Back Issues

Featured Articles

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/26847

* EDITORIAL: Darfur and Togo: Difficult times for the AU
1. Lack of political will and institutional capacity have conspired against effective African Union involvement in Sudan. The AU should move out and leave things to the UN security council.
2. The international community needs to support the will of the Togolese people in their efforts to restore order and democracy following the death of long time leader General Gnassingbe Eyadema.
* COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: The Asian Tsunami highlights how ill-prepared Africa is for natural disasters. The time to prepare for an African Tsunami is now.
* LETTERS: Creating leaders, political will and the arrival of equality.
* AFRICAN UNION WATCH: A new section in Pambazuka News containing commentary, analysis and links to the latest news and AU documents.
* REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: A new website collects information and stimulates discussion about the UNHCR's refugee status determination (RSD).
* WOMEN AND GENDER: Djibouti ratifies women's rights protocol.
* ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Making sense of Mozambique's electoral chaos.
* DEVELOPMENT: The G7 are learning to talk about debt relief, but they're still not walking.
* HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: What can human rights do for health and health equity in South Africa?

>>>>>

* Sign the petition for women's rights: http://www.pambazuka.org/petition

* Stay awake: Get Pambazuka News alerts: http://www.pambazuka.org/petition/alerts.php

>>>>>

1. The UN report on Darfur: What role for the AU?

Waranya Moni

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/26831

The UN International Commission of Inquiry established by Security Council Resolution 1564 on 18 September 2004 to "investigate reports of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur by all parties, to determine also whether or not acts of genocide have occurred" completed its work and submitted its findings to the UN Secretary General on 31 January 2005.

Although the report did not find genocide to have occurred in Darfur, it confirms that serious violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law by all parties have taken place and are continuing. In particular, the Commission found that Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur.

These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity. The Commission recommends that the International Criminal Court (ICC) should prosecute those persons allegedly responsible for the most serious crimes as part of the solution to the Darfur crisis.

It is notable that the report sparingly mentions the AU and does not prescribe any role it should play in the punishment of the violators of international human rights law and humanitarian law. The AU on its part has steered clear of the definition game of what is or is not "genocide."

When the then US Secretary of State Colin Powell announced on September 9, 2004, that the killing, raping and displacement of black Africans by horse-mounted Arab fighters amounted to genocide, the AU called it a "big mistake" and criticized Powell for "undermining the AU." The AU wiggled out of intervening in Darfur by arguing that it will "call it genocide" after carrying out a "full investigation."

However, it would be wrong to assume that the AU's refusal to acknowledge, despite the teeming evidence in its field reports, that genocide has taken place in Darfur is the decision of one official.

In a communiquÈ issued in July, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) stated that even though the crisis in Darfur was grave with unacceptable levels of deaths, human suffering, and destruction of homes and infrastructure, the situation could not be defined as "genocide."

The AU's highest organ, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, also reiterated this position during the 6-8 July 2004 Summit, when it noted "that, even though the humanitarian situation in Darfur is serious, it can not be defined as a genocide."

Indeed, the UN Commission has concluded that although inhuman acts may have been committed "with genocidal intent?no genocidal policy has been pursued and implemented in Darfur by the Government authorities, directly or through the militias under their control."

But the AU should not rest on its laurels and feel that it has been exonerated from intervening in Darfur to protect civilians who are being victimized by the Government-supported armed militia groups, the Janjaweed. According to Article 4(h) the Constitutive Act, the AU has "the right...to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly (of Heads of State and Government) in respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity."

If we accept the findings of the UN Commission report that "war crimes and crimes against humanity" are taking place in Darfur, then the AU should be urged to invoke Article 4(h) to intervene in Darfur and protect the civilian population. However, for the following reasons, the AU is incapable of invoking Article 4(h) to intervene in Darfur.

Lack of Political Will

African leaders at the moment have no political will to authorize the AU to intervene in one of its most important member-states. As the Darfur decisions of the July 2004 and January 2005 Summit show, African leaders are not interested in ordering actions that would set precedents. Africa is replete with Darfurs. There are at least half a dozen African states that are currently facing serious political crisis that could lead to civil wars. If the AU intervenes in Darfur, it must prepare to intervene in the near future in Zimbabwe and Nigeria, which have simmering civil conflicts, and in Ivory Coast and Uganda, which are embroiled in seemingly intractable civil wars.

It would be a form of poetic justice for Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, to preside over the AU intervention in Sudan and in 2006 have the same organization, under the chairmanship of Omar al-Bashir, intervene in Nigeria, assuming the situations in the Delta and Plateau regions are not contained. Likewise, AU leaders, particularly South African President Thabo Mbeki, would find it difficult to authorize AU intervention in Zimbabwe or Uganda to protect civilian populations of those countries.


AU Lacks Institutional Capacity

Assuming that African leaders had the political will to intervene in Darfur pursuant to Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act, the AU would still not be able to do so as it does not have the requisite capacity.

As the chaotic deployment of the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS) has proven, poor logistical planning and lack of trained personnel, funds, and experience in intervening to protect civilians have exposed the AU to be a mere child that has not even learned to walk on its own. It has been more than six months since the AU made the decision to send 3,300 troops to protect its own civilian monitors in Darfur.

So far, it has been unable to deploy half the troops. The haphazard way in which AMIS was conceived, planned, deployed and is being operated has brought back the sad memories of the OAU peacekeeping mission in Chad in early 1980s.

The Sudan Factor

Even if African leaders had the political will and the AU had the capacity to intervene in Sudan to protect the civilian population of Darfur, it would still find it difficult to make the decision and marshal regional, continental and international support needed for such an intervention.

Regionally, such an intervention will need the support of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). A decision by IGAD supporting such an intervention will have to be made by the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government, which is chaired by President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who will not allow IGAD to make such a decision for reasons pointed out above. Were IGAD to make such a decision it would have to be implemented by the Executive Secretary, Dr. Attala Hamad Bashir, who is Sudanese.

Continentally, the AU would have to rely on the expert advice of the African Commission on Human and People's Right (ACHPR) on matters relating to international human rights and violation of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights. The ACHPR would not easily and expeditiously arrive at recommendations on violations of human rights in Sudan as its vice chairman is Yassir S. A. El Hassan, who is an official of the Sudan Ministry of Justice. The inability of the ACHPR to conduct an investigation of human rights violations in Darfur is now apparent as the resolution it adopted on 4 June 2004 to do so has yet to be implemented.

Were the ACHPR to come up with a report showing that human rights violations were taking place in Darfur and that urgent action was needed to protect civilians that report would be presented to the PSC, the AU body with the responsibility of deciding on matters of intervention. The PSC has 15 members without veto powers. Sudan is a member of the PSC. However, it is an open secret in Addis Ababa that Sudan has "veto power" on the PSC through its powerful Permanent Representative, Osman Said, who is the dean of the diplomatic corps and former head of the national intelligence service.

Sudan is also a member of the Bureau of the Assembly of the AU, the leadership body that includes Mali, Senegal, Burundi, Chad, Libya, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic,†Ethiopia, Botswana, Equatorial Guinea and Swaziland. The Bureau decides on important matters of the Assembly including the venue and the agenda.

Originally Sudan was supposed to host the AU Summit in July 2005 but this venue has been changed to Libya. However, Sudan will still host the January 2006 Summit. It is traditional that the country that hosts the AU Summit also assumes the organization's Chairmanship and it is most likely that Sudan would do so when it host the January 2006 Summit.

Internationally, an intervention in Darfur would have to get the Security Council's stamp of approval, under Article VIII of the UN Charter. Sudan has powerful friends, Russia and China, in the Security Council who are most likely to veto such a decision. Russia is the main supplier of arms to the Khartoum government while China has secured lucrative oil deals in Sudan.

It is apparent that the time has come for the role of the AU in Darfur to be evaluated, as the above facts have clearly pointed to one conclusion: it is time the UN Security Council assumed its primary responsibilities of maintaining peace and security in the whole of Sudan. The AU should be thanked for the role it has played so far and be asked to back out now with grace before things get messier.

* Waranya Moni works for an international organization specializing in humanitarian assistance.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

2. Post-Eyadema Togo - A military coup or unconstitutional government?

Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/26832

After surviving many coups d'Ètat, political assassination attempts, political upheavals and different political transitions and dispensations, Africa's political dinosaur finally bowed out last Saturday, February 5, 2005. General Gnassingbe Eyadema died, according to reports, of a heart attack while being flown abroad for medical treatment. What is intriguing about his death is not so much the fact that the last of the dominant francophone trio (Houphouet Boigny-Mobutu-Eyadema) is gone, after a record 38 years in office, but the circumstances under which a successor was found.

Following Eyadema's ability to manoeuvere his way and have the constitution amended to make him run for unlimited terms, lowering the minimum qualifying age for a President from 40 to 35 years, and carving a cabinet post for his son Faure Gnassingbe, speculation became rife that Eyadema indeed had dynastic ambitions. Interestingly, as usual, Eyadema, saying that destiny would decide dynasty, denied this. But events and circumstances surrounding how the deceased's son came to power, described as a "relative newcomer to politics," seems to confirm what many Togolese had feared and political pundits had predicted.

A few days before Eyadema's death, the President of the National Assembly, Ouattara Sambare Natchaba, had travelled to Europe on official assignment as head of a parliamentary delegation. He was still away when Eyadema passed away. Contrary to the norm of shrouding the death of an African leader of the calibre of Eyadema in secrecy, his death was announced the same day on state radio and television by the Prime Minister Kofi Samma. According to reports, about 2 hours later, the Chief of Staff of the Togolese Armed Forces, General Zachari Nandja, appeared on state television to say that "the constitution had been suspended and Faure Gnassingbe, who was a junior minister in the government, had been appointed head of state." In justification for the take-over of power Gen. Nandja is reported to have said, "The armed forces of Togo find itself faced with the evidence of a total vacuum of power in Togo. This is because the speaker of the national assembly is absent. Therefore, in order not to create a power vacuum, the armed forces of Togo has decided to declare Faure Gnassingbe the head of state." He is further quoted as saying, "The Togolese armed forces swear allegiance to Faure Gnassingbe as President of the Republic of Togo," said Nandja, who was flanked by the country's other top military commanders. At the same time, Gen. Nandja announced the closure of the country's borders (air, land and sea).

Following these two announcements from the Prime Minister and the Army General, messages of condolences began to pour in from African and other world leaders, as well as condemnatory reactions to the installation of Faure Gnassingbe as the new leader of Togo.

Noteworthy among the reactions is the swift and vehement opposition to, and condemnation of, the takeover of power by the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States.

Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo, the chairman of the African Union, said the appointment was unconstitutional. "President Obasanjo will not accept any unconstitutional transition of power in Togo," his spokeswoman said. "Speaking on behalf of the AU, President Obasanjo urged the people of Togo to insist on respect of the constitution on the provision of an interim leadership that will lead to the democratic election of a new president for Togo." African Union Commission Chairperson Alpha Omar Konare, did not mince words: "What is happening now in Togo, you must call things by their proper name, is a seizing of power by the Army. It's a military coup d'etat." ''The constitutional order must be re-established so that power can be held by the president of the national assembly." A spokesman for Mr. Konare, Adam Thiam, went as far as to say that, ''This administration will not be recognized because it comes from a coup d'Ètat." The U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan also weighed in, saying that he hoped Togo would ensure a peaceful transfer of power in line with its constitution.

Following this reaction, and perhaps to fit into the AU's narrow definition of what would constitute unconstitutional change of government, the Togolese Parliament stepped in and convened an extraordinary session of Parliament to amend the constitution and replace the legitimate speaker of the National Assembly with Mr. Faure Gnassingbe.

The BBC quoted one European diplomat who seemed to imply that this "neat trick" might be accepted. "It is a political manoeuvre that has not violated the constitution. One might feel manipulated but it is within the lines of the constitution."

However, it is the writer's opinion that this "neat trick" indeed violates the Togolese Constitution, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, and international law which the Togolese Constitution itself upholds.

A careful read of article 65 of the Togolese Constitution stipulates that, in case of a vacuum in the presidency created through death, resignation or incapacity, the functions of the President shall pass on provisionally to the President of the National Assembly or Speaker of Parliament. The Constitutional Court will establish the validity of the vacancy. Afterwards, the provisional government shall be given 60 days within which to organise elections and elect a new president who will run a full term of 5-years as prescribed by the Constitution.

Therefore, automatically, Mr. Natshaba should have been sworn-in as the interim head of state to run the 60-day transition period. Rather, he was not allowed to re-enter the country, having had his plane diverted to neighbouring Benin, thus creating the "power vacuum." The fact that the Army suspended the constitution, installed Faure Gnassingbe as the new head of state, instead of the President of the National Assembly, and pledged allegiance to him (Faure Gnassingbe) simply amounted to a military coup d'Ètat. Article 147 of the Constitution makes it explicit that the Togolese Armed Forces are "a national, republican and apolitical army, totally subject to the constitutional political authority". And 148 says that all attempts to overthrow a constitutional regime by personnel of the Forces or the public security services is considered an imprescriptible crime against the nation and punishable according to the laws of the land. Furthermore, article 49 stipulates that the security forces and the police, under the authority of the government, have the role and responsibility of protecting the free exercise of the rights and liberties, and to guarantee the security of the citizens and their property.

The after-the-fact act of going to Parliament to legalise and legitimise the illegality and illegitimacy of the military act cannot help. This is because by reference to article 54 of the Constitution, in case of a vacuum created in the Presidency of the National Assembly through death, resignation or any other reason, the National Assembly shall elect a new person in his/her stead. It is important to note that since the Speaker was leading an official delegation to the European Union, he was still acting as the Speaker even while outside the country. He did not die nor resign. The only other recourse, that is, based on "any other reason" could only give room for his removal and replacement if done by the National Assembly. There was no reason assigned by the Army for removing the Speaker from office. More importantly, it was not the function of the Army to do that. That was the work of Parliament. Also, the Army did not have the power to appoint a new person to replace the Speaker. Again, this is the responsibility of Parliament.

But can we say that what the National Assembly did on Sunday, February 6, a day after the military take-over was justified constitutionally? After all, one would say that Article 54 clearly mandates them to do so. Therefore, at worse, they cleaned up the dirty work of the military and met the condition of the international community that the transition of power should proceed on the basis of the constitution. Can one also argue that the National Assembly act of February 6 was in line with article 150 of the constitution?

Interestingly, article 150 of the constitution stipulates that in the event of a coup d'Ètat or any use of force to overthrow the constitutionally elected government, all members of government or the National Assembly have the right and the duty to have recourse to all means to re-establish constitutional legitimacy. It further states that in such circumstances, to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as 'the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

What the National Assembly did on Sunday February 6 was not to restore constitutional legitimacy but to smear a veneer of legality on an illegal act. The National Assembly did not condemn the Act of the military; they did not call on the Constitutional Court to rule on the illegality of the military take-over of February 5 and have Faure Gnassingbe and the top brass of the military arrested and tried. They did not make any efforts to re-open the borders and let the Speaker of Parliament come in to take over his constitutional duties as interim president.

Rather, they took steps to make the "President of the Nation" who had been installed a day earlier and which act amounted to an imprescriptible crime against the nation, to be installed as the Speaker of Parliament. The contradiction is clear and irreconciliable: from President of the Republic to President of the National Assembly.

Another issue that obviously raises eyebrows for any constitutional expert is, what steps were taken to remove the President of the National Assembly from office? What were the charges against him? Also, considering that the session that Parliament held on February 6 was an extraordinary sitting, were the rules for convening an extraordinary session followed? According to the constitution, the Speaker of the House can only convene such a session, after it has been demanded by the President of the Republic or the absolute majority of deputies. In this regard, either Mr. Natshaba should have been present or a new President of the House appointed. If a new one was appointed, it could obviously not have been Mr. Faure Gnassingbe since the President of the House is the one who should convene the extraordinary session. But it was the extraordinary session that led to the removal of the constitutionally legitimate President and his replacement by Mr. Gnassingbe. And if a new President of the National Assembly was appointed who in turn convened the extraordinary session, then the House should have dismissed this new President before replacing him with Eyadema's son. One wonders if all these steps were taken.

Yet another issue to discuss is the amendment of the Constitution to remove the legal requirement to hold elections in Togo within 60 days of the death of a President. The new inserted article states that the President of the National Assembly succeeds the President of the Republic and can stay in office until the end of the previous President's mandate.

According to the Togolese constitution, the responsibility for taking steps towards an amendment of the constitution is shared concurrently between President of the Republic on the advice of the Prime Minister and at least a fifth of the members of the legislature. Furthermore, the amendment bill shall be considered adopted if voted by 80% of the deputies constituting the National Assembly. In the event that this majority is not attained, the bill shall be subjected to a national referendum. More important to note, the Constitution is categorical in stating that no procedure for amendment shall be initiated or pursued during an interim period or a vacancy or when it relates to the territorial integrity of the nation.

There are a lot of questions about the legality of the amendment process itself. Among these is the fact that the amendment was made during an interim period or vacancy. There was then no President of the Republic or the House. According to Reuters' reporter, John Zodzi, the amendment was made before Faure Gnassingbe was appointed head of the National Assembly.

In light of the above analysis, the writer strongly lends support to the unequivocal position taken by the African Union. Their actions are in line with the objectives and principles of Union. Article 3 (g) and (h) states that the objectives of the Union shall be to: (g) promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; (h) promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments. Also, Article 4(m) and (p) says: The Union shall function in accordance with the following principles: (m) respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance; (p) condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments.

Also, the AU Framework for Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government places a responsibility on the Current Chairman of the AU and the Secretary-General, whenever an unconstitutional change as provided for in the definition of unconstitutional change should occur in a Member State, to "immediately and publicly condemn such a change and urge for the speedy return to constitutional order." Also, the Current Chairman and the Secretary-General should also convey a clear and unequivocal warning to the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change that, under no circumstances, will their illegal action be tolerated or recognized by the AU."

While the Constitutive Act did not elaborate on what could constitute unconstitutional change of governments, the AU Framework outlines 4 definitions of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government:

i) military coup d'etat against a democratically elected Government;
ii) intervention by mercenaries to replace a democratically elected Government;
iii) replacement of democratically elected Governments by armed dissident groups and
rebel movements;
iv) the refusal by an incumbent government to relinquish power to the winning party after
free, fair and regular elections.

However, the AU decided "to restrict the definition of unconstitutional changes of government to paragraphs (b) (i to iv) of the "Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government" (Doc. Rev1 of the Central Organ).

While the military act of February 5 falls neatly into the first category, the Parliamentary faux pas of February 6 seems a bit tricky, particularly in view of the AU decision to restrict the definition of unconstitutional change of government.

However, it remains clear that the Parliament endorsed the military coup of February 5 through their attempts to regularise the illegal acts of the military working in cahoots with Faure Gnassingbe. These are summarised as following:

Failing to condemn the suspension of the constitution, and the announcement and the installation of Mr. Faure as the new head of state;
Failing to call on the Constitutional court to rule on the illegality of the take-over and calling for the arrest and prosecution of Mr. Gnassingbe and the army brass;
Failing to call for the return of the President of the National Assembly to assume his legitimate role as interim President;
Convening an emergency session of Parliament in contravention of the procedures laid by the constitution;
Amending the Constitution contrary to spirit of the Constitution.

It is the author's considered opinion that, but for the above reasons, applying the strict and narrow definition of situations which may amount to unconstitutional change of government, the acts of the Togolese parliament may have passed the test of proper and legitimate change of government. It is therefore suggested that the AU decision paragraph 2 be revoked and the paragraph 4.3.1 of the Draft Declaration on Elections, Democracy and Governance be amended to be in line with the Framework's text which suggests that the paragraphs (i) to (iv) are only examples of unconstitutional changes of government, and that other possibilities may exist. The text reads: "In order to give practical effect to the principles we have enunciated, we have agreed on the following definition of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government.

Such an approach will be in conformity with the spirit and principles of democracy that the Framework upholds. It will cover for example, the situation involving the actions of the Togolese Parliament standing on its own and without any link to the previous day's military take-over. Other situations that could be covered may include a government coming to power or perpetuating itself in power through election fraud, which is becoming part of the continent's democratic ethos. Also, a situation where a government, though having come to power through democratic means turns out to be overtly undemocratic may also be covered. In fact, these examples constitute some of the major factors that lead disaffected politicians and military personnel to stage coups d'Ètat. The fundamental issue therefore is whether the way the country is run is likely to jeopardise the peace and security of the country. The Peace and Security Council of the AU could be charged with the responsibility of assessing the situation and making a recommendation or presenting its findings before the AU Assembly.

Yet another troubling issue about the Framework is the stipulation giving an unconstitutional regime 6 months to return the country to constitutional rule. Udombana's reaction to this arrangement is cynical but to the point: it gives "sufficient time to a smart regime to wreak havoc on the national treasury before disengaging, like General Abdulsalami Abubakar's regime in Nigeria." Obviously, it buys Faure Gnassingbe more time (compared to the 2 months allowed under the Togolese constitution) to "put his house in order."

Addressing parliament afterward, Gnassingbe said: ``Togo is engaged without reserve in the democratic process, which I will pursue to its logical conclusion. The challenges are many, and difficult. But I believe that I can count on all of you, and all Togolese of goodwill who believe in peace, national unity and security,'' Gnassingbe said."

It is time for the Constitutional Court and the people to stand up against the illegal acts of the military and the Parliament, as demanded by the Constitution that, "Sovereignty belongs to the people. The people, through their representatives and through referendum, exercise sovereignty. No section of the populace, a state body or individual can claim that power for itself." Article 43 of the constitution also urges the people that the defence of the fatherland and the territorial integrity is the sacred duty of the citizen." Again, it is worth quoting article 150 which says, inter alia, that to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as "the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

The legacy of the two other members of the dominant Francophonie trio, H. Boigny of CÙte d'Ivoire and Mobutu of Zaire are evident for all to see. Both countries are embroiled in civil war. The peace and stability of the whole West African region is threatened if the international community does not stand up and take action to support the legitimate struggle of the Togolese people to restore order and democracy in their country.

* DR Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua is a human rights academic, a member of the Ghana Bar Association and holds a Doctor of Civil Law degree from McGill University in International Human Rights Law.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Anticipating An African Tsunami

Rotimi Sankore

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/26828

A tsunami of the sort that hit Asia will hit Africa sooner or later. It's just a question of how much sooner or later: one year, 10 years, a 100 or a 1000 years, and if it will be bigger or smaller. The impact it will largely depend on how prepared the continent, individual countries and governments will be for its consequences.

Tectonic plates on which all continents rest are continuously shifting - triggering underwater quakes and volcanoes. Global warming and melting of polar caps will also raise sea levels, increasing the chances of submersion of coastal areas. Over 30,000 earthquakes are recorded annually. On average one or two are seriously destructive to different degrees. There are 500 active volcanoes and about 50 of them erupt in any given year. More importantly quake zones change as tectonic plates beneath the continents shift. Wishful thinking will not prevent a tsunami, but anticipation, preventive measures, containment and effective emergency measures will nullify or ameliorate its consequences. The time to prepare is now.

Now that the big headlines from Asia are gone its time for sober assessment by the next potential victims and they don't come bigger than Africa. The reason is simple. Africa has the least developed infrastructure to cope with destruction on a mass scale.

Every scale of practical assessment - early warning and evacuation capacity, communications and transport network, flood defences, building safety and standards, population density of coastal cities, medical facilities, emergency relief procedures, emergency stocks of water, food, blankets etc - indicate that were a tsunami of similar scale to that of 26 December to hit Africa today, the death scale would not be around 300,000 as in Asia but between 500,000 and a million depending on what coast of Africa is hit. The number of countries and coastal cities involved will be key factors influencing the casualty rate and for sure the displaced and homeless rate will top the roughly 2 million from the Asian tsunami.

For instance, a major line of seismic activity runs along Africa's western and southwestern coast in the South Atlantic Ocean. A major quake there could trigger a tsunami that will hit the western and south western coast of Africa, including most or all coastal cities and towns in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote D' Ivore, Ghana, Togo, Nigeria, Benin, Sao Tome and Principe, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Angola, Namibia and parts of South Africa. This could include significant coastal cities such as Accra, Cape Town, Lome, Dakar, Banjul, Monrovia, Freetown, Abidjan, Luanda and Lagos that range in population from less than a 100,000, to Lagos which alone has an official population of 14 million. In these cities millions live within two kilometres (tsunami range) of the ocean, especially in Lagos where the estimate is at about three million. The statistics project a monumental disaster.

But a tsunami will not be the first 'natural' disaster to hit Africa. Over the past decade, between four million and six million Africans have died annually from 'tsunami' scales of leading killer diseases, malaria, HIV, TB, measles and typhoid. Malaria alone kills about 3,000 children a day in Africa. Almost double the number of Asian Tsunami victims die every month of preventable or treatable diseases in Africa. Some may feel that if the bodies were laid side by side every month for the cameras, maybe governments would wake up to their responsibilities. With all due respect to the Asian victims and their families, it is no less sad that mosquitoes strike individually and each family suffers in isolated grief.

The relevance of this here is that African governments are already failing their people in respect of preventive measures for the leading causes of death. Even in a war, such a casualty rate would be untenable.

In addition to human life that is not measurable in monetary terms, such losses to disease are bound to have an economic impact. Malaria alone is estimated by world economists to cost Africa in social and economic terms the equivalent of about $12bn a year yet it would cost only a fraction of this to contain it. This is roughly the same figure at the lower end of estimates for reconstruction in the Asian tsunami zones and twice the amount being offered in debt relief by Paris Club and G8 countries to affected Asian countries.

Should Africa then spend time and resources preparing for a tsunami that has as much chances of happening today as in 10 years time while for sure an equivalent number of projected tsunami victims are already dying every month of preventable diseases and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future? The answer is a resounding - Yes! For one thing, a tsunami would knock already stumbling economies and healthcare systems into a coma.

Preventable diseases, terrible as they are, take human life and rob Africa of her most precious resource - its people. Earthquakes and tsunamis will not only take lives, they will simultaneously concentrate and magnify the depth of misery by wrecking cities and creating refugee situations across massive urban areas. For instance, nearly three million people have been displaced by the Asian tsunami and some experts estimate that about four million would have lost jobs. That's four million more families with no income. The projected social implications for basic rights such as education, nutrition and healthcare are mind boggling not to mention social dislocation, anarchy and crime.

In Africa, the domino effect from a refugee crisis in major cities would also sink already non-existent public housing sectors. Health wise, Africa already looses the highest percentage of its trained health care personnel every year to emigration and a public health crisis is looming in major cities. A tsunami hit would massively complicate the malaria, TB, HIV and measles situation, not to mention diseases transmitted by contaminated water and malnutrition.

Economically speaking, the fact that historically, coastal cities in Africa have evolved into main centres of commerce (flowing from when slaves were transported through them and later raw materials for the same trans Atlantic routes) means that any significant mass destruction of these cities will have a multiplier effect on national economies not dissimilar to shockwaves from a nuclear bomb. Already stumbling economies will be laid comatose.

Any observant visitor to major coastal cities in North America, Japan or Australia for instance would not have failed to notice that there are tsunami warning systems and evacuation routes planned in advance and clearly marked. Australia for instance issued a tsunami warning within half an hour of the December quake. These indicate clearly that even reasonably developed economies cannot afford the potential loss of life that could be wreaked by such natural disasters. Some will argue that the pacific and Indian oceans are more prone to tsunamis. While this is true, surely it is a warning shot that the Asian tsunami travelled seven hours to east Africa thousands of miles away and killed 137 in Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania and Madagascar.

Having realised that a warning system (giving 15 minutes to 2 hours notice) could have saved at least 200,000 lives, all countries in the Asia region met in Thailand within a month of the Asian tsunami to agree on logistics for establishing an Indian Ocean tsunami warning system. The cheapest system possible will be ready by 2006 and will cost about $8m. India alone is planning to invest $29m in warning systems. Enthusiasm at the conference was so high that countries clashed over where the coordinating centre should be located with some offering more money than it would cost to establish it to secure the centre. When the Asia-wide warning system is ready, Africa will be virtually the only continent without a tsunami warning system. If other continents think it necessary to protect themselves, why not Africa? Governments and people need to be ready and on current form this will not happen.

For instance, how many governments (never mind people) know that on the 29th of January 2005 a moderate 5.5 quake occurred just North of Ascension Island a mere 1035 km (650 miles) SSW of Monrovia, Liberia. Earthquakes are devastating in part because of the element of surprise and relative unpredictability. Just two or three notches up the scale and for sure West Africa (and probably south West Africa) would now be in a state of mourning. The Asian tsunami was an 8.7 to nine on the Richter scale and travelled at roughly 500mph. Africa had seven hours yet managed to loose 137 lives despite this being sufficient time to be half way round the world. It goes without saying that it needs no further debate to make the case for a warning system.

But a warning system alone will not do. People will also need to know what danger signs to look out for, what to do, where to go and how to get there. If all houses cannot be quake proof as they increasingly are in most parts of California and Japan, there must be available public places such as schools and hospitals designed and built to withstand waves, floods and quakes. As Tim Radford, a science editor with the UK Guardian, pointed out in a recent article, "survival depends not just on open lines, wakeful authorities and an educated public, but educated planners, builders and building inspectors as well". The social and communications network needed to pass warnings on to citizens must be established and road and transport networks improved. Greek scientists have established that simply widening road junctions and roundabouts leading to higher ground would save hundreds of lives in the event of a tsunami.

Warning systems need not cost the GDP of entire countries. A Swedish company (MedDay) announced at the end of January a cheaper system based on mobile phones which Asian countries are eager to test run. According to the company it will take about six weeks to install. But this can only be an interim measure. Development of electricity, medical and other modern infrastructure are the long-term solution. African countries must get in on such preparation and preventive measures.

Until this is done, hundreds of thousands of Africans will go about their daily lives waiting to die in a 'natural' disaster. Should this eventually happen, it will be nothing short of criminal negligence and no amount of debt relief, international rescue and relief teams and foreign aid workers from international charities will be able to hide the fact that Africa leaders would have once again failed their people in upholding that most basic right of all - the right to life.

*Sankore is coordinator of CREDO for Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights an NGO focussing on rights issues in Africa. Pleas send feedback to info@credonet.org and editor@pambazuka.org

Journalist in the News: Deyda Hydara

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/26733

Reknowned Gambian journalist and Reporters Without Borders correspondent Deyda Hydara was shot dead on 16 December 2004 as he drove two of his newspaper staff home after work. Hydara fought tirelessly for press freedom and democracy under the military regime and called for equal opposition access to the media during the 1996 presidential election campaign. All his colleagues, including his rivals, considered him the wisest and most thoughtful of journalists. Currently Reporters Without Borders have set up an appeal to call for an independent inquiry to his murder. To sign the petition, please go to http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=12243

'We need to create the leaders we want'

Ezra Limiri Mbogori

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/26795

I would imagine that we are all familiar with the maxim that 'societies get the leaders they deserve'. Being Kenyan myself, I have often wondered as I watch the twists and turns that Kenya goes through, what it is that Kenyans have done to deserve what they have in terms of leaders. While I do not have a ready answer to this question, I often think that so long as there is some learning happening, so long as there is a semblance of forward movement, we must continue to hope, to be vigilant and play our part where this is necessary and to encourage growth at all levels - both of ourselves, the organizations we work for and our leaders.

Some months back, we had reason to celebrate change. We attributed the change to many factors, not least of these the efforts that many NGOs are credited with in civic education and encouraging participation, which we saw as finally paying off. The 'feel good factor' was higher in Kenya than anywhere else in the world, at a certain moment in time.

Months later many Kenyans are on the verge of despair. This is understandable. Yet, we all feel strongly about Kenya and the potential she holds. I doubt that Kenyans have the same faith in their leaders as they had at the critical moment that change took place a while ago. It is clear that there has been a major breach of contract between Kenyans and their leaders. Can we do anything about that? I think we can - and we must. But we have to put our house in order first.

Having been literally 'brought up' in the NGO sector, I often use NGOs as the basic vantage point from which I perceive the world around me. Where Kenya is concerned I usually look back with pride at the proactive way in which the sector managed to change the NGO Act of 1990 into the kind of legislation that the sector could live with - as opposed to the draconian piece of legislation it had been intended to be. This involved the entire sector and many of us were greatly inspired by the demonstrated sacrifice and determination that went into creating the change we all wanted to see. I am aware that many things have changed over a decade later, but I fear that the change has not always been entirely positive. I was encouraged therefore to learn about the 'Okoa' effort and to note the determination that those who see the potential of the Council have put into reclaiming the ownership of the Council with the presumed intention of giving it the kind of leadership it deserves. I just wanted to applaud this effort and to let those who are involved know that they are doing duty that will have an important place in the history of the NGO movement in Kenya. If indeed we get the leaders we deserve, then we have to admit the momentary lapse that led to the leadership we ended up with in the sector and the attempt to correct this anomaly is only laudable. We have learnt important lessons and will hopefully be the wiser for them.

I would like to suggest that our complacency and sometimes self righteous attitude - our reluctance to get involved in what we see as petty politics or jostling for leadership has put us in trouble. We need to create the leaders we want and imbue them with a sense of accountability, because we placed them there. This is a real defining moment for the NGO Council.

Africa needs more political will

Andrew M Manyevere

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/26731

I notice many efforts African heads of states put towards the betterment of the continent and one feels most obliged at the foresight and vision. The spirit is excellent and cannot be faulted at all.

I feel though that what Africa lacks is that political will to sincerely eliminate her burdens. There has to be collective will to permit leadership circulation.

For as long as the Africa Union cannot create fear for abuse of authority in her member states there will always be those leaders who do not care for their national development. It must be remembered that some of the most insightful thoughts and contribution to the former OAU were contributed by men like Seseko Mabutu. Mabutu was an American agent well known to many African scholars and leaders, a dictator of renounced record, and yet still he played a useful role in shaping the future of Africa. Does that render African institutions credible at all and does that show leadership of integrity at all on the continent? What fails us as a people is not lack of intelligence nor ability to perform but lack of political sincerity to evaluate each other and put a realistic standard to be followed by all as we compete with the world at large and not only among ourselves in poverty.

Let me look at the issue of HIV/AIDS and TB on the continent. The continent has both herbs and skills which could, if harnessed and collectively used with better rewards for creativity, have long taken Africa out of the dark ages but instead Africa goes deeper and deeper into dark ages from both financial dependence and cultural hegemony of solicited imperialism. From 1999 Africa has been making very good resolutions on paper that have failed to work practically. The strong resistance from those who have taken political power from colonial masters has been a greater cause of set back than it has been a blessing to Africa.

Africa committed itself to try and spend 15% of her GDP on medical improvements so that her people will not suffer. The salaries nurses are paid are the poorest in the world even though their dedication is equalled to none. The lack of motivation firstly from political leadership will not see Africa come out of its current impasse without a big price to pay in human loss of life.

Since 1999 and every respective year Africa heads of states have met and among other things they have talked and resolved on the African condition with very minor progress made. Why? The following are partly the reasons:
- Lack of proper and strict accountability for donor funds and not having tangible set goals for what has to be done with funds.
- Too much political interference
- Sometimes the seeking for donor funds is caused by the greed of those in power.

Every African country has suffered from the self inflicted exodus of skilled personnel. Africa's human resources are a pride to other nations in the world and not to Africa because of poor African political leadership and subsequent decisions at national levels. Its all very good to talk of resolutions but when there is no political will to see those decisions followed to the letter Africa cannot be blind to its own down fall for too long. Where resources have been put to good use there has been substantial improvements in health standards of living even though some nations still suffer from wanton unaccountability of resources which have often found their way into accounts of ministers and presidents. Thank you to President Kibaki of Kenya for having engineered the genesis of African financial recuperation by instituting leadership declaration of wealth.

Let me end with comments on Zimbabwe as my home state. When one considers health facilities in the context of what was there in 1980, there is a serious degeneration in services standards, personnel availability and dishonesty in implementing funds to medical programs. Zimbabwe has receieved sizable donations through numerous NGOs who have as a result only received a thank-you of banishment from the country. HIV/AIDS has grown with too much rhetoric coming from the government of the day.

Mugabe could have long left power to some capable person if he trusted what he has done in the last twenty years. Even when all these human degradations are taking place in Zimbabwe, at every forum of the Africa Union the same Robert Mugabe is ululated and receives aclaim from African leadership without any questions. It's embarrasing what Africa make us go through honestly. It will take the British and the French once again to give us decency in managing our own affairs by recolonizing us while we cry foul.

Good resolutions came out of Abuja once again in January 24-31 in 2005, and I bet no better than those of 1999 but the African condition has barely begun to change. Talking of debt forgiveness is just to soften it for the guys who have made money out of using our governemnts as collateral for thier personal gains while in power. Africa needs to establish a leadership accountability court. African needs to take control of its own destiny now.

Finally Africa should stand behind the SADC Protocol on Free and Fair Elections and work to follow principles so that dictators can be reduced.

Equality will come

Sundiata Xian Tellem

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/26730

Africa calling: Africa Remix in London

2005-02-10

http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/features/story/0,11710,1408810,00.html

The largest exhibition of contemporary African art ever seen in Europe, the Hayward's Africa Remix show features 75 artists from 23 countries across the continent, as well as African artists now living in Europe and North America. Africa is a scandal," writes curator Simon Njami in the catalogue for Africa Remix: Contemporary Art of a Continent. Africa is a scandal because it is "hybrid", because it is inherently transgressive, because... no, let us leave it there. Suffice it to say that Africa Remix flails around to find an Africa that can claim its place in the world of biennales, glossy art magazines and proliferating theory. That it ends up discovering the same old realities of injustice and poverty probably says more for the honesty of African artists than for the thinking behind the show. Photo Gallery: http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/gallery/0,8542,1409100,00.html

Call for Poetry Submissions

100 poems to celebrate the life of Ken Saro-Wiwa: a life of writing and activism

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/26710

Flipped Eye Publishing, as part of Remember Saro-Wiwa, is publishing an anthology of poems to commemorate the 10th anniversary of Ken Saro-Wiwa's execution on 10 November 1995. The anthology will be published on 10 November 2005. Poets are encouraged to contribute under these topics as widely as possible, by considering people, place and power with both current and historical issues. We also want poems that consider positive and challenging futures in the light of these issues. Previously published poems must be accompanied by permission to reprint. Poems should not exceed 80 (two pages) lines including stanza breaks.

Call for Poetry Submissions

100 poems to celebrate the life of Ken Saro-Wiwa: a life of writing and activism.

Flipped Eye Publishing, as part of Remember Saro-Wiwa, is publishing an anthology of poems to commemorate the 10th anniversary of Ken Saro-Wiwa's execution on 10 November 1995. The anthology will be published on 10 November 2005.

"the writer cannot be a mere storyteller; he cannot be a mere teacher; he cannot merely X-ray society's weaknesses, its ills, its perils. He or she must be actively involved in shaping its present and its future." Ken Saro-Wiwa (1941-1995).

Biography

Ken Saro-Wiwa's career spanned teaching, business, government administration, writing and political leadership. It was these last two for which he became renowned, and eventually murdered. His writings included satirical novels, newspaper columns, children's tales, folk tales and the popular television play Basi & Co. - a long-running series of over 150 episodes. For many Africans, he epitomised a freedom fighter.

From 1990, Ken Saro-Wiwa led a movement in Ogoni for social and ecological justice. He used his writing and his boundless energy to unite the Ogoni behind a call for greater autonomy within the Nigerian Federation, access to oil revenues for the development of Ogoni, the right to protect Ogoni from ecological devastation and the right to preserve the Ogoni language. In November 1990, the Ogoni Bill of Rights was signed by most Ogoni chiefs and leaders. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) was also founded to pursue this agenda along the principles of non-violence.

Throughout the early 1990s Ken campaigned vigorously for MOSOP as its President and travelled internationally to bring the cause to the attention of the United Nations and the international community. In 1994, the government arrested Saro-Wiwa and thirteen other Ogoni accusing them of the murder of four Ogoni chiefs during rioting in May 1994 even though the evidence suggested that Saro-Wiwa and others were many miles away from the scene of the crime. On 30 October 1995, following a show trial denounced by international observers, Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight of the accused were found guilty and sentenced to hang. Despite massive international outcry, the sentence was carried out on 10 November 1995. After their execution, they became known as The Ogoni 9 and the campaign to clear their name continues.

Themes of poems for the anthology are:

Ken Saro-Wiwa: the Legacy

Freedom of expression; resistance (literary and otherwise); imprisonment; non-violence; political oppression; leadership.

Social and Ecological Justice

Minority rights; exile/displacement/refugees; war, peace, poverty, justice; equity; the death penalty; pollution; climate change; the right to appropriate/sustainable development; power (and the abuse thereof); capitalism and corporations.

Poets are encouraged to contribute under these topics as widely as possible, by considering people, place and power with both current and historical issues. We also want poems that consider positive and challenging futures in the light of these issues.

Previously published poems must be accompanied by permission to reprint. Poems should not exceed 80 (two pages) lines including stanza breaks.

Deadline: 30 June 2005. (Deadline will not be extended to ensure the book is published on due publications date of 10 November 2005)

Poetry submissions should be submitted electronically. Maximum of three poems per poet which must be embedded into the text of an e-mail. No attachments please. Attachments will be automatically deleted. Submissions should include your name, contact mailing address, email and telephone number and maximum 25-word bio. There is no payment for submissions. Royalties to go to The Ken Saro-Wiwa Foundation

Co-editors: Nii Ayikwei-Parkes and Kadija Sesay. Foreword : Ken Wiwa. Editorial advisor :Jack Mapanje

Send poetry submissions to:

kensarowiwa@flippedeye.net

Further information and updates can also be found at:

Flipped Eye Publishing

http://www.flippedeye.net/

Remember Saro-Wiwa

HYPERLINK "http://www.remembersarowiwa.org.uk/

Sable LitMag

"http://www.sablelitmag.org/submissions1.html

"http://www.africanwritersabroad.org.uk" http://www.africanwritersabroad.org.uk


Further Information on Ken Saro Wiwa and his legacy

Ken Saro-Wiwa was appalled at the devastation wrought on his homeland of Ogoni in the Niger Delta by the oil and gas industry. Led by the Anglo-Dutch multinational Shell, but also aided by the Nigerian state oil company and other multinationals such as BP, Chevron, Texaco, Exxon and Agip, the oil industry expropriated land, polluted land, water and air, wrecked the agricultural economy and put nothing back into the local economy. Only the elites in Lagos and foreign companies reaped the billion dollar profits of this filthy industry.

The Nigerian government reacted harshly to Ken bringing the cause to the attention of the United Nations and the international community. Villages were razed in Ogoni by the Nigerian military, by then under the dictatorship of General Sani Abacha. In 1993, the oil companies pulled out of Ogoni - in much the same way that colonial powers pulled out of Africa over 30 years before - in a hurry, leaving the land in a ruinous and environmental mess behind them. Very little has changed.

Saro-Wiwa always appealed for non-violent and peaceful action to further the Ogoni cause, referring to Gandhi for inspiration. The commemorative campaign, Remember Saro-Wiwa, in 2005, of which this anthology will be just one part, carries on Saro-Wiwa's demands, ten years after his execution, in the same non violent and peaceful spirit that he maintained.

http://archive.greenpeace.org/comms/ken/

http://homepage.oanet.com/jaywhy/ken.htm

http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/saro.htm

Pascal Lamche's documentary "Sophiatown"

2005-02-10

http://www.chico.mweb.co.za/art/2005/2005feb/050204-motw.html

Pascal Lamche's documentary Sophiatown should be seen by all who have an interest in South Africa’s relatively recent past - especially those interested in the way politics and culture were necessarily entwined. Sophiatown is a documentary about the Johannesburg suburb that was destroyed by the apartheid government in the late 1950s. It was destroyed because it was an area of the city in which people of colour had freehold rights to their properties. It was also an oasis of transracial contact, as well as a hothouse of jazz and crime.

Rwanda Mini Film Festival March 16-30 2005

2005-02-10

http://www.rwandacinemacenter.org/RwandaFilmFestival.html

In an era when film festivals have become the focal points for urban, national and regional film sector activities as well as showcases for social message documentary and youth training initiatives, the first annual Rwanda Mini-Film Festival will be a gathering point for filmmakers, students, film professionals, development communications practitioners and the general public. The theme for this year’s festival is: "Regional Cooperation for Audiovisual Excellence in Central and East Africa". The 2005 Rwanda Mini-Film Festival will be held at various urban and rural locations across Rwanda: Kigali, Butare, Kibuye, Cyangugu and others – from Wednesday, March 16th – Wednesday, March 30th.

Should Ugandans Listen to Vagina Monologues?

2005-02-10

http://allafrica.com/stories/200502080157.html

"A play called Vagina Monologues is coming to town. The first I hear of it is from Katie Richardson, actor with Kampala Amateur Dramatics Society and wife to the British High Commissioner. Katie and I gaze at each other. In Uganda? "Yes, I'm doubtful," says Katie. I say: "The word vagina is going to cause problems." Then I get a call from Anne Akia, my co-director at Straight Talk Foundation. Her friends Mumbi Kaigwa and Keith Pearson are bringing a play called Vagina Monologues. They want to see me and my husband. OK, I say. Then I ask: "What do you think, Anne? Vagina Monologues in Uganda at this time? Should we get involved?" She laughs, then sighs: "Haaa. I don't know...""

The Debt Threat : How Debt Is Destroying the Developing World

Noreena Hertz

2005-02-10

http://www.fpa.org/pubs_inventory2418/pubs_inventory_show.htm?doc_id=260462

With grand announcements, recycled promises, and much hype about debt relief by the leaders of the world's rich creditor countries, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank since 1999, many of us can be forgiven for believing that the debt crisis of the world's poor countries is over. Far from it, say the authors of this publication.

Voice Against Torture: Call for articles

2005-02-10

http://www.voiceagainsttorture.org.pk

Quarterly Newsletter is one of the publications of Voice Against Torture, for which contributions are invited in the form of articles, research, reports, comments on current issues, news items, poems or short stories, relating either to the issue of torture or human rights infringements, from any part of the world. Manuscripts should be typed in English language, double-spaced, and sent via e-mails. References or bibliography need be numbered, if provided with the article. Similarly, brief biographical details must be supplied, including the author's name, designation, qualifications, etc. The editor however, retains the right to suggest any changes, if required. Contact: Editor, Voice Against Torture P.O Box 2428 Islamabad, Pakistan Telephone: (051) 2856737, 2852643 Fax: (051) 2857382 Deadline: 28 February, 2005

Written in secret, "ZA@Play" wins award

2005-02-10

http://www.chico.mweb.co.za/art/2005/2005feb/050204-notes.html

Ishtiyaq Shukri is the winner of the R25 000 inaugural European Union Literary Award for a first, unpublished novel by a South African writer. Here, ZA@Play provides the Q's and he provides the A's. Q. Describe yourself in a sentence. A. I am a South African studying South Asian literature in London. Q. Describe your book in a sentence. A. The Silent Minaret is about the alienation, disillusionment, anger and loss caused by the "war on terror".

* An introduction to the African Union

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/26845

During a speech on foreign Policy in 1959, Kwame Nkrumah said: "In Ghana we regard our independence as meaningless unless we are able to use the freedom that goes with it to help other African people to be free and independent, to liberate the entire continent of Africa from foreign domination and ultimately' to establish a Union of African States."

The unification of Africa was a constant theme during the struggle against colonialism, with leaders like Nkrumah seeing it as crucial to securing the future of Africa. Some scholars even argue that the idea of African unity stretches back much further to pre-colonial times. Indeed, the roots of Pan-Africanism have to a large extent been influenced by Africa’s history of the slave trade, colonialism, oppression and exploitation

As an articulation of the need for unity, the African Union was founded in July 2002 and is the successor organisation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which was originally established on May 25 1963 during the struggles against colonialisation, but which was been criticised in its latter years for being an inneffective talkshop. The AU is modelled after the European Union and is intended to promote democracy, human rights and development on the continent.

The establishment of the AU is based on the Sirte Declaration, signed by heads of state and heads of government of the AU on September 9, 1999. The Sirte Declaration was followed by summits at Lomé in 2000, when the Constitutive Act of the African Union was adopted, and at Lusaka in 2001, when the plan for the implementation of the African Union was adopted.

The African Union was officially launched in Durban on July 9, 2002, by South African President Thabo Mbeki, which also acted as the first session of the Assembly of the African Union. The second session of the Assembly was in Maputo in 2003, and the third session in Addis Ababa on July 6, 2004.

With 53 members, the African Union covers almost all the continent of Africa. A notable exception is Morocco, who chose not to be a member because Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara) is.

The AU has a number of official bodies:

- Based in South Africa, the Pan-African Parliament consists of elected representatives from around Africa
- The African Commission is responsible for administrative issues and co-ordination of African Union activities and meetings. The chairman is Alpha Oumar Konare, former president of Mali.
- An African Court of Justice rules on human-rights abuses in Africa.
- The Executive Council decides on issues of foreign trade, social security, food, agriculture and communications
- An AU Assembly is composed of heads of state and heads of government of member states. It is the decision-making body and meets once a year to make decisions by two-thirds majority.
- The Permanent Representatives' Committee is made up of permanent representatives of member states and prepares the work for the Executive Council.
- A Peace and Security Council will have 15 members responsible for monitoring and intervening in conflicts. It will have an African force at its disposal.
- The Economic, Social and Cultural Council is an advisory organ composed of professional and civic representatives.

Almost three years since the establishment of the AU, the recent African Union Summit in Abuja, Nigeria in January marked an important beginning to the role of the AU in 2005. With new leaders, emerging peace negotiations and unresolved conflicts in the forefront, the responsibility of the African nations to work together in finding solutions is more important than ever.

This week marks the introduction of a new section in Pambazuka News titled African Union Watch. This section will be looking at both official African Union documents as well as opinion editorials and news articles which compare the promises of the AU to its actual actions. Organisations and individuals are welcome to send their views to editor@pambazuka.org In the introductory section, we have included the following:

1. Editorial - Caroline Mutugi: AU and NEPAD: Any leap forward?
2. Newslinks to recent articles
3. Links to recent African Union official documents

1. AU and NEPAD: Any leap forward?

Caroline Mutugi

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/26840

Close to three years down the line, the questions still remain: is life any better for Africans? Is there a revised thinking in Africa's leadership? What economic yields are there to talk of? Have the many conferences facilitated by the two bodies made any impact on the lives of the ordinary African people? The formation of the AU and NEPAD were key developments geared towards transforming African economies; turning the continent from an under-developed one to one that that is self sustaining economically, politically and socially.

In a nutshell, some of the key premises upon which the two bodies and their inherent visions came into fusion is: the need to put all children through primary school; halt the spread of HIV/Aids by 2015 and fight other diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis and cholera which claim millions of souls every year; curb hunger and starvation; stop civil war; and cultivate democracy in Africa - the list is endless. But even as the African leaders undertake reforms at various levels, underscoring the urgency of establishing modern institutions and creating better social, political and financial frameworks to catalyse development, nearly 30 million Africans are battling the HIV/Aids scourge, civil war has taken its toll in many African countries and many souls are perishing due to hunger and starvation.

AU's slow progress

Despite the AU making slow but steady progress on other fronts to improve the lives of its people, Africa still faces numerous obstacles. The United Nations Human Development Report shows that 26 out of 40 countries with the lowest rankings on the human poverty index are in sub-Saharan Africa. Conflict has caused major human suffering, displacement, deaths, destruction of both social and physical infrastructure, and the disruption of economic activities and civilian life.

Statistics indicate that more than half of the millions of weapons imported into Africa (nearly 8 million) are found in West Africa alone. They are used illicitly in such activities as drug trafficking, armed robbery, terrorism and organised crime. The easy availability of and access to such weapons has created a cycle of instability in which the most vulnerable members of society - children and women - are brutalised, maimed and killed.

Among other key developments is the challenge of enrolling all children through primary school. Whereas many counties have integrated this in their national policies, the situation in Swaziland reveals the contrary with school enrolment reported to have fallen by 20% due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. Moreover, UNICEF estimates that 860,000 children in Africa have already lost their teachers to HIV/Aids.

In eastern Africa, efforts by the AU to broker Peace between the Sudan government and the Janjaweed Arab Militia and two black rebel movements, the Justice And Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) have stumbled. For more than two decades now, Sudan has been in the grip of civil war, with the most affected region being the Western part, where Darfur falls. As a result of this war, 50,000 people have died and over 1.2 million others have become refugees.

Lopsided trade

On the economic front, Africa continues to be adversely affected by unfavourable terms of trade, low commodity prices, limited access to external markets and lack of internal capacity and conducive policy frameworks to enable it to complete effectively in global markets. These factors have contributed greatly to the downfall of strong economic performers such as Ghana and Uganda whose economies were performing considerably well in the early 90s. The average economic growth rate of about 3% in sub - Saharan Africa hardly outstrips population growth.

Dictatorship and poor governance among many African leaders has also contributed a great deal to the poor performance of African economies. This has constrained the mobilization of both internal and external savings for investments that could boost production and spur growth. Clearly, African countries have benefited least from the globalisation process. The total global exports have declined.

Few strides

Though there are some positive achievements such as a reduced child mortality rate in Eritrea, increased school enrolment in Malawi, and successful national strategies against HIV/Aids in Senegal and Uganda, there are still many obstacles.

Development is about expanding the choices of people and people have to lead lives that they value. As statistics continue to reflect more people in sub-Saharan Africa are living below the poverty line, the role of the AU and NEPAD is coming under sharper scrutiny. In this light, NEPAD's peer review mechanism - which is meant to encourage member states to ensure their practices and policies conform to agreed political, economic and corporate governance, values, codes and standards enshrined in the NEPAD document - is a welcome step.

Nevertheless, NEPAD and AU need to go beyond their many seminars and conferences and settle at the grassroots with measurable and decisive action plans. Africa needs more than just words on paper. Until a radical change is made to improve the lot of the masses right from the rural folk, the economic growth needed to reduce poverty on the continent remains elusive.

* This editorial was written by Caroline Mutugi and was originally published in New People Economics issue 32 and has been reproduced with permission by the author. For comments on this editorial, please email editor@pambazuka.org

2. Newslinks to recent articles

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/26846

* Africa gets seats in the UN, but not power
http://www.amsterdamnews.com/News/article/article.asp?NewsID=3716
&sID=12
Africa is scheduled to receive two new permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council as part of a historic process of U.N. reform, but veto power won't come with the seats.
* Into Africa
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20050204-090252-9196r.htm
A recent African Union (AU) summit highlighted shortcomings of governance, producing a lofty-sounding communique that is far removed from the everyday troubles of most Africans, says the Washington Times.
* AU starts to flex its muscles
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=vn20050106061822370C368824
The right to intervene in each other's affairs is one of the most important reasons the AU is now a body to be counted on in conflict resolution on the continent.
* AU to send peace mission to Somalia
http://iafrica.com/news/worldnews/411708.htm
The African Union (AU) has authorised an east African body to deploy troops to help the new Somali government, exiled in Kenya, relocate to its war-shattered country, an official statement said on Tuesday.
* Can Africa solve African problems?
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0104/p07s01-woaf.html
For 2005, one theme stands out: Africa tackling its problems without much outside help.
* The African union moves a quiet revolution
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0207/p09s02-coop.html
The continent is finally heeding the call by South African President Thabo Mbeki for an African "renaissance," including finding African solutions to African problems.

3. Latest AU Documents

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/26844

Updated African Union official documents

The Institute for Security Studies has recently released over 20 official African Union (AU) and related documents on: the January 2005 African Union Summit, Recent decisions and declarations made by the AU Assembly, updated country fact files on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan, investigation reports from Darfur, Nigeria and Mozambique, African anti-corruption commitments and other communiqués dealing with African human rights and good governance. Please go to What's New? at http://www.iss.org.za for access to additional information and all of the documents.
http://www.iss.co.za

- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Declarations of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/assdecl.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Executive Council (PDF 224kb) / Décisions
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/coundec.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Draft Report of the Permanent Representatives' Committee (PDF 211kb) / Rapport
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/prcrep.pdf
- Darfur: Report of the UN Secretary-General on the Sudan, 31 January
2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Mid-term Summit ends amidst high hopes
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Press%20Releases/Press%20Release%20No%203.htm
- Communiqué of the IGAD Heads of State and Government on Somalia Issued on the Sidelines of the 4th Ordinary Session of the African Union Summit, Abuja, 31 January 2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/igad/comsomaliajan05.pdf
- Statement by H.E. Mr Kofi Annan, Secreetary General of the United Nations, on the occasion of the 4th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Union, 30 January 2005 Abuja, Nigeria
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Assembly/SPEECH%20KOFI%20ANNAN.htm

Africa/Global: Reproductive health services and intimate partner violence

2005-02-10

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC17467

Published by Alan Guttmacher Institute, this article highlights findings from a number of small-scale, community- based studies which indicate that intimate partner violence is an important factor affecting women's reproductive health. The authors note that in many countries, violence is perceived as a legal or human rights issue rather than a health issue. They point out that forced sex is associated with a range of reproductive health problems, including HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, unwanted pregnancy, and urinary tract infections.

Africa/Global: Unicef calls for an end to FGM

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/26717

UNICEF has reiterated its call on governments to move swiftly to stop the harmful practice of female genital mutilation and cutting. "Female genital mutilation and cutting is a violation of the basic rights of women and girls," UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy said Friday, speaking on the eve of the International Day of Zero Tolerance of Female Genital Mutilation. "More than 130 million women and girls have undergone female genital mutilation and cutting (FGM/C), a practice that occurs in countries ranging from Senegal and Mali to Yemen and Oman."
UNICEF Press release

UNICEF Calls on Governments to Honour Commitment to End the Discriminatory
and Harmful Practice

NEW YORK, 6 February 2005 ? UNICEF today reiterated its call on
governments to move swiftly to stop the harmful practice of female genital
mutilation and cutting.

?Female genital mutilation and cutting is a violation of the basic rights
of women and girls,? UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy said Friday,
speaking on the eve of the International Day of Zero Tolerance of Female
Genital Mutilation. ?It is a dangerous and irreversible procedure that
negatively impacts the general health, child-bearing capabilities and
educational opportunities of girls and women.?

More than 130 million women and girls have undergone female genital
mutilation and cutting (FGM/C), a practice that occurs in countries
ranging from Senegal and Mali to Yemen and Oman. FGM/C is also being
performed in some parts of southeast Asia and reports from Europe, North
America, and Australia show the prevalence of the practice among immigrant
communities.

Bellamy said that ending all forms of FGM/C is crucial to the success of
two of the Millennium Development Goals: improving maternal health and
promoting gender equality. She reiterated UNICEF?s call on governments to
abide by commitments to abandon the practice. The 2002 UN Special Session
on Children, endorsed by 69 heads of states and government and 190 high
level national delegations, set a goal to end female genital mutilation
and cutting by the year 2010.

UNICEF believes that in order to end the practice, nations must build a
protective environment for children ? not only through education but also
as part of overall economic and social development work. Comprehensive,
culturally sensitive approaches are needed to address and begin to change
community attitudes toward FGM/C, a deeply- rooted tradition that in many
societies is believed to be a religious obligation.

Bellamy acknowledged the generous contribution of the Italian Government
of 1.8 million Euro ? received in 2004 - which will be used to strengthen
coordination and partnerships, and to support the FGM/C abandonment
program. The Italian Government contribution will be used at the regional
level where FGM/C is prevalent.

Africa: African experiences on the implementation of quotas

2005-02-10

http://www.wougnet.org/documents.html#IQAE

This report examines women’s political representation on the African continent, and shows how quotas have contributed to increasing women’s access to political power. Gender quotas are now increasingly viewed as an important policy measure for boosting women’s access to decision-making bodies throughout the world. Experience from Africa is very encouraging: over 20 countries on the continent either have legislated quotas or political parties that have adopted them voluntarily. This report illustrates the different quota types that are being implemented in different political contexts. The report includes 17 regional and country case studies. The country case studies include Egypt, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.

Djibouti: Government ratifies anti-FGM protocol

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45414

The government of Djibouti has ratified the African Union's Maputo Protocol on female genital mutilation (FGM), which requires its member states to ban the practice. The protocol was ratified last Thursday by Djibouti’s prime minister, Dileita Mohamed Dileita, at a two-day subregional conference on FGM in the presence of representatives of the AU, No Peace without Justice (NPWJ), an Italian NGO, and the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF).

DRC: Sex ban on peacekeepers

2005-02-10

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4252405.stm

UN peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo have been banned from having sex with locals after claims of widespread abuse of women and girls. The new rules were disclosed in a letter from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to the Security Council. Mr Annan also called for 100 extra military police and French-speaking investigators to "root out" the abuse.

Kenya: FGM Outlawed, Not Eradicated

2005-02-10

http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/2177

Passed by Parliament in 2001, the Children's Act outlaws various forms of violation against children, including FGM, for females 18 and younger. About 14 other countries in Africa have passed similar laws against FGM. Djibouti joined the group last Thursday by ratifying the African Union's Maputo Protocol on female genital mutilation, which requires its member states to ban the practice. But activists in Kenya - sometimes identified as a leader in the anti-FGM campaign - say the country still has a long way to go.

Tanzania: NGOs form coalition against female genital mutilation

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45386

Seven non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Tanzania have formed a coalition to fight female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice that is still widespread in the East African country. "Various studies have shown that at least 18 percent of women in Tanzania are victims of FGM," Hellen Kijo-Bisimba, the coalition's co-ordinator, said in Dar es Salaam on Friday, ahead of its official launch on 6 February.

Zimbabwe: WOZA gearing for another Valentine's Day protest

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45441

The activist organisation, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), will return to the streets of the capital, Harare, on St Valentine's Day next week to demand democratic and violence-free elections in March. Under the theme, "The power of love can conquer the love of power", the women will hand out red roses and cards to symbolise their anti-violence message.

Africa: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa

2005-02-10

http://web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v8/v8i1a1.htm

This essay from African Studies Quarterly identifies a number of problematic issues concerning transitional justice and restorative justice in particular and suggests that they can be fruitfully explored through thoughtful examination of the truth-seeking projects of this issue's case countries: South Africa, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. One debate is whether political transitions genuinely require a unique type of justice or whether transitional justice results from a mere political choice which compromises justice. There is also a set of very practical concerns that need attention: what are the ideal balances between trials and truth commissions, domestic and international initiatives, efficiency and effectiveness?

Egypt: Egyptian party leader and activist arrested

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/26834

Signatory civil society groups to this statement express their anger at the lifting of Ayman Nour's parliamentary immunity. The speed with which Nour, a member of the People's Assembly and leader of the Ghad political party, was arrested, the timing of the arrest and its illegality under the People's Assembly internal regulations all raise strong suspicion, says this statement from the Arab Center for the Independence of Judiciary and Legal Profession (ACIJLP). Increasing this suspicion is the fact that he was arrested, his home and office searched and Nour himself insulted in circumstances which clearly indicate that the charges laid against him - of falsifying the signatures of founder members of the party - are unfounded.

Egyptian party leader and activist arrested and pilloried in the press
A message to other Egyptian political parties

Signatory civil society groups to this statement express their anger at the lifting of Ayman Nour's parliamentary immunity. The speed with which Nour, a member of the People's Assembly and leader of the Ghad political party, was arrested, the timing of the arrest and its illegality under the People's Assembly internal regulations all raise strong suspicion. Increasing this suspicion is the fact that he was arrested, his home and office searched and Nour himself insulted in circumstances which clearly indicate that the charges laid against him - of falsifying the signatures of founder members of the party - are unfounded.
Signatory groups also express their fear that this strange arrest may represent a message to other political parties, especially since it comes before the start of the 'national dialogue' scheduled to begin on Monday 31st 2005. Nour's arrest is on the eve of the Egyptian presidential elections at a time when all sections of Egyptian society - including the ruling party - are calling for political and democratic reform. Political parties are being prevented from performing their role and exercising their constitutional rights.
Increasing doubts and suspicion, in the face of the interest which the Ghad leader has aroused and the motive for his arrest, is that the decision to lift his parliamentary immunity was taken on the basis of state security and public funds investigations forces investigations into a complaint consisting of statements which do not satisfy the standard of proof necessary to justify lifting the immunity of a political party leader. The demand that Nour's immunity be lifted was not accompanied by case papers as required by the People's Assembly internal regulations in order to ensure that the Assembly can take a sound decision which does not violate the constitutional rights of its members.
Confirming this suspicion is the fact that the state security prosecution office searched Nour's office and home - despite the fact that the allegedly forged signatures were located in the Shura Council - before the decision was taken to lift his immunity, a flagrant violation of the Egyptian Constitution.
These events constitute a message directed to other political parties and their leaders. Nour was arrested in a manner demonstrating that the security forces deliberately intended to humiliate him. The Ghad Party leader was assaulted in Qasr el Aini Street and arrested in Tahrir Square, Cairo.
Lawyers present during public prosecution office investigations remarked that news of Nour's arrest was published in Egyptian papers on the evening of the 29th January 2005 which plainly indicates a desire to prejudice opinion by spreading news of the case.
The signatory groups to this statement strongly protest Ayman Nour's treatment, especially given that he is enduring extremely bad physical and psychological conditions. He has been the victim of a flagrant violation of the rights enjoyed by People's Assembly members. The signatories are confident that the Egyptian judiciary will quickly reinstate his lawful rights.
The signatories express their solidarity with the Ghad leader, and urge international and regional organisations to expose what Nour has been subject to public opinion with impartiality and transparency.
†
Signatory organisations to this statement:
†
1. The Arab Program for Human Rights Activists
2. The Egyptian Association Against Torture
3. The Hisham Mubarak Law Center
4. The Land Center for Human Rights
5. The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights

Arab Center for the Independence of Judiciary and Legal Profession (ACIJLP)
Nasser Amin
Director General
acijlp@thewayout.net
8/10 Mathaf El Manyal St., Manyal El Roda,
Cairo, Egypt
tel: 202 3620732
tel2:202 5310027
fax: 202 3620732 - 5310027
mobile: 2 0123112420
www.acijlp.org & www.acicc.org
6. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

Gabon: Laws fail to curb child trafficking racket

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45400

For years young boys and girls have been trafficked into Gabon from all over West Africa for use as child labour in this relatively affluent oil-producing country. But finally, there are signs that the government is starting to crack down on the practice. Gabon passed a law against trafficking and child exploitation in 2002, but the first police roundup of child traffickers and their victims only took place on the 24 January - nearly three years later.

Rwanda: Rwandans to Charge French Military in Genocide

2005-02-10

http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_02_3_2617.html

Relatives of victims in Rwanda's genocide say they plan to file a lawsuit accusing French soldiers of complicity in the 1994 massacre. Meantime, a board of inquiry composed of French rights groups and lawyers has issued a 600-page report on the genocide, saying that French troops were complicit in the slaughter.

Somalia: UN Expert Urges Investigation of Human Rights Abuses

2005-02-10

http://www.politinfo.com/articles/article_2005_02_7_0645.html

A UN-appointed expert, just back from a 13-day mission to Somalia, is urging the new government to investigate and prosecute crimes committed during the country's 13-year-old civil war. The United Nations' independent expert on Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, told reporters in Nairobi Monday reconciliation will never happen in Somalia unless past crimes are dealt with and human rights in general are respected.

Somalia: Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh released from prison

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/26839

African Rights has welcomed the release from prison of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the 17-year old girl who was arrested in Hargeisa on August 15. She was sentenced to five years in prison after a grossly unfair trial in which she was forced to defend herself because her lawyers had been detained. The move comes some weeks after President Dahir Rayale stated, on the Somali Service of the BBC, that he was ready to pardon her if Zamzam and her mother submitted a petition for a presidential pardon. As previously detailed by African Rights, Zamzam was detained on charges that she was part of a conspiracy to murder Somaliland's Vice-President, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin, and that she had acted at the behest of men based in neighbouring Puntland.
African Rights Statement

ZAMZAM AHMED DUALEH RELEASED FROM PRISON

A Presidential Pardon



3 February 2005


African Rights welcomes the release, from prison yesterday, of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the 17-year old girl who was arrested in Hargeisa on August 15. She was sentenced to five years in prison after a grossly unfair trial in which she was forced to defend herself because her lawyers had been detained. The move comes some weeks after President Dahir Rayale stated, on the Somali Service of the BBC, that he was ready to pardon her if Zamzam and her mother submitted a petition for a presidential pardon.

The release will of course be a huge relief for Zamzam herself, who has been under immense distress, and for her mother, Nadifa Jibril, who has endured a difficult and, for the most part, lonely battle as she struggled to support her daughter, to navigate an unjust and confusing legal system while worried about the children she had left behind at home.

As previously detailed by African Rights, Zamzam was detained on charges that she was part of a conspiracy to murder Somaliland's Vice-President, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin, and that she had acted at the behest of men based in neighbouring Puntland. No tangible evidence was ever produced by the prosecution to substantiate these serious allegations. From the very beginning, when Zamzam was first brought to court on 4 October, the trial was deeply flawed, marred by lack of respect for basic human rights, particularly given the fact that she should have been tried as a juvenile, and by obvious and persistent political interference. Moreover, in the course of several months, her mother, her lawyers and her supporters have been subject to intimidation, harassment and even, on occasion, violence.

It is to be hoped that Zamzam will make a swift recovery from the trauma she has endured. However, it would be wrong to imagine that this outcome constitutes a victory for justice. The decision to release Zamzam constitutes a tacit acknowledgement of the injustice of her detention, yet there has been no statement of apology and the prospects that she or her family will receive compensation are minimal. Indeed, the opportunity to draw a line under this incident may well be welcomed by those behind Zamzam's original arrest and by the police officers she has accused of rape and torture, suggesting that their actions will not receive the scrutiny they deserve. The case has raised numerous issues of significance in relation to human rights, women's rights and civil society in Somaliland and African Rights will continue to explore these and to consider what action may now be appropriate.

South Africa: FXI welcomes progress in assault and torture case

Press Release

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/26728

"The Freedom of Expression Institute welcomes the progress made by the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) and the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) made with respect to the investigation of complaints of assault and torture by three activists of the Landless Peoples' Movement (LPM) on the 15 April 2004. As a result of investigations by the ICD, the DPP has charged one police officer, and others may also be prosecuted in due course. "
To: IFEX Autolist (other news of interest)
From: Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI), jduncan@fxi.org.za

2/02/2005

RE: FXI welcomes prosecution of policeman in Landless Peoples' Movement
torture case

The Freedom of Expression Institute welcomes the progress made by the
Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) and the Director of Public
Prosecutions (DPP) made with respect to the investigation of complaints of
assault and torture by three activists of the Landless Peoples' Movement
(LPM) on the 15 April 2004. As a result of investigations by the ICD, the
DPP has charged one police officer, and others may also be prosecuted in due
course. The FXI and LPM held a joint press conference on the 30 April 2004
to publicise these events, and the FXI is heartened to note that public
exposure combined with sustained pressure from social movements and
international human rights organizations have led to a prosecution being
made.

At the time of the press conference, the FXI pointed out that the incident
was unprecedented in democratic South Africa, as political activists claimed
torture on the basis of their political beliefs and actions. While these
allegations were met with skepticism and even disbelief in some quarters,
the LPM activists are being vindicated by recent developments in the case.
This incident shows that members of the police are willing to resort to
apartheid-era violence against political activists and critics of government
policy (in this case, the government's painfully slow land reform policy).
If such actions were to become the norm and go unpunished, then free
political activity in South Africa would gradually become impossible.

However, the FXI is disappointed with the length of time the investigation
has taken. While the LPM members alleged that there were many police
involved, and one of them was named in a statement to the ICD after the
incident, only one policeman has been prosecuted nine months later. We also
note the fact that the ICD was not successful in organizing a line up of
police officers for the LPM members to identify their assailants, and that
these actions could have resulted in speedier and more comprehensive action
on the case.

The three LPM activists who alleged the assault and torture were part of a
group of LPM members that were arrested as they attempted to hold a
demonstration on the day of South Africa's national elections, and charged
with contravening the Electoral Act (No. 73 of 1998).

The LPM members subsequently alleged that police officers subjected them to
acts of physical and psychological violence including assaults, the lobbying
of tear gas canisters into the closed vans transporting them to the police
cells, and verbal abuse. They also stated that at around midnight of the

same day while they were in police custody, members of the Crime
Intelligence Unit took three of them away from their cells, and repeatedly
tortured two of them using physical blows, strangulation and suffocation.
They alleged the torture took place during an interrogation where police
officers questioned them about the LPM, its sources of funding, its leaders
and objectives. They further alleged that the police officers forced rubber
tubes over their mouths several times, leading to them blacking out, and
warned them against being seen in any informal settlements as the police
'knew where they lived'.

The ICD apparently completed their investigations on 29 September 2004, and
recommended to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) that a police
officer be charged with assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm,
assault common and intimidation, and that he be subject to disciplinary
proceedings by the management of the South African Police Services (SAPS).
On Tuesday, 25 January 2005, the DPP decided to prosecute the police officer
on two counts of assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm and one
count of assault common. He appeared in the Protea North Magistrate's Court
on the 28 January. According to the ICD, other members of the SAPS may be
prosecuted in due course.

**The information contained in this autolist item is the sole responsibility
of FXI**

DRC/Uganda: Renewed fighting drives more Congolese refugees across the border

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45484

Renewed fighting among various groups in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in areas close to the border with Uganda, has triggered new arrivals of refugees in western Uganda, an official of the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, said on Thursday. "There has been an upsurge in arrivals in the past four days. We have recorded at least 200 every day who, reportedly, are fleeing fighting in DRC, close to Kyoma and Kasenyi villages," Roberta Russo, the UNHCR spokeswoman in Kampala, said.

DRC: Relief operation begins for thousands of displaced civilians

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45437

A new relief operation has begun in the district of Ituri, northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), to help tens of thousands of people displaced by fighting in January. UNICEF said it had reached at least 42,000 displaced people at four sites for internally displaced persons (IDPs), three of which are protected by troops of the UN Mission in the DRC, known as MONUC. The agency said it had not yet been able to reach many other displaced people.

Kenya: Renewed displacement caused by ongoing land disputes

2005-02-10

http://www.idpproject.org/weekly_news/weekly_news.htm#4

At least 30 people were killed and around 2,000 displaced during clashes between pastoralists and farming communities in various parts of Kenya in January 2005. The recent unrest broke out when pastoral groups accused farming communities of diverting scarce water supplies. Kenya still hosts around 360,000 people who were displaced by political violence in the 1990s.

Tanzania/ Burundi: Contrary to International Law, Tanzania Continues Forcible Returns of Burundian Refugees

2005-02-10

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/KHII-69A3BZ?OpenDocument

Long host to hundreds of thousands of refugees, Tanzania is now forcibly repatriating asylum seekers to still-volatile Burundi despite their genuine reasons to fear persecution, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) announced. The government returned two families totaling nine persons, a UNHCR spokesperson said, despite assurances made to UNHCR that the nine would be granted refugee status.

UNHCR-RSD: New website

2005-02-10

http://www.unhcr-rsd.org

A new website devoted to promoting discussion of the way UNHCR conducts refugee status determination has been established at www.unhcr-rsd.org The site is sponsored by AMERA-UK and Frontiers Center (Lebanon). The site is now 'live' and comments are welcome before publicity efforts are made to launch the site. It is hoped that the site will serve several purposes. First of all, it will be a central location in which to collect information about UNHCR-RSD, and make it available to the public. Second, it is hoped that it will increase the visibility of this issue on the refugee protection agenda. Third, we want to develop a forum for discussing issues connected with UNHCR-RSD. We hope local NGOs will contribute descriptions of local UNHCR procedures. Right now, the site focuses on countries where UNHCR is solely responsible for RSD; if there is interest, we could add discussion of countries such as Uganda and Israel where UNHCR is highly involved in government RSD procedures. Please send in other ideas, or important documents that should be on the site. Once the site is launched, we will solicit initial postings, and invite UNHCR to participate. Comments to mikekagan@fastmail.fm

West Africa/Ivory Coast: Lubbers ends West African trip in Côte d'Ivoire

2005-02-10

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EGUA-69DRKQ?OpenDocument

War in Côte d'Ivoire has delayed the establishment of a full-fledged government office responsible for refugees and statelessness, Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo told UN High Commissioner for Refugees Ruud Lubbers before the latter concluded his West African tour in Abidjan.The Minister of Foreign Affairs noted that the government was working on the adoption of a national refugee law that will establish this office.

Chad: Prime Minister resigns after civil servant strikes

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45403

Chad's prime minister Moussa Faki has resigned after a series of strikes by unpaid civil servants and signs of increasing tensions with President Idriss Deby, diplomats and parliamentarians said on Friday. Faki, who comes from the same influential Zagawa tribe as the president, was appointed prime minister in June 2003. He stood down last Thursday and was replaced by Pascal Yoadimnadji, a former agriculture minister, state radio said.

Kenya: Ruling Party Hijacks the People’s Constitution

2005-02-10

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=27333

Kenya’s civil society groups are protesting over a law that gives parliament sweeping powers to alter the country’s draft constitution, without involving the people. The parliament has been urged to repeal the law. Civil society groups argue that the new law interferes with the concept of a people-driven constitution. The problem heightened after President Mwai Kibaki in December silently assented to a controversial Bill that allows a simple majority of parliament to amend the draft constitution. The public only learned of the assent in the local newspapers January 25.

Liberia: Elections due in October

2005-02-10

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4244113.stm

Elections for Liberia's first post-war government will be held on 11 October, the electoral commission has announced. A power-sharing government, including former rebels, has ruled since former President Charles Taylor fled to Nigeria in August 2003.

Malawi: Malawi president quits ruling party in graft row

2005-02-10

http://admin.corisweb.org/index.php?fuseaction=news.view&id=116435&src=dcn

Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika quit the ruling party on Saturday after his crackdown on corruption in the impoverished southern African country sparked a political rift with factions loyal to his predecessor. Wa Mutharika, who last month accused United Democratic Front (UDF) party chairman and former Malawi President Bakili Muluzi of plotting with party officials to kill him, chose national anti-corruption day to announce his resignation from the party.

Mozambique: Making sense of electoral chaos

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/26819

"Chaos, incompetence, secrecy and arrogance on the part of the National Election Commission (CNE) are all shown in the ruling last month of the Constitutional Council and in internal CNE documents released by Renamo. Numbers don't add up, results were changed without explanation, crimes were not investigated or prosecuted, and instructions from the Constitutional Council were ignored." This is the latest analysis of the elections in Mozambique from the Mozambique Political Process Bulletin which notes that perhaps it is time for civil society to hold public hearings and promote changes to the electoral system.

MOZAMBIQUE
POLITICAL PROCESS
BULLETIN
Election e-mail special issue 38
Thursday February 2005
Editor: Joseph Hanlon (j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)
Deputy editor: Adriano Nuvunga
All back issues now on the web:
http://www.mozambique.mz/awepa/issues.htm

=========================================
IN THIS ISSUE
+ Personal view: clean up the mess
+ Numbers:
1,444 lost and stolen results sheets
Tete results changed by CNE
Nulos matter
+ Constitutional Council criticises CNE

--> There is an attached file with tables

=========================================
NOTES
When the remaining ministers are named in a few days
we will do a Bulletin on the new government
London meeting: Joe Hanlon speaking on the election.
King's College, Strand, Lecture Room 1B23, 1 Mar 6 pm
=========================================

PERSONAL VIEW:
WILL ANYONE CLEAN UP
THE ELECTORAL MESS?

Chaos, incompetence, secrecy and arrogance on the part of the National
Election Commission (CNE) are all shown in the ruling last month of the
Constitutional Council and in internal CNE documents released by Renamo.
Numbers don't add up, results were changed without explanation, crimes
were not investigated or prosecuted, and instructions from the
Constitutional Council were ignored.

A CNE member forcefully told AWEPA that its views, and those of other
observers, were unimportant. And at one level that is true. Frelimo's
landslide victory has been recognised by the international community, and
fraud and incompetence forgotten. Elections are largely for show, and the
US and other donors can tick the box saying Mozambique is democratic. But
at another level, it might be useful to pay some attention to the views
not just of outsiders but of the Constitutional Council.

International observers -- especially SADC parliamentarians and the
Commonwealth who should be seen as friends and neighbours -- all say that
Mozambique's elections are unusual for their sloppiness and secrecy. To
this is added a CNE which does not even pretend to publish accurate or
convincing results. Mozambique's ability to run an election well has
deteriorated, and no one seems to care.

These problems are compounded by the willingness of both Frelimo and
Renamo to commit blatant fraud and interfere with the process -- and to be
able to do so with impunity. The Constitutional Council in its ruling on
the election "considers it imperative and urgent that there be a change in
the attitudes of all protagonists in the electoral process in order to cut
off these dangerous tendencies at an early stage and prevent their spread."

The Constitutional Council said that some of the irregularities reported
by the press and observers were "truly criminal acts" which should be
punished under the electoral law. It warns that failing to punish these
acts would be even more serious than the crimes themselves, because it
would create a climate of impunity and "transform the law into a dead
letter." Electoral legislation is a fundamental pillar of the democratic
state. "If violations of the electoral law are allowed to go unpunished,
they will multiply and threaten the fundamental principles of our state."

Nevertheless, the CNE subsequently ruled that the essential evidence
should be destroyed, making prosecution impossible. The Constitutional
Council validated the election, so no one cares about the caveats.

Cleaning up the electoral system is hardly going to be a priority for the
new government, which has many important tasks on its agenda. Donors will
no doubt commission consultancy studies which remain unread and send
advisors who will be ignored. And in two or three years someone will
notice that local and provincial elections are due in 2008 and they will
rush to patch up the system again.

Perhaps it is for civil society, and organisations like the Electoral
Observatory, to take the issue away from the politicians who have made
such a mess of it. They could hold public hearings, take advice from
friends in SADC and the Commonwealth about how other countries run
elections, and promote changes. Who else has any interest in cleaning up
the electoral mess?

Joseph Hanlon

--------------------------------------

NUMBERS

(There is an attached file in Word with 4 tables. If you did not receive
this and want a copy, please send me a note. j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)

1444 EDITAIS NOT COUNTED

More than 5.5% of all polling stations were not included in the final
count, according to both the Constitutional Council and the National
Election Commission, although the two sets of numbers do not agree. That
means the ballots of nearly 200,000 people were not counted. The
Constitutional Council says that the editais (polling station results
sheets) "went astray", had ink poured on them, or contained irreconcilable
mistakes. The Council says that 699 presidential editais and 731
parliamentary editais were not counted in the final results. In fact, the
number is somewhat larger. Details are given in tables 1 and 2.

Adding up the CNE's detailed provincial results shows that 705
presidential editais and 739 parliamentary editais were not counted, out
of a total of 12,807 polling stations. The Constitutional Council figure
does not include polling stations outside Mozambique.

The Constitutional Council reports that editais were stolen when they were
being transported from polling stations to district level and then to
provincial election commissions in Niassa, Cabo Delgado and Zambezia. The
law allows the CNE to use the copies of editais given by polling stations
to party delegates, and these could have replaced those which were stolen
and those which had ink poured over them. But the CNE did not do this; no
reason was given. The Constitutional Council admitted that enough editais
have gone astray to have affected the number of seats in parliament, but
it decided there was nothing it could do.

The biggest thefts were in Cabo Delgado, where 21% of presidential editais
and 18% of parliamentary editais were not included in the final count.
Other seriously affected constituencies were:
Niassa (11% of presidential, 9% of parliamentary)
Africa outside Mozambique (10% of presidential, 13% of parliamentary)
Zambezia (7% of both)
Gaza (5% of parliamentary, 7% of parliamentary)
Tete (4% of presidential, 6% of parliamentary)

Gaza and Tete were both affected by ballot box stuffing, and some attempt
may have been made to exclude the more outrageous editais there. The CNE
says nothing.

+ Officially, the CNE continues to insist that the detailed provincial
results cited above are secret. The daily MediaFax has been asking the CNE
for copies, and the CNE refuses to even reply to the request. In fact,
they are available because Renamo included the final provincial editais,
as issued by the CNE, as part of its complaint to the Constitutional
Council, and this has been given to AWEPA and others who ask for it. The
CNE may be trying to keep the provincial results secret because they
contain mathematical errors.

CNE CHANGED TETE RESULT

Although it is not stated anywhere, the available documentation shows that
in secret the CNE changed the Tete result. Tete is particularly at issue
because there was widespread ballot box stuffing and improper restrictions
on observers and party delegates.

The Tete Provincial Election Commission issued its formal results on 11
December. It said that it had included 916 of 919 polling stations,
missing out 2 because of errors in editais and 1 because results did not
arrive from a rain-affected town. It said 341,197 people voted for
President, of whom 234,677 voted from Guebuza and 73,417 voted for
Dhlakama. This excludes invalid votes (nulos) which were requalified and
later included by the CNE.

But the still secret CNE provincial results sheet for Tete, which also
excludes nulos, only processed 882 of 919 editais. Yet it found more votes
-- 370,517 votes overall, of which 256,070 were for Guebuza and 76,464 for
Dhalakama. (Details are given in table 3)

There is a similar difference in the parliamentary race, and no
explanations as to how the CNE found more votes from fewer polling
stations. The electoral law says that final results should be based on
provincial results, and the CNE told international observers that it would
explain the changes it made to provincial results, but it has not done so.

NULOS MATTER

Polling station staff tend to be excessively strict in declaring ballot
papers invalid (nulo). Typically they have marks for more than one
candidate. But the vote should to be accepted if the intention of the
voters is clear, and all invalid votes are sent to the CNE for
reclassification. The CNE reconsidered nearly 290,000 ballot papers and
accepted almost one-third. This table gives the final figures:

President Parliament

Nulos 130,997 158,770
Requalified 42,682 48,813
% of nulos
requalified 33% 31%

Of total votes
% nulos 2.6% 3.3%
% blank 2.9% 5.0%

Manica, where the race was very close, shows that the requalification can
matter. In the parliamentary race, Renamo was behind by 1033 votes. But
when nulos were reconsidered, three quarters of those taken to be valid
were for Renamo, which was enough to give Renamo an 8 vote victory. In
this election it made no difference in the distribution of parliamentary
seats, but in a direct election such as for mayor, that would have made a
difference. (Details are in table 4)

----------------------

CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL
CRITICISES CNE

The Constitutional Council was highly critical of both the CNE and the
electoral law itself, but it validated the election. It said the CNE
needed to do a better job organising and supervising the election, and
that after 10 years the CNE was still unprofessional. The problems
identified by citizens, observers and others "persist and are repeated in
each election, without any significant improvement". It cites in
particular repeated problems with the electoral register and computer
software.

It criticised the lack of an accurate electoral register, saying it was
impossible to know how many people were actually registered. It noted that
the CNE had failed to carry out instructions from the Council after the
local elections to clean up the register.

The Council implicitly criticises the CNE for its lack of transparency to
observers, saying that in future "conditions must be created so that there
can be no doubts about the impartiality, integrity and strict legality of
the electoral processes at local, provincial and national level."

There were significant delays in distributing materials to polling
stations and polling station staff were not adequately trained. The
failure to produce district-by-district results was a violation of the law.

Parties are criticised for the lack of knowledge of the electoral law and
for the poor quality of their own monitoring, meaning they found out about
irregularities through the media rather than from their own delegates. It
particularly criticises their failure to file protests directly at local
level over polling stations with unrealistically high turnouts. (This is
perhaps slightly unfair, as Renamo had trouble getting delegates
accredited in Tete, where the biggest problems occurred.)

The Constitutional Council also criticised the electoral law, which it
said was internally contradictory and contains "unrealistic" deadlines,
for example for the approval of candidates.

It also said the time taken for the count is "excessively long",
especially compared to other countries.

The Council only made one change. After Renamo had already submitted its
lists of candidates to the CNE, it asked to change its Zambezia list to
move a sitting MP, Linete Olofsson, from 40th place on the list (which
would mean she would have no chance of being elected) to 27th place,
ensuring her a seat. The CNE agreed. But the Council said this action was
illegal because it was after the deadline for changes, so Olofsson was
moved back to 40th place and lost her seat.

The Constitutional Council ruling was approved by six of the seven
members, with Manuel Franque (a Renamo appointee) dissenting on the issue
of the missing editas. He said the numbers were significant in Niassa and
Cabo Delgado and must have had an impact on the distribution of parliament
seats. He also cites the problems with the data base and the computer
system, and concludes that "although I believe the elections were free,
they were not entirely transparent or just."

=============================
MOZAMBIQUE POLITICAL PROCESS BULLETIN
Editor: Joseph Hanlon (j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)
Deputy editor: Adriano Nuvunga
Material may be freely reprinted and circulated.
Please cite the Bulletin.
Published by AWEPA, the
European Parliamentarians for Africa
==========================================
TO SUBSCRIBE OR UNSUBSCRIBE
For the 1-2 December elections we are publishing frequent e-mailed issues
of the 'Mozambique Political Process Bulletin'. To SUBSCRIBE or
UNSUBSCRIBE:
1) Using your web browser, go to
http://mail-lists.open.ac.uk (note no "www")
2) enter your email address
3) you then see a list of Open University mailing lists.
Next to
dev-mozambiqueelection-list
click on SUBSCRIBE or UNSUBSCRIBE. That's all.
(Note there are 3 different lists. mozambiqueelection is the daily
bulletin.)
This mailing is the personal responsibility of Joseph Hanlon, and does not
necessarily represent the views of the Open University.
==========


?

Somalia: Thousands Cheer As Somalia MPs Returns Home

2005-02-10

http://allafrica.com/stories/200502070142.html

A carnival mood enveloped Somalia's capital city of Mogadishu as the speaker of the Somali Transitional Federal parliament, Mr Sharif Hassan Aden, alongside 80 MPs were welcomed with pomp and glory on arrival from Nairobi. Business premises were closed as thousands of Somali people thronged the 18 km stretch from the Danile airstrip to the town centre.

Uganda: Parliament finally commences third term debate

2005-02-10

http://www.afrika.no/Detailed/8308.html

Parliament has begun debate on the report on the Government White Paper on the constitutional review process with some MPs asking the President to state his position on whether he wants a third term. The White Paper, released in September 2004, contains the Government’s position on the recommendations of the Constitutional Review Commission. One of the proposals in the White Paper is that Parliament should decide on the issue of lifting the presidential term limits, which would make Museveni eligible to stand for a third term.

Zimbabwe: Mugabe hailed as a 'freedom warrior'

2005-02-10

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=68&art_id=qw1077863762407B215

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, under fire at home and abroad for his intimidation of domestic opponents, was feted as a "warrior of freedom" last Thursday by Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez. The 80-year-old African leader, who is barred from traveling to the European Union by EU sanctions, was warmly received by left-winger Chavez after he arrived in Caracas to attend a two-day summit of developing nations.

Zimbabwe: No surrender for bruised MDC activists

2005-02-10

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=11202

Five years after he was tortured by agents of the government's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) during the run-up to the 2000 parliamentary election, opposition activist Dumisani Moyo is still in pain. But mention Zimbabwe's upcoming general election in March and Moyo's visibly dejected and angry face lightens up as he vows he will be back on the MDC campaign track, the inherent dangers of doing so not withstanding.

Zimbabwe: Youth militia being mobilised, says Zvakwana

2005-02-10

http://www.zvakwana.com/

"A Zvakwana activist who was moving along Harare Drive towards Enterprise Road in Harare recently saw Zimbabwe national army personnel using both civilian and army vehicles transporting large numbers of downtrodden looking youth. These youth were all covered in blue overalls. It’s not just the zanu pf green bombers to confront; we now have zanu pf blue flies. Zvakwana also thanks activists who are sending this information in along with their photographs. It is always helpful if you make sure to record the very basic facts: time, date, location, vehicle registration numbers and so forth. The regime must realise that concerned citizens will be documenting all of this suspicious activity prior to the general elections, and this will influence how we vote." This is an extract for the Zvakwana newsletter - you can read the full newsletter online by visiting the web page provided.

Kenya: British envoy assails Kenya over "massive" graft

2005-02-10

http://admin.corisweb.org/index.php?fuseaction=news.view&id=116400&src=dcn

The British ambassador to Kenya launched a fresh attack on President Mwai Kibaki's government on Wednesday, saying tentative anti-graft efforts failed to stop the "massive looting" of public funds. Edward Clay, High Commissioner to Kenya, added in a speech that foreign associates of the previous government of former President Daniel arap Moi were working with Kibaki's officials to steal funds through crooked procurement ventures.

Kenya: Departure of Kenya's anti-graft boss raises concerns

2005-02-10

http://admin.corisweb.org/index.php?fuseaction=news.view&id=116456&src=dcn

The resignation of Kenya's anti-graft boss raised concerns inside and outside the government on Monday as observers lamented the loss of a beacon of integrity in the country's fight against corruption. John Githongo quit as presidential anti-graft advisor effective Monday but gave no reason for his decision, saying only he "was no longer able to continue serving the government of Kenya". Friends said he had become increasingly frustrated with a lack of government cooperation.

Mozambique: Positive reaction to Guebuza's pledge to fight corruption

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45379

Reaction to President Armando Guebuza's inaugural speech this week has mostly been positive, with Mozambicans agreeing that poverty, corruption and crime are the key challenges facing the country. "It was a good speech, and was in line with what he said in his campaign - what we hope now is that this is not only a speech," Lorenco Jossias, editor of the Independent Zambezia newspaper, told IRIN last Thursday.

Africa: G7 open door to 100% debt cancellation - but don't deliver yet

2005-02-10

http://www.jubileedebtcampaign.org.uk/g7?cc=1

The Finance Ministers of the G7 - Canada, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, the UK and the US - met in London on 4 and 5 February 2005. In their final communique, they agreed to review the debts of the countries within the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative, based on a "willingness to provide as much as 100% multilateral debt relief". They also referred to the possibility of using IMF gold reserves to fund debt cancellation. This is the first time that all the G7 nations have accepted that some countries may need 100% of their debts cancelled, rather than the limited - and woefully inadequate - relief so far offered through HIPC.

Africa: Public-private partnerships ‘have failed Africa’s poor’

2005-02-10

http://www.sarpn.org.za/newsflash.php#2498

Public-private partnerships in Africa over the past 15 years have generally failed to provide much-needed water and electricity, a new study shows. According to a study by the South African Institute of International Affairs, about 600-million people in sub-Saharan Africa lack access to electricity, about 300-million have no access to safe water, and there were just eight telephones per 100 inhabitants. The report acknowledged successes achieved by public-private partnerships in sectors such as telecommunications, transport, ports and eco-tourism, but said that much still needed to be done to hone an effective partnership model in water and electricity provision.

Africa: WSF Africa must build a movement against capitalism

2005-02-10

http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,562

"The World Social Forum (WSF) is coming to Africa in 2007. This is great news. But how exactly will the coming of the WSF to Africa in 2007 advance the struggle against neo-liberalism and capitalist domination? This is an important question for people who want to stop the centuries-long pain and suffering of the masses in Africa and other parts of the world. Having attended all the world social forums, I think that they continue to be an important rallying point for all struggles against neo-liberalism in the world. But there are certain tendencies developing in the WSF which have me very worried. My wish is that when the WSF comes to Africa we should be able to build on its strengths and eradicate its weaknesses," writes activist Trevor Ngwane.

Malawi: Millennium Development Goals in jeopardy

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45397

A critical lack of resources is jeopardising Malawi's efforts to achieve its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015, according to a joint report by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the government. The assessment showed that while progress had been made in reducing child mortality and improving access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, the country lagged behind on all the other development targets.

Zambia: UK's Marshal Plan brings debt relief, more aid

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45468

Zambia is to benefit from Britain's new 'Marshall Plan' for Africa through a new debt-relief and aid package totalling £190 million (US $352.4 million). The UK Department for International Development (DFID) said in a statement that "Benn (Hilary) pledged to cancel all of Zambia's remaining bilateral debt to the UK, once the country reaches completion of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries' (HIPC) initiative by demonstrating progress in tackling poverty".

* South Africa: What can human rights do for health and health equity in South Africa

Leslie London

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/26838

As South Africa enters its second decade of democracy, we find that health gains anticipated in 1994 remain unrealized for the majority of our people, particularly the poorest in society. Why is it that, despite a Constitution hailed as the most progressive in the world, a victorious liberation movement and a set of governmental and non-governmental institutions designed to promote human rights in our society, we have failed to translate the provisions of our Bill of Rights into reality? To understand this contradiction, we need to understand, firstly, what are human rights; secondly, the relationship between health and human rights; and, thirdly, how human rights commitments can be translated into health-generating conditions and material gains in health for those who need it most. There are potential contradictions between a human rights approach and broad strategies for Primary Health Care, but these arise because of an incomplete or selective understanding of human rights, sometimes deliberately so, intended to further neo-liberal or imperialist political agendas.
What can human rights do for health and health equity in South Africa
Leslie London

SOURCE: Critical Health Perspectives: 2005, Number 1, People's Health Movement South Africa. For further information http://www.phmovement.org

As South Africa enters its second decade of democracy, we find that health gains anticipated in 1994 remain unrealized for the majority of our people, particularly the poorest in society. Why is it that, despite a Constitution hailed as the most progressive in the world, a victorious liberation movement and a set of governmental and non-governmental institutions designed to promote human rights in our society, we have failed to translate the provisions of our Bill of Rights into reality? To understand this contradiction, we need to understand, firstly, what are human rights; secondly, the relationship between health and human rights; and, thirdly, how human rights commitments can be translated into health-generating conditions and material gains in health for those who need it most. There are potential contradictions between a human rights approach and broad strategies for Primary Health Care, but these arise because of an incomplete or selective understanding of human rights, sometimes deliberately so, intended to further neo-liberal or imperialist political agendas.

What are human rights?

Human rights can be described as claims (material or social) that individuals make on society that are essential for their dignity and well-being. Rights are usually incorporated in national and international law (although Apartheid South Africa flouted this). The impetus for developing a human rights infrastructure was the revelation of the atrocities committed by the Nazis in World War II. As a result, the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) based on the idea that "all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights." Unlike principles of medical ethics, once a treaty is ratified by a state, it becomes law and binds its conduct.

A human rights approach implies the use of rights as a set of standards to develop policy; or to monitor and analyse policy to hold governments accountable; or as a lobbying and advocacy tool to mobilise civil society.

However, human rights are not a uniformly understood set of concepts and principles and there is much dispute about rights. Two broad categories of rights emerged following the UDHR, civil and political rights (like traditional freedoms of speech, movement, the vote etc) and socio-economic rights (to housing, water, health, education etc). Driven primarily by Cold War political agendas this is a false dichotomy, since rights are indivisible. One cannot enjoy civil and political rights unless socio-economic conditions are such that you are adequately clothed, educated, fed and healthy enough to exercise civil and political rights.

Another criticism is that rights are generally framed as belonging to individuals, who are seen to exist in isolation, a typical Western philosophical tradition. In contrast, traditional societies are constructed on a web of relations - social, economic, cultural and political - in which humans exist as social beings and where social interactions, clashes and conflicts, form the basis of social relations. This has given rise to some suspicion of rights as a culturally imposed practice. Although the origins of human rights law are based on Western philosophical traditions, an increasing number of non-Western societies have come to identify with the idea that all people enjoy fundamental rights and are entitled to respect and dignity, and that the state has an obligation to realize rights. The paradigm of human rights practice is therefore contested and sustained effort is necessary to ensure it has a meaningful global impact.

Human Rights and Health

The Alma Ata Declaration on PHC presupposes health as a right. International human rights law focuses on the rights of access to health care and to resources essential for health (housing, food security etc), making health one of several socio-economic rights. Our Constitution guarantees not only the right of access to health care but also the right of access to housing, sufficient food, water, social security, information, basic education and a range of other social and material needs essential for good health.

Health is also related to human rights in a set of operational relationships. For example, health services can impact on people's rights, either positively (e.g. through affording them access to health care, or control over their bodies) or negatively (by depriving them of access to health care, or dignity in the way they may be treated as patients). Secondly, human rights violations themselves result in health impacts. South Africa was witness to numerous deaths in detention as a result of torture and security force action. Apartheid planning lead to massively increased rates of death and disability from preventable diseases amongst black South Africans, particularly in rural areas. Human rights and health interventions are inseparable features of the PHC approach. Both are essential to maximize human well-being.

Potential contradictions

To say that human rights are good and desirable is easy but simplistic. Potential contradictions can arise between the human rights and public health approaches to addressing health problems. In public health we try to put in place policies that will benefit the most people for a given amount of resources (a utilitarian approach). To promote equity, we will try to ensure that such policies address the needs of people who are most vulnerable to ill-health.

A rights approach challenges government to meet its constitutional obligations. If considered to be an individual entitlement, a lobby group may successfully use human rights claims to secure resources for their particular programme, which then prevents the state from using these resources for other people's basic needs. This is the core of an anti-rights argument used by several South African government officials and leaders to oppose the Treatment Access Movement for ARVs for people living with HIV/AIDS.

However, this is an unhelpful polarization of what is a much more complex and nuanced issue. Human rights are also about justice and anti-discrimination and are far more than just individual entitlements. It is, after all, not property rights or contract law we are talking about, but principles that recognize all people's inherent entitlements to dignity and respect. Rights are therefore powerful tools against discrimination. They are pro-justice and can be instrumental in driving pro-poor policies. Moreover, public health policies are rarely dichotomous choices. Since when do we choose to do TB treatment or Hepatitis immunization? In real life, we look at a package of basic needs and decide on an optimal level of resources allocated to different programmes. Discrimination, vulnerability and marginalization are the key criteria in making such choices and are as important to a human rights approach as they are in (progressive) public health.

The question therefore is not whether a human rights approach is better than a public health approach or vice versa, but rather how does a human rights approach maximize public health and conversely, how does a public health programme advance human rights?

Rights for the poor and marginalized

Human rights are products of struggle. We recognise that human rights make an essential contribution (positively or negatively) to struggles around power. Rights can be deployed as much in defence of privilege as they can be used to advance the interests of the poor and marginalised. We have seen how big companies can use rights machinery (e.g. Freedom of Information) to silence publication of critical research results, to oppose regulation and to threaten or implement litigation to achieve their goals.

Therefore, we cannot judge the role of human rights in advancing pro-poor choices and social justice without understanding the institutional context in which human rights operate. If human rights mechanisms prioritise the needs of the poor and the marginalised then rights become powerful mechanisms with which to advance democracy. If they do not have this authority, those with power between and within countries can easily co-opt rights in the service of those who already benefit from inequity.

How do rights mechanisms put the poor first?

Evidence from research conducted for EQUINET suggests that human rights approaches are powerful tools to support social justice and institutional transformation. But this is conditional on whether rights are set in a group context, where operationalising rights is a proactive engagement to assist those most affected (specifically the vulnerable), and where rights are seen as a complete spectrum of civil, political and socio-economic rights. Public health concerns for equity then become entirely consonant with human rights. Synergy between public health and human rights arises from social processes inherent in building community capacity to interface with the state in a way that secures collective rights.

Several key themes emerged from the case studies:

Rights alone are not enough, but need to be coupled with community engagement. The success of a human rights approach should be judged not simply on the decision of a court, but on the extent to which individuals and communities are engaged in redress of their problems.
Rights, appropriately applied, can strengthen community engagement. Not only are human rights strengthened by an active civil society, but human rights mechanisms need to reinforce the opportunities for organisation and mobilisation in civil society.
Human rights are the strongest guarantors of effective equity-promoting impacts, particularly where they strengthen the collective agency of the most vulnerable groups
Rights approaches can and should also address the public-private divide in health, which is a key driver of inequity. Moreover, human rights approaches provide additional opportunities for mobilising resources outside the health sector
Lastly, access to information and transparency are key contextual requirements for human rights approaches to build health equity

South Africa's Democracy, Globalisation, Health, and Human Rights

South African civil society, though much weaker now than during the heyday of anti-apartheid resistance, has achieved a set of institutional mechanisms which many expect to place the interests of the poor and marginal first. Two examples are, a Constitutional Court operating within a framework of a Bill of Rights and a Human Rights Commission hopefully attuned to the needs of the poorest. However, we operate in a world where globalisation is touted as the universal human good, in spite of unprecedented increases in global inequality, injustice, oppression, and rising levels of poverty and deprivation. Human rights discourse is increasingly mobilized by powerful countries as a tool of foreign policy, rather than as a mechanism for redress of global or national inequalities. For example, US interventions in the Middle East have been presented as "restoring" formal democracy, and "liberating" peoples oppressed by dictatorial regimes. US-dominated international lending agencies have focused on "good governance" criteria as part of loan agreements, emphasizing civil and political rights within a human rights paradigm. Yet, neither the US, IMF nor World Bank have exhibited any intention of acting to restore countries' sovereignty so that developing country governments are able to meet their socio-economic rights obligations. Indeed, US foreign and economic policies and those of international lending and trade institutions have systematically undermined the capacity of national governments to act independently to advance the socio-economic rights of their peoples.

As Professor Shivji argues, this "double-standards in human rights discourse, and the unequal power relations which underlie it, is not fully appreciated if human rights are presented as apolitical, asocial and ahistorical values inherent in us all because we are human beings? Thus the way human rights are prioritised and categorised is itself open to debate, demonstrating the ideological nature of human rights discourse. Like all ideological discourses, half-truths and untruths are presented as absolute truths and whole truths. We should be wary therefore of a perspective on human rights which does not treat human rights in the context of history and social struggles."

What does this say for South Africa today, where it is not just the HIV epidemic responsible for increasing levels of inequity visible in South African society? We have political leaders who have lived through the struggle for liberation but are now having to balance service delivery with neoliberal global forces. These forces prioritise governance-related rights that do not challenge power relations at national or international level. As a result, human rights discourse in post-apartheid South Africa has been uneven in its expression, in some cases boldly asserting socio-economic entitlements (e.g. expanding the child support grant). At other times there was a retreat from a rights-based approach to basic services (e.g. privatisation of water and electricity), with ministers preferring to focus on service delivery in their public pronouncements than on their constitutional obligation to assure socio-economic rights.

Lessons from elsewhere in Southern Africa indicate that unless civil society is active and strengthened in ways that hold government accountable, human rights claims will have little systemic impact on health equity. The success of a human rights approach should be judged not only on the court decisions, on the policies adopted, or even on the implementation of pro-poor policies, but also on the capacity of human rights strategies to strengthen the agency of the least powerful in society to act in their own interests, individually and collectively.

Acknowledgements: Professor Issa G. Shivji, Professor Of Law, University Of Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania for his article "Perspectives On Human Rights" in PAMBAZUKA News, volume 80, Thu, 19 Sep 2002.

Africa: Child HIV treatments possible in 18 months

2005-02-10

http://allafrica.com/stories/200502070964.html

The United Nations children's and public health agencies may be able to develop and market anti-HIV/AIDS formulations for children within 18 months, the UN Special Envoy helping to coordinate the battle against HIV/AIDS in Africa says. Addressing a conference on AIDS orphans in Africa, Special Envoy Stephen Lewis said the lack of treatment suitable for children was a long-time problem, but the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO) were now trying to find solutions.

Africa: The link between HIV/AIDS and mental health

2005-02-10

http://www.id21.org/health/InsightsHealth6art1.html

Mental health problems are a critical aspect of the HIV/AIDS epidemic for both infected and affected people. As mental health problems often hinder effective adherence to antiretroviral treatment, it is necessary to include mental health care as part of HIV/AIDS treatment. Equally, mental health practitioners need to understand that patients increasingly have HIV/AIDS related symptoms.

Angola: Facing a season of preventable malaria deaths

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45398

Although Angola applied for funding to fight malaria, the money will arrive too late to switch to more effective combination drugs and avoid another grim season of preventable deaths. Stamping out the scourge - one of the biggest killers of Angolan children - is considered a top priority by many in the health ministry and the humanitarian community, but events have undermined the good intentions of the government.

Cameroon: Controversial AIDS treatment suspended

2005-02-10

http://www.cameroon-info.net/cmi_show_news.php?id=15905&cid=4

Cameroon said it was suspending tests of a controversial antiretroviral HIV/AIDS drug on prostitutes in Douala, the west African country's economic capital, citing failings in their implementation. The clinical trial was to determine whether Tenofovir, a drug sold under the name Viread by the US drug manufacturer Gilead, can prevent the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) or AIDS.

DRC: Action Against HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis in the Congo activities

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/26808

Action Against HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis in the Congo (ACIST-Congo) is a non-profit organisation fighting against the spread of AIDS and tuberculosis. The organisation was created in Kinshasa on 24 March 2003 by a doctor and three AIDS workers, of which one is a woman.

After one year of provisional activity, ACIST-Congo has officially established its social and administrative location on 44 Kenge Street, 2nd Quarter, in the area of Ndjili (one of the most popular areas of Kinshasa), private property of 14 ACIST. Coordinated by an organisational committee, wherein the director is a woman, ACIST-Congo is involved in:

- the fight against HIV/AIDS
- helping people living with HIV and AIDS (PLWHA)
- sensitisation efforts of tuberculosis
- frameworking teenagers and young people
- blood donations
- the fight against nicotine addictions
- family planning
- a library
- a centre of vocational training for people living with HIV and AIDS

ACIST-Congo works together with churches, schools and associations in order to achieve its goals. For information on visiting the centre, our partners, collaboration or assistance, please contact: (00243) (0) 815131247, 815131246, 815034196, 813859158.

FRENCH VERSION:

L'Action Contre les IST/SIDA et la tuberculose qu Congo est créee à Kinshasa le 24 mars 2003 comme une association sans but lucratif de lutte contre le sida et la tuberculose par un médecin et trois communicateur en matière de sida, dont une femme.

Après une année d'activité provisoire, L'ACIST-CONGO a établi officiellement son siège social et administratif sur l'avenue Kenge au numéro 44 du quartier 2 dans la commune de Ndjili ( l'une des communes la plus populaire de kinshasa), propriété privée de l4ACIST. Coordonée par un un comité de coordination dirigé par une femme, l'ACIST-CONGO intervient dans:
- la lutte contre les IST/SIDA
- l'accompagnement des Personnes vivant avec le VIH (PVV/PA)
- la sensibilisation sur la tuberculose
- l'encadrement de adolescents et jeunes
- le don bénévole du sang
- la lutte contre le tabagisme
- la planification familiale
- une bibliothéque
- une centre de formation professionnelle pour PVV/PA.

L'ACIST-CONGO travaille en collaboration avec les églises, les écoles et les associations pour atteindre ses objectifs. Pour les visites, contactes, partenariat, collaboration ou assistance, contactez: (00243) (0)815131247, 815131246, 815031496, 816859158.

Kenya: Government Admits Failure To Distribute Funds To Fight HIV/AIDS

2005-02-10

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=27942

The Kenyan Ministry of Health on Wednesday admitted a day after a speech by U.S. Ambassador to Kenya William Bellamy that it has failed to distribute $54 million in funding to fight HIV/AIDS, the AP/CNN International reports. Bellamy in a speech on Tuesday said that government inefficiency is threatening the disbursement of millions of dollars in funding to fight the disease.

Nigeria: Health biotech 'essential' to meet millennium goals

2005-02-10

http://www.scidev.net/News/index.cfm?fuseaction=readNews&itemid=1900&language=1

The health minister of Nigeria has said that capacity building in science and technology - and particularly in the health aspects of biotechnology - is essential if Africa is to meet development goals agreed by member states of the United Nations. But he warned that, at present, sub-Saharan Africa was "off track" towards achieving almost all of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which governments have committed themselves to achieving by 2015.

Senegal: Public Health Advocates Worry Country Backtracking in Progress Against HIV/AIDS

2005-02-10

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=27943

Senegal, which is considered one of the African countries that has "most effectively" responded to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, is facing a "pivotal and worrying moment" as it attempts to provide education and treatment to its residents, the Financial Times reports. Public health advocates are worried that the country might be "in danger" of "sacrificing historical progress made through sensible policy-making, helpful cultural practice and geographical good fortune" and might waste incoming international aid funds, according to the Times.

Zimbabwe: Hospital in need of care

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45367

Lack of finance has left the Harare Central hospital, one of Zimbabwe's major referral centres, on the verge of collapse. The superintendent of the 1,428-bed hospital, Chris Tapfumaneyi, told IRIN, "Most of our machines are obsolete and cannot be repaired - some of them have been like this for the past 10 years".

Southern Africa: Boosting Education for All in Southern Africa

2005-02-10

http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/index.shtml

National Education For All Coordinators, NGO representatives and education experts from Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe were to meet from February 7 for a 3-day discussion on Education for All. The gathering "Joining Hands and Taking Action for Education for All” is co-hosted by World Education, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and UNESCO.

Swaziland: Concern over slipping school standards

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45402

The Swazi government has launched an inquiry into why students finishing primary school are performing less well on test scores. The overall pass rate declined by just under one percent to 88.07 percent this year, but among the surprises was that students were having difficulty mastering the grammar and written skills needed to communicate in their mother tongue, SiSwati.

Zimbabwe: A Dubious Report Card for Grade Zero

2005-02-10

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/interna.asp?idnews=27341

Hats a size too large for most of the small heads, formal school uniforms equally incongruous, they march on regardless - the vanguard in an effort to bring pre-schoolers into Zimbabwe's education system. Beginning this year, primary schools in this Southern African country are required to have at least one class that caters for four- and five-year-olds, to help these children prepare for first grade. This pre-school class, also known as ”grade zero”, is part of government's Early Childhood Education and Care Programme (ECEC).

Africa: African treaty to protect forest

2005-02-10

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4240063.stm

Leaders of seven African nations have signed a joint treaty to protect their continent's massive rainforest - second only to that found in the Amazon basin. They were joined by international officials as well as French President Jacques Chirac in the Congolese capital, Brazzaville. The treaty aims to breathe new life into a conservation project set up five years ago, which has not progressed.

Burundi: Farmers decry eviction from forest reserve

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45447

A group of farmers in Burundi's northwestern province of Cibitoke, who were recently banned from a forest reserve, have appealed to the government to allow them to harvest their crops, their representative said on Monday. "In [the northern province of] Kirundo people are dying because of food shortage; we are worried that the government will not allow us to harvest our crops in the Masango Zone yet it has not been able to feed all people starving in Kirundo," Michel Niyonsaba, 44, the farmers' representative, said.

Kenya: Big problem as poaching grows

2005-02-10

http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0131/p07s01-woaf.html

In the past five years, 48,900 wire snares have been found by conservationists along the game trails that crisscross this country famed for its abundant wildlife. Illegal hunting is flooding the market with inexpensive "bush meat." The poachers who set these traps were once after elephant and rhino ivory, but controversial trade bans have shut down those sales. While the scope of the problem is not fully known, conservationists say it could endanger Africa's wildlife as much the great herd massacres of the 1970s and 1980s.

South Africa: Thousands of Durban residents say no to road

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/26816

Thousands of South Durban residents have said no to City Manager, Mike Sutcliffe regarding a proposed Spatial Development Plan. At a meeting, Speaker after speaker from different organisations, Trade Unions, Civic Structures and Medical Practitioners said that they did not trust the City Council and saw no benefit in the SDB Spatial Development Plan for the residents of South Durban. The only benefit would be increased pollution, loss of housing and industrial benefits for the major Petro-Chemical and Paper Industries.

South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA)

Press Release: Tuesday, 08 February 2005

Thousands of Residents Turn up to eThekwini Public Meeting and say NO to a
Road through their Communities

Last night thousands of South Durban's Rainbow Nation turned up at the
Austerville Civic Center to say NO to City Manager, Mike Sutcliffe regarding
the proposed Spatial Development Plan.

Speaker after speaker from different organisations, Trade Unions, Civic
Structures, Medical Practitioners said that they did not TRUST the City
Council and saw no benefit in the SDB Spatial Development Plan for the
residents of South Durban. The only benefit would be increased pollution,
loss of housing and industrial benefits for the major Petro-Chemical and
Paper Industries.

The SDCEA together with their affiliates and the Merebank Ratepayers
Association, proposed a resolution which was adopted unanimously by all
present at this Public Meeting.

The following resolutions were adopted unanimously:

1. To vehemently object to and reject the South Durban Basin Spatial
Development Framework.
2. Record that the councilors do not represent us and should not be
construed as our spokespersons on this Framework & its proposed
implementation.
3. To demand that a moratorium on Industrial Expansion in SDB be
declared.
4. The community needs to establish a committee to represent it on this
issue.
5. The community committee will put together a technical team to assist
the above committee.

This resolution was adopted and supported by the following organisations:
The MRA (The Merebank Ratepayers Association), The SDCEA (South Durban
Community Environmental Alliance), The WDF (Wentworth Development Forum),
The Athlone Park Civic Association, The Clairwood Ratepayers Association,
The Havenside Civics, the Bayview Flat Dwellers Association, The
Kwazulu-Natal Subsistence Fishermen, The Concerned Citizen's Forum, The
eThekwini Social Forum, Bluff Ridge Conservancy, The Construction
Engineering Industrial Workers Association, The Auswent Taxi Association,
Crisis Careline and The Isipingo Environmental Committee.

Ends//............

For further information please contact the SDCEA offices - 031 - 461 1991 /
468 9069 or Desmond D'Sa - 083 982 6939

Swaziland: The impact of 50 years of industrial forestry

2005-02-10

http://www.yongenawe.com/04pressinformation/newsclips/30swaziplantations240105.html

Swaziland's main industries are sugar and forestry. Both require large areas of land. "They are a disaster for a country like Swaziland, where there are still feudal social relations," said Nhlanhla Msweli of the Swaziland Campaign Against Poverty and Economic Inequality (SCAPEI) at a meeting in South Africa in 2003. In a country where the majority of people are landless, industrial tree plantations cover almost 10 percent of the land. A new report written by Wally Menne of the TimberWatch Coalition, "Timber Plantations in Swaziland" describes the impact that industrial tree plantations have had on the people and the environment in Swaziland.  Although many of the plantations were established more than 50 years ago, the impacts of industrial tree plantations "still have a profound effect on society and the environment and will continue to do so as long as the plantations remain," writes Menne.

Africa/Global: Eritrea features in global press outlaws club

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/26729

Four countries with long records of press repression - China, Cuba, Eritrea, and Burma - account for more than three-quarters of the journalists imprisoned around the world, a new analysis by the Committee to Protect Journalists has found. "These four countries operate outside the international mainstream," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said. "The widespread jailing of journalists is pursued only by those few nations that distrust their own citizens and care little about the opinion of the rest of the world."
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

CAPSULE REPORT - INTERNATIONAL

4 February 2005

CPJ analysis names main offending countries in jailing journalists

SOURCE: Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), New York

(CPJ/IFEX) - The following is a 3 February 2005 CPJ press release:

In imprisoning journalists, four nations stand out

New York, February 3, 2005 - Four countries with long records of press
repression - China, Cuba, Eritrea, and Burma - account for more than
three-quarters of the journalists imprisoned around the world, a new
analysis by the Committee to Protect Journalists has found.

"These four countries operate outside the international mainstream," CPJ
Executive Director Ann Cooper said. "The widespread jailing of journalists
is pursued only by those few nations that distrust their own citizens and
care little about the opinion of the rest of the world."

CPJ's annual census found 122 journalists in 20 countries in prison on Dec.
31, 2004, for practicing their profession. The tally is 16 fewer than the
year before, a result in part of international advocacy campaigns waged by
CPJ and other press freedom groups.

At least 74 imprisoned journalists worldwide were charged under various
"antistate" laws, such as subversion, sedition, divulging state secrets, or
acting against the interests of the state, CPJ's analysis found. Allegations
of "antistate" activity were made in 14 additional cases in which formal
charges were not made public, CPJ research found.

"The prevalence of these broad 'antistate' allegations is striking," Cooper
said. "It illustrates the propensity of repressive governments to simply
lock up journalists who write critically about public affairs."

In at least nine cases, CPJ found, journalists were imprisoned under
defamation, libel or "insult" laws. Authorities also used a variety of other
charges - inciting public unrest, spreading "false" news, and violating
restrictive media regulations - to jail journalists.

For the sixth consecutive year, China was the leading jailer of journalists,
with 42 imprisoned at year's end. Cuba ranked second with 23 reporters,
writers and editors behind bars, the grim legacy of the country's massive
March 2003 crackdown on dissidents and the independent press. Eritrea was
the leading jailer of journalists in Africa with 17 in prison, many of whom
were being held incommunicado in secret jails, according to CPJ research.

In Burma, 11 journalists were behind bars in reprisal for their work at
year's end. (Three were released after the beginning of the year.) Two of
those still in jail, documentary filmmakers Aung Pwint and Nyein Thit, were
honored with CPJ's 2004 International Press Freedom Award last November.
Imprisoned since October 1999, they are serving eight-year terms for making
independent documentaries that portrayed the harsh realities of life in
Burma, including poverty and forced labor.

CPJ has begun a campaign seeking the release of the two Burmese filmmakers,
with 400 prominent journalists and press freedom advocates joining the
effort. This week, CPJ sent to the Burmese embassy signed appeals from these
media executives, journalists, and free press activists that call for the
release of the men. CPJ launched a similar campaign last year that helped
lead to the release of Cuban writer Manuel Vázquez Portal, a 2003
International Press Freedom Award winner, and five of his colleagues.
Details of that effort are available at:
http://www.cpj.org/Briefings/2003/cubacrackdown/index.html

CPJ believes that journalists should not be imprisoned for doing their jobs,
and that the use of such penalties is debilitating to the fundamental human
right to free expression. The organization has sent letters expressing its
serious concerns to each country that has imprisoned a journalist.

This year's list includes one U.S. journalist: Jim Taricani, a reporter for
WJAR-TV in Providence, R.I., who is serving six months of home confinement.
Taricani was convicted on a federal charge of criminal contempt for refusing
to reveal who leaked a government surveillance tape to him during a
municipal corruption probe. With at least two other U.S. journalists now
facing possible federal prison terms - Matthew Cooper of Time and Judith
Miller of The New York Times - CPJ has condemned the U.S. government's
stance and noted that it has sent a terrible message worldwide.

CPJ's full list of imprisoned journalists is available at:
http://www.cpj.org/Briefings/2005/imprisoned_04/imprisoned_04.html

The list is a snapshot of journalists incarcerated at midnight on December
31, 2004. It does not include the many journalists imprisoned and released
throughout the year; accounts of those cases can be found at
http://www.cpj.org CPJ considers any journalist deprived of his or her
liberty by a government to be imprisoned. Journalists remain on CPJ's list
until the organization receives positive confirmation that they have been
released. Journalists who either disappear or are abducted by nonstate
entities, including criminal gangs, rebels, or militant groups, are not
included on the imprisoned list. Details of these cases are also available
on CPJ's Web site.

CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to
safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit
http://www.cpj.org

For further information, contact Wacuka Mungai at CPJ, 330 Seventh Ave., New
York, NY 10001, U.S.A., tel: +1 212 465 1004, fax: +1 212 465 9568, e-mail:
wmungai@cpj.org, info@cpj.org, Internet: http://www.cpj.org/

The information contained in this capsule report is the sole responsibility
of CPJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
CPJ.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Africa: NEPAD ignores press freedom concerns, say media organisations

2005-02-10

http://africa.oneworld.net/article/view/102961/1/

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), an African initiative aimed at tackling poverty on the continent through better governance, has been criticised by international organisations for ignoring press freedom. Five organisations, including the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), the International Press Institute (IPI), the Inter American Press Association (IAPA) and the World Press Freedom Committee (WPFC), have expressed concerns that NEPAD's lack of safeguards for press freedom may encourage some governments to continue repressing the media.

Cameroon: Editor granted provisional release after one month in prison

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/26814

On 9 February 2005, the Douala Appeals Court granted a provisional release to Jules Koum Koum, editor-in-chief of the independent bi-weekly "Le Jeune Observateur". The journalist has spent the past month in very harsh conditions in New Bell prison, serving a six-month sentence for libel. He is expected to be released as soon as the legal formalities are completed. (French version available)
ALERT UPDATE - CAMEROON

9 February 2005

Editor granted provisional release after one month in prison

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

**Updates IFEX alert of 19 January 2005**

(RSF/IFEX) - On 9 February 2005, the Douala Appeals Court granted a
provisional release to Jules Koum Koum, editor-in-chief of the independent
bi-weekly "Le Jeune Observateur". The journalist has spent the past month in
very harsh conditions in New Bell prison, serving a six-month sentence for
libel. He is expected to be released as soon as the legal formalities are
completed.

Reached by telephone, Koum told RSF the support and campaigning on his
behalf by international organisations and local journalists and news media
had been important in securing his early release. Without it, he would
almost certainly have had to wait much longer, he said.

RSF said the Cameroonian authorities must learn their lesson from Koum's
case and ensure that the press is not faced with such a shameful ordeal
again. "We must remain vigilant because 'Le Jeune Observateur' will have to
appear in court again in other libel cases," the organisation warned.

"Le Jeune Observateur" is to appear in court on 28 February to face another
libel action from Compagnie professionnelle des assurances (CPA), the
insurance company whose lawsuits have been responsible for Koum's
imprisonment. The company filed a total of three related complaints over an
article by Koum, but the judge refused to hear them in the same trial.
Another lawsuit brought against the newspaper by former defence minister and
current Foreign Minister Laurent Esso is due to be heard on 5 April.

For further information, contact Marie Vabre at RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy Marie,
Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45 23 11 51, e-mail:
africa@rsf.org, Internet: http://www.rsf.org

The information contained in this alert update is the sole responsibility of
RSF. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
RSF.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________


FEX - Nouvelles de la communauté internationale de défense de la liberté
d'expression
_________________________________________________________________

MISE À JOUR D'ALERTE - CAMEROUN

Le 9 février 2005

Remise en liberté provisoire de Jules Koum Koum après un mois de détention

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

**Mise à jour d'une alerte de l'IFEX du 19 janvier 2005**

(RSF/IFEX) - La Chambre de conseil de la cour d'appel de Douala a accepté la
remise en liberté provisoire de Jules Koum Koum, rédacteur en chef du
bimensuel indépendant "Le Jeune Observateur", dans la matinée du 9 février
2005. Une fois la procédure de levée d'écrou terminée, il pourra quitter la
prison centrale de New-Bell, où il est incarcéré depuis maintenant un mois,
dans des conditions très difficiles.

Joint par téléphone par RSF, Koum a souligné l'importance de la mobilisation
des organisations internationales et des professionnels des médias locaux,
sans qui la procédure aurait sans doute été plus longue.

"Le cas de Jules Koum Koum devrait interpeller les autorités camerounaises,
pour que la presse n'ait plus à être confrontée à des affaires aussi
navrantes. La vigilance doit rester de mise, puisque "Le Jeune Observateur"
va repasser devant la justice pour différentes affaires de diffamation", a
déclaré RSF.

Le 28 février, le journal comparaîtra pour une troisième audience contre la
Compagnie professionnelle des assurances (CPA), le juge ayant refusé de
faire joindre les procédures pour les trois plaintes en diffamation. Le 5
avril, "Le Jeune Observateur" sera également en procès contre l'ex-ministre
de la Défense et actuel ministre des Relations extérieures, Laurent Esso.

Pour tout renseignement complémentaire, veuillez contacter Marie Vabre, RSF,
5, rue Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tél: +33 1 44 83 84 84, téléc:
+33 1 45 23 11 51, courrier électronique: afrique@rsf.org, Internet:
http://www.rsf.org

RSF est responsable de toute information contenue dans cette mise à jour
d'alerte. En citant cette information, prière de bien vouloir l'attribuer à
RSF.
_______________________________________________________________
DIFFUSÉ(E) PAR LE SECRÉTARIAT DU RÉSEAU IFEX,
L'ÉCHANGE INTERNATIONAL DE LA LIBERTÉ D'EXPRESSION
489, rue College, bureau 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 téléc: +1 416 515 7879
courrier électronique: alerts@ifex.org boîte générale: ifex@ifex.org
site Internet: http://www.ifex.org/

Somalia: BBC reporter killed in Mogadishu

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/26815

The shooting of a British journalist working for the BBC by unidentified gunmen outside her hotel in the capital of Somalia has the hallmarks of a targeted attack that threatens all media staff working in the country, warned the International Federation of Journalists. Kate Peyton, 39, a producer based in Johannesburg, was taken to the Madina hospital in Mogadishu for an operation to remove a bullet wound to her back but later died of internal bleeding. The circumstances surrounding the incident remain unclear, but according to local reports Peyton was entering the Hotel Sahafi when two masked men drove by in a taxi and shot her in the shoulder.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/ALERT - SOMALIA

9 February 2005

BBC reporter killed in Mogadishu

SOURCE: International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Brussels

(IFJ/IFEX) - The following is an IFJ press release:

IFJ Warns of New Targeting Threat as BBC Reporter is Killed in Somalia

The shooting of a British journalist working for the BBC today by
unidentified gunmen outside her hotel in the capital of Somalia has the
hallmarks of a targeted attack that threatens all media staff working in the
country, warned the International Federation of Journalists today.

Kate Peyton, 39, a producer based in Johannesburg, was taken to the Madina
hospital in Mogadishu for an operation to remove a bullet wound to her back
but later died of internal bleeding. The circumstances surrounding the
incident remain unclear, but according to local reports Peyton was entering
the Hotel Sahafi ("Sahafi = Journalist") when two masked men drove by in a
taxi and shot her in the shoulder.

"The fact that she was shot very close to the journalists' hotel in
Mogadishu suggests that the lawlessness that made journalists prime targets
in Somalia during the 1990s is far from finished," said Aidan White, IFJ
General Secretary. "This should be a warning to all media that political
promises of an end to the violence are a long way from being delivered."

Peyton was one of a number of foreign reporters in the Somali capital
covering a government team that is assessing conditions in the capital,
ahead of a plan to relocate the Somali government to Mogadishu from its
current exile in Nairobi. The transitional Somali government has been based
in Nairobi since they came to power a few months ago amid continued fears of
instability in Somalia.

The country of about 10 million people has been a theatre of anarchic
bloodletting since Mohammed Siad Barre was toppled in 1991, plunging the
nation into a patchwork of fiefdoms governed by warlords and a high degree
of mob-rule and street violence.

Between 1993 and 1998, 15 journalists were killed; ten of them foreign
correspondents during a period when the United Nations and the United States
vainly attempted to restore stability in the country.

Peyton had worked for 10 years in Africa and began working for the BBC as a
producer and reporter in 1993. She also worked as a producer and trainer for
the South African Broadcasting Corporation in Johannesburg.

While police continue investigating and say they have located the taxi and
the pistol used in the attack, the two men involved have still not been
tracked down. The IFJ affiliate in Somalia, the Somali Journalists Network
(SOJON), is following the case.

"This shooting is a chilling reminder that journalists, particularly foreign
correspondents, face a high risk in trying to cover the latest efforts to
bring peace and stability to Somalia," said White.

The IFJ represents over 500,000 journalists in more than 110 countries.

For further information, contact the IFJ, International Press Centre,
Residence Palace, Block C, 155 Rue de la Loi, B-1040 Brussels, Belgium, tel:
+322 235 2200 or +322 235 2207, fax: +322 235 2219, e-mail:
robert.shaw@ifj.org, Internet: http://www.ifj.org/

The information contained in this press release/alert is the sole
responsibility of IFJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication,
please credit IFJ.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Somalia: Journalist authorised to return to work

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/26793

The head of security for Middle Shabelle region, who is also the brother of local chief Mohamed Omar Habeb, authorised journalist Abdiqani Sheik Mohamed to return to work on 3 February 2005, the local press freedom group Somali Journalists Network (SOJON) told Reporters sans frontières (RSF). The journalist, formerly of the privately-owned station Radio Banadir, had been living in internal exile in Mogadishu, in precarious circumstances, since a decree issued on 27 September 2004 banned him from "practicing his profession." (Fench version included)
La version française suit. The French version follows.

IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT UPDATE - SOMALIA

7 February 2005

Journalist authorised to return to work after more than four months'
banishment

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

**Updates IFEX alert of 24 November 2004**

(RSF/IFEX) - The head of security for Middle Shabelle region, who is also
the brother of local chief Mohamed Omar Habeb, authorised journalist
Abdiqani Sheik Mohamed to return to work on 3 February 2005, the local press
freedom group Somali Journalists Network (SOJON) told RSF. The journalist,
formerly of the privately-owned station Radio Banadir, had been living in
internal exile in Mogadishu, in precarious circumstances, since a decree
issued on 27 September 2004 banned him from "practicing his profession." The
local authorities had threatened him with reprisals if he did not comply
with the decree.

For further information, contact Léonard Vincent at RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy
Marie, Paris 75009, France, tel: +33 1 44 83 84 84, fax: +33 1 45 23 11 51,
e-mail: africa@rsf.org, Internet: http://www.rsf.org

The information contained in this alert update is the sole responsibility of
RSF. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
RSF.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts email: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________
IFEX - Nouvelles de la communauté internationale de défense de la liberté
d'expression
_________________________________________________________________

MISE À JOUR D'ALERTE - SOMALIE

Le 7 février 2005

Un journaliste autorisé à reprendre le travail après plus de quatre mois de
bannissement

SOURCE: Reporters sans frontières (RSF), Paris

**Mise à jour d'une alerte d l'IFEX du 24 novembre 2004**

(RSF/IFEX) - Le chef de la sécurité de la région de Middle Shabelle,
également frère du chef local Mohamed Omar Habeb, a donné l'autorisation au
journaliste Abdiqani Sheik Mohamed de reprendre son activité
professionnelle, le 3 février 2005, a annoncé à RSF un responsable du Somali
Journalists Network (Sojon), un groupe somalien de défense de la liberté de
la presse. Le journaliste, qui travaillait notamment pour la station privée
Radio Banadir, vivait en exil à Mogadiscio dans des conditions précaires
depuis qu'un décret publié le 27 septembre 2004 lui avait interdit
"d'exercer son métier". L'administration locale l'avait menacé de
représailles au cas où il ne l'aurait pas respecté.

Pour tout renseignement complémentaire, veuillez contacter Léonard Vincent,
RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tél: +33 1 44 83 84 84,
téléc: +33 1 45 23 11 51, courrier électronique: afrique@rsf.org, Internet:
http://www.rsf.org

RSF est responsable de toute information contenue dans cette mise à jour
d'alerte. En citant cette information, prière de bien vouloir l'attribuer à
RSF.
_______________________________________________________________
DIFFUSÉ(E) PAR LE SECRÉTARIAT DU RÉSEAU IFEX,
L'ÉCHANGE INTERNATIONAL DE LA LIBERTÉ D'EXPRESSION
489, rue College, bureau 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 téléc: +1 416 515 7879
courrier électronique: alerts@ifex.org boîte générale: ifex@ifex.org
site Internet: http://www.ifex.org/
______________________________________________________________

Uganda: State radio and television to come together

2005-02-10

http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/13/413879

The government is in the process of drafting a bill providing for the creation of a special agency bringing together both Ugandan state radio and television. The draft bill is currently under examination by a Parliamentary committee. The future body, to be called the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC), will take over the management of radio and television programs being broadcast respectively by Radio Uganda (RU) and Uganda Television (UTV). This initiative is in line with the government's desire not to cede control of RU and UTV to "foreign elements", and the importance of the two state broadcasters to national interest and security.

Zimbabwe: An encounter with an assassin

2005-02-10

http://www.publicintegrity.org/ga/report.aspx?aid=648

The would-be assassin of former Daily News editor Geoff Nyarota decided he could'nt go ahead with the plot after he met Nyarota in a lift and the editor enquired after his family. Instead he confessed his intentions and details of the plot, intended to silence the Daily News, were published in the newspaper. But six months later on January 28, 2001, an explosion destroyed the printing press of the Daily News. In this commentary Nyarot`a, remembers the extraordinary sequence of events that led to the uncovering of the plot to kill him.

DRC: The forgotten war

2005-02-10

http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/spiegel/0,1518,339763,00.html

Numbers coming out of Congo these days are staggering, reports this article from Germany's Der Spiegel newspaper. There are currently 2.5 million refugees in the entire country, including 500,000 in the North Kivu province alone. According to conservative estimates, more than three million people have died in the region in the past few years. The US-based International Rescue Committee (IRC) recently reported that thousands of people die in the country each day from malnutrition or any one of a myriad of diseases.

Ivory Coast: Rebels revamp military

2005-02-10

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EGUA-69FSQH?OpenDocument

Ivory Coast's rebels announced Wednesday they were restructuring their military to boost their presence on the front lines of the conflict that has divided the west African state for more than two years. "We will reinforce our presence on the front lines, and restructure our military to confront the real dangers (we face)," rebel spokesman Sidiki Konate told AFP by telephone from the rebel stronghold of Bouake in the center of the world's top cocoa producer.

Nigeria: Fight for Oil Wealth Fuels Violence in Delta

2005-02-10

http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/02/03/nigeri10114.htm

In the oil-rich Niger Delta, the struggle among local leaders for oil revenue and government funds has fueled violent clashes between rival armed groups, Human Rights Watch said in a new report. An escalation in violence last year killed dozens of innocent people and disrupted oil production, pushing global crude futures over a record $50 a barrel. The 22-page report, "Rivers and Blood: Guns, Oil and Power in Nigeria's Rivers State," based on a December fact-finding mission to the region, documents fighting between armed groups in the southeastern oil-producing state that escalated in late 2003 and continued throughout 2004. The clashes resulted in the indiscriminate killing of local people, displaced tens of thousands of villagers from their homes, and forced the oil industry to evacuate staff and scale back its production. On October 1, the federal government brokered a peace agreement between the two main rival armed groups. The federal and state governments then granted an amnesty to the fighters. While commending the government's effort to end the conflict, Human Rights Watch said that the perpetrators of grave human rights abuses must not be given immunity from prosecution.

Nigeria: Soldiers kill four protesters at oil terminal, activists say

2005-02-10

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=45401

Nigerian troops on Friday shot and killed four villagers who were protesting at the main export terminal run by ChevronTexaco in the Niger Delta, one of the demonstration's organisers said. More than 200 protesters from the village of Ugborodo near Warri stormed the Escravos plant just before dawn to demand a fairer share of the 300,000 barrels of crude oil that are pumped out every day.

Somalia: Don't Cross the Mogadishu Line

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/26817

The decision by African regional organisations to send troops to Somalia risks destabilising Somalia's fragile transitional institutions and jeopardising the peace process. At an emergency session of the African Union Peace and Security Council in Addis Ababa last week, the Horn of Africa inter-governmental organisation IGAD received the green light to send 7,500 troops in response to a request from Somalia's interim President to help him return to the country and disarm its warring factions. The Somali transitional government is deeply internally divided over the issue, and the parliament has not yet approved any foreign military deployment. Various Somali leaders and groups have threatened to oppose such an intervention by force.
INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW MEDIA RELEASE


Somalia: Don't Cross the Mogadishu Line


Nairobi/Brussels, 9 February 2005: The decision by African regional organisations to send troops to Somalia risks destabilising Somalia's fragile transitional institutions and jeopardising the peace process.


At an emergency session of the African Union Peace and Security Council in Addis Ababa last week, the Horn of Africa inter-governmental organisation IGAD received the green light to send 7,500 troops in response to a request from Somalia's interim President to help him return to the country and disarm its warring factions.


The Somali transitional government is deeply internally divided over the issue, and the parliament has not yet approved any foreign military deployment. Various Somali leaders and groups have threatened to oppose such an intervention by force.


"By forcing the issue at this critical stage, IGAD's members risk crossing the 'Mogadishu Line' where peacekeepers become party to a conflict - as they did during the U.S.-led intervention of the early 1990s," said Matt Bryden, Director of Crisis Group's Horn of Africa Project.


Two years of peace talks have produced the first Somali government in fifteen years with a realistic chance of restoring peace, security and order to the country. A broadly representative parliament has been formed and an interim president elected in October last year. Most major faction leaders have signed on to the initiative and received posts in the new cabinet. Progress has been made in negotiations for the demilitarisation of Mogadishu and its environs. Although the transitional government is still based in Nairobi, Kenya, donor governments are cautiously beginning to pledge start-up funds for reconstruction programs.


Somalia's peace process will certainly need the support of some foreign troops: a modest peacekeeping force from the African Union (AU), possibly in collaboration with the Arab League, should now be deployed to assist in monitoring ceasefire arrangements, supervising the process of disarmament and demobilisation, protecting infrastructure and nstitutions, and training the new Somali armed forces.


Unconvinced by the Somali President's initial demand for 20,000 African troops, and stretched by peacekeeping commitments elsewhere, the AU has so far been dragging its feet, leaving IGAD to step into the breach. But Somalia's neighbours -- Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya -- should be excluded from a Somali peacekeeping force. All seek to project their own strategic interests in Somalia and have backed rival factions during the conflict.


"Having Somalia's neighbours lead and constitute such a force, especially Ethiopia, would be unnecessarily inflammatory and could jeopardise the entire peace process," said Suliman Baldo, Director of Crisis Group's Africa Program.


Instead, the AU and Arab League should jointly take responsibility for mustering international backing for a broad-based peace support operation in Somalia. Donor governments should encourage such an initiative, and offer to cover the costs of the Somali government's relocation to Mogadishu, while making it clear that they will not meet the costs of an IGAD deployment. And no foreign troops should set foot in Somalia unless the transitional Parliament first endorses the plan.


Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) 32 (0) 485 555 946
Jennifer Leonard (Washington) 1 202 785 1601
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
http://www.crisisgroup.org



The International Crisis Group (Crisis Group) is an independent, non-profit, multinational organisation, with over 100 staff members on five continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.

Sudan: Deadly semantics

2005-02-10

http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/articles/article.aspx?ID=ST6A104362

If a United Nations report can decree, just days after Holocaust Memorial Day, that the killing of tens of thousands of people in Darfur did not amount to genocide, then what does it mean to say 'Never again'? asks Andrew Donaldson. In July last year, a US state report found evidence of genocide in the oil-rich region. However, a UN report released just days after Holocaust Memorial Day has ruled otherwise - thus freeing the international community from a legal and binding obligation to bring to a swift end the killings there and to punish the perpetrators.
Related Link:
- Oil greed trumps genocide concerns
http://www.worldpress.org/Africa/2025.cfm
- New UN Force for Sudan Will Skirt Darfur Crisis
http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/sudan/2005/0208unskirts.htm

Sudan: Focus on UN report

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/26779

"Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur. These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity." - International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur. Since the release of the report on the UN Commission on Darfur last week, news coverage and debate has focused on the Commission's failure to conclude that genocide has been committed, and whether the U.S. will accept the Commission's proposal to refer charges of crimes against humanity to the International Criminal Court. Less noted, says a February 3 edition of the Africa Focus Bulletin, despite its potential significance in increasing pressure on the Sudanese government, is the Commission's well documented conclusion that crimes against international humanitarian law have been systematic, planned, and clearly the joint responsibility of the Sudanese government as well as of the Arab-identified militia it supports. You can read the full edition by clicking on the URL below.
Sudan: Darfur Report


AfricaFocus Bulletin
Feb 3, 2005 (050203)
(Reposted from sources cited below)


Editor's Note


"Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur. These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity." - International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur

Since the release of the report on the UN Commission on Darfur last week, news coverage and debate has focused on the Commission's failure to conclude that genocide has been committed, and whether the U.S. will accept the Commission's proposal to refer charges of crimes against humanity to the International Criminal Court.

Less noted, despite its potential significance in increasing pressure on the Sudanese government, is the Commission's welldocumented conclusion that crimes against international humanitarian law have been systematic, planned, and clearly the joint responsibility of the Sudanese government as well as of the Arab-identified militia it supports. The report also stressed that these actions continued during the period of the Commission's investigation.

After receiving the report, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan warned that sanctions against the Sudanese government should remain an option, and the U.S. renewed a proposal for sanctions such as an assets freeze and travel ban on selected Sudanese officials. Still, Security Council approval of these steps remains unlikely, and President Bush failed to highlight the issue by avoiding mention of Sudan or any other African issue in his State of the Union message yesterday.

Meanwhile, a bipartisan delegation from the U.S. Congress returned from Sudan, holding a press conference on January 27 with Don Cheadle, the star of the recent movie Hotel Rwanda, who accompanied the delegation. Republican Africa Subcommittee chair Rep. Ed Royce stressed that the killing continues, and reiterated a call for sanctions. Another delegation member, Rep. Barbara Lee, cited the growing movement to divest from companies that do business with the Sudan government, noting that New Jersey recently decided to divest state pension fund investments, and calling on the giant California Public Employees Retirement System to take similar action. [See http://www.royce.house.gov and ]http://www.house.gov/lee]

This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains the executive summary of the 177-page report on Darfur submitted to the Secretary-General.

The full report is available at
http://www.ohchr.org/english/darfur.htm

A detailed critique of the report's failure to conclude "genocidal intent," written by Eric Reeves, is available at
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=7815

For previous AfricaFocus Bulletins on Sudan, see http://www.africafocus.org/country/sudan.php

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Many thanks to those subscribers who have recently sent in voluntary subscription payments to support AfricaFocus Bulletin. If you have not yet made such a payment, please visit http://www.africafocus.org/support.php for details on how to support this information service.

++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++++++++


Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur
to the United Nations Secretary-General
Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 1564 of 18 September 2004


Geneva, 25 January 2005


Executive Summary


Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, on 18 September 2004 the Security Council adopted resolution 1564 requesting, inter alia, that the Secretary-General 'rapidly establish an international commission of inquiry in order immediately to investigate reports of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur by all parties, to determine also whether or not acts of genocide have occurred, and to identify the perpetrators of such violations with a view to ensuring that those responsible are held accountable'.

In October 2004, the Secretary General appointed Antonio Cassese (Chairperson), Mohamed Fayek, Hina Jilani, Dumisa Ntsebeza and Therese Striggner-Scott as members of the Commission and requested that they report back on their findings within three months. The Commission was supported in its work by a Secretariat headed by an Executive Director, Ms. Mona Rishmawi, as well as a legal research team and an investigative team composed of investigators, forensic experts, military analysts, and investigators specializing in gender violence, all appointed by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The Commission assembled in Geneva and began its work on 25 October 2004.

In order to discharge its mandate, the Commission endeavoured to fulfil four key tasks: (1) to investigate reports of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur by all parties; (2) to determine whether or not acts of genocide have occurred; (3) to identify the perpetrators of violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Darfur; and (4) to suggest means of ensuring that those responsible for such violations are held accountable. While the Commission considered all events relevant to the current conflict in Darfur, it focused in particular on incidents that occurred between February 2003 and mid-January 2005.

The Commission engaged in a regular dialogue with the Government of the Sudan throughout its mandate, in particular through meetings in Geneva and in the Sudan, as well as through the work of its investigative team. The Commission visited the Sudan from 7-21 November 2004 and 9-16 January 2005, including travel to the three Darfur States. The investigative team remained in Darfur from November 2004 through January 2005. During its presence in the Sudan, the Commission held extensive meetings with representatives of the Government, the Governors of the Darfur States and other senior officials in the capital and at provincial and local levels, members of the armed forces and police, leaders of rebel forces, tribal leaders, internally displaced persons, victims and witnesses of violations, NGOs and United Nations representatives.

The Commission submitted a full report on its findings to the Secretary-General on 25 January 2005. The report describes the terms of reference, methodology, approach and activities of the Commission and its investigative team. It also provides an overview of the historical and social background to the conflict in Darfur. The report then addresses in detail the four key tasks referred to above, namely the Commission's findings in relation to: i) violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by all parties; ii) whether or not acts of genocide have taken place; iii) the identification of perpetrators; and iv) accountability mechanisms. These four sections are briefly summarized below.


I. Violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law


In accordance with its mandate to 'investigate reports of violations of human rights law and international humanitarian law', the Commission carefully examined reports from different sources including Governments, inter-governmental organizations, United Nations bodies and mechanisms, as well as non-governmental organizations.

The Commission took as the starting point for its work two irrefutable facts regarding the situation in Darfur. Firstly, according to United Nations estimates there are 1,65 million internally displaced persons in Darfur, and more than 200,000 refugees from Darfur in neighbouring Chad. Secondly, there has been large-scale destruction of villages throughout the three states of Darfur. The Commission conducted independent investigations to establish additional facts and gathered extensive information on multiple incidents of violations affecting villages, towns and other locations across North, South and West Darfur. The conclusions of the Commission are based on the evaluation of the facts gathered or verified through its investigations.

Based on a thorough analysis of the information gathered in the course of its investigations, the Commission established that the Government of the Sudan and the Janjaweed are responsible for serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law amounting to crimes under international law. In particular, the Commission found that Government forces and militias conducted indiscriminate attacks, including killing of civilians, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and other forms of sexual violence, pillaging and forced displacement, throughout Darfur. These acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and therefore may amount to crimes against humanity. The extensive destruction and displacement have resulted in a loss of livelihood and means of survival for countless women, men and children. In addition to the large scale attacks, many people have been arrested and detained, and many have been held incommunicado for prolonged periods and tortured. The vast majority of the victims of all of these violations have been from the Fur, Zaghawa, Massalit, Jebel, Aranga and other so-called 'African' tribes.

In their discussions with the Commission, Government of the Sudan officials stated that any attacks carried out by Government armed forces in Darfur were for counter-insurgency purposes and were conducted on the basis of military imperatives. However, it is clear from the Commission's findings that most attacks were deliberately and indiscriminately directed against civilians. Moreover even if rebels, or persons supporting rebels, were present in some of the villages - which the Commission considers likely in only a very small number of instances - the attackers did not take precautions to enable civilians to leave the villages or otherwise be shielded from attack. Even where rebels may have been present in villages, the impact of the attacks on civilians shows that the use of military force was manifestly disproportionate to any threat posed by the rebels.

The Commission is particularly alarmed that attacks on villages, killing of civilians, rape, pillaging and forced displacement have continued during the course of the Commission's mandate. The Commission considers that action must be taken urgently to end these violations.

While the Commission did not find a systematic or a widespread pattern to these violations, it found credible evidence that rebel forces, namely members of the SLA and JEM, also are responsible for serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law which may amount to war crimes. In particular, these violations include cases of murder of civilians and pillage.


II. Have acts of genocide occurred?


The Commission concluded that the Government of the Sudan has not pursued a policy of genocide. Arguably, two elements of genocide might be deduced from the gross violations of human rights perpetrated by Government forces and the militias under their control. These two elements are, first, the actus reus consisting of killing, or causing serious bodily or mental harm, or deliberately inflicting conditions of life likely to bring about physical destruction; and, second, on the basis of a subjective standard, the existence of a protected group being targeted by the authors of criminal conduct. However, the crucial element of genocidal intent appears to be missing, at least as far as the central Government authorities are concerned. Generally speaking the policy of attacking, killing and forcibly displacing members of some tribes does not evince a specific intent to annihilate, in whole or in part, a group distinguished on racial, ethnic, national or religious grounds. Rather, it would seem that those who planned and organized attacks on villages pursued the intent to drive the victims from their homes, primarily for purposes of counter-insurgency warfare.

The Commission does recognise that in some instances individuals, including Government officials, may commit acts with genocidal intent. Whether this was the case in Darfur, however, is a determination that only a competent court can make on a case by case basis.

The conclusion that no genocidal policy has been pursued and implemented in Darfur by the Government authorities, directly or through the militias under their control, should not be taken in any way as detracting from the gravity of the crimes perpetrated in that region. International offences such as the crimes against humanity and war crimes that have been committed in Darfur may be no less serious and heinous than genocide.


III. Identification of perpetrators


The Commission has collected reliable and consistent elements which indicate the responsibility of some individuals for serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including crimes against humanity or war crimes, in Darfur. In order to identify perpetrators, the Commission decided that there must be 'a reliable body of material consistent with other verified circumstances, which tends to show that a person may reasonably be suspected of being involved in the commission of a crime.' The Commission therefore makes an assessment of likely suspects, rather than a final judgment as to criminal guilt.

Those identified as possibly responsible for the above-mentioned violations consist of individual perpetrators, including officials of the Government of Sudan, members of militia forces, members of rebel groups, and certain foreign army officers acting in their personal capacity. Some Government officials, as well as members of militia forces, have also been named as possibly responsible for joint criminal enterprise to commit international crimes. Others are identified for their possible involvement in planning and/or ordering the commission of international crimes, or of aiding and abetting the perpetration of such crimes. The Commission also has identified a number of senior Government officials and military commanders who may be responsible, under the notion of superior (or command) responsibility, for knowingly failing to prevent or repress the perpetration of crimes. Members of rebel groups are named as suspected of participating in a joint criminal enterprise to commit international crimes, and as possibly responsible for knowingly failing to prevent or repress the perpetration of crimes committed by rebels.

The Commission has decided to withhold the names of these persons from the public domain. This decision is based on three main grounds: 1) the importance of the principles of due process and respect for the rights of the suspects; 2) the fact that the Commission has not been vested with investigative or prosecutorial powers; and 3) the vital need to ensure the protection of witnesses from possible harassment or intimidation. The Commission instead will list the names in a sealed file that will be placed in the custody of the UN Secretary-General. The Commission recommends that this file be handed over to a competent Prosecutor (the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, according to the Commission's recommendations), who will use that material as he or she deems fit for his or her investigations. A distinct and very voluminous sealed file, containing all the evidentiary material collected by the Commission, will be handed over to the High Commissioner for Human Rights. This file should be delivered to a competent Prosecutor.


IV. Accountability mechanisms


The Commission strongly recommends that the Security Council immediately refer the situation of Darfur to the International Criminal Court, pursuant to article 13(b) of the ICC Statute. As repeatedly stated by the Security Council, the situation constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Moreover, as the Commission has confirmed, serious violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law by all parties are continuing. The prosecution by the ICC of persons allegedly responsible for the most serious crimes in Darfur would contribute to the restoration of peace in the region.

The alleged crimes that have been documented in Darfur meet the thresholds of the Rome Statute as defined in articles 7 (1), 8 (1) and 8 (f). There is an internal armed conflict in Darfur between the governmental authorities and organized armed groups. A body of reliable information indicates that war crimes may have been committed on a large-scale, at times even as part of a plan or a policy. There is also a wealth of credible material which suggests that criminal acts were committed as part of widespread or systematic attacks directed against the civilian population, with knowledge of the attacks. In the opinion of the Commission therefore, these may amount to crimes against humanity.

The Sudanese justice system is unable and unwilling to address the situation in Darfur. This system has been significantly weakened during the last decade. Restrictive laws that grant broad powers to the executive have undermined the effectiveness of the judiciary, and many of the laws in force in Sudan today contravene basic human rights standards. Sudanese criminal laws do not adequately proscribe war crimes and crimes against humanity, such as those carried out in Darfur, and the Criminal Procedure Code contains provisions that prevent the effective prosecution of these acts. In addition, many victims informed the Commission that they had little confidence in the impartiality of the Sudanese justice system and its ability to bring to justice the perpetrators of the serious crimes committed in Darfur. In any event, many have feared reprisals in the event that they resort to the national justice system.

The measures taken so far by the Government to address the crisis have been both grossly inadequate and ineffective, which has contributed to the climate of almost total impunity for human rights violations in Darfur. Very few victims have lodged official complaints regarding crimes committed against them or their families, due to a lack of confidence in the justice system. Of the few cases where complaints have been made, most have not been properly pursued. Furthermore, procedural hurdles limit the victims' access to justice. Despite the magnitude of the crisis and its immense impact on civilians in Darfur, the Government informed the Commission of very few cases of individuals who have been prosecuted, or even disciplined, in the context of the current crisis.

The Commission considers that the Security Council must act not only against the perpetrators but also on behalf of the victims. It therefore recommends the establishment of a Compensation Commission designed to grant reparation to the victims of the crimes, whether or not the perpetrators of such crimes have been identified.

It further recommends a number of serious measures to be taken by the Government of the Sudan, in particular (i) ending the impunity for the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Darfur; (ii) strengthening the independence and impartiality of the judiciary, and empowering courts to address human rights violations; (iii) granting full and unimpeded access by the International Committee of the Red Cross and United Nations human rights monitors to all those detained in relation to the situation in Darfur; (iv) ensuring the protection of all the victims and witnesses of human rights violations; (v) enhancing the capacity of the Sudanese judiciary through the training of judges, prosecutors and lawyers; (vi) respecting the rights of IDPs and fully implementing the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, particularly with regard to facilitating the voluntary return of IDPs in safety and dignity; (vii) fully cooperating with the relevant human rights bodies and mechanisms of the United Nations and the African Union; and (viii) creating, through a broad consultative process, a truth and reconciliation commission once peace is established in Darfur.

The Commission also recommends a number of measures to be taken by other bodies to help break the cycle of impunity. These include the exercise of universal jurisdiction by other States, re-establishment by the Commission on Human Rights of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Sudan, and public and periodic reports on the human rights situation in Darfur by the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus Bulletin is edited by William Minter.

AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at africafocus@igc.org Please write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin, or to suggest material for inclusion. For more information about reposted material, please contact directly the original source mentioned. For a full archive and other resources, see http://www.africafocus.org

Africa/Global: Building S&T Capacity with African Partners

2005-02-10

http://www.scidev.net/ms/africancapacity/

An international seminar was held in London on 31 January and 1 February 2005, bringing together African, British and Canadian policy-makers, researchers and research users to discuss how to collaborate more effectively in building science and technology capacity in Africa. News reports, transcripts and other materials are all available through the website provided.

Blogging - How to find it

2005-02-10

http://quacktrack.com

"How do you find blogs which might be of interest to you? Until now I've just followed my nose and clicked through links on other people's blogs. Now there's a portal offering a directory of blogs at - http://quacktrack.com"

Blogging - start here

2005-02-10

http://www.mantex.co.uk/samples/blogging.htm

"You've heard of blogging, right? But have you ever thought of starting your own? Like many skills in IT, it's easy once you know how. But I don't know anybody who hasn't had problems starting up. So here are some guidance notes to help you through the initial stages. They also let you in on the secret of how to make money from it."

Mali: La Santé au bout du fil (Health On Line)

2005-02-10

http://www.comminit.com/africa/experiences/pds122004/experiences-2828.html

A collaboration between Population Services International (PSI)/Mali and Ikatel, HIV/AIDS and Malaria prevention text messages are sent twice a month to 350,000 cell phone clients and are being printed on one million pre-paid phone cards. Messages such as: "Anyone can get HIV - everyone can prevent it" and "Protect your family against malaria - use an insecticide-treated mosquito net" are part of the campaign's aim to raise awareness and promote PSI's Protector brand condoms, BLOC insecticide re-treatment kits, and Super Moustiquaire Famille Protégée nets.

Rwanda: Rwandan President upbeat about making schools online by 2017

2005-02-10

http://www.digitalopportunity.org/link/gotoarticle/addhit/102681/1138/13282

Paul Kagame, the President of Rwanda, has reiterated the role ICT can play in accelerating the socio-economic development in a recent interview. The recent Accra preparatory regional summit has provided the Rwandan government an opportunity to review its ICT policies.

Tanzania: Stakeholders build strategy to integrate ICT in secondary education

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/26807

"The future of ICT in Secondary Schools - Strategizing for Implementation" was the title of a four-day workshop held at Kunduchi Beach Hotel of Dar es salaam from January 24 to 27 this year. It was a unique workshop that probed and eventually set a foundation for integrating Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) as a compulsory subject and a learning tool in secondary education in Tanzania Mainland. Aloyce Menda, a journalist with JUSTA-AFRICA who participated fully in the workshop narrates his observations.
"The future of ICT in Secondary Schools - Strategizing for Implementation". That was the title of a four-day workshop held at Kunduchi Beach Hotel of Dar es salaam from January 24 to 27 this year. It was a unique workshop that probed and eventually set a foundation for integrating Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) as a compulsory subject and a learning tool in secondary education in Tanzania Mainland. Aloyce Menda, a journalist with JUSTA-AFRICA who participated fully in the workshop narrates his observations.

It was a real unique seminar. Eighteen students from selected five secondary schools were able to interact with professors, university lecturers, secondary school teachers, curriculum developers, government officials, ICT experts, service providers and dealers. For four days, from morning to late in the evening, the seminar participants were preoccupied in discussions and exchange of ideas on how ICT can be introduced in secondary education as a subject and a learning aid.

The third day of the seminar was the most crucial one for participants. All including the students took part in recommending appropriate inputs towards a strategy for implementation.

The burning issue was whether Tanzania should have a separate policy for ICT training, parallel with the current National ICT Policy of the Ministry of Communication and Transport (MoCT).

Participants were almost divided into two groups on that issue. A good number of them favoured the idea of developing a specific policy for ICT training and application in the education sector. Those who rejected the idea, with a view that the current National ICT Policy is adequate, challenged these participants. On the other hand were the senior government officials who cautioned that though creating a new policy could look better and simple, its process could take long time before approval by the Cabinet of government ministers.

Engineers August Kowero and Ole Kambaine from MoCT said demand for a new policy on ICT education was unnecessary and may delay implementation of the workshop resolutions. They said the current National ICT Policy is sufficient because it contains a clause that recognizes e-learning and ICT as compulsory ingredients in knowledge sharing and in training at all levels. Mr. Theophil Mlaki, a director in the national Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH), Dr. Yonah Zaipuna from Tanzania Telecommunication Company (TTCL) and Mr. Simbo Ntiro, a management consultant agreed with the government officials. Before, Professor Tolly Mbwette of Open University of Tanzania (OUT) has stressed for a need for specific policy on ICT training on ground that the current National ICT Policy is too narrow and that the issue of ICT being applied in training is mentioned very lightly. A new policy on ICT training is compulsory and would elaborate in detail all necessary ingredients required including curriculum, methodologies and resources, he agued.

Mr. Joris Komen, a Namibia educationalist from School Net Namibia had supported Professor Mbwette's argument. He said Namibia and several developing countries already have specific policies on ICT training that are applicable in secondary education. "These policies are working very well," he stressed amid considerable support from a number of teachers and curriculum developers from the Tanzania Institute of Education (TIE).

TIE has earlier last year released a study report that emphasized the need for specific ICT policy for education in Tanzania. The study was conducted by one of senior curriculum developers in TIE.

Nevertheless, the demand for specific policy was finally watered down by a strong argument from Mr. Mlaki from COSTECH. He said the process of formulating a policy up to its approval could be easier in Namibia because of its small population but not in Tanzania a country of more than 30 million people. He said in Tanzania, policies takes long before approval by the cabinet because; in the process of preparation government officials should involve all stakeholders outside the government.

The demand for specific policy came after long deliberations and exchange of ideas amongst participants who realized in the workshop that ICT was too important as a tool and subject to a student.

The importance of ICT was stressed right from the first hours of the workshop in the opening remarks by Mr. Torbjorn Pettersson, the head of development cooperation at the Swedish Embassy in Dar es Salaam. Mr. Pettersson said ICT is important in schools, because ICT is important for Tanzania's development.

"It is important to realize that ICT doesn't represent a computer, an e-mail message or a search on the web (alone),'' said the Swedish Diplomat. He mentioned some examples of links were ICT could play a key role to accelerate sustainable development in Tanzania.

He said ICT represents an instant and economical way of knowing what the market price for cashew nut is in Dar es Salaam for a businessman in Lindi. ICT can also provide a list of all books that has been published last year on HIV / AIDS for a medical student at Muhimbili University College of Health Sciences (MUCHS), he said.

Narrating more examples, Mr. Pettersson said a telephone call from a father in Tabora to his daughter studying in India would cost less per minute through Internet connection in comparison to conventional telephone links.

There is a possibility of taking a university course while living and working in Bukoba through Distance Learning programmes, he said. Above that Mr. Pettersson said ICT could make the government more transparent and democratic by simplifying access to information regarding Acts, the Parliament Proceedings and resources allocation and use by local authorities.

As far as teaching is concerned, Mr. Pettersson said ICT could enable a secondary school teacher in Kigoma to download important information from the Internet on Tsunamis and use it in a science class in the same day.

He said ICT also could enable a student to collect information from Parliament website for a survey on gender-balance in African parliaments as a project for school.

While the workshop was on motion, the participating students left the main hall and gathered separately in a chamber to design a website. The pupils were from day secondary schools based Dar es Salaam, namely Azania, Jangwani, Zanaki, Kisutu, Tambaza and Benjamin Mkapa High School. They are among few students in Tanzanian secondary schools privileged to study ICT is school. So far ICT training is offered a subsidiary computer literacy subject, which is optional. In most schools students who opt for the subject are required to pay extra costs for training.

The students said in their joint statement that ICT is too crucial for learning and hence propose to the government to turn it as a compulsory subject in all schools as soon as possible. They urged the stakeholders in the ICT sector to cooperate with the government and provide free Internet access to all schools with high-speed-link connectivity.

Mr. Joris Komen, Mr. Thomas Matthew and Gabriel Mwakalinga guided the students in various activities during the workshop. Matthew and Mwakalinga are ICT teachers in Dar es Salaam.

Mr. Matthew presented as a gift to all participants a copy of a CD-R with a brief story of activities of the Tanzania Education Information Services (TanEdu), which is non-profit making company that provides ICT training to secondary schools. The CD-R shows students learning ICT in classroom and computer laboratory and substantiates Mr. Matthew's presentation on peer learning.

Ms. Allen Luyima, a Ugandan educationalist in SchoolNet Uganda and Esther Wachira, a training and communication manager from Computers for Schools Kenya were among participants. Each presented a paper on ICT training experiences in their countries.

Ms. Sharmilla Bhatt, from Soft-Tech Consultants Limited, presented to each participant a copy of a book titled ICT4D - Connecting People for a Better World. The 287-page book has numerous lessons, innovations and ideas on how ICT can be applied to accelerate sustainable development in developing countries. The book was published jointly by the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation (SDS) of Geneva and the Malaysian based Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP) in 2004. Its publication followed the World Summit on the Information Society (Phase-1) in Geneva December 10-12, 2003. Its major goal was to showcase the human and development dimensions of ICT and thus enrich and complement the political part of the WSIS.

During the discussions, Mr. Marcel Tchaou a science programme specialist from UNESCO offices in Dar es Salaam said application of ICT was increasing in management and administrative areas of education only. He said there are no significant increases of ICT application in engineering in the developing countries particularly in Africa.

Edephonce Nfuka, the deputy director of the Dar es Salaam University Computer Centre (UCC), said ICT application in science and engineering are increasing in Tanzania contrary to Mr. Tchaou's comments. As a consultant and trainer in computer application, Mr. Nfuka said he had been called for consultancy in several institutions applying ICT in technical fields.

To support, Mr. Nfuka, Dr. Frank Tilya, a lecturer in University of Dar es Salaam's Education Department presented to all participants as a gift a copy of CD-R with a technical lessons for engineering students. The CD-R was prepared by the Dar es Salaam Institute of Technology (DIT) in collaboration with Visual Lab and Zakwetu Limited.

Mr. Gilbert Maeda, a dealer in ICT from Arusha Node (ANM) told the workshop that ICT as a modern technology is changing rapidly and hence the implementation of workshop resolutions should follow immediately or otherwise technological changes would overtake them.

Mr. Peter Lyimo, the headmaster of Majengo Secondary School in Moshi said there is a need to mainstream ICT culture in education by integrating it fully in the secondary school curriculum. His point got approval from most teachers amongst participants. These included Ms Asha Juma, Bahati Juma and Wilson George, all teaching in Dar es Salaam. Mr. Omar Mzee, an ICT associate from UNDP offices in Dar es Salaam and Mr. Luis Msoffe, a college principal from Mtwara also supported him.

Ms. Elizabeth Mkoba, an ICT manager in Tanzania Education Authority (TEA) suggested wide use of free open software sources (FOSS) and promotion for affordable education materials. Her plead got a wide support from most participants including Mr. David Sawe from the President's Office - Division of Civil Service Management.

Charles Philemon from the Ministry of Education and Culture (MoEC) proposed keen identification, localization and digitalization of suitable education materials that are useful for education. Ms. Sofia Leboke and Mr. Leonard Ngowo from Arusha and Morogoro national libraries (TLS) supported him. Dr. Naomi Katunzi, the Permanent Secretary in MoEC suggested the same but insisted that moral and cultural values should be considered is selection of teaching materials.

In conclusion, the workshop participants agreed on issues of common grounds, pertaining to the future of ICT use in secondary education in Tanzania. They said a priority should be training of ICT teachers to take the role of facilitators in the implementation of the strategy. Next step should be to make sure that all teachers are ICT literate by offering training for pre and post services teachers.

Additionally all secondary schools should be facilitated with reliable electricity and ICT training resources, both human and materials. Finally the education management information systems (EMIS) should be integrated and coordinated with keen expertise.

The participants concluded that all stakeholders and government should cooperate to integrate values in the process of ICT implementation strategy in education in order that the outcomes are enhanced. The value outputs should be embedded within the implementation strategies that are being developed. These values should co-exist with education values.

Closing the workshop on January 27, the Deputy Minister of Education and Culture Bujiku Sakila, said his ministry has devised a plan to introduce ICT in teachers' colleges. Mr. Sakila said the objective was to enable tutors in teachers colleges become computer literate as a pre-condition to use ICT as a teaching and learning tool. He called assistance in the implementation of ICT in both teachers' colleges and secondary schools in order to build a country of knowledgeable society. He said that increased ICT as teaching and learning tool meant that educational institutions should integrate the technology in the curriculum and educational management in order to cut down overheads. The workshop was sponsored by the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) and coordinated by MoEC.

ENDS

BBC Focus on Africa: January - March 2005

2005-02-10

http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/africa/features/focus_magazine/index.shtml

BBC Focus on Africa Magazine is published quarterly by the BBC World Service. Each edition covers the latest political, economic, social, cultural and sporting developments in Africa. The latest edition looks as Somalia and the challenges that lie ahead for the country.

Les Pénélopes and Digitall Future

2005-02-10

http://www.penelopes.org/Anglais/xhome.php3

Directed by the women's group, Les Pénélopes, the bilingual international feminist quarterly magazine Digitall Future is produced by an international team gathering of activists, professional or not of information, renewed with each edition. It analyzes the international actuality with a feminist perspective and proposes a vision of the world coupling local situations and global context. To subscribe to Digitall Future, send an email: renc@penelopes.org Or to sign up to the Les Pénélopes mailing list, go to: http://www.penelopes.org/Anglais/xabonnement.php3

Website on Islam and Human Rights

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/enewsl/26734

The Islam and Human Rights Fellowship Program at Emory University School of Law, Atlanta, USA is pleased to announce the launch of an updated version of our Islam and Human Rights website (www.law.emory.edu/IHR ) with lots of new content offerings. The new content on the website includes:

a) Versions of the site in Farsi, French, and Bahasa Farsi: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/FARSI/index.html French: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/FRENCH/index.html Bahasa: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/BAHASA/index.html
b) Section on religious rights and fundamental freedoms http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/actcons.html c) A special module on the Islam and Human Rights Fellowship workshop held in Istanbul in 2004. The section includes downloadable presentations and audio files of workshop sessions and public events http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/workshop.html
d) A revamped articles section, with articles classified by topic for easy access http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/acessay.html

Additionally, other sections on the site, containing valuable content for scholars, activists, and media persons, have also been updated. We invite you to visit the website at www.law.emory.edu/IHR We welcome contributions to the website, as well as comments and suggestions on how to improve and enrich the website. Any feedback may be sent to ihrfellowship@law.emory.edu

Women's Millenium Development Goals forum

2005-02-10

http://www.eassi.org/forum/index.php?bulletinCategoryId=4

We encourage you to take part in our Web Discussion Forum by logging on to the EASSI Forum, which is in preparation for the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) due to take place in New York. You can go straight to the Forum by visiting http://www.eassi.org or http://www.eassi.org/forum/index.php?bulletinCategoryId=4

2005 African Information Society Initiative (AISI) Media Awards

2005-02-10

http://www.uneca.org/aisi/mediaaward.htm

The Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and its partners are pleased to announce the 2005 African Information Society Initiative (AISI) Media Awards. The Awards are aimed at individual journalists and media institutions based in Africa that are promoting journalism which contributes to a better understanding of the information society in Africa. Deadline for Applications: 31 July 2005

Africa/Global: Call for HIV/AIDS media training events

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/26759

Panos London is gathering information on training activities for journalists wanting to develop their skills in reporting on HIV/AIDS. This information will form part of a new web resource for the media launched by the World Bank - the AIDS Media Centre (AMC) at www.aidsmedia.org It will also be available on the Panos London website at www.panos.org.uk There is currently no comprehensive, up-to-date listing of media training events available, which can make it difficult for journalists, particularly in developing countries, to find out about training events in their countries. Panos London is calling for anyone who organises or funds HIV/AIDS media training events to provide them with the following information:
- The name of the event
- Who is organising it
- The date and time of the training
- Country where the event is taking place
- A short description of the training, including who the event is for, the main topics, registration details and closing dates for applications
- If available, a hyperlink to organiser's web page, application form, concept note etc.
Please email details to: hivaids@panos.org.uk Anneline Blankenhorn Email: anneline.blankenhorn@panos.org.uk

Courage in Journalism and Lifetime Achievement Awards

2005-02-10

http://www.iwmf.org/courage/nominate.php

The International Women's Media Foundation (IWMF) is accepting nominations for its Courage in Journalism Awards and one Lifetime Achievement Award. The Courage in Journalism Awards honor women working in the news media who have demonstrated extraordinary strength of character in pursuing their profession under difficult or dangerous circumstances, such as government oppression, political pressure, physical danger or other intimidating obstacles. The award carries a cash prize of US$5,000 and a crystal sculpture that symbolizes freedom and courage. The Lifetime Achievement Award recognizes a woman journalist who has a pioneering spirit and whose determination has paved the way for future generations of women in the media. Recipients also demonstrate a strong commitment to freedom of the press and a solid record of accomplishments in journalism. A crystal sculpture is presented with this award. Deadline for nominations is March 15, 2005.

Education Journalism Award

2005-02-10

http://www.adeanet.org/award_prix/en_subart.html

This award for African journalists recognises the best articles on education published in the African press. The goal of the award is to highlight the paramount importance of relevant and quality public information and communication for the development of education in Africa.

Fund for Global Human Rights

2005-02-10

http://www.hrfunders.org/fghr/apply.html

The Fund for Global Human Rights serves as an intermediary to facilitate the support of human rights organizations in places where there is great need and access to funding is minimal. Its primary goals are to: 1. Identify, assess and provide funding to local, national, and regional human rights organizations addressing critical issues; and 2. Encourage the creation of for a and networks for exchange of ideas, strategies and mutual support among otherwise isolated human rights organizations.

Heinz Company Foundation Fellowship Programme

2005-02-10

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=1008

The Fellowship is offered annually and provides for one year of practical, professional, and non-degree educational experiences through the University of Pittsburgh in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA. For each round, Heinz Fellowships will be granted to two individuals from developing countries who demonstrate potential as future leaders in the government, non-profit, or private sectors.

Southern Africa: Malaria Red Reference

2005-02-10

http://www.comminit.com/africa/experiences/pds22005/experiences-2936.html

This is a project of the World Health Organization (WHO) that aims to improve health workers' access to malaria information. A Malaria Resource Centre is based in the University of Zimbabwe's Medical School Library. The Malaria Red Trunk is a collection of over 60 books, manuals and other texts on malaria, and the Malaria Red File is a compilation of basic information on malaria for health professionals. Electronic access to malaria information is encouraged through email and Internet facilities, use of CD-ROMs, and a website.

Yeomans Award for Local Content

2005-02-10

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=1014

The Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP), the Open Knowledge Network (OKN) and OneWorld Africa invite Africa-based projects to submit applications for the Yeomans Award for Local Content. This is a re-advertisement for applicants for the African category of the Award. Projects from Africa which applied for the first round but were not short-listed should not re-apply.

Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre call for abstracts

2005-02-10

http://www.arsrc.org

Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre (ARSRC) in association with the Departments of Community Health and Sociology, both of the University of Lagos, is pleased to call for abstracts for the 2005 editions of its Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series. The goal of the ARSRC's Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series is to promote more informed and affirming public dialogue on human sexuality in order to engender positive changes in relevant policies and programmes on the African continent.
Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre (ARSRC) in association with the Departments of Community Health and Sociology, both of the University of Lagos, is pleased to call for abstracts for the 2005 editions of its Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series. The quarterly seminar is open to the general public. It is an opportunity for scholars, students, social workers, practitioners, and policy makers interested in any aspect of the field of Sexuality in Africa to learn, share experiences and engender healthy, respectful, responsible and pleasurable sexuality. The goal of the ARSRC's Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series is to promote more informed and affirming public dialogue on human sexuality in order to engender positive changes in relevant policies and programmes on the African continent.

The Objectives are as follows:
Provide a forum for the exchange of ideas, lessons learned and advocacy with a view to expand thinking and action in favour of healthy, respectful, responsible and pleasurable sexuality; Contribute to the documentation of views, experiences and emerging knowledge on sexuality-related issues in Africa.

Themes for 2005 Seminars (and deadline for receipt of abstracts)
- Sexuality Education (January 31, 2005)
- Sexuality and Social Institutions with a focus on Religion, Beliefs and Marriage (March 31, 2005)
- Sexuality Beyond Reproduction (June 30, 2005)
- Sexuality, Violence and HIV/AIDS (September 30, 2005)

If you are resident in Nigeria (or visiting Nigeria) and would like to make a presentation, you are welcome to submit an abstract (300 words maximum) with your full names, contact address, phone number, email address and a brief about yourself as you would like it to appear in the seminar proceedings. Abstracts are welcome all year round but note the deadline for respective themes indicated above. Full-length papers will be requested only from short listed candidates. Selected presenters who are resident outside Lagos will be supported by the ARSRC to attend the seminar. Publication Each quarter, seminars on the themes highlighted above, will take place in the ARSRC's focus countries of Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa; each representing a sub-region of the continent. Selected seminar papers from the four countries will be published every quarter with the permission of the authors. At the end of the year, there will be four (4) rich Africa volumes.
All correspondence should be addressed to Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series, Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre, 17 Lawal St., off Oweh St., Jibowu, PO Box 803, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria. Fax: 234-1- 342 5470.

African Youth Conference: Building an African Youth Movement, Mar 12 2005, Pittsburgh, USA

2005-02-10

http://www.comminit.com/events_calendar/2005-events/events-2821.html

The organisers invite participation from African and other youth organisations in this conference. Topics covered include how to build a youth movement, identity, the importance of culture and hip-hop, and education.

AIDS 2006 XVI International AIDS Conference, 13-18 August 2006, Toronto, Canada

2005-02-10

http://www.aids2006.org

The International AIDS Conference is open to people from around the world, and aims to advance knowledge of HIV/AIDS in all its medical, social, scientific, community and political aspects. Conference participants will include researchers, health care providers, public health workers, people living with AIDS, non-governmental organisations, advocates, policy makers, UN organisations, government officials, the business sector, and the pharmaceutical industry.

Foundations in Developmental Practice, Apr 18-22 2005, Cape Town, South Africa

2005-02-10

http://www.comminit.com/events_calendar/2005-events/events-3245.html

This 5-day training course will aim to explore some of the core concepts and competencies of a developmental field-practice, providing a process for participants to understand where key work of facilitating development lies.

How to run a workshop

2005-02-10

http://www.networklearning.org/books/workshop.html

This 'How to run a workshop' manual guides you through the decision-making and action for: Planning the Workshop Content; Planning the administration; Facilitating and running the workshop; Planning your own workshop. Click on the URL provided for more information.

Information management and knowledge sharing workshop, Kampala April 11-15

2005-02-10

http://www.bistanzania.com/kampalaforms.php

The primary target participants of this workshop are:
- People who are directly involved in rural development projects, say in economic, education, health, environment, culture, etc.
- Those who have already integrated ICT in their programmes and have adequate experience in terms of challenges or successes that they would like to share with other participants.
As a part of the selection process, geographical diversity, gender and self-sponsored participants will all be taken into consideration.

Swaziland: Short diploma courses

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/26736

Professional Development and Training International (PDTI), Swaziland, will be organizing dozens of courses from April to June 2005 such as Advocacy, Lobbying and Fundraising, IT Skills for Managers, Advocacy, Behaviour Change Communication, Education and HIV/AIDS and Gender and Sustainable Development. If you or your officers are interested in attending any of the courses, please indicate this by requesting for an application form from: The programme Coordinator, Professional Development and Training International P. O. Box 5124, Mbabane, Swaziland. Tel.: 00268 4221882/6037576; Fax: 00268 4221882/4048262.

CAR: Conseil Santé S.A.

Public Health Expert (Tuberculosis)

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/26761

We are looking for a French speaking public health expert specialized in TB for a 2-month mission in the Central African Republic. The European Union (EDF) is implementing a 4-year primary health care project in the country. One of the actions planned is the re-launch of the fight against Tuberculosis. Contact health@conseilsante.com

Sudan: African Medical and Research Foundation (AMREF)

Coordination and support services

2005-02-10

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/res.nsf/db900SID/OCHA-69DEU2?OpenDocument

The ideal candidate will have a post graduate degree preferably in Public/Community Health with at least 5 years experience in Public Health Programme Management at district or national level particularly in fieldworks in conflict/post conflict situations in Africa. We are looking for individuals with proven record in raising substantial project/programme funds; building effective partnership and strategic alliances and demonstrated initiative and creativity; a strategic thinker. S/he should be fluent in English and knowledge of Arabic language will be an added advantage. Contact: The Chief Operations Officer, AMREF Headquarters (Langata Road, P O Box 00506 27691, NAIROBI, KENYA) or by email to jobs@amrefhq.org Closing date: 18 February 2005

The Child Rights Advisory Documentation and Legal Center vacancies

2005-02-10

http://www.thecradle.org/Jobs.htm

The Child Rights Advisory Documentation and Legal Center (CRADLE) is a non-governmental, non-partisan and not for profit organization committed to the promotion, protection and enhancement of the rights of the child through legal aid; legislative and policy advocacy; child rights awareness creation; and research, monitoring and documentation of the rights of the child. The CRADLE wishes to engage the services of suitably qualified persons who possess an LLB degree, experience as a legal officer and knowledge of both International and National Child and Human Rights laws and policies, for the following vacancies: Juvenile Justice Network Coordinator; Policy and Legislative Advocacy Programme Officer and Legal Aid Officer.
The Child Rights Advisory Documentation and Legal Center is a non-governmental, non-partisan and not for profit organization committed to the promotion, protection and enhancement of the rights of the child through legal aid; legislative and policy advocacy; child rights awareness creation; and research, monitoring and documentation of the rights of the child. The CRADLE wishes to engage the services of suitably qualified persons who possess an LLB degree, experience as a legal officer and knowledge of both International and National Child and Human Rights laws and policies, for the following vacancies:

JUVENILE JUSTICE NETWORK (JJN) COORDINATOR
The Juvenile Justice Network (JJN) coordinator officer should come from a law background and is responsible for the overall planning, implementation, management and evaluation of the Juvenile Justice Network's activities. Some key responsibilities: Provide strategic leadership and overall coordination of the network; Draft and audit child rights bills and lobby for the passing of the same in parliament; Undertake lobbying and advocacy campaigns geared towards the protection of child and women rights.

POLICY AND LEGISLATIVE ADVOCACY PROGRAM OFFICER
The policy and legislative advocacy officer is responsible for the overall planning, implementation, management and evaluation of The CRADLE's Policy and Legislative Advocacy Program. Reporting to the Programs Coordinator, some key responsibilities: Identify and execute public interest cases that serve to increase the promotion, protection and enhancement of child rights; Mainstream child rights and juvenile justice into Government and Civil Society policies, programs and institutions; Contribute to national and international studies and research on child and human rights; Document current legislative and policy issues in The CRADLE publications.

CHILD RIGHTS PROGRAM OFFICER
The Child Rights Awareness Program Officer is responsible for the overall planning, implementation, management and evaluation of The CRADLE's Child Rights Program. Reporting to the Programs Coordinator, key responsibilities: Train professionals, including Government, Judiciary and civil society partners, and The CRADLE staff on child rights protection, juvenile justice, children's law and international conventions; Mainstream a child rights approach to programming internally and with key partners, including the Government of Kenya; Mainstream child participation in The CRADLE programs; Implement nationwide mobile bazaars and legal clinics on child rights awareness.

LEGAL AID OFFICER
The legal aid program officer is responsible, together with the legal aid team, for the overall planning, implementation, management and evaluation of The CRADLE's Legal Aid Program. Reporting to the Legal Aid team leader, key responsibilities: Provide legal aid to children, including drafting of pleadings and plaints, court representation and advice on self representation; Provide capacity building and technical support to child rights professionals, including lawyers and civil society partners and The CRADLE staff, on child rights protection, juvenile justice, children's law and international conventions; Implement nationwide legal aid clinics on child rights awareness; Document current child rights developments, issues and training practices for The CRADLE reports and publications development.

Deadline: Friday 18 February 2005 5pm (Kenya time)

USA: The Africa Faith and Justice Network

Executive Director

2005-02-10

http://afjn.cua.edu/about/ED%20Job.cfm

The Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN) is looking for a new Executive Director. We invite people of faith, especially those who have lived, worked in and have a love for Africa, with experience in fundraising or development, and a proven interest in public policy, justice and peace, and the application of Catholic Social Teaching to apply. The Executive Director: Coordinates and leads AFJN in collaboration with members, staff, Board, and coalition partners to accomplish its Mission; Works to expand membership in AFJN; Develops and implements programs and policies consistent with the AFJN Mission Statement; Manages AFJN finances and engages in fundraising activities; Assumes responsibility for the administration of the AFJN office; Serves as an official spokesperson for AFJN.

USA: The Moriah Fund

Program/Administrative Assistant

2005-02-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/26756

The Moriah Fund, a private grantmaking foundation, is seeking a full time employee to provide program and administrative support to the Program Director for Women's Rights and Reproductive Health and the Program Officer for Latin America. The Moriah Fund makes grants in the United States and in Latin America that advance women's human rights and reproductive and sexual health. If interested, please send cover letter and resume to: Attn: Sr. Program Assistant, International Programs Candidate Search The Moriah Fund 1634 I Street, NW Suite 1000 Washington, DC 20006.

Fahamu