tuesday, demanding pay hikes ranging between 100 and 150 percent, their union said. "It has been decided after a meeting that all lecturers at Makerere University will stop providing their services to the institution until our pay package has been increased," the chairperson of the Makerere University Academic Staff Association (MUASA), Ezra Twesigomwa, told reporters.

Uganda: Makerere University to review affirmative action for female students

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200403290875.html

Makerere University has engaged consultancy researchers to review the 1.5 affirmative action points scheme introduced in 1990, to enable the university to plan accordingly. According to a circular by Sebastian Ngobi, the academic registrar, the research will weigh the principles of affirmative action to enable the university's Senate to make decisions supported by factual and analytical data. Through the affirmative action scheme 1.5 points are added to the score of each eligible female A' level student applying to join Makerere University.

Africa/Global: UN expert calls for 'red alert' on resurgent global racism

2004-04-08

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=10156&Cr=racism&Cr1=

A United Nations expert has called for a red alert to warn the world about racism and xenophobia as the alarming resurgence and vitality of the traditional forms of discrimination are joined by new forms of discrimination affecting the non-national, the refugee and the immigrant. "The new ideological landscape is structured both by the excessive emphasis placed on combating terrorism and the inclusion of cultural and religious elements, which create cultural conflicts and new discriminatory practices aimed at many different groups," said Doudou Diene, UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.

South Africa: Apology over race attack

2004-04-08

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=6&art_id=vn20040408021215365C306677&set_id=1

A former Edgemead High School pupil, her mother and her boyfriend, who were involved in a racist attack on a black pupil last year, on Wednesday apologised for their "hurtful" behaviour and agreed to an Equality Court settlement order that they pay R10 000 to a Khayelitsha charity as a gesture of goodwill. The respondents, who may not be named, made an "unconditional apology" as part of the settlement to a black pupil at the school and her parents for the incident at the school on November 6 last year, which prompted political demonstrations and widespread public outrage.

Africa/Global: The environment, naturaul resources and HIV/AIDS

2004-04-08

http://www.sida.se/content/1/c6/02/37/42/SIDA3096en_EnvironmentWEB.pdf

The expected outcome of the AIDS epidemic is that attitudes in matters concerning the environment and natural resources are affected, probably in the direction of greater tolerance for short-term exploitation at the expense of long-term economical use of natural resources and protection of the environment, according to a report from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). This short report looks at impacts of HIV/AIDS on agriculture and the environment, with a focus on rural areas in Africa. It looks at the effects of the epidemic on local use of the environment and natural resources, and asks why rural areas are particularly vulnerable.

Africa/Global: UN environment summit opens, targets ocean dead zones

2004-04-08

http://www.enn.com/news/2004-03-30/s_22302.asp

The United Nations opened a global environment summit Monday, warning about the growing number of dead zones in the world's oceans but painting a picture of a greener planet with an increase of vegetation in many regions. The three-day conference, hosted by the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), will also consider how to tackle water shortages, increasingly frequent dust storms, and overfishing.

DRC: World Bank behind logging interests

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/21278

On February 12, more than 100 environment, development and human rights groups in the war-ravaged Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) formed an alliance to oppose the "development" of the country's rainforests, which could include a vast increase in industrial logging. The social network sent a letter to the Minister for the Environment, Waters and Forests, the World Bank Resident Representative, and the FAO Representative, expressing their concern regarding the future of the country's forests and the people living within these forests. Covering around 1.3 million square kilometres, the rainforests of the Democratic Republic of Congo are the largest in the world after Amazonia, and have so far largely been spared extensive destruction. An estimated 35 million people live in and around these forests, including Bantu farmers, and Twa and Mbuti hunter-gatherer 'Pygmies'.
SOURCE: World Rainforest Movement
Web page: http://www.wrm.org.uy

Democratic Republic of Congo: World Bank behind logging interests

On February 12, more than 100 environment, development and human rights
groups in the war-ravaged Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have formed a
unique alliance to oppose the "development" of the country's rainforests,
which could include a vast increase in industrial logging.

The social network sent a letter to the Minister for the Environment,
Waters and Forests, the World Bank Resident Representative, and the FAO
Representative, expressing their concern regarding the future of the
country's forests and the people living within these forests. Covering
around 1.3 million square kilometres, the rainforests of the Democratic
Republic of Congo are the largest in the world after Amazonia, and have so
far largely been spared extensive destruction. An estimated 35 million
people live in and around these forests, including Bantu farmers, and Twa
and Mbuti hunter-gatherer 'Pygmies'.

The Congo NGOs called on the World Bank to halt or change projects that
will lead to the parcelling out of tens of millions of hectares of Congo's
rainforest to logging companies. They express that forest zoning is a
critical process that will determine the legal relationship linking the
people to the forests, and may thus affect the subsistence resource rights
of millions of people living in the DRC's forests.

The letter exposes the lack of participation of civil society: "Thus far,
local consultations on defining a methodology and criteria for dividing up
the country have only involved the State departments and the private
sector. Civil society has been sidelined in a process which is deciding,
at this very moment, and without our contribution, the fate of our
country's ecological heritage and the future of its people. These are
people whose subsistence and very existence depend directly on their
access to the resources and benefits of a sustainable management of their
forests. This lack of consultation and involvement of civil society
heralds the establishment of a forestry policy that is devoid of all
popular legitimacy. This policy thus risks being rejected by the
population and creating innumerable social conflicts."

The World Bank was closely involved with the development and adoption of
the new forestry laws in the DRC (Law No. 011-2002 on the Forestry Code),
and along with the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO),
is supporting the development of comprehensive new laws that will
implement this Code. Both agencies are also involved in preparing a
national forest zoning plan, which will serve to define areas for logging,
conservation and community use. However, internal World Bank documents
obtained by the international NGO Rainforest Foundation reveal that the
Bank is aiming to "create a favourable climate for industrial logging" in
the Congo, and envisages a 60-fold increase in the country's timber
production which could affect up to 60 million hectares of the DRC's
rainforest (an area the size of France).

The social groups challenge the Forestry Code for not complying with all
the DRC's obligations deriving from various international treaties,
including article 8(j) of the Convention on Biological Diversity; for
taking insufficient account of the specific needs of forest-dependent
communities and for failing to take account of the lessons learned from
application of similar forestry legislation in Cameroon.

In their letter, the NGOs demand that the management of DRC's forests must
under no account be guided by the hypothesis that the development of
industrial forest activity necessarily contributes to the development of
the people, nor of its most disadvantaged sectors.

They require the implementation of urgent measures, including:

* The immediate adoption of a moratorium on the process for elaborating
the Forestry Code's implementation decrees.
* An increase in the number of civil society representatives on the
Steering Committee for FAO Project TCP/DRC/2905 from three (3) to six (6).
* The traditional and customary rights and practices of local communities
must be effectively and systematically taken into account in the process
of elaborating the implementing measures, as well as in the development of
the National Forestry Plan and, in particular, the zoning plan.
* The World Bank and the FAO must ensure that their interventions in the
DRC are in accordance with international law, with the obligations
resulting from international conventions on the protection of human rights
or the environment and with the Constitution of the DRC.

Article based on information from: "Congo's 'civil society' unites to
oppose threats to forests and peoples rights", Rainforest Foundation Press
Release, 1st March 2004, Letter by the Congo NGOs sent to the Minister
for the Environment, Waters and Forests in Kinshasa - Gombe, the World
Bank Resident Representative and the FAO Representative, Kinshasa, 12
February 2004; "World Bank oversees the carve-up of Congo's rainforests:
60-fold increase in logging planned", Press Release, E-mail: e-mail:
jbbobia@yahoo.fr ; Simon Counsell, Rainforest Foundation, e-mail:
simonc@rainforestuk.com, sent by ECOTERRA International, E-mail:
mailhub@ecoterra.net

Ghana: The World Bank in the gold scenario

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/21279

Decades of deforestation and forest degradation have left less than two percent of Ghana's native forest intact. These forests have been the source of livelihood for forest dependent people, providing them with fuel wood, charcoal, building materials, fodder, fruits, nuts, honey, medicines and dyes. They also play an environmental role regarding prevention of soil erosion, watershed protection, soil fertility/shade, shelter from wind, prevention of floods and landslides, water retention and maintenance of water purity. They are also home to 2,100 plant species, over 200 mammal species including buffalo, leopard, golden cat, chimpanzee, forest elephant and pygmy hippopotamus, 200 bird species including the African grey parrot, and butterflies, all internationally recognized as in danger of extinction, thus designating them as Special Biological Protection Areas and Globally Significant Bio-diversity Areas.
SOURCE: World Rainforest Movement
Web page: http://www.wrm.org.uy

Ghana: The World Bank in the gold scenario

Decades of deforestation and forest degradation have left less than two
percent of Ghana's native forest intact. These forests have been the
source of livelihood for forest dependent people, providing them with fuel
wood, charcoal, building materials, fodder, fruits, nuts, honey,
medicines, dyes. They also play an environmental role regarding prevention
of soil erosion, watershed protection, soil fertility/shade, shelter from
wind, prevention of floods and landslides, water retention and maintenance
of water purity. They are also home to 2,100 plant species, over 200
mammal species including buffalo, leopard, golden cat, chimpanzee, forest
elephant and pygmy hippopotamus, 200 bird species including the African
grey parrot, and butterflies, all internationally recognized as in danger
of extinction, thus designating them as Special Biological Protection
Areas and Globally Significant Bio-diversity Areas.

In 1994, some efforts to protect the remaining savanna and moist tropical
forests gave way to a Forest and Wildlife Policy Draft. However, the
prevailing economic theory that binds Southern countries to the depletion
of their natural resources in order to develop --a path which has brought
about pollution, displacement of communities, misery and hunger for the
majority, while huge profits just for a few companies and local elites--
presses hard through the multilateral instruments of power (World Bank,
International Monetary Fund).

For Ghana, they have set its gold mining fate (see WRM Bulletin Nº 68).
The country stands as Africa's second largest gold producer, at the
expense of nature and human rights (see WRM Bulletin Nº 41 and 54). Mining
operations in Ghana have displaced more than 50,000 indigenous people
without just compensation, employed less than 20,000 Ghanaians (due to
over-reliance on expatriate workers), burned villages, illegally detained
activists, raped women and continually denied the local culture. But this
a well established pattern common to almost all mining communities.

At a time when international gold prices were at a six-year high due to
investor caution surrounding the impending war with Iraq, the government
indicated that it was ready to open the protected forest to mining, thus
handing over the country's biological wealth. Newmont --a gold producing
firm and a leader in processing technology and exploration headquartered
in Denver, Colorado in the United States-- and other mining companies had
issued veiled threats of lawsuits, or complete closedowns and relocations
to Tanzania in order to "convince" the government to follow through on the
permits after exploration had started.

Mining operations within pristine forest ecosystems will speed mass
deforestation and environmental degradation in the country and pollute the
fragile freshwater systems and topsoil with cyanide and arsenic. "Just
look at this country's forest estate. We had about 8.3 million hectares;
now we are left with only 1.2 million hectares and we still want to give
out some more for mining when we know very well that after the mining
there will be no forests," said Friends of the Earth's Abraham Baffoe.
"Our villages have already been so rapaciously deforested by mining and
the health and the quality of remaining forests continue to decline and
now they are asking for the forest reserves; do they think Ghanaians wash
their faces from their chin upwards? Please write all that I have said and
tell the authorities that I said so," said Akosua Birago a sixty-two year
old farmer at Abekoase in Ghana's Western Region.

Though the Minister of Mines Cecilia Bannerman had denied having given out
mining permits to any mining company to mine in any portion of the forest
reserves, the President has assured Newmont that his government is willing
to support the company to enable it to smoothly operate in the country.

On January 14, 2004, the Ghana National Coalition of Civil Society and
Community Groups against mining in forest reserves, which includes more
than 17 NGOs and community groups, sent a second letter to the President
of the World Bank Group, James Wolfensohn. In the letter, they reminded
him of the sign-on letter they had sent to him last year, demanding that
the Government of Ghana rescind any permission already granted to mine in
the country's forest reserves and calling upon the World Bank Group to
clearly state that it does not and will not support the authorization of
mining in Ghana's forest reserves and also requesting a formal response
from the Bank to the Coalition's appeal (see WRM Bulletin Nº 71). Up to
date, no response has still been received from the World Bank.

Instead, the gold mining companies have gone ahead with processes leading
to mining in some of the forest reserves. The Government of Ghana and
Newmont Mining signed an investment agreement last December 2003. In
January 2004, Ghana's Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) advertised the
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) of Chirano Gold Mines project in the
Tano-Sraw forest reserve, in the Western Region of Ghana. Canadian diamond
explorer PMI Ventures announced this year that the next phase of diamond
drilling has started on the nine exploration concessions and applications,
which comprise its Ashanti II Gold Plate located in southwestern Ghana.

The social organizations feel the World Bank Group (WBG) is aware and
fully behind the government and the companies, which explains the long
silence and apparent neglect of their letter. The WBG has a long history
of involvement in Ghana's mining and forestry sectors, providing technical
assistance on policy and institutional reform, as well as investments in
and support for private sector mining operations.

This happens at a time when the WBG is considering its response to the
Extractive Industries Review (EIR) report which recommended the vigorous
pursuit of good governance, respect for community rights in mining
projects and full implementation of the Natural Habitat Policy as a basis
for clear No-Go-Zones.

The World Bank's silence is thus a clear answer that it is willing to
support mining companies in the destruction of the country's remaining
forests; that it will continue assisting in the destruction of local
peoples' livelihoods and that it does not care about the fate of any
endangered species.

Article based on information from: "Newmont Meets Media", Isaac Essel,
Accra Mail, http://allafrica.com/stories/200403030502.html ; "Newmont
Moves In to Open Ghana's Closed Forest Reserves", Charity Bowles, who
worked with Friends of the Earth, Ghana, on the National Coalition on
Mining, sent by Mike Anane, E-mail: lejcec@ghana.com ; "Newmont Boss
Presents Straight-Faced Joke to Ghana's President", Allan Lassey, Third
World Network, http://twnafrica.org/event_detail.asp?twnID=438 ; "Canadian
explorer starts drilling at Ghana gold project", Creamer Media (Pty) Ltd,
http://www.engineeringnews.co.za/eng/utilities/search/?show=46618

Kenya: Ivory ban wins crucial support

2004-04-08

http://www.eastandard.net/financialstandard/news/news06040407.htm

Kenya received crucial international support for its opposition to uncontrolled trade in ivory when the Standing Committee for the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) recently shot down proposals by South Africa, Namibia and Botswana to sell off 60 tonnes of stockpiled elephant ivory. The three countries had hoped they would be given permission to sell the ivory legally by CITES 50th Standing Committee that concluded a weeklong session in Geneva recently. But the sale was held up until a list of conditions is met.

South Africa: Illegal shark fin haul investigated

2004-04-08

http://www.enn.com/news/2004-04-02/s_22434.asp

South African environmental authorities sent DNA samples from thousands of shark fins confiscated at Cape Town harbour this week for testing as part of an illegal hauling probe. Marcel Kroese, head of law enforcement at the country's Marine and Coastal Management agency, said that officials wanted to establish whether threatened species of fish were involved.

Tanzania: Government working on GM crops policy

2004-04-08

http://www.nationaudio.com/News/EastAfrican/current/Regional/Regional0504200429.html

The Tanzania government is drafting a policy on genetically modified (GM) crops in readiness for adopting the controversial technology, which some advocates consider a necessity for the future of food production. The EastAfrican has learnt that a multi-sectoral selection of Tanzanian experts will be drafting the policy guidelines and regulations in order to safeguard and equip the nation with the necessary precautions. Tanzania’s Minister for Agriculture and Food Security, Charles Keenja, said in Dar es Salaam last week that the country had taken no clear position on GM products to date.

Africa: Experts urge focus on raising agricultural productivity

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40424

Efforts to end hunger in Africa by 2020 can achieve results if governments focus on raising agricultural productivity, food experts said at the weekend. At the closing of a food security conference in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, on Saturday, delegates called on African leaders to prioritise increased agricultural production, noting that food security was a "human rights issue".

Africa: Gender and access to land

2004-04-08

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC13509

Providing gender inclusiveness in access to land can benefit families, communities, and nations through increased economic opportunities, increased investment in land and food production, improved family security during transitions and better housing and land stewardship. This is according to a paper by the Sustainable Development Department, FAO / SD Dimensions. The paper explores gender and issues of land access and administration in rural development. It argues that increasing social, economic and technological changes are requiring a re-examination of the institutional arrangements used to administer who has rights to what resources and under what conditions.

South Africa: Land reforms progress at snail's pace

2004-04-08

http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/zones/sundaytimes/newsst/newsst1080795428.asp

A bold agrarian reform pledged 10 years ago by the new dispensation in South Africa to rectify the injustices of colonialism and apartheid has progressed slowly with 80% of the land still held by the white minority, fuelling rising impatience among landless blacks. A decade after the formal end of apartheid, the land reform objectives are a long way off. Only 3% of the land has been acquired by the government under the "willing-buyer, willing-seller" scheme and given out to some 700,000 blacks, according to official estimates.

South Africa: Landless movement calls for retraction of hate speech finding

Press Statement

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/21280

The Landless People's Movement (LPM) - a national movement of poor and landless people struggling for land and agrarian reform - has called on the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) to retract its so-called hate-speech "finding" against LPM National Organiser Mangaliso Kubheka, and to provide protection to Kubheka, his family and other LPM members whose lives have been placed in jeopardy by the SAHRC pronouncements.
BACKGROUND NEWS ARTICLE:
http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0,6119,2-7-1442_1508968,00.html

LANDLESS PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT

PRESS STATEMENT



"LPM CALLS ON SAHRC TO RETRACT 'HATE SPEECH' FINDING AND PROVIDE PROTECTION FOR OUR LEADERS"

The Landless People's Movement (LPM) - a national movement of poor and landless people struggling for land and agrarian reform - has called on the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) to retract its so-called hate-speech "finding" against LPM National Organiser Mangaliso Kubheka, and to provide protection to Kubheka, his family and other LPM members whose lives have been placed in jeopardy by the SAHRC pronouncements.

Following careful consideration by the LPM, in consultation with the Freedom of Expression Institute, of the SAHRC finding, on the basis of a complaint by the white right-wing Freedom Front, that alleged utterances by Kubheka, based purely on a newspaper report, constituted "hate speech", Kubheka has now officially responded to the SAHRC debacle in the attached letter.

Our considerations have unearthed gross procedural irregularities in the SAHRC's conduct of this matter, and Kubheka's letter formally calls upon the statutory body tasked with protecting the fundamental human rights of all South Africans to vacate its decision on the basis of these irregularities and to re-open the entire process from the beginning. These procedural irregularities include the commission's failure to give Kubheka a reasonable time to respond to the complaint; the commission's flouting of its own regulations by apparently entertaining a complaint based purely on a media report and its apparent failure to investigate further before reaching a finding without having heard Kubheka's version.

The SAHRC holds a critical responsibility when it engages in processes that shape the content of our fundamental human rights, and the LPM finds it outrageous that a body with such power could so easily abandon the right to administrative justice in its own conduct.

The LPM further holds the SAHRC directly responsible for fomenting the climate of hysteria which has gripped white agricultural bodies, white political parties, and the entire white farming community in the wake of its ruling, and worse, for creating the conditions in which direct murderous threats have been issued against Kubheka and other LPM comrades.

Following the SAHRC's deeply-flawed ruling, the LPM has been demonised and vilified by the Freedom Front, Agri-SA, the Transvaal Agricultural Union, the Democratic Alliance, and the New National Party to the extent that white farmers and their heavily-armed security companies now threaten to kill our leaders with even greater impunity than is normally the case in South Africa's untransformed rural areas.

This hysteria directly resulted in an incident on Monday, 29 March, in which a white farmer and his security company responded to Kubheka's intervention in an illegal eviction outside Newcastle with threats of murder, saying "You are the one who is threatening our white political parties. We know where you live and we are coming to get you". As a result, Kubheka and other comrades are unable to sleep at their homes.

The LPM calls upon the SAHRC to formally and publicly apologise for its erroneous finding, and to provide Kubheka, his family and other endangered comrades with 24-hour protection, as the police are unable to guarantee their safety. If anything happens to Kubheka, his family, or other LPM comrades, the LPM will hold the SAHRC and other reckless political parties and agricultural organisations directly responsible.

The LPM calls on the Freedom Front, Agri-SA, the TAU, the DA, the NNP and the media to behave responsibly and desist from their defamatory efforts to breed hysteria among white farmers against Kubheka and the LPM, and to ensure that their members, respectively, respect the democratic rights of the LPM, and of poor and landless people in general.

The LPM wishes to repeat once again (and we attach an old press statement for the sake of setting the record straight) that we are a non-violent movement struggling for land and agrarian reform for South Africa's 26-million poor and landless majority. Our No Land! No Vote! Campaign is a legitimate and non-violent campaign through which we are exercising our hard-won democratic rights to choose not to vote in protest against 10 years of failed land reform.

Our planned land occupations, whether during this campaign or in the future, do not imply violence from our side, nor do we have any plans or intentions to form paramilitary units to "murder white farmers like dogs" as some irresponsible journalists have accused us of doing. Our aim is to force the government to host a national Land Summit where the failures of land reform can finally be addressed, and we have consistently made this reasonable demand to the government.

Our land occupations are aimed at the land of abusive farmers, absentee landlords, and unproductive or unused land. There is a lot of this kind of land in South Africa that can and must be redistributed to the poor and landless as a matter of urgency, and we cannot sit on our hands any longer waiting for a failed policy to deliver the land to us. We hope that land occupations by the poor and landless can play a positive role in demonstrating how an effective people-driven land reform programme could work to resolve the land crisis in South Africa.



ISSUED BY: The Landless People's Movement on Tuesday, 6 April, 2004

FOR MORE INFO: Contact LPM National Organiser Mangaliso Kubheka on 072-127-4055.



NB: PLEASE SEE THE ATTACHED PRESS STATEMENT ISSUED BY THE LPM NATIONAL COUNCIL ON 8 JANUARY, 2004, AS WELL AS THE LETTER TO THE SAHRC.

Angola: Editor faces prison term

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21288

On 30 March 2004, the Luanda Provincial Tribunal sentenced Felisberto de Graça Campos, director and editor of the weekly magazine "Semanario Angolense", to 45 days in prison or a fine of US$1,200 for a series of articles published in 2003 that detailed the fortunes of prominent government officials. Campos's sentence follows defamation charges filed against him by the defence minister, General Kundy Payama, who was included in a list of 59 people believed to be millionaires. The list included politicians, economists, senior military officials, ministers and members of parliament.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT - ANGOLA

1 April 2004

Editor faces prison term

SOURCE: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Windhoek

(MISA/IFEX) - On 30 March 2004, the Luanda Provincial Tribunal sentenced
Felisberto de Graça Campos, director and editor of the weekly magazine
"Semanario Angolense", to 45 days in prison or a fine of US$1,200 for a
series of articles published in 2003 that detailed the fortunes of prominent
government officials.

Campos's sentence follows defamation charges filed against him by the
defence minister, General Kundy Payama, who was included in a list of 59
people believed to be millionaires. The list included politicians,
economists, senior military officials, ministers and members of parliament.

Campos was charged under Article 43 of the Press Law, which refers to "abuse
of the press", and Article 407 of the Penal Code. He faced a sentence of
three to six months in prison under the Press Law, plus an additional four
months under the Penal Code.

Campos faces additional defamation charges brought forward by other
individuals named in the list, including Mário António, coordinator of the
Movimento Popular da Libertação de Angola (MPLA) political party's business
interests, MPLA Secretary-General Paulo Julião Dino Metros, Minister for
Administration of the National Territory Fautimo Muteca and Chairperson of
the African Bank of Investment Mário Palhares.

BACKGROUND:
The article naming the 59 richest Angolans was published in the 217th
edition of "Semanario Angolense".

For further information, contact Zoe Titus or Kaitira Kandjii, Regional
Information Coordinator, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street,
Mailing Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, tel: +264 61 232 975,
fax: +264 61 248 016, e-mail: research@misa.org or kkandjii@misa.org,
Internet: http://www.misa.org

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of MISA.
In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit MISA.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

DRC: Soldiers raid private radio station in Tshikapa

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21287

On 1 April 2004, at around 7:30 p.m. (Kinshasa time), seven Military Intelligence (Détection militaire des activités anti-patrie, DEMIAP) soldiers and three National Intelligence Agency (Agence nationale des renseignements, ANR) officers raided the offices of Radio Kilimandjaro, a private station in Tshikapa, the second largest city in West Kasai province, central Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The soldiers stopped the broadcast as soon as they entered the station's studios and ordered all of the staff members who were present to undergo a two-minute voice test.
_______________________________________________________________
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT - DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

5 April 2004

Soldiers raid private radio station in Tshikapa

SOURCE: Journaliste en danger (JED), Kinshasa

(JED/IFEX) - On 1 April 2004, at around 7:30 p.m. (Kinshasa time), seven
Military Intelligence (Détection militaire des activités anti-patrie,
DEMIAP) soldiers and three National Intelligence Agency (Agence nationale
des renseignements, ANR) officers raided the offices of Radio Kilimandjaro,
a private station in Tshikapa, the second largest city in West Kasai
province, central Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

The soldiers stopped the broadcast as soon as they entered the station's
studios and ordered all of the staff members who were present to undergo a
two-minute voice test. After about an hour, the soldiers left the station,
leaving two of the ANR officers behind. Eyewitnesses told JED that
Jean-Marie Misenga, director of the ANR's Investigations Bureau, was among
the officers who participated in the raid. The DEMIAP soldiers and ANR
officers were reportedly searching for Sami Mbeto, host of the station's
Lingala-language programme "Tongo Etani, Ndeko ya Makambo". Mbeto was not at
the station at the time of the raid.

According to information obtained by JED at the station, during the 1 April
broadcast of his programme, Mbeto criticised the security services'
"degrading treatment" of Congolese citizens who are expelled from Angola and
return to the DRC via Tshikapa.

In a telephone discussion with JED on the evening of 1 April, Macaire Mwangu
Samba, West Kasai province's deputy governor, said he was unaware of the
raid on Radio Kilimandjaro and promised to contact officials in Tshikapa in
order to clarify the situation. The deputy governor called JED one hour
later to confirm that soldiers had indeed gone to the station, but specified
that the purpose of their "visit" was to pick up a soldier's child who had
been lost in the city and was found by a Radio Kilimandjaro journalist.
According to Tshikapa Mayor Hubert Mbingo Vula, the radio station had
reportedly demanded 500 francs (approx. US$1.5) after announcing on the air
that the child had been found.

Radio Kilimandjaro director Pontien Mukalu rejected the mayor's account of
events. He confirmed the story of the missing child, but said the mayor had
come to the station on the night of 1 to 2 April and spoken with the two ANR
officers who had remained there after the raid. "He did not speak to any of
the journalists present," Mukalu told JED. The station director said the
soldiers were searching for Mbeto and had stopped the station's broadcasts
during the raid. Mukalu said the station was allowed to resume its
broadcasts after the mayor's visit.

For further information, contact D. M'Baya Tshimanga, president, Journaliste
en danger (JED), B.P. 633 Kinshasa 1, Democratic Republic of Congo, tel:
+243 99 29 323/+243 81513 05 85, fax: +243 88 01 625, e-mail:
direction@jed-congo.org, alertes@jed-congo.org, Internet:
http://www.jed-congo.org

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of JED.
In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit JED.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Ethiopia: Newspaper editor jailed

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21284

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) says it is deeply concerned about the recent jailing of an Ethiopian journalist, after he was unable to pay bail in a criminal defamation case. On Friday, April 2, Ethiopian authorities jailed Merid Estifanos, former editor-in-chief of the private, Amharic-language weekly Satanaw. According to local sources, Estifanos appeared before a federal court in the capital, Addis Ababa, on April 2, in connection with a defamation charge stemming from a September 2001 opinion piece titled "The Hidden Agenda of Prime Minister Meles."
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/ALERT - ETHIOPIA

6 April 2004

Newspaper editor jailed

SOURCE: Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), New York

**For further information on the Kassa case, see IFEX alerts of 23 May and 7
March 2003, 11 July 2002 and 27 February 2001**

(CPJ/IFEX) - The following is a CPJ press release:

ETHIOPIA: Newspaper editor jailed

New York, April 6, 2004-The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is deeply
concerned about the recent jailing of an Ethiopian journalist, after he was
unable to pay bail in a criminal defamation case. On Friday, April 2,
Ethiopian authorities jailed Merid Estifanos, former editor-in-chief of the
private, Amharic-language weekly Satanaw.

According to local sources, Estifanos appeared before a federal court in the
capital, Addis Ababa, on April 2, in connection with a defamation charge
stemming from a September 2001 opinion piece titled "The Hidden Agenda of
Prime Minister Meles."

The article accused Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of supporting the
government of neighboring Eritrea and alleged that Eritrea had defeated
Ethiopia during the two-year border war between the two countries from 1998
to 2000. Despite various U.N.-sponsored peace efforts, the two countries
have yet to agree on a border, and severe tensions between them persist.

Estifanos did not write the article, but as editor-in-chief of the
newspaper, he was held responsible for its content. Following the article's
publication, Estifanos was charged with defaming the prime minister, and
ordered to pay bail of 1,000 birr (US$120) while awaiting trial. According
to local sources, he could face more prison time if convicted.

At the April 2 hearing, the court told Estifanos that since he had missed
his previous court hearing, the court had imposed an additional bail of
3,000 birr (US$360). When Estifanos was unable to pay this amount, the court
ordered that he be transferred to prison.

"We call on Ethiopian authorities to release Merid Estifanos immediately,
and to work toward removing criminal penalties for press offenses," said CPJ
Executive Director Ann Cooper.

One other journalist remains in prison in Ethiopia. Tewodros Kassa was
sentenced to two years' imprisonment in July 2002, on charges of defamation
and "disseminating false information that could incite people to political
violence."

CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to
safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information about press
conditions in Ethiopia, visit www.cpj.org

For further information, contact Africa Program Coordinator Julia Crawford
or Research Associate Adam Posluns at CPJ, 330 Seventh Ave., New York, NY
10001, U.S.A., tel: +1 212 465 1004, x112, fax: +1 212 465 9568, e-mail:
africa@cpj.org, Internet: http://www.cpj.org/

The information contained in this press release/alert is the sole
responsibility of CPJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication,
please credit CPJ.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403,Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Lesotho Alert: Newspaper threatened

2004-04-08

http://www.africapulse.org.za/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=1964

The weekly Sesotho tabloid, Mololi, a publication of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy political party, has been served with a court summons by a Member of Parliament for Mokhotlong constituency No. 79, demanding maloti 350 000 (approximately 54 000 US dollars), for defamation.

Mauritania: Four newspaper editors sued for libel

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21285

The editors of four independent weekly newspapers, "L'Eveil Hebdo", "L'Authentique", "Le Journal" and "Al Moujtamaa", have been sued for allegedly libelling Bodiel Ould Houmeid, a leading member of the ruling Socialist Democratic Republican Party (PRDS) and a close associate of President Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya. According to Media Foundation for West Africa-Mauritania's sources, the editors were first brought before the state prosecutor in the capital, Nouakchott, on 31 March 2004. After they had waited for over two hours, they were sent away and told to appear in court on 1 April.
_______________________________________________________________
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ACTION ALERT - MAURITANIA

6 April 2004

Four newspaper editors sued for libel

SOURCE: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Windhoek

**MISA and the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), as a joint activity,
will henceforth issue alerts, statements and appeals to highlight media
freedom and wider human rights violations in West Africa. See www.misa.org
and www.mediafoundationwa.org for more information**

(MISA/IFEX) - The following is a joint MISA-MFWA alert:

The editors of four independent weekly newspapers, "L'Eveil Hebdo",
"L'Authentique", "Le Journal" and "Al Moujtamaa", have been sued for
allegedly libelling Bodiel Ould Houmeid, a leading member of the ruling
Socialist Democratic Republican Party (PRDS) and a close associate of
President Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya.

According to MFWA-Mauritania's sources, the editors were first brought
before the state prosecutor in the capital, Nouakchott, on 31 March 2004.
After they had waited for over two hours, they were sent away and told to
appear in court on 1 April.

The four newspapers had published articles alleging that Ould Houmeid was
involved in the embezzlement of public funds between January 2002 and July
2003, when he was finance minister.

In Mauritania, defamation is punishable under Sections 25, 26 and 27 of
Order No. 91-023 of the 25 July 1991 Law on Press Freedom. Section 27 of the
law stipulates that "defamation committed against individuals (. . .) shall
be punishable by a prison term of between five days and six months or a fine
of between 80,000 and 400,000 Ouguiyas [approx. US$300 to $1,500], or both".

MISA and the MFWA are concerned that the justice system and political
establishment in Mauritania tend to criminalise free speech and freedom of
expression, and that a conviction in this case could result in prison
sentences for the four journalists.

RECOMMENDED ACTION:

Send appeals to authorities:
- urging them to immediately repeal the 1991 law on the media, which has
been invoked to censor the press, detain journalists and generally undermine
freedom of expression in the country

APPEALS TO:

Monsieur Maaouiya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya
Président de la République Islamique de Mauritanie
[President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania]
B.P. 184 Nouakchott
Mauritanie
Fax: +222 525 2636

Monsieur Kaba Ould Elewa
Ministre de l'Intérieur, des Postes et Télécommunications
[Minister of the Interior, Post and Telecommunications]
B.P. 195 Nouakchott
Mauritanie
Fax: +222 525 3661

Monsieur Diabira Bakari
Ministre de la Justice
[Minister of Justice]
B.P. 350 Nouakchott
Mauritanie
Fax: +222 525 7002

Please copy appeals to the source if possible.

For further information, contact Zoe Titus, Program Coordinator, Media
Freedom Monitoring, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street, Mailing
Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, tel: +264 61 232 975, fax:
+264 61 248 016, e-mail: research@misa.org, Internet: http://www.misa.org,
or Kwame Karikari, Executive Director, Media Foundation for West Africa, P.
O. Box LG 730, Legon, Ghana, tel/fax: +231 21 22 10 84, e-mail:
mfwa@africaonline.com.gh, Internet: http://www.mediafoundationwa.org

The information contained in this action alert is the sole responsibility of
MISA. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
MISA.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
________________________________________________________________

Nigeria: Newspaper and editors face libel suit

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21286

A lawsuit for alleged libel has been filed with the Abuja High Court against The Sun Publishing Limited of Nigeria and its senior editors. The journalists named in the suit are Mike Awoyinfa, managing director and editor-in-chief, Louis Odion, editor of the "Sunday Sun", Femi Adesina, editor of "The Sun" daily and Steve Nwosu, editor of the "The Sun on Saturday". Chief Orji Uzor Kalu, the newspaper's publisher and the governor of Abia State, in southeastern Nigeria, was cited in the suit as the principal defendant. Chief Anthony Anenih, former works and housing minister and current chairman of the board of trustees of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP), filed the suit on 23 March 2004, claiming damages in the amount of five billion naira (approx. US$37 million). According to Media Foundation for West Africa-Nigeria, the lawsuit followed a series of reports published by the "Sun" about an allegation by Kalu saying that Anenih had threatened to give him "the Bola Ige treatment," which is a euphemism for assassination in a manner similar to that of Chief Bola Ige, the former justice minister, who was murdered two years ago.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT - NIGERIA

6 April 2004

Newspaper and editors face libel suit

SOURCE: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Windhoek

**MISA and the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), as a joint activity,
will henceforth issue alerts, statements and appeals to highlight media
freedom and wider human rights violations in West Africa. See www.misa.org
and www.mediafoundationwa.org for more information**

(MISA/IFEX) - The following is a joint MISA-MFWA alert:

A lawsuit for alleged libel has been filed with the Abuja High Court against
The Sun Publishing Limited of Nigeria and its senior editors. The
journalists named in the suit are Mike Awoyinfa, managing director and
editor-in-chief, Louis Odion, editor of the "Sunday Sun", Femi Adesina,
editor of "The Sun" daily and Steve Nwosu, editor of the "The Sun on
Saturday". Chief Orji Uzor Kalu, the newspaper's publisher and the governor
of Abia State, in southeastern Nigeria, was cited in the suit as the
principal defendant.

Chief Anthony Anenih, former works and housing minister and current chairman
of the board of trustees of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP),
filed the suit on 23 March 2004, claiming damages in the amount of five
billion naira (approx. US$37 million). He is also seeking the retraction of
a letter to the president and for an apology to be published in all of the
country's national dailies.

According to MFWA-Nigeria, the lawsuit followed a series of reports
published by the "Sun" about an allegation by Kalu saying that Anenih had
threatened to give him "the Bola Ige treatment," which is a euphemism for
assassination in a manner similar to that of Chief Bola Ige, the former
justice minister, who was murdered two years ago.

Governor Kalu's allegation was contained in a 22 February 2004 letter
addressed to President Olusegun Obasanjo.

According to Kalu, the letter was leaked to the media when the president
failed to respond. He said the letter was also leaked in the wake of the
recent assassination of the PDP's deputy national chairman, Chief A. K.
Dikibo, and the failed attempt on the life of the Benue State governor,
Chief George Akume.

Although the allegations have been given widespread coverage by all media
outlets in Nigeria, Anenih singled out the "Sun" in the lawsuit.

For further information, contact Zoe Titus, Program Coordinator, Media
Freedom Monitoring, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street, Mailing
Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, tel: +264 61 232 975, fax:
+264 61 248 016, e-mail: research@misa.org, Internet: http://www.misa.org,
or Kwame Karikari, Executive Director, Media Foundation for West Africa, P.
O. Box LG 730, Legon, Ghana, tel/fax: +231 21 22 10 84, e-mail:
mfwa@africaonline.com.gh, Internet: http://www.mediafoundationwa.org

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of MISA.
In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit MISA.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Nigeria: Regulator bans live relay of foreign news broadasts

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40415

The Nigerian authorities have banned local radio and television stations from relaying foreign news broadcasts live. This move has stopped the BBC from broadcasting news and programmes on FM in four Nigerian cities, depriving listeners across the country of a popular source of national and international news. The ban on live relay broadcasts was imposed by the government’s radio and television regulator, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), with effect from 1 April.

Southern Africa: CIVICUS launches study on resisting repression

2004-04-08

http://www.africapulse.org.za/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=1969

CIVICUS, a global alliance of civil society organisations, has released a study on the legislative frameworks and country practices that governs civil space in Zimbabwe, Kenya, South Africa and Uganda. The study relates specifically to freedom of association, expression and assembly in these four countries, with a focus on the grave and worsening situation in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe: Civic groups present evidence on broadcasting liberalisation

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/21283

Civic groups presented evidence on the delay in the entry of new players in the broadcasting sector to the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Transport and Communications. The Committee is investigating the delay in inviting and issuing licenses to new players in the commercial and community-broadcasting category. The meeting was held on 5th April 2004 in Harare. The groups included the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ), Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)- Zimbabwe Chapter, Radio Dialogue, Global Arts Trust, Voice of the People Trust and the Zimbabwe Association of Community Radio Stations (ZACRAS).
6th April 2004

Civic groups presented evidence on the delay in the entry of new players in
the broadcasting sector to the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on
Transport and Communications. The Committee is investigating the delay by
BAZ to invite and issue licenses to new players in the commercial and
community-broadcasting category. The meeting was held on 5th April 2004 in
Harare.

The groups included the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ), Media
Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)- Zimbabwe Chapter, Radio Dialogue,
Global Arts Trust, Voice of the People Trust and the Zimbabwe Association of
Community Radio Stations (ZACRAS).

The groups' concerns included the following:

1. The Broadcasting Services Act is the source of frustration for
prospective broadcasters, independent producers and the Broadcasting
Authority of Zimbabwe itself. It prohibits foreign funding of new
broadcasters and imposes harsh restrictions for potential broadcasters.

2. The independence of the BAZ is not guaranteed in law. The law requires
the BAZ, the regulatory body, to establish whether there is additional need
for broadcasters. It recommends potential licensees to the Minister, who
himself has made prejudicial statements against prospective community and
commercial radio broadcasters.

3. The subversion of the parliamentary process which has resulted in the
legislature passing laws that hindered freedom of expression and information
such as the Broadcasting Services Act and the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

4. There is no clear media policy document to reinforce constitutional
provisions on freedom of expression. As a result, authorities have issued
statements of policy in reaction to events and issues.

5. There is lack of political commitment in allowing new players independent
of Government in the broadcasting sector. Government has not made public
results of its investigations into the harassment independent media houses
and workers, including the bombing of the offices of the VOP Trust on 29th
August 2002.

PIRF is a network of information officers in the Civic Alliance for Social
and Economic Progress (CASEP). CASEP is a coalition of membership-based
organisations in the labour, education, health and media sector.

Presentations made to the Committee are available on request.

Ends

For more information, please contact Sizani Weza, MMPZ, 15 Duthie Avenue,
Alexandra Park, Harare, Tel/fax: +263 4 703702, Mobile: 023 414036, E-mail:
sizani@mmpz.org.zw

"Any society which does not effectively and honestly inform, engage,include,
consult, develop and empower its citizens is like a hen which feeds on its
eggs"
PAUL BURTON, A BRITISH STATESMAN (1975)

Angola: Poor still waiting for benefits of peace

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40422

The guns in Angola may have fallen silent, but the broad consensus on the streets of this battered country is that two years of peace have done little to better the lives of ordinary citizens. Sunday marked the second anniversary of the signing of the peace accord between the ruling MPLA and its arch-foe, UNITA, which brought to an end one of Africa's longest and bloodiest civil conflicts.

Burkina Faso: Government tackles rising number of abandoned children

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40435

The government of Burkina Faso has outlined a new strategy for working with NGO’s and local communities to cope with the rising number of orphans and abandoned children in this poor and semi-arid West African country. According to government statistics, there were 2.1 million orphans and abandoned children in Burkina Faso last year. They accounted for nearly 18 percent of the country’s 11.8 million population.

Ghana: NGOs Condemn Government Over Children's Act

2004-04-08

http://allafrica.com/stories/200404010500.html

The president of the national coalition of non-governmental organisations on the rights of the child, Mr. Nelson Godfred Agyeman, has condemned the government's inability to protect, enforce and implement the laws and conventions made to advance the rights and development of children. According to him, since 1990 when Ghana took leadership in the ratification of the convention on the rights of the child, no serious effort has been made by the government towards full implementation.

Liberia: Supporting the demobilisation of child soldiers

2004-04-08

http://hrw.org/reports/2004/liberia0204/

This report, by Human Rights Watch, explores the human rights situation of child soldiers in Liberia through a series of interviews with former and current child soldiers undertaken in the country in late 2003. The report argues that approximately 15,000 boys and girls under the age of eighteen, some as young as nine and ten years old, were involved in the fighting in Liberia. Since the enforced ceasefire of August 2003, an extensive demobilisation program which includes specific provisions for child soldiers, has been put in place. The rehabilitation of child soldiers, however, remains an enormous challenge: whole communities have been destroyed; populations have been displaced; and many children have lost one or more family members.

Togo: Children Suffer Multiple Forms of Abuse

2004-04-08

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=23187

A study just completed in Togo has revealed high levels of child abuse in the West African state. Almost 370 men, women and children were surveyed for the study, which found instances of paedophilia, illegal child labour, trafficking – and discrimination against children who were disabled, or from certain ethnic groups.

Dual citizenship for Tanzanians

2004-04-08

http://www.tanzaniacyberzone.com/

Tanzanians in the diaspora have launched an online petition making the case for recognition of dual citizenship by the Tanzanian government.

Global Commission on International Migration announces regional hearing

2004-04-08

http://www.gcim.org/n_gcim.htm

The Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) will hold a ‘Regional Hearing for Asia and the Pacific’ in Manila on 17 and 18 May 2004, followed by a ‘Commission-only’ meeting on 19 May. The hearing will involve some 20 selected governments from Asia and the Pacific, a number of non-governmental bodies, global and regional organisations, migration experts, private sector representatives, trade unions and the media. The next regional Commission hearing will be organised in the Mediterranean region, in Rabat, Morocco, in September 2004. Meanwhile, the GCIM invites contributions to a new series of research papers titled ‘Global Migration Perspectives’, edited by Dr Jeff Crisp and Dr Colleen Thouez. The purpose of the series is to contribute to the current discourse on global migration issues, and to assist the Commission in formulating policy options and proposals for its final report, which will be submitted to the UN Secretary-General in mid-2005. Preference will be given to papers that provide new, creative and policy-relevant perspectives on global migration issues (see http://www.gcim.org/ir_gmp.htm)

International Network for Higher Education in Africa launches

2004-04-08

http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/inhea/index.htm

The Boston College Centre for International Higher Education has launched the International Network for Higher Education in Africa (INHEA), an information clearinghouse for institutions and individuals engaged in research, development, and advocacy activities in postsecondary education in Africa. INHEA’s purpose is to strengthen and foster interest in African higher education through information sharing. (See also http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/newsletter/News35/text012.htm)

International Roots Festival in The Gambia

June 26th - July 2nd 2004

2004-04-08

http://www.everygeneration.co.uk/Roots/roots_festival.htm

The International Roots Foundation (IRF) will hold its biennial Roots Cultural event from June 26 to July 2 in 2004 in The Gambia. The program offers a close encounter with Roots Culture - a diverse culture and heritage and a unique celebration of a full circle of the encounters of life.

Joseph Rowntree report on funding for UK-based black and minority ethnic voluntary groups

2004-04-08

http://www.jrf.org.uk/redirect.asp?url=findings/socialpolicy/224

The report highlights the difficulties that black and minority ethnic-led voluntary organisations in the UK – many of which support development activities in their countries of origin in the South – face in securing recognition and funding from institutional funders. However, the report also highlighted efforts by funders to reach out more effectively to such groups.

Migration and development: myths and facts

2004-04-08

http://www.kbs-frb.be/files/db/EN/EPC-KBF_Migration_Dialogue-Report_on_Migration_and_development_27.01.2004.pdf

In the fourth of its joint Migration Dialogues, the EPC-KBF strategic partnership addressed the topic of “Migration and Development: Myths and Facts.” Panellists included Erica Usher, Senior Policy Adviser in the Migration Policy and Research Department at the International Organisation for Migration, Uri Dadush, Director of the International Trade Department at the World Bank, Françoise Moreau, Head of Unit “Development Policy, Coherence and Forward Studies,” in the DG Development at the European Commission, Johan Wets, Research Manager International Migration, Higher Institute for Labour Studies at the Catholic University of Leuven an d Marc Verwilghen, Belgian Minister for Development Cooperation.

pulseAFRICAtv – “A better vision of Africa” launches in Washington DC

2004-04-08

http://www.pulseafricatv.com/

pulseAFRICAtv, a subsidiary of Global Africa Media Inc., is a one-hour magazine program on the African world that includes news, culture, conversation, profiles and commentary. The show aims to inform, educate and entertain, as it provides a window to Africa and its peoples, thus serving as the pulse of the community. The program premiers in the summer of 2004, and is tape-broadcast from Washington DC.

US National Black Chamber of Commerce plans diaspora trade mission

2004-04-08

http://www.nationalbcc.org/

The US National Black Chamber of Commerce (NBCC) plans a one-week diaspora trade mission to London, Paris and Accra starting Thursday 10 June 2004. The NBCC says it reaches 95,000 Black-owned businesses. Apparently, there are one million Black-owned businesses in the United States. Black businesses account for over $100 billion in annual sales. African Americans have over $800 billion in expendable income each year according to the US Bureau of Census.

Useful website on migration-related issues

2004-04-08

http://www.migrationdrc.org/index.html

The Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty aims to promote new policy approaches that will help to maximize the potential benefits of migration for poor people, whilst minimizing its risks and costs. It will undertake a programme of research, capacity-building, training and promotion of dialogue to provide the strong evidential and conceptual base needed for such new policy approaches. This knowledge base will also be shared directly with poor migrants, contributing both directly and indirectly to the elimination of poverty.

Africa: Africa and the crisis of instability

2004-04-08

http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/sovereign/failed/2004/0330crisis.htm

In the 1960s, 70s and 80s, most of Africa was battling with the destabilising and debilitating forces of colonialism, neo-colonialism (imperialism), apartheid, the Cold War and political authoritarianism. With the disappearance of these centrifugal forces, except neo-colonialism and political authoritarianism, several African states have started to recover their souls and move towards normality. But despite the hopes and dreams brought by the end of the Cold War and apartheid in Africa, the new era could as well be described as tumultuous times on the continent. Capturing this development that seems like taking one step forward and two steps back are the enduring dilemma of political, social, and economic crises in many African countries today.

Burundi: UN Step Towards Burundi Presence

2004-04-08

http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/sanction/burundi/2004/0406presence.htm

The UN Security Council has given Secretary-General Kofi Annan the go-ahead to plan a peacekeeping operation in Burundi. Mr Annan had called on the body last month to send some 5,500 troops to Burundi, which is emerging from a decade of civil war. The Security Council has not yet approved the mission. But it says the secretary-general can begin consulting countries that could provide troops for a UN force. It would replace 2,500 African Union peacekeepers currently in Burundi, whose mandate has been extended until the beginning of May.

Ethiopia: Government says situation in Gambela improving

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40425

The Ethiopian government said on Monday that the situation in the volatile southwestern region of Gambela, where scores of people have been killed in ethnic clashes, mainly between the Anyuak and Nuer, has improved. In a statement sent to IRIN by the Ministry of Federal Affairs, Ethiopia said that "the situation on the ground has come down to normality". It said security in the region had been beefed up, the perpetrators of the violence arrested, destroyed homes rebuilt and the provision of relief was ongoing.

Ivory Coast: Peace process in "tatters" says ICG

2004-04-08

http://www.crisisweb.org/home/index.cfm

Côte d'Ivoire saw its peace process in tatters during March 2004, with the collapse of the transitional administration and the massacre of hundreds of opposition supporters by security forces and pro-government militias, according to the latest edition of CrisisWatch, the International Crisis Group's monthly bulletin on the world's conflicts that identifies deteriorating situations in fifteen countries. Despite government claims of some 37 protesters killed, ICG has reliable reports saying forces loyal to the government massacred over 200 during a protest march and in the days immediately following. Many protesters were killed in police stations. There is a real risk of escalating violence and further massacres, says the ICG.

Liberia: Rebels turn to armed robbery

2004-04-08

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/9ca65951ee22658ec125663300408599/88f3478abe0c98f049256e70000ba8bc?OpenDocument

Some 300 fighters of the rebel Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), apparently angered by delays to a disarmament programme that carries incentives for them, robbed people in the centre of the country at the weekend, a radio correspondent said Wednesday. The correspondent in central Liberia for Roman Catholic Radio Veritas cited victims as saying the LURD fighters beat up traders and commuters and fired indiscriminately in the air to scare them into handing over their money and personal effects.

Sudan: Negotiations critical to solve Darfur crisis

2004-04-08

http://www.crisisweb.org/home/index.cfm?id=2550&l=1

Sudan, where prospects for peace had looked so promising for much of 2003, has become a potential horror story in 2004. The rapid onset of war in its western region of Darfur has created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises - thousands dead and some 830,000 uprooted from homes. Meanwhile, the IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority for Development) peace talks in Naivasha, Kenya between the government and the insurgent Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLA) threaten to deadlock. It is urgent that these talks succeed and that, simultaneously, a parallel process begins to address both the humanitarian and political crises in Darfur. This is according to a report by the International Crisis Group (ICG), 'Darfur Rising: Sudan's New Crisis'.

Sudan: U.N. Probes Claims Of "Ethnic Cleansing" In Sudan

2004-04-08

http://www.unwire.org/News/328_426_22571.asp

Four U.N. human rights experts have begun an emergency 10-day mission in Sudan to investigate claims by a senior U.N. official of "ethnic cleansing" in the western Darfur region, Reuters reports. The team, led by Bacre Waly Ndiaye, director of the U.N. human rights office in New York, will interview refugees from Darfur in Chad before going to Sudan to investigate what the United Nations has called one of the world's worst humanitarian disasters. According to relief agencies, tens of thousands of refugees - mainly black Muslims from Darfur - have fled to eastern Chad over the past few months to escape attacks from Arab militias and Sudanese government troops.

Uganda: Horror of the children's army

2004-04-08

http://www.rnw.nl/humanrights/html/child_soldiers.html

"The conflict in northern Uganda is unique in the sense that children are not just the main victims, but they are the main targets," says Mads Oyen of the United Nation Children's Fund. Children make up 90 percent of the rebels' forces. On average they spend over two years with the LRA, a movement claiming that it wants to establish a government based on the Ten Commandments. The children are forced to fight on the frontlines, but they also serve as porters and sex slaves.

mGovLab.org - the World's First Mobile Government Site

2004-04-08

http://mgovlab.iuj.ac.jp/

mGovlab provides top quality resources for Mobile Government Technologies and services. Here you will find among other things news, short articles, forums and a library of online documentation - all on mobile government.

Beware of Gates bearing gifts

2004-04-08

http://cinsa.info/portal/index.php?option=articles&task=viewarticle&artid=145&Itemid=60

African leaders are busy signing agreements with major US software companies, granting them long term monopolies in return for short term donations. They are proudly announcing short-term benefits but remaining silent about any long-term costs. Foreign corporations know well how important immediate benefits are to politicians and how difficult it is for them to resist such opportunities.

Google Gmail sparks privacy row

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/business/3602745.stm

Internet search engine Google's plans for a free email service have come under fire from privacy campaigners. Google is devising Gmail as a rival to Microsoft's Hotmail and to Yahoo! Privacy campaigners have objected to plans to send users adverts linked to the content of messages, and to the permanent storage of email.

Internet governance system working but needs to be more inclusive, UN forum told

2004-04-08

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=10228&Cr=internet&Cr1=

The current system of Internet governance seems to be working well, but the question was how to better coordinate the work of specialized bodies and ensure the involvement of all stakeholders, participants told a United Nations forum in New York. The two-day Global Forum on Internet Governance examined different areas of Internet governance, including infrastructure, electronic commerce, intellectual property, privacy issues, spam and consumer protection.

m-Government Adoption: Cases of Developing Countries

2004-04-08

http://mgovlab.iuj.ac.jp/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=17&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0

Mobile Government is one of the new and important developments in e-government. The high rate of mobile phone penetration opens a new channel for governments to reach their citizens fast and provide timely information to them. The features of mobile technology to be accessible anywhere, anytime make that possible.

NGO-in-a-box starter box

2004-04-08

http://www.tectonic.co.za/default.php?action=view&id=290&topic=Linux

Twofoxes, a South African company, has announced the release of NGO-in-a-box, the second in its series of open source starter packs. The company says the Open Source construction kits, which can either be downloaded from the website or ordered, contain all the software required for an NGO's operation. Dror Eyal, founder of Twofoxe, says the collections are the starting points for companies wanting to shift to, or start running an Open Source solution. "You will obviously want to tailor them and/or add various bits and pieces to them as per your specific needs. However these kits are the basic building blocks to get you started putting together your Open Source NGO."

Should the United Nations run the Internet?

2004-04-08

http://news.com.com/2010-1028-5181327.html

That question follows the conclusion of a two-day U.N. summit, in which delegates from sundry countries such as Cuba, Ghana, Bolivia and Venezula lectured North American, Asian and European countries about how best to run the Internet. Their demands varied, but the bottom line was the same: They want a piece of the action in just about every way. The event's agenda was breathtakingly broad, taking in everything from spam and privacy to intellectual property, network security and the operation of root domain name servers.

Simputer for poor goes on sale

2004-04-08

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3578309.stm

A cheap handheld computer designed by Indian scientists has been launched after a delay of nearly three years. The team first came up with the idea for the Simputer in 2001 to help India's poor join the internet age. But development of the computer was hampered by lack of investment and by little interest in the idea from computer manufacturers.

UN and partners launch plan to bring wireless Internet connections to developing world

2004-04-08

http://www.unicttaskforce.org/perl/showdoc.pl?id=1341

Heeding a call from Secretary-General Kofi Annan to extend Internet connectivity to underserved populations around the world, the United Nations Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) Task Force and the Wireless Internet Institute has announced a series of programmes to accelerate the adoption of wireless Internet in support of universal connectivity. In his challenge to Silicon Valley in 2002, the Secretary-General said: "We need to think of ways to bring wireless-fidelity applications to the developing world so as to make use of unlicensed radio spectrum to deliver cheap and fast Internet access."

The Community Informatics newsletter launched

2004-04-08

http://lists.sn.apc.org/mailman/listinfo/cinsainfo

'Community Informatics' is an e-newsletter packed with information for parties interested in community ICTs. Every month, we take you through ICT news, important ICT announcements and the latest information added to the CINSA portal (www.cinsa.info). This includes research, advocacy articles and resources.

YouthLens research briefs

2004-04-08

http://www.fhi.org/en/Youth/YouthNet/Publications/YouthLens+English.htm

YouthLens is a series of research briefs that summarize the latest information on key issues regarding reproductive health and HIV prevention among youth ages 10 to 24.

Donor directory online

2004-04-08

http://www.foreignaid.com/foundations_db

The ForeignAID.com Donor Directory is now online and features over 500 international grantmakers in the U.S., Europe and abroad. The ForeignAID.com Donor Directory Online is used by high-impact nonprofits in the U.S., Europe and in developing countries to identify corporations, foundations, and other grantmakers that are committed to making social investments in Africa, Latin America, Asia, the Middle East, and Central and Eastern Europe.

SA NGOs appeal for government funding

2004-04-08

http://www.sabcnews.com/south_africa/general/0,2172,77367,00.html

The National Coalition of Social Services (Nacoss) has called on the government to increase funding for organisations offering welfare services. Nacoss, a body representing more than 3 000 non-governmental organisations (NGOs), says welfare organisations have been neglected for many years. Solly Mokgata, the Nacoss chairperson, told a media briefing in Johannesburg that while the organisation offers services to more than 11 million people, government contributes only less than 30% towards the cost of these services.

Shuttleworth Foundation Innovation Bazaar

2004-04-08

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=531

The Shuttleworth Foundation is hosting its second Innovation Bazaar. The Bazaar was first held in Cape Town at the end of 2003, and is now coming to Gauteng. The event is an opportunity for innovative projects to market themselves to potential grantmakers. The Foundation invites applications from South African initiated education projects involving subject areas such as maths, science and technology for implementation in Gauteng and/or Western Cape in 2005.

2004 Human Rights Advocates Programme

Call for applicants

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/21260

The Human Rights Advocates Program was established in 1989 to build the capacity of grassroots activists worldwide so that they can more effectively address pressing human rights concerns and build linkages with the global human rights community. To date, nearly 200 leading human rights activists from more than 60 countries have participated in the program and are now affecting change in their communities, both locally and globally. Beginning this year, a new phase of the program will be launched by focusing specifically on advancing human rights thinking and activism with respect to the global economy. The ‘Initiative on Human Rights Advocacy and the Global Economy: Human Rights Advocates Program’ builds on the success of the now 15 year-old Advocates Program, featuring a program of advocacy, skill-building, and scholarship through a four-month intensive training program in New York.
March 2004

Dear colleagues:

The Center for the Study of Human Rights at Columbia University is pleased
to announce this call for applications for the 2004 Human Rights Advocates
Program. We encourage you to widely disseminate this application to human
rights activists based in developing countries, as well as grassroots
activists in the United States.

The Human Rights Advocates Program was established in 1989 to build the
capacity of grassroots activists worldwide so that they can more effectively
address pressing human rights concerns and build linkages with the global
human rights community. To date, nearly 200 leading human rights activists
from more than 60 countries have participated in the program and are now
affecting change in their communities, both locally and globally.

Beginning this year, the Center is launching a new phase of the program by
focusing specifically on advancing human rights thinking and activism with
respect to the global economy. The Initiative on Human Rights Advocacy and
the Global Economy: Human Rights Advocates Program builds on the success of
the now 15 year-old Advocates Program, featuring a program of advocacy,
skill-building, and scholarship through a four-month intensive training
program in New York.

The initiative seeks to integrate grassroots human rights leaders and
activists into national and international policy-making discussions and
processes related to globalization, in order to influence global economic
decision-making in favor of more effective and rights-responsive policies.
In addition to completing a tailored academic and skill-building program at
Columbia, participants engage in dialogue with key figures leading debates
on globalization in government, business and the NGO sector. They also
share insights and strategies with one another, creating lasting
partnerships with counterparts from other regions. At the conclusion of the
US-based program, the Center continues to partner with these grassroots
leaders and their organizations to further the development of research and
advocacy strategies as well as new intellectual paradigms in human rights.

>From 2004 - 2006 the Initiative on Human Rights Advocacy and the Global
Economy will focus on the following key sub-themes of interest:
· Labor rights
· Migration
· Health
· Environmental justice
· Corporate social responsibility, including sectoral issues such as
human
rights in the extractive industries or agriculture.
Activists working on the above areas from a gender perspective are
encouraged to apply.

As a direct result of this initiative, the Center will develop a cadre of
leaders from multiple regions working on issues of human rights and
globalization. During the New York-based residency, the activists will
interact and reflect on pressing issues, learn lessons from each other,
develop concrete skills and raise money for future activism. They will
solidify ties with key allies and engage in advocacy to advance concrete
solutions to the challenges of globalization.

The Program is designed for lawyers, journalists, teachers, community
organizers, and other human rights activists working with non-governmental
organizations in labor rights, migration, health, environmental justice and
corporate social responsibility. Participants are selected on the basis of
their previous work experience on one of the above topics, commitment to the
human rights field, and demonstrated ability to complete graduate level
studies. Full-time students or government officials will not be considered.
Advocates must secure institutional endorsement from their organizations for
their participation in the program and must commit to returning to that
organization upon completion of the Program. Activists must also be
originating from and residing in either a developing country or the United
States. Fluency in English is required.

Complete application should be submitted no later than April 15, 2004. Late
or incomplete applications received after the deadline will not be
considered. The 2004 program will take place from September to December
this year and will admit up to ten applicants.

Attached please find the 2004 program application form. It is also
available on-line at www.columbia.edu/cu/humanrights/training/training.htm
A list of past program participants can also be found on our website.

For more information, please visit www.columbia.edu/cu/humanrights or email
hradvocates@columbia.edu

Looking at South Africa ten years on

Call for Papers

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/21326

"Looking at South Africa 10 Years On" will celebrate a decade of democracy in South Africa but also constructively and critically reflect on its achievements. The conference will be hosted by the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and the School of Oriental and African Studies, in collaboration with the Journal of Southern African Studies (JSAS), which is celebrating its thirtieth anniversary, the Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE) and the Journal of Contemporary African Studies (JCAS).
LOOKING AT SOUTH AFRICA 10 YEARS ON
Call for papers for a major international conference at SOAS and the
Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London
10-12 September 2004

"Looking at South Africa 10 Years On" will celebrate a decade of democracy
in South Africa but also constructively and critically reflect on its
achievements. The conference will be hosted by the Institute of
Commonwealth Studies and the School of Oriental and African Studies, in
collaboration with the Journal of Southern African Studies (JSAS), which is
celebrating its thirtieth anniversary, the Review of African Political
Economy (ROAPE) and the Journal of Contemporary African Studies (JCAS). The
programme committee includes Shula Marks (SOAS); Tim Shaw, Paul Gready,
Brendan Vickers and Fiona White (all ICS); Steve Kibble (CIIR), Peter
Lawrence (Keele) and Henning Melber (Nordic Africa Institute).

The conference will begin at 2pm on Friday 10 September and conclude at
lunchtime on Sunday 12 September (it is timed to precede the African
Studies Association UK conference to be held on 13-15 September at
GoldsmithsCollege). It will be split into four half-day sections. As well
as invited keynote speakers papers submissions are being invited from
scholars, policy/think tank researchers, staff of NGOs and international
agencies, journalists and others, for panels on the broad subject areas
detailed below. Prospective speakers are invited to submit paper abstracts
of not more than 300 words and a brief biographical outline by 18 June
2004. A decision on papers to feature in the conference will be made by the
relevant panel convenor and communicated to speakers by 16 July. Looking at
South Africa 10 Years Onhas been divided into four sessions as follows:

þ Looking back
Including: teaching and awareness of history; the impact of the changed
political context of democracy on the writing of history; versions of
history (the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report, revisionism); and
various government and academic overviews of the first 10 years of democracy.
Panel convenor: Shula Marks and JSAS
Abstracts to be submitted to: <mailto:smarks10@aol.com>Shula Marks
(smarks10@aol.com)

þ Looking out
Including: South Africa in the region and the world (foreign policy; South
Africas role in intergovernmental fora and negotiations; business, brands
and MNCs; sport and culture); as well as the regions and worlds changing
view of and relationships with South Africa.
Panel convenor: David Simon and JSAS
Abstracts to be submitted to: <mailto:d.simon@rhul.ac.uk>David Simon
(d.simon@rhul.ac.uk)

þ Looking in
Including: the nature and changing patterns of internal debate and
criticism; civil society engagement in such debates; the role of formal
institutions and civil society in ensuring accountability; and the health
of democracy.
Panel convenor: Peter Lawrence and ROAPE
Abstracts to be submitted to: <mailto:p.r.larence@econ.keele.ac.uk>Peter
Lawrence (p.r.lawrence@econ.keele.ac.uk)

þ Looking forward
Including: possible futures of democracy and the economy; HIV/AIDS and the
land issue; civil society and social movement mobilisations.
Panel convenor: Tim Shaw and Roger Southall (JCAS/HSRC)
Abstracts to be submitted to: <mailto:tim.shaw@sas.ac.uk>Tim Shaw
(tim.shaw@sas.ac.uk)

Regional Course on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

1-20 September 2004, Harare, Zimbabwe

2004-04-08

http://www.hrea.org/erc/Calendar/display.php?doc_id=1596&month=9&year=2004

The course is intended for professionals, researchers, activists, defenders and trainers to broaden their knowledge and further develop their human rights expertise about the substantive and institutional aspects of the promotion and protection of economic, social and cultural rights at national, regional and international levels.

Training course on ageing in Africa

2-6 August, Nairobi, Kenya

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/21259

If you are a mid-level or senior programme manager, social worker, senior government officer or planner, a health care professional, or have an interest in ageing issues, then this course is for you. Topics to be covered include: Demographic situation and socio-economic implications for Africa; HIV/AIDS and its impact on older people; Gender dimension of ageing; Poverty Research and Policies on ageing.


Help Age International



All you need to know about ageing in Africa

If you are a mid-level or senior programme manager, social worker, senior government officer or planner, a health care professional, or have an interest in ageing issues, then this course is for you.

Topics to be covered include:

· Demographic situation and socio-economic implications for Africa

· HIV/AIDS and its impact on older people

· Gender dimension of ageing

· Poverty

· Research and Policies on ageing

A course fee of US$400 is chargeable for those requiring accommodation and US$150 for those who make their own accommodation arrangements.

For more information, write to helpage@helpage.co.ke

Assistant Director

The Centre for Economic Justice (CEJ)

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/21253

The Centre for Economic Justice's (CEJ) mission is to strengthen international movements that counter corporate-driven globalization and to promote more just policy alternatives. CEJ supports the people most directly and negatively affected, helping them gain political power as well as technical and funding support in their struggles for environmentally-healthy, human-centred, and sustainable economies. CEJ also links global South networks with U.S.-based community groups, activists, and policy advocates, with the goal of fostering and strengthening cooperation. People from the global South, people of colour, women, and LGBT individuals are especially encouraged to apply.
JOB ANNOUNCEMENT ASSISTANT DIRECTOR

(posted March 23, 2004)

The Center for Economic Justice's (CEJ) mission is to strengthen
international movements that counter corporate-driven globalization and to
promote more just policy alternatives. CEJ supports the people most
directly and negatively affected, helping them gain political power as well
as technical and funding support in their struggles for
environmentally-healthy, human-centered, and sustainable economies. CEJ
also links global South networks with U.S.-based community groups,
activists, and policy advocates, with the goal of fostering and
strengthening cooperation. CEJ's current programs are: the Indigenous
Peoples & Globalization Program, the Social Movement Power Program, and the
World Bank Boycott.

Overall Responsibility: This is a senior-level position to assist the
director in building and maintaining a strong organization while
guaranteeing the fulfillment of CEJ's mission. The job entails management,
fundraising, and program work.

Duties Include:
* Assisting in overseeing the development, implementation, and
effectiveness of CEJ's programs;
* Assisting in the management, development, and administration of the
organization;
* Managing staff;
* Overseeing fiscal management of the organization; and
* Overseeing management of CEJ's fundraising program; taking significant
responsibility in implementation.

Requirements Include:
* Strong commitment to social and economic justice;
* Knowledge of globalization processes and policies, and of international
movements;
* Significant experience in developing and implementing strategies and
tactics for campaigning and/or movement-building;
* Significant experience in administering a non-profit or grassroots
organization;
* Strong human relations and communication skills;
* Experience in managing and/or supervising personnel;
* Fundraising experience;
* Spanish skills are a plus.

Salary: mid-$30s, depending on experience.

Benefits: Generous benefits package, including: health insurance; three
weeks vacation for first 2 years, increasing to five weeks by year 5;
generous holidays and other days off; sabbatical every five years; and the
possibility of a flexible schedule.

Timeline: Rolling start date, but as soon as possible. We will begin
reviewing applications April 9.

Location: Albuquerque, NM or Washington, DC

To Apply: Send resume, letter describing interest and qualifications, and
three references to Center for Economic Justice, 202 Harvard Dr, SE /
Albuquerque, NM 87106, or to info@econjustice.net

CEJ is an equal opportunity employer. People from the global South, people
of color, women, and LGBT individuals are especially encouraged to apply.

Katrina Abarcar
Center for Economic Justice
733 15th St., NW, Suite 928
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 393-6665
Fax: (202) 393-1358
www.worldbankboycott.org

Honorary Treasurer

Asylum Welcome

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/21251

Asylum Welcome, an organisation working with refugees and asylum seekers in Oxford, is currently seeking a honorary treasurer to serve on its Executive Committee.
Asylum Welcome, an organisation working with refugees and asylum seekers in Oxford, is currently seeking a honorary treasurer to serve on it's Executive Committee. The position is supported by a part-time accountant and finance assistant in the office.
Further details about Asylum Welcome are available at its web-site: http://www.asylum-welcome.supanet.com
Asylum Welcome
276a Cowley Road,
Oxford OX4 1UR
Telephone: 01865 722082
Fax: 01865 792532
E-mail: asylum-welcome@supanet.com
Please circulate this to anyone who you think may be interested in being involved in Asylum Welcome's work.

Senior Researcher

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS)

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/21250

The Crime and Justice Programme at the ISS is engaged in policy research on crime, criminal justice and crime prevention issues in South Africa. The Programme is starting a new project focusing on immigration in Southern Africa. The senior researcher will be responsible for researching, monitoring and analysing immigration trends in SA. The position also involves project planning and managing, working collaboratively with government on quantitative and qualitative research processes and policy development, travel in SA and the region, writing and public speaking, and liaison with the media.
Senior Researcher
Crime and Justice Programme: Immigration in Southern Africa

The Crime and Justice Programme at the ISS is engaged in policy research on crime, criminal justice and crime prevention issues in South Africa. The Programme is starting a new project focusing on immigration in Southern Africa.

The senior researcher will be responsible for researching, monitoring and analysing immigration trends in SA. The position also involves project planning and managing, working collaboratively with government on quantitative and qualitative research processes and policy development, travel in SA and the region, writing and public speaking, and liaison with the media.

Requirements:
• Masters degree in social or political science, population studies, urban planning or law
• At least five years experience in a policy oriented research environment
• Experience in migration research or other demographic research
• Excellent command of English
• French or Portuguese speaking ability will be an advantage.

This position is based at the ISS head office in Pretoria and the length of the contract will be for 12 months.
Salary will be commensurate with qualifications and experience and is market competitive.
Interested candidates who meet the above
requirements should forward letters of
application accompanied by a CV to
Ms. Tonette Grütter email:
tonette@iss.org.za or fax (012) 460 0998
by no later than 15 April 2004.
www.iss.org.za

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is
an independent and non-profit applied
policy research organisation with a focus
on human security in Africa. The ISS is an
equal opportunity, affirmative action
employer.

Social Scientist

Institute for Development Studies

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/21252

The IDS seeks an experienced social scientist who combines an interest in research with a desire to contribute in a practical way to the development of health systems in low and middle-income countries. Candidates should have a post-graduate degree in a relevant social science and several years of practical experience working in health-related development projects or programmes in low or middle income countries.
SOCIAL SCIENTIST - HEALTH SYSTEMS DEVELOPMENT
12 month Fixed Term Contract with the possibility of extension
Full Time

The IDS seeks an experienced social scientist who combines an interest in research with a desire to contribute in a practical way to the development of health systems in low and middle-income countries. Candidates should have a post-graduate degree in a relevant social science and several years of practical experience working in health-related development projects or programmes in low or middle income countries. Experience of consultancy would be an advantage. He/she should be enthusiastic about being part of a multi-disciplinary team in a job that involves working closely with consultants, officials of donor agencies, health managers and policy-makers and researchers. S/he should also be committed to developing their own area of research.

The successful candidate will join the Health and Social Change Team at the IDS. S/he will work part-time as a member of a team of core experts in the DFID Health System Resource Centre. Team members are responsible for different areas of expertise. Their tasks include organising and providing quality assurance for short-term consultancies, preparing policy briefing documents, undertaking consultancy assignments, assisting with the development of the knowledge programme and providing technical inputs to the on-line health systems resource guide. Alongside this, they will spend a portion of time on the development and implementation of funded research activities at the IDS as part of the health and social change team.

The post requires a high degree of self-motivation, proven capacity to manage a diverse portfolio of activities and work with different stakeholders. It also requires a willingness to travel, sometimes at short notice. A track record in planning and carrying out research would be an asset, preferably in the area of health and development.

This appointment is for a period of 12 months, with the possibility of extension, subject o funding availability.

Salary: £34, 000 per annum
Closing Date: 29 April 2004 (midday)
Interview Date: 27 May 2004



OFFICIAL APPLICATIONS FORMS ONLY, CVs are not accepted

For further information and to download an application form
please log on to http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/recruit/index.html

Alternatively to receive a hard copy please email Human Resources,
hr@ids.ac.uk
or call our confidential answerphone
01273-678682 [Int +44 1273
Please ensure that you quote the correct reference number

Human Resources
Institute of Development Studies
University of Sussex
Brighton BN1 9RE

We strongly encourage applications from all sections of the community regardless of sex, race, religion or religious beliefs, disability, HIV/AIDS, sexual orientation and age.

"Our never again means never again", Kagame vows

2004-04-08

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=40474

Events to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide peaked on Wednesday, with President Paul Kagame saying the nation had learnt its lessons from the killings. "We are prepared that what happened here should never happen again not only in Rwanda but anywhere in the world," he said. "Our never again means never again." Referring to the alleged role of France in the 1994 killings, Kagame said: "Their persistent role is self-evident. They knowingly trained armed government soldiers and militias who were going to commit genocide."

An Interactive Documentary about the Rwandan Genocide

2004-04-08

http://www.paxwarrior.com/home/index.php

On the eve of 10th anniversary of the Rwandan Genocide, educational software company 23YYZee launched their website. Their new Interactive Documentary Pax Warrior begins pilot programs in schools in May. The web-based multimedia narrative combines text, images, and sound to tell the story of the United Nation’s intervention in one of the worst atrocities of the late 20th century. The immersive narrative briefs students with the information that would have been available to Roméo Dallaire, the Canadian general who oversaw the UN peacekeeping operation in Rwanda. The software also provides access to archival news documents and primary sources, along with original background articles.

Letter to the pope from African Rights

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rwanda/21355

As the 10th commemoration of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda approaches, African Rights has written to his Holiness Pope John Paul II to urge him to act in support of his sentiment that this tragedy “never be repeated again”, proposing that the Catholic Church mark the occasion by launching a study of institutional failings in relation to the genocide. Click on the link below for the full letter.
An Open Letter to His Holiness, Pope John Paul II,
on the 10th Commemoration of the Genocide in Rwanda

2 April 2004

Your Holiness,

As the tenth anniversary of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda approaches, this is a time of sorrow and reflection. I am writing, Your Holiness, on behalf of the human rights organization, African Rights, to welcome your recent appeal for peace in the Great Lakes region and your prayer that “such a tragedy (as the genocide) will not be repeated ever again.” In support of this sentiment, we feel it would be appropriate that the Catholic Church mark this occasion with admissions of its past failures in Rwanda, identifying any necessary reforms.

We are, of course, aware of your personal commitment to the promotion of global peace and write with respect, and in acknowledgement of the positive achievements of Catholic Church leaders in impoverished and conflict ridden societies around the world. However, African Rights’ recent research into the consequences of the genocide reveals that for Catholic Rwandese survivors, both clergy and laity, their Church has become a source of anguish rather than of spiritual comfort or practical support.

It is extremely difficult for outsiders to fully comprehend the roots of the problems within the Church and to propose solutions. However, in the absence of any public initiative on the part of the Church to address internal divisions, tensions are breeding. Our aim is to encourage the Church to acknowledge the crisis in its midst and to recognize that this is closely related to institutional failings prior to, during and in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide. The Catholic Church, so important to the lives of millions of people in Rwanda, as elsewhere, will be incapable of contributing to the creation of a just, tolerant and peaceful society in Rwanda, until it has secured these values within its own congregation.

In the past ten years, African Rights has interviewed thousands of genocide survivors, witnesses and perpetrators. We have produced reports documenting crimes committed by individuals and we have also celebrated the rare courage of individuals who risked their lives to save others. As you are no doubt aware, we have amassed testimony from witnesses and survivors implicating individual priests, nuns and Brothers in the slaughter. We have also named a number of other clergy we regard as genocide heroes and called upon the Church to formally recognize their extraordinary sacrifices and achievements, echoing the appeals of survivors that they should be canonized for their courage. You may also recall that we addressed an appeal to you personally in an open letter of 13 May 1998 to guide the Church through “a process of reflection, confession and self-examination” in light of the allegations of genocide against certain Catholic clergy and the evidence of the Church’s historical involvement in ethnic politics.

It is regrettable that no one at a senior level in the Church has responded to our earlier appeals. We received no answers to concerns raised in connection with the cases of Sister Julienne Kizito and Sister Gertrude Mukangango , convicted of genocide in Belgium in June 2001. Furthermore, our requests for information and action with regard to the allegations against Father Athanase Seromba and Father Hormisdas Nsengimana were met only with silence, even when the priests were arrested as genocide suspects by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). We welcome the fact that these cases are now within the realm of justice, but regret the lingering scepticism about the seriousness of the accusations. This is compounded by the claim that the Church has been the target of a “defamation campaign”, which has not been substantiated and which is, in any case, irrelevant to the charges made by survivors and witnesses against particular Catholic clergy.

Since our earlier letter, many institutions and governments have mounted public inquiries into their response to the genocide and overwhelmingly they have admitted errors and offered apologies. We struggle to understand why the Catholic Church has not yet undertaken an examination of conscience and sought to identify those members of the clergy who were in breach of their Christian duties.

The issue goes beyond the crimes of certain members of the clergy, to encompass a broader climate of opinion within the Church, which seems to have prevailed in some quarters, despite events. We therefore ask you, Your Holiness, to examine the persistent charges that ethnic divisions became institutionalized within the Church, contributing to the tragedy in 1994, giving particular consideration as to how to address this legacy which continues to stifle constructive debate and action. In this context, silence has become tantamount to negligence. It is allowing internal divisions to fester dangerously and exacerbates the suffering of genocide survivors who feel torn between their religious devotion and their disillusionment with the Catholic Church.

Certainly, both within Rwanda and outside the country, individuals and groups within the Church have thought long and hard upon the genocide and its implications and sought to address its consequences. Yet, such endeavours are limited in comparison to the scale of the 1994 catastrophe and their significance has been undermined by the refusal of Church leaders to support their endeavours. The result is an ongoing erosion of faith in the institution among genocide survivors. Similarly a rift between Church leaders and those members of the clergy who were directly affected by the genocide is widening. We draw your attention to some of our findings, Your Holiness, in the hope that immediate practical steps can be taken to offer reassurance and to build trust both within the Church and between the Church and the survivor community.

Divided Worshippers

Interviews with survivors frequently revealed the distress they experience in attending church services. One reason they give is the fear that “killers” are in the congregation or among the clergy. A devout Catholic, Vestine Mukarubayiza is from Musha in Gikoro, Kigali Ngali. She misses taking part in mass. But she lost many close relatives in the Catholic Parish of Musha and the massacre there made her doubt that God’s presence is stronger in a church. She now prays at home, partly because she worries that some of the priests may have been complicit in the genocide.

During the genocide, I saw that none of the killers were thinking about the existence of God. I no longer have any confidence in preachers. I cannot be sure that they have not killed or participated indirectly in the killings.

Vestine highlights how, by failing to respond to accusations against individuals, the Church has invited widespread suspicion. Serious allegations are a matter for judicial investigation and prosecution and need to be dealt with promptly and openly with the support of Church leaders. Moreover, there may well be individuals remaining in the employ of the church who violated Church doctrine, even if they did not commit a crime under law. The clergy must offer strong moral leadership, or their role becomes meaningless.

Landrada Mukabagorora describes herself as “physically and emotionally handicapped by the genocide.” Landrada, formerly a teacher, lives in Kigoma, Gitarama. Her grandfather, father and an older brother were killed in 1961; four brothers and their families were murdered in April 1994.

My life as a Christian has changed a great deal since the end of the genocide. The love in my heart has been extinguished. I’m no longer the same person. Priests and nuns have lost their value in my eyes.

I continue to pray; prayer helps me a lot. But I never pray in church. I rely on my bible and my heart rather than a place of worship. I can’t stand seeing the killers receiving communion in church.

Alexandre Nkuranga has remained a Catholic as a testament of love and respect for his parents who died in Mbogo, but he cannot bear to attend church.

My parents were Catholic. I remain a Catholic in honour of them. I pray at home and I think that it’s enough. I cannot find any peace in a church. Nor can I pray next to people who shouted out aloud when they saw a Tutsi, even a young one, so that he would be killed. They go to mass and even receive communion. Religious rites no longer mean anything.

A former monk describes himself as a “troubled soul” whose “whole life has been broken by the genocide.” He lost his entire family and many friends in the killings and while he retains some faith in God, and prays at home, he is highly critical of the Church.

The Church isn’t built upon faith in Christ. It never condemned the genocide; it was silent from the time the genocide was being prepared until today. It hasn’t punished or condemned its congregation and leaders who were involved in the genocide. The hearts of the real temples of God have not been cleaned, just the walls and bricks. The killers have returned to the houses of God to pray and receive the sacrament without any response from the leaders of the Church.

The importance of church attendance and ritual is still central for many survivors. Many find that it is not sufficient to pray in private. Disturbed by the many ways in which their former Church became negatively associated with the genocide, some survivors now either attend a different church or have changed religion. Jean-Pierre Karake grieves for more than 80 relatives, including his two-year-old son, his mother, four brothers and a sister. His faith is all that he has to cling to.

I needed God after the genocide. But I pray at the Methodist church. That is where I feel free—before my God. I was baptized a Catholic, but there in the Catholic Church, there seems to be a barrier between me and my God.

I get upset when I’m next to people I suspect participated in the massacres of the Tutsis. This prevents me from praying peacefully.

Clearly, the presence of genocide suspects in congregations is a matter for justice bodies, and cannot be resolved by the Church. However, it is the responsibility of the Church to provide a place of worship where all Catholics can feel welcome and at peace. The current situation where survivors feel unable to pray in church is indicative of a glaring omission. Church leaders, who had never made condemnation of organized violence an issue of faith, ignored the fundamental necessity to confront the spiritual dilemmas raised by the genocide directly and to speak out unequivocally against the massacres. Survivors feel the lack of a consistent, nationwide attempt to engage with communities over questions of justice and repentance, to repair social fractures, to encourage confessions and to assuage the grief which dominates their lives on a daily basis. Individual clergy have been left to themselves to define a response, with mixed results. The sole unified response to emerge, in the shape of an initiative aimed at reconciliation, has been articulated in an insensitive manner.

The Call for Forgiveness

Survivor clergy are distressed by the expectation from others within the Church that the responsibility for reconciliation begins with the survivors. This, they explain, is demonstrated in regular calls for forgiveness which place a demand upon the people who have suffered most and who have nothing left to give.

This priest is committed to the principle of reconciliation, but feels that preaching forgiveness is a “superficial” response that will achieve nothing.

Genocide survivors are being asked to forgive, and yet no-one has asked their forgiveness. They are imposing a heavy burden on the survivors, when they are already crippled by the problems caused by the genocide. These artificial acts of forgiveness will not lead to the ripe fruit of reconciliation. They will lead to unripe fruit which could be the bitter cause of new confrontations.

The genocide survivors need moral and material support. You need to help them before you can start talking to them about reconciliation. Reconciliation is not for tomorrow or the next day.

A nun in Butare is determined to believe in a Church of God and to carry on despite the fact that she witnessed the open collusion of some of her colleagues with the génocidaires in 1994. But she is furious about the demands being made of survivors, herself included.

When some priests say in their sermons that we survivors must forgive the interahamwe, I find such hollow sentiments shocking. I ask myself the question: what have I, or we, done to these interahamwe? They killed our families and we go on living among them. I even say hello to them. Is there a better form of mercy and rehabilitation than that? They should make amends instead, ask forgiveness in person, and pay what compensation they can.

A colleague says she holds onto her faith in God and still “loves and respects the Church” but not in the form it now takes in Rwanda. She says she understands why some survivors have left the Catholic Church, since even she no longer has the strength to go into her own parish church. Her trust in the clergy has been broken and what she has experienced leads her to conclude that the other nuns neither understand nor sympathize with those who are survivors.

I don’t agree with the way we are being forced to forgive our murderers. That is not the kind of mercy God asks us to show our tormentors. I need to know who I’m forgiving, and why. Animals forget, whereas human beings forgive. Even God does not forgive people just like that. There are ways of achieving His forgiveness, such as the sacraments. Nor do we forgive people who don’t ask to be forgiven, because that would be just play-acting. Real forgiveness is conditional. We need more truth and justice.

“Grief is killing me”, lamented a priest who said that he finds it “hard to admit that I’m alone in the world when I had ten brothers and sisters and their families.” Nor can he understand the positions taken by his Church.

The genocide was a hard test of Christian faith. We wondered where God was during the genocide, and whether the God we believed in was the same one our murderers prayed to. Why is it that, even right here in Rwanda, the priests suspected of genocide have not been questioned by the Catholic hierarchy?

Murderers and victims all celebrate mass together. Yet we all know one another very well: we know who did what during the genocide. But the Bishops have chosen to keep quiet.

The Church should ask forgiveness for what it did, then we would be back on the side of the biblical truth. What guarantee is there that someone who has not repented won’t return to his former ways?

The image of the church has been tarnished and sullied by the genocide. This is also why new sects and religions are coming up like mushrooms.

A priest living in Cyangugu argued that since justice is far from being achieved in Rwanda, it is wrong to preach forgiveness in such circumstances.

Everywhere priests are preaching in favour of an insincere, senseless, unilateral and thus impossible act of forgiveness. I think it is a form of torture for the poor genocide survivors.

A former novice is alarmed by what she sees as an intense and persistent campaign by priests to convince survivors to forgive genocide perpetrators.

What the priests are doing today to the survivors constitutes “moral terrorism.” They are terrorizing the survivors, convincing them that they should forgive those who’ve not asked for forgiveness, so that they can prepare for the after-life. They ask them to make the first move. Just like other Christians, the survivors are preparing for their life after this one on earth. The priests are therefore taking advantage of their conviction and of the respect that these people have for God, and are asking them to do something that is totally unreasonable. Why not ask the killers to ask for forgiveness instead?

“To deal with the consequences of the genocide”, commented this priest in Cyangugu, “you have to start with the causes.” He underlined the urgency and necessity of addressing the roots of the Catholic Church’s failure before it can claim the moral authority to guide the nation.

None of the relationships that had previously united people held firm—nationality, religion, neighbourly relations, shared political beliefs, marriage, the spirit of co-operation. Nothing survived.

Personally, I don’t see the genocide as the beginning of the Rwandese tragedy. I see it as the end result of the steady growth of hatred over many years. If we’re to find a solution to the consequences of the genocide, it’s not forgiveness or reconciliation that will be our starting point. The first step is conversion, to change the inner self that is manifested in outer behaviour. That is the true meeting place, after we’ve made the changes we have to make to be rid of evil. Only then can we embrace each other in a spirit of genuine reconciliation.

The Predicament of Survivor Clergy

Survivor members of the clergy grieve for their loved ones and wrestle with profound spiritual dilemmas provoked by the trauma of genocide. For them, the spiritual, familial, social and material losses of the genocide are intertwined in unique and painful ways. Their ability to recover is heavily dependant upon the support of the Catholic Church as an institution. It is, therefore, deeply regrettable that they have not been able to rely upon the wholehearted support of their superiors.

All too frequently, the Church responsible for bringing help and comfort to so many people around the world, has neglected to treat genocide survivors with due sympathy and concern. Members of the clergy have often felt personally let down when they were in need of moral sustenance or tangible assistance. Survivor priests, nuns, novices and monks describe serious past and present failings within the Church which are undermining its mission. Individuals who devoted their lives to God have been painfully disillusioned. Their despair is palpable and raw. They speak of incidents in which their views were marginalized or their concerns ignored. They also speak of their shame at their inability to help their families or the survivor community in general and argue that the Church can and should do far more in terms of both material relief and emotional succour.

A nun from Cyangugu lost her father and five siblings and now desperately wants to help the few relatives she has left: a brother, her mother, handicapped by the genocide, and her older sister and the orphans they have taken in. She is unable to contribute to them on the minute salary she receives and such is her torment she struggles even to eat. She feels the response from her Superiors has been unsympathetic and inadequate.

I regret the fact that I didn’t die in 1994. When I see the table at the convent full of food, I don’t have the appetite to eat because the few people I love who survived spend days and nights without eating. I reproach myself because I feel that I have betrayed them.

The Superiors don’t understand me. They say that they cannot make an exception in my case. I receive what everyone else receives, even though I have specific problems. It’s the same thing for all the nuns who are survivors.

The burden of looking after survivors has often fallen solely upon the shoulders of survivor priests, as this priest from Gikongoro pointed out.

The Church authorities deliberately take no interest in the welfare of survivors. They need psychological and material assistance. They have only a few relatives left and are living in poverty. They look to survivor priests as the only people they think can help them. They need them. The priests also feel a responsibility to help them regain their will to live. But what can the poor priests do without the aid of the Church? Not much in most cases.

Feelings of rejection and isolation are apparent in the explanations given by clergy who decided to leave their vocation.

This novice left her congregation because she believes that her Superiors frustrated and discouraged those members who wanted to spend time with the surviving members of their families. Their response to her request to attend the reburial of victims’ remains was particularly upsetting. It illustrates, more broadly, the lack of respect and interest shown by many in the Church towards the victims and survivors of the genocide.

Whenever we asked for permission to participate in ceremonies to bury the remains of our relatives massacred during the genocide, they accused us of chasing after bones instead of thinking about the people dying in prisons. They started to view us as enemies and believed that we were the ones who were wrong. This bruised our hearts even more, which are already badly wounded.

When she could no longer tolerate this treatment, she left, together with three other survivor novices.

With all this hurt, I’d had enough. We ran the risk of being traumatized, not just by the genocide, but also by our fellow Sisters in the community. Throughout the genocide and even afterwards, the Church always appeared to doubt the suffering of the victims.

While her trust in the clergy has collapsed, her faith in God has not.

I still go to mass, but I don’t have a lot of confidence in anything that the priests say. Instead I follow what my bible tells me. Even though I was lucky enough not to lose my faith in God, I understand why many have not been able to keep theirs. We are, after all, human beings and we’ve experienced the unspeakable.

This former Benebikira nun feels bitter and does not hide it. She traces ethnic tensions among the Sisters back to the early 1970s. She no longer attends large church services because of the emotions they provoke.

Instead of hearing mass and meditating, I start imagining the massacres of Tutsis. When a lot of the people who took part in the killings come to take communion, I ask myself if they really know the value of the Eucharist. Surely this sacrament no longer has any value for these murderers?

She admits that she has developed prejudices, so strong is her rage. She perceives the Church as “indifferent” to survivors.

Church leaders have continued life as if nothing had happened; the problem rests on the shoulders of the Tutsi clergy who themselves have been victims of the genocide. They never thought of reforming the Church after the genocide. Génocidaires, including members of the flock and some priests, still attend church without showing that they have a bad conscience and without any reaction from the leaders of the Church. It’s only the survivors who are hurting because of all this, but their responses won’t lead to anything.

The Catholic Church as in institution does nothing for the widows and orphans of the genocide. Nor has there been a prayer movement to help them come out of the apathy they’ve been plunged into and to make them understand that life continues despite everything. The Church could have done this because it reaches a lot of people in different positions.

The divisions within the Church over the issues of justice and forgiveness now run so deep, that this nun, who has remained in the Church, believes they constitute a radical split.

The Church as such does not exist in Rwanda. What you find instead are individual units that belong to the Rwandese Church. What we have is a Church for public worship; the same we have always known. The Church kept quiet after the genocide. They confined themselves to celebrating the jubilee, but they forgot that you can’t have a jubilee, in the biblical sense of the term, without self-criticism. Above all, the jubilee was not about celebrating, but was a year of conversion and reconciliation, a year of penitence. The Church ought to tell the prisoners that the Tutsis did not commit collective suicide in 1994.

Although she continues to participate, she does so with many reservations and her efforts to help survivors receive little support.

They go on giving the sacraments as they used to. They turn over the page, and continue as before. The weight of the institution presses down on us more heavily every day. We no longer find it easy to talk at meetings, because the survivors have become an embarrassment.

Of course, what we want is not noisy demonstrations, but to give the survivors back their self-respect and to help them have their say. The few members of the clergy who want to do something to help the survivors are soon brought back into line by the institution. In fact, religious circles have little life and dynamism. Yet, we have to be organized.

I meet a lot of survivors who come and tell me: “Even though I can’t see Him, God must exist. And he knows me. But, Sister, it’s not the God the priests and the religious orders taught us about.” I think we should listen more carefully to these despairing survivors who are bearing too heavy a burden, and are wandering into religious darkness. But it isn’t being done. Our Church has no interest in approaching these survivors who are really at the end of their tether.

Now, in my mid-fifties, I ask myself a lot of questions about the meaning of life. I was sentenced to death, but I didn’t die. So how can I go on living? How should I live after the genocide? What lessons should I draw from it? I have not been through what others have. Why have I escaped the fate all the rest were doomed to? To what end? It makes me think I owe the survivors something—the rest of my life. But that’s not enough. There are restrictions imposed on me by the community which limit what I can do for the survivors, and which undermine my enthusiastic commitment to them. I also have my own personal limitations.

Stemming the Tide

Our research suggests that despite the passage of time, the relationship between survivors and their Church continues to be marked by bitterness, incomprehension, feelings of betrayal and rejection. Until the Catholic Church, the dominant Church in Rwanda, acts decisively, it will be continue to be party to internal conflicts and resentment. There are signs that, in this tense atmosphere, attitudes are hardening and prejudice is spreading.

Genocide survivors are a minority in Rwanda. Whatever their feelings, congregations in Rwanda will continue to swell and, on the surface, worship will continue “as normal”. This should surely not be a cause for complacency. I am certain that the views and experiences we have documented will be a source of profound spiritual concern for you.

The 10th commemoration has become a focus for outrage about genocide and for efforts to prevent genocide now and in the future. We hope the Church will seize this moment to begin an honest engagement with a series of sensitive and troubling questions. We urge you, your Holiness, to act decisively with measures to bridge divisions, soothe tormented souls and promote tolerance and understanding.

Respectfully,


Rakiya Omaar
Director

Marked for Death

2004-04-08

http://www.africadaily.com/p/d5/d7261a53b68115.html?id=WNAT991b84af91600b133fc43f1ec32d283f

In April 1994, Rwanda suffered one hundred days of violence, targeted at the Tutsi and moderate Hutu population. Ten years later, the consequences of the violence have not been dealt with adequately, neither by the international community nor by the Rwandan government. Survivors of violence still cry out for medical care; survivors and families of victims clamour for justice that is slow in coming. Women continue to die from diseases related to HIV/AIDS, which some of them contracted as a result of rape during the 1994 genocide and armed conflict.

Message of the UN secretary general on the 10th anniversary of the genocide

2004-04-08

http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp

"On this International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda, I would like to start by paying tribute to the people of Rwanda for the remarkable resilience and great dignity they have shown in recovering from their national trauma. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Government of Rwanda for the inclusive spirit with which it has pursued the path of reconstruction and reconciliation. Rwanda has much to show the world about confronting the legacy of the past, and is demonstrating that it is possible to reach beyond tragedy and rekindle hope."

Opening of Kigali and Murambi memorial centres

2004-04-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rwanda/21354

Some 250,000 perished on the streets and in the houses, churches and hospitals of Kigali alone. After the genocide, the Kigali City Council decided to dedicate a site for the burial of its people in a single place. Many mass graves were exhumed from around the city and the remains interred at the Kigali Memorial Centre in Gisozi district. This is now their final resting place. It is a poignant symbol of the devastation that genocide brought to families across the city and the country as a whole. The cemetery has been developed into a centre and place of reflection and learning for the families of victims, for schools and visitors to Rwanda.
AEGIS TRUST – Rwanda PRESS RELEASE
www.aegistrust.org Kigali - 07 APRIL 2004 - 1/2




10 YEARS ON:
SHAPING THE MEMORY OF RWANDA’S GENOCIDE


On the 7th of April, 2004, Rwanda will mark the tenth anniversary of its 1994 genocide, which saw a million people killed in 100 days. The UK-based Aegis Trust, an organisation addressing causes and consequences of genocide, is currently:

Ø Managing the creation of Rwanda’s national genocide memorial centre, opening in the capital, Kigali, on 7 April. The Centre is modelled on the Beth Shalom Holocaust Centre in the UK.

Ø Managing the creation of the Murambi Memorial Centre in Gikingoro, which houses Africa’s first Genocide Prevention Centre, to open on 9 April.

Ø Involved in the preparations for Rwanda’s official commemorative ceremony, which will be attended by state dignitaries from around the world.

Ø Responsible for creating an audiovisual record of ‘Gacaca’, Rwanda’s post-genocide communal justice process.

Ø Supporting projects initiated by survivors on Aegis’ staff to assist orphans and HIV-positive rape victims of the genocide.

Brothers Drs Stephen and James Smith, who founded both the Beth Shalom Holocaust Centre and the Aegis Trust, are driving these projects. They are both in Rwanda working 24/7 with survivors and the Rwandan Government.


"We do not create museums for the sake of museums. We create museums to dignify the past, to ensure the historical record and to provide an educational tool for future generations. The Rwandans have been very bold. We are in the process of creating a museum and memorial centre just ten years after the genocide when feelings are still extremely raw…. Genocide takes on a new immediacy when sitting opposite a woman with no family and only half a face, who tells you she wants to help as she wouldn’t want anyone to experience what she has gone through."
– Dr Stephen Smith, Aegis Director





---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

If you or your colleagues are interested in covering stories relating to this – and particularly if you or your colleagues are planning to visit Rwanda for the events marking the tenth anniversary of the genocide – please contact Aegis Press Officer David Brown for more information or to arrange interviews.
Tel: (+250) 0877 4006 - email: davidonthemove@hotmail.com
AEGIS TRUST – Rwanda PRESS RELEASE
www.aegistrust.org Kigali - 07 APRIL 2004 - 2/2



OPENING OF KIGALI AND MURAMBI
GENOCIDE MEMORIAL CENTRES

“If you knew me, and if you really knew yourself, then you would not have killed me.”
(Felicien Ntagengwa, genocide survivor)

Kigali Memorial Centre
Some 250,000 perished on the streets and in the houses, churches and hospitals of Kigali alone. After the genocide, the Kigali City Council decided to dedicate a site for the burial of its people in a single place. Many mass graves were exhumed from around the city and the remains interred at the Kigali Memorial Centre in Gisozi district. This is now their final resting place. It is a poignant symbol of the devastation that genocide brought to families across the city and the country as a whole.

The cemetery has been developed into a centre and place of reflection and learning for the families of victims, for schools and visitors to Rwanda. You are now able to see the mass graves and view the permanent exhibition, as well as experience the moving children’s memorial and gardens.

Kigali Memorial Centre, Gisozi, Kigali, Rwanda
Mass Graves, Gardens and Exhibition
www.kigalimemorialcentre.org


Murambi Memorial Centre
In Gikongoro province, to the south, some 40,000 to 50,000 perished on 21st April at a single site: the unfinished school complex at Murambi. After the genocide, survivors reburied the dead. On removing the bodies from their shallow grave, they preserved 800 of the corpses in lime. An insignt to the genocide in Gikongoro is powerfully detailed in the centre’s exhibition. But the full story of the province still remains to be discovered. What is certain, however, is that Murambi poses some of the most challenging questions you will ever encounter.

The main building of the complex houses a Memorial Museum, where some of the corpses are interned; a witness to the genocide and a warning to the world. Africa’s first Genocide Prevention Centre has been set on the first floor and offers a program of conferences and seminars for the public, for students and for scholars.

Adjacent to the building are large graves containing most of those murdered on the site, surrounded by smaller school buildings that remain today as they were following the genocide.

The Centre is about two and a half hours’ drive south from Kigali, and half an hour drive from Butare, home of the National Museum of Rwanda, on the road to Nyungwe forest and Kivu Lake.

Murambi Memorial Centre, Butare, Rwanda
Mass Graves, Gardens and Exhibition
www.murambimemorialcentre.org
The Aegis Trust, UK registered charity 1082856

Ten years after genocide, Rwandan children suffer lasting impact

Rwanda has one of world’s highest proportions of child-headed households

2004-04-08

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_20325.html

Ten years after the genocide in Rwanda that took the lives of 800,000 people, the country’s children continue to struggle with the lingering impact of the atrocities, UNICEF has said. “Ten years later, the children of Rwanda are still suffering the consequences of a conflict caused entirely by adults,” UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy said. “For them, the genocide is not just a historical event, but an inescapable part of daily life today and tomorrow.”

University of Peace commemorates genocide

2004-04-08

http://www.upeace.org

Wednesday, 7 April, was declared by a resolution of the United Nations General Assembly as the International Day of Reflection to commemorate the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda. As such, the University for Peace joined with the Permanent Mission of Rwanda in Geneva to commemorate the genocide by co-hosting two events. The first was a silent remembrance march through Geneva entitled "La Marche du Souvenir". Immediately following the march there was a commemorative evening at the International Conference Centre of Geneva (CICG) In the continuing commemorative events, the University for Peace and the Permanent Mission of Rwanda will also be hosting a Public Dialogue on the 23rd of April.

Fahamu