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2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/29733

EDITORIAL: Issa Shivji on development discourse from colonial to neo-liberal times
COMMENT&ANALYSIS:
- Protocol on the Rights of Women conference builds power for women’s rights
- Using the law to realise women’s rights
- Negotiation as a tool for implementing the rights of women
LETTERS: Discussing forest pirates
BLOGGING AFRICA: Christianity in Nigeria, the aid industry, democracy in Kenya and referendums in Algeria
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: News from DRC, Sudan and Uganda
HUMAN RIGHTS: NGO forum in Zimbabwe releases political violence report
REFUGEES: UNHCR agrees to assume global responsibility for IDP protection
ELECTIONS: Countdown to October 11 poll in Liberia
WOMEN AND GENDER: Perceptions of the Darfur community on the effects of the conflict on women and girls
DEVELOPMENT: Social forums continue to build opposition to neo-liberalism
RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA: Racism in South African schools
ENVIRONMENT: Corporate control over food chain deepens
AND…Links and resources on the Media, Internet, Fundraising, Courses, Jobs and Books.

The Changing Development Discourse in Africa

Issa G Shivji

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/29728

Regular contributor Issa Shivji tackles the history of the development discourse in Africa, discussing its changing meanings from the colonial period to post-independence rule and the onset of structural adjustment programmes in the 1980s – Africa’s lost decade. The new development discourse of neo-liberalism (otherwise known as globalization) continues historical forms of dispossession, Shivji notes, but there is also hope in the fact that Africa’s history is not only of slavery, exploitation and colonialism. It is also a story of struggle, as Julius Nyerere wrote, against these evils, and of battles won after many setbacks and much suffering.


Introduction

‘From development to poverty reduction,’ sums up the trajectory of the development discourse in Africa over the last four decades since independence. This development marks significant shifts, not only in economic approaches and policies, but also in academic theories and political ideologies underpinning the discourse. In this article, my aim is to reflect on broad trends in the changing discourse unencumbered by details and empirical data.

I will organise my reflections around four aspects of the discourse: first the institutional and social agency of development; second, its ideological rationalization or justification; third, the theories underlying the discourse and, fourth, its politics. The contextual theme running through the discourse is Africa’s place and role in the global political economy and its relationship with the developed North, or, more correctly, the imperial factor.

Although my subject is not really the history of the development discourse, some periodisation is necessary to highlight the breaks and continuities in the ideas on development. The first two decades after independence, roughly the 1960s and 1970s, may be called the ‘age of developmentalism’. The next decade, that is the 1980s, has been characterised as Africa’s lost decade. This is the period which spawned various structural adjustment programmes or SAPs under the tutelage of the IMF and the World Bank. SAPs prepared the ground for and dovetailed into the next, or the current period, which may be characterised as the ‘age of globalisation’.

The Age of Developmentalism

The struggle for independence in Africa was first and foremost an assertion of the humanness of the African people after five centuries of domination and humiliation of the slave trade and colonialism. In the words of Tom Mboya, the struggle for independence was the ‘rediscovery of Africa by Africans’ while Amilcar Cabral described it as the ‘re-Africanisation of minds’ or ‘rebecoming Africans’. National development became the passion of politicians and the ‘great expectation’ of the people. In the vision of the more articulate nationalist leaders like Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, the independent state had a double task, that of building the nation and developing the economy. The state in Africa, Nyerere argued, preceded the nation, rather than the other way round. Thus the national project was from the start, top-down, and statist.

The colonial economy and society were anything but national. In the scramble for Africa, the colonial powers had divided the continent into mini-countries where boundaries cut through cultural, ethnic and economic affinities. This was made worse by the policy of divide and rule, leaving behind uneven development in an extreme form. Some regions were more developed than others. Some ethnic groups were labelled martial, providing a recruiting ground for soldiers; others were turned into labour reservoirs; some were characterised as “intelligent” and moderately entrepreneurial as opposed to the rest who were inherently indolent and lazy. All were of course uncivilized, uncultured, undisciplined pagans whose souls needed to be saved and whose skins needed to be thrashed.
The colonial economy was typically disarticulated, almost tailor-made, for exploitation by colonial capital, linked to the metropolitan trade and capital circuits. Extractive industries like mining predominated. Plantation agriculture existed side by side with subsistence peasant cultivation, all concentrating on one or a couple of crops for export according to the needs of the metropolitan economy.

Different colonial powers left behind different forms and traditions of public administration, culture, cuisine, dance and education, elementary as it was, all concentrated in towns. The urban and the rural were literally two countries within one; one alien, modern, a metropolitan transplant barred to the native – while the other stagnating and frozen in the so-called tradition or custom. But neither the modern nor the traditional were organically so. Both were colonial constructs.

No other continent suffered as much destruction of its social fabric through foreign imperial domination as did Africa.

I have traced these initial conditions on the eve of independence for two reasons. Firstly, to underline the fact that the nationalist project faced a formidable task on the morrow of independence. Secondly, to highlight an even more formidable reality, which was that the state that was supposed to carry out the twin tasks of nation-building and economic development was itself a colonial heritage. The colonial state was a despotic state, a metropolitan police and military outpost, in which powers were concentrated and centralized and where law was an unmediated instrument of force and where administrative fiat was more a rule, than the rule of law.

The nationalist vision thus called for a revolutionary transformation not only of the economy and society but also the state. A few nationalist visionaries attempted, but none succeeded. The post-independence international context was no more propitious than the colonial. Independence found Africa in the midst of Cold War and the rising imperial power, the United States, for whom any assertion of national self-determination was “communism”, to be hounded and destroyed, by force if necessary, by manipulation and deception, if possible. The early story of the gruesome assassination of Patrice Lumumba and the overthrow of Kwame Nkrumah, and the continuing story of military coups, assassinations, and resistance to national liberation wars and civil strife in Africa, in most of which imperialism had a hand, bear testimony to what the former colonial powers and the rising imperial power could do to retain their collective global hegemony.

These where then the initial conditions, so to speak, within which African nationalists had to realise their dream of nation-building and economic development and to answer their people’s ‘great expectations’. Invariably, the agency of change was the state since there was virtually no social class which could shoulder the task of national development.
Nor was foreign capital obliging in spite of various protective laws and incentive schemes put in place by the African governments. Invariably, nationalist politicians turned to the state. African governments of all ideological hues – from capitalist Kenyans through socialist Tanzanians to Marxists of various inclinations– all resorted to the state for their economic programmes. The post-independence economic programmes, contrary to the current propaganda from the West, were designed by the erstwhile World Bank. In effect it involved intensification of the monoculture agriculture for export; some enclaves of import-substitution industrialization and throwing open of the extractive and resource based industries to transnational corporations.

The state had to be manned. The colonial bureaucracy was almost exclusively White at the top and immigrant in the middle. The education and health infrastructure had to be expanded, both for pragmatic as well as political reasons. Africanisation of the civil service could not be resisted nor could the basic welfare demands of the population. Provision of basic services by the state as a matter of fact also served to legitimise the otherwise authoritarian rule of the political elite. The state bureaucracy grew by leaps and bounds.
Nationalism thus resolved itself into various ideologies of developmentalism. ‘We should run while others walk’, politicians declared. The academia was dominated from the North. Post-independence economies were typically dual economies. There was the traditional sector, rural, unproductive, backward, lacking entrepreneurial spirit and governed by ascription or the ‘economy of affection’. Development consisted in modernizing the traditional society.

The dominance of modernization paradigm was challenged by young academics coming out of post-independence universities. Where there was relatively a freer space, as in Tanzania of the 60s and 70s, intense debates raged between modernizers and radical nationalists calling themselves African socialists or Ujamaaists or Marxists. African progressives placed history of the development of underdevelopment and the role of imperialism as the process of worldwide accumulation, at the centre of their analysis and understanding. The traditional, they argued, was not quite traditional, nor the modern quite modern; rather both belonged to the system of international capitalism which reproduced development in the metropoles and underdevelopment in the peripheries. Development therefore was not a process of changing ‘pattern variables’ or looking for modernizing elites but rather a process of class struggle.

Meanwhile, the state became both the site of power struggles as well as accumulation. Radical nationalists, who showed any vision of transforming their societies, were routed through military coups or assassinations. A few who survived compromised themselves and became compradors or tolerated imperial arrogance for pragmatic reasons. Everywhere, politics became authoritarian, whether in the form of one-party states or outright military dictatorships. Liberal constitutional orders imposed by the departing colonial states did not survive as the underlying logic of the colonial despotic state reasserted itself.

State positions opened up opportunities for seeking rents. Conspicuous consumption at home, a little investment in unproductive activities to make quick profits and a lot of stashing of funds in foreign bank accounts was, and perhaps still is, the typical characteristic of this class. Thus very little serious domestic private accumulation took place. Whatever investment that did take place was public, by the state.

During the first one-and-half decade of independence the African economies showed modest growth rates; modest in comparison to other continents but impressive given the initial conditions at the time of independence. Investment and savings ranged between 15 to 20 per cent of the GDP. Primary and secondary school enrolment was expanded. Tertiary education, which in many countries literally did not exist during colonial times, was introduced. Medical and health statistics also showed improvement. But this growth and development was unsustainable. It was predicated on the reinforcement of colonial foundations.

Growth in agriculture production was based on extensive cultivation rather than a rise in productivity through chemicalization, mechanization and irrigation. It depended heavily on exports of a few primary commodities traded on a hostile and adverse international market. The growth in the manufacturing industry was heavily of the import-substitution type with little internal linkages and dependent on import of intermediary inputs. Investment was largely public while domestic private capital was stashed away in foreign countries. One estimate has it that by 1990, 37 per cent of Africa’s wealth had flown outside the continent. (Mkandawire & Soludo 1999:11) To top it all, foreign capital concentrated in extractive industries which simply hemorrhaged the economy rather than contribute to its development.

During this period, the developmental state also borrowed heavily whether for productive or prestigious projects. Petro-dollars accumulated by international banks during the 1973 oil crisis were off-loaded in the form of cheap loans to developing countries. By the end of 1970s, cheap loans turned into heavy debt burdens. By this time, the limits of the early growth were also reached and the economic shocks of the late seventies plunged African economies into deep crisis. Numbers fell, growth rates became negative, debt repayments became unsustainable, fiscal imbalances went out of control, and so did inflation. Social services declined, infrastructure deteriorated and one after another African governments found themselves at the door of IMF and the Paris Club pleading for mercy.

1980s, described by economists as Africa’s ‘lost decade’, was also the transition decade which marked the beginning of the decline of developmentalism and the rise of neo-liberalism, euphemistically called, globalisation.

The crisis, the lost decade and the specter of marginalisation

In 1981 the World Bank published its notorious report, ‘Accelerated development for Africa: an Agenda for Africa’. It was certainly an agenda for Africa set by the erstwhile Bretton Woods institutions with the backing of Western countries but it had little to do with development, accelerated or otherwise. The report and the subsequent structural adjustment programmes concentrated on stabilization measures: getting rid of budget deficits, bringing down rates of inflation, getting prices right, unleashing the market and liberalising trade. According to the World Bank, the villain of the declining economic performance in Africa was the state, it was corrupt and dictatorial, it had no capacity to manage the economy and allocate resources rationally, it was bloated with bureaucracy, and nepotism was its mode of operation. The BWIs would not bail out the crisis ridden economies unless the governments adopted structural adjustment programmes to get stabilization fundamentals right.

Balancing budgets involved cutting out subsidies to agriculture and spending on social programmes, including education and health. Unleashing the market meant doing away with protection of infant industries and rolling back the state from economic activity. The results of SAPs were devastating as many studies by researchers have shown. Social indicators like education, medical care, health, nutrition, rates of literacy and life expectancy all declined. Deindustrialization set in. Redundancies followed. In short, even some of the modest achievements of the nationalist or developmentalist period were lost or undermined.

As the international situation changed with the collapse of the Soviet Union, Western imperialist powers regained their ideological initiative. The neo-liberal package of marketisation, privatisation and liberalisation now became the policy for, but not of the African states. Good performers would be praised and rewarded with more aid while the insubordinate and recalcitrant would be parodied and left to its own wit. While aid had always come with strings, now there was no attempt to disguise it. Political conditionalities were added to economic conditionalities. Policy making slipped out of the hands of the African state as Western financed policy consultants in their thousands jetted all over the continent with blue prints of policy on Poverty Reduction Strategies and manuals on good governance on their computers, gobbling up some 4 billion dollars annually. In 1985, to give just one example, foreign experts resident in Equatorial Guinea were paid an amount three times the total government wage bill of the public sector.[Mkandawire & Soludo ibid.:137]

National liberation ideologies have been rubbished and national self-determination itself has been declared passé. Africa is told, it has only one choice: either to get integrated fully into the globalised world or be marginalised.

African leaders are left with little options: ‘you are either with globalisation or doomed!’ They have fallen in line one after another even if it means disowning their own past. Blair’s Commission for Africa report, which consisted of prominent Africans including one president and one prime minister, castigates the whole of the last three decades, which virtually means the whole of post-independence period, as “lost decades”. The primary responsibility is placed on the African state for bad governance and lack of accountability, totally ignoring the role of imperialism in both the exploitation of African resources and supporting of non-democratic states when it suited their interests. Africans are told they have no capacity to think and African states are told they have no capacity to make correct policies.

The age of globalisation and the Pan-Africanist resistance

Globalisation expresses itself in Africa as neo-liberalism. These are a set of policies around stabilization of monetary and fiscal fundamentals on the one hand, and marketisation, liberalisation and privatisation of the economy, on the other. The failures of earlier SAPs and their unrelenting critique by African intellectuals saw some modification of the programmes in the 1990s.

In short, the underlying thrust of the neo-liberal and globalised development “discourse”, which centres on policy-making, is deeper integration of African economies into the global capital and market circuits without fundamental transformation. It is predicated on private capital, which in Africa translates into foreign private capital, as the ‘engine of growth’. It centres on economic growth without asking whether growth necessarily translates into development. It banishes the issues of equality and equity to the realm of rights, not development. ‘Human-centered and people-driven’ development which were the kingpin of African alternatives, such as the Lagos Plan of Action, are pooh-poohed into non-existence as the African people are reduced to ‘the chronically poor’ who are the subject matter of papers on strategies for poverty reduction rather than the authors and drivers of development. It villainises African states and demonizes African bureaucracies as corrupt, incapable and unable to learn. They need globalised foreign advisors and consultants, who are now termed development practitioners, to monitor and oversee them.

In this “discourse” the developmental role of the state is declared dead and buried. Instead, it is assigned the role of a “chief” to supervise the globalisation project under the tutelage of imperialism, now called, development partners. The irony of the recent Commission for Africa was that it was convened, constituted and chaired by a British Prime Minister, while an African president and a prime minister sat on it as members. This symbolizes the nature of the so-called “new partnership”. The message is clear: African “co-partners” in African development are neither equal nor in the driver’s seat.
But the neo-liberal project in Africa has not been without resistance. As Nyerere observed in his Preface to a book by African scholars significantly sub-titled, ‘Beyond Dispossession and dependence”:

Africa’s history is not only one of slavery, exploitation and colonialism’ it is also a story of struggle against these evils, and of battles won after many setbacks and much suffering. (Adedeji ed. 1993:xv)

There have been struggles against SAPs and globalisation in the streets and in lecture halls of Africa. I will only confine myself to intellectual resistance. African scholars have severely critiqued structural adjustment programmes and indicated alternatives. Even African states and bureaucracies have not surrendered without some fight. There have been attempts to provide alternative frameworks and plans and programmes such as the Lagos Plan of Action, (1980); The African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programme for Socio-economic Recovery and Transformation (1989) and the African Charter for Popular Participation and Development (1990).

These alternative frameworks have underlined the need for a holistic approach to Africa’s development; called for a continental programme of regional integration and collective self-reliance; cajoled African states not to surrender their developmental role, and sovereignty in policy-making; and have attempted to develop a vision of a human-centered and people-driven development for the future of the continent. These African initiatives have been invariably dismissed by the erstwhile Bretton Woods institutions and the so-called “development partners”. Wielding the threat of marginalisation and dangling the carrot of aid, the so-called development partners have, persistently and dogmatically, pushed through their own agendas, which invariably prioritize the geo-political and strategic needs of the global hegemons and the voracious appetites of corporate capital for resources and profits.

The African ‘state of art’ on development

I will quickly summarize the new development perspectives that are emerging in the debates of African scholars and intellectuals.

Firstly, African scholars are agreed that there is a clear need to go beyond stabilization fundamentals to developmental fundamentals. While stabilization policies and measures may be necessary, they are not sufficient. They have to be conceived within the larger context of building a self-sustaining economy rather than as short-term shock therapies.
Secondly, approaches and concerns of political economy on state and society have to be brought back in the discourse on development. A critical assessment and appreciation of the developmental discourses of the nationalist period is essential.

Thirdly, the state must reassert its developmental role, not so much as an executive or a regulatory agency, but as an organised force with a vision and an operational programme. It must both protect nascent sources of domestic capital, as well as take account of, and provide for, the basic needs of the population as a whole. The role of the South-East Asian states in this regard, particularly in the development of human capital, is often cited in support.

In sum, the state must play a lead role in the long-term planning so as to place the economy on the developmental path towards an integrated economy.

But, fourthly, the state itself has to be reformed and restructured. The despotic colonial and the authoritarian post-colonial state cannot play a popular developmental role. Its limits have been reached. The reformed state must have its roots in the people and must seek legitimacy from the people. It must seek a new social consensus and build its legitimacy not only on the economic terrain – development – but also on the political and legal terrain of popular participation, freedoms, rights and stable constitutional orders.

Some African intellectuals, not without evidence, have questioned the suitability and viability of the liberal democratic model for Africa. They have forcefully argued that Africa has to go beyond liberal to social democracy which would address not only the question of formal equality but that of social justice and equity as well.

Formal democracy with multiparty and five-year elections too has come under scrutiny. The experience of the liberalisation of the state over the last couple of decades does not inspire confidence or hope. Popular democracy, grassroots democracy, local democracy, new democracy, etc. are the new concepts being discussed and debated.

Fifthly, African scholars are revisiting the nationalist period and the aborted national project. There is renewed interest in the Pan-Africanist vision. There is no way, it is argued, Africa can truly develop in the face of the threat of marginalisation by the new imperialist assault called globalisation, unless it unites. This time around, Africa has to go beyond regional integration and free trade agreements and work towards political unity, a Federation of African States. The nationalism and national liberation of the globalisation age is Pan-Africanism, it is asserted.

In this respect African intellectuals have severely criticized and exposed the limits of the apparent “African” initiative, the New Economic Partnership for African Development or NEPAD. NEPAD is another form of donor-dependent program seeking more aid and assistance and predicated on further integration in the unequal global structures. Calling it a ‘feudo-imperial partnership’ Adebayo Adedeji says, the objective of NEPAD is ‘for the African canoe to be firmly tied to the North’s neo-liberal ship on the waters of globalisation’ (Nyong’o et. al. eds, 2002:36).

Sixthly, the debate on the vexed question of agency continues unabated. Is there an African national bourgeoisie capable of leading a genuine capitalist development or do we just have comprador bourgeoisies serving the needs of foreign capital? Is state-centred socialist development, based on popular forces, the only alternative? In any case, is a socialist alternative feasible in the light of the unipolar hegemony of imperialism? Or is it even desirable in the light of the experience of the former Soviet-bloc countries? Or, shall we develop a transitional ‘model’, called ‘new democracy’, based on what Samir Amin calls ‘national popular forces’?

Whatever be the case, progressive and concerned African intellectuals seem to agree that a ‘national or a new democratic revolution’ on a Pan-African scale is on the agenda, both as a form of resistance and as an alternative framework for ‘reconstruction’.

All in all, the development discourse in Africa among African intellectuals is alive, kicking, mentally refreshing and intellectually formidable, notwithstanding declarations of World Bank technicians, called consultants, proclaiming ‘the end of development’.
Africans are reclaiming their right to think for themselves.

* Issa G. Shivji is Professor of Law, Faculty of Law, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (issashivji@cats-net.com)

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Selected references

Adedeji, A., ed. 1993, Africa within the World: Beyond Dispossession and Dependence, London: Zed books.
Amin, S. 1994, ‘The Issue of Democracy in the Contemporary Third World, in Himmelstrand, U. et. al. eds. Op. cit.
Bond, P., ed. 2002, Fanon’s Warning: a Civil Society Reader on the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, New Jersey: Africa World Press.
Cabral, A., 1980, Unity and Struggle: Speeches and Writings, London: Heinemann.
Chole, E. & Jibrin Ibrahim, eds. 1995, Democratisation Processes in Africa: Problems and Prospects, Dakar: CODESRIA.
Fanon, F., 1963, The Wretched of the Earth, London: Penguin.
Furedi, F., 1994, The New Ideology of Imperialism, London: Pluto.
Campbell, H., & H. Stein, eds., 1991, The IMF and Tanzania, Harare: SAPES.
Himmelstrand, U. et. al. eds., 1994, African Perspectives on Development, London: James Currey.
Hyden, G., 1980, Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry, Berkely & Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Landsberg, C. & F. Kornegey, 1998, ‘The African Renaissance: a quest for Pax Africana and Pan-Africanism’, in Foundation for Global Dialogue, South Africa and Africa: Reflections on the African Renaissance, FGD Occasional paper No. 17.
Legum, L., 1965, Pan-Africanism: A short political guide, (Revised edition) London: Pall Mall Press.
Luthuli, A. et. al, 1964, Africa’s Freedom, London: Unwin Books.
Mafeje, A., 2002, ‘Democratic governance and new democracy in Africa: Agenda for the Future, in Nyong’o, Ghirmazion & Lamba, eds.
Mahjoub, A. (ed.) 1990, Adjustment or De-linking? (London: Zed/UNU).
Mahmood, M., 1996, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, Pinceton: Princeton.
Mboya, T., Freedom and After, 1963, London: Andre Deutsch.
Mkandawire, T. & C. C. Soludo, eds., 1999, Our Continent, Our Future”: African perspectives on structural adjustment, Dakar: CODESRIA.
Nkrumah, K. 1965, Neo-colonialism: the last stage of Imperialism, London: Heinemann.
Nyerere, J. K. 1963b, ‘The Second Scramble’, reprinted in Nyerere op. cit. 1967.
Nyerere, J. K. 1968, Freedom and Socialism, London: OUP.
Nyerere, J. K., 1967, Freedom and Unity: a selection from writings and speeches, Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press.
Nyerere, J. K, 1963a, ‘A United States of Africa’, Journal of Modern African Studies, January 1963, Cambridge reprinted in Nyerere op. cit. 1967..
Nyerere, J.K. 1966, ‘’The Dilemma of the Pan-Africanist,’ in J. K. Nyerere, op. cit. 1968.
Nyerere, J.K. 1997, ‘Africa Must Unite’, edited excerpts from a public lecture delivered in Accra to mark Ghana’s fortieth Independence Day anniversary celebrations, United New Africa Global Network website: http://www.unitednewafrica.com/Africa%20Unite.htm
Nyongo, P.A. ed., 1989, La Politica Africana Y La Crisis del Desarrallo, Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico.
Nyong’o, Ghirmazion & Lamba, eds. 2002, New Partnership for Africa’s Development, NEPAD: A New Path? Nairobi: Heinrich Boll Foundation.
Rodney, W. 1972, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publsihing House.
Semboja, J., Juma, Mwapachu & Eduard Jansen eds., 2002. Local Perspectives on Globalisation: The African Case, Dar es Salaam: REPOA &Mkuki na Nyota.
Shivji, I. G., ed. 1991 State and Constitutionalism: An African Debate on Democracy, Harare: SAPES.
Shivji, I. G. 2000, Critical Elements of a New Democratic Consensus in Africa" in Haroub Othman (ed.) Reflections on Leadership in Africa: Essays in Honour of Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, (Belgium: VUB University Press).
Shivji, I. G. 2005, ‘The Rise, the Fall and the Insurrection of Nationalism in Africa’, in Felicia Arudo Yieke ed. op.cit.
South Commission, the, 1990, The Challenge to the South: The Report of the South Commission, London: Oxford University Press.
Tandon, Y., 1982, University of Dar es Salaam: debate on class, state & imperialism, Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House.
Toussaint, E. 1999, Your Money or Your Life!, the tyranny of global finance, London: Pluto Press.
Yieke, F. A. ed. 2005, East Africa: In Search of National and Regional Renewal, Dakar: CODESRIA.

Building power for women's rights

Closing statement from a conference on the Protocol on the Rights of Women

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/29730

Over 40 representatives from the African Union Commission, African governments and the African women’s movement gathered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from September 27-29, 2005 to discuss strategies for the entry into force of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women, its domestication and implementation. The representatives affirmed that the Protocol is indeed the basis for meaningful people driven pan-Africanism and national level constitutional and legal reform in favour of realising African women’s rights.

* Closing Statement from the Conference on Ratification and Domestication of
The African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on Rights of Women in Africa Co-convened by the African Union Commission and the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition (SOAWR)

Final version 30th September 2005

The speed with which member states have ratified the Protocol is without precedent in the history of similar instruments. To date, 13 African states have ratified the Protocol. Only two more ratifications are required for the Protocol to enter into force. We are confident that the required number will ratify the Protocol by the end of the year. We shall maintain our focused pressure to ensure that the Protocol is ratified by all 53-member states of the African Union at the earliest opportunity. Below is a summary of the strategies and recommendations in five thematic areas

A. Ratification

Even though the entry into force of the Protocol is imminent, the campaign must continue in order to ensure universal ratification. Following are the strategies identified:-
• Mobilization for country wide advocacy
• Translation of the Protocol into local languages
• Reform national legislation consistent with the Protocol
• Sensitization of all the arms of government
• Forging alliances between the various stakeholders
• Inclusion of the Protocol in the law reform processes
• Use of community based awareness creation initiatives
• Engagement of the AU and its specialised organs to support the campaign

B. The Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, July 2004

We note that supplementary accountability mechanisms are found within the Solemn Declaration on Gender in Africa. The Solemn Declaration relates to the Protocol in a manner comparable to the relationship of the Beijing Platform for Action (BPA) to the Convention to Eliminate all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

We laud the AU Commission for developing a draft monitoring and evaluation framework as well as a draft reporting framework (with targets and indicators), spelling out the role of the African women’s movement, to be approved by a meeting of Ministers of Gender and Women’s Affairs to take place in Dakar, Senegal from October 12-16, 2005. The proposal is that African states will prepare two kinds of reports: a full narrative report every three years; and a comparative report annually in the form of a matrix responding to the targets and indicators selected. The African women’s movement will know the reporting dates for their respective states and also be able to access and respond to their state’s reports from the AU website as well as to forward general and specific recommendations. The African Women’s movement will also be able to participate through the annual African women’s fora around the AU summits, which are being institutionalised.

We propose the following strategies to enhance accountability under the Solemn Declaration:
• Liaising across the relevant AU commission and relevant organs of the AU
• Engaging with the meeting of Ministers of Gender/Women’s Affairs re: the Solemn Declaration to take place in Dakar, Senegal from October 12-16, 2005
• Reviewing and using the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms developed by the AU’s Directorate on Women, Gender and Development
• Developing the capacity within national gender machineries to monitor implementation (including resourcing for implementation)
• Inform the terms of reference for mandate and appointments to the AU Women’s committee
• Establishing working links between the AUWC and the gender sectoral cluster of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC)
• Convening the annual African women’s Consultation at an appropriate point prior to each Summit

C. Domestication of the Protocol

We reiterate the fact that much remains to be done to ensure universal ratification of the Protocol, as well as its domestication in African states that have already ratified it and, ultimately, its relevance and use to assure African women’s rights at the national level. We have examined the different legal systems that exist in Africa and note that African states must take the initiative for domesticating the Protocol although nothing impedes the African women’s movement from doing so either.

Regardless of whether or not domestication has occurred, African states which have ratified the Protocol will be obliged to submit regular reports to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights every two years on implementation, which then can prepare observations, including recommendations, which African states will report on in another two years.

We have therefore identified the following strategies to advance domestication and accountability:
• Working with national parliaments as well as those of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) on domestication and harmonisation, especially under African common law systems
• Strategic utilisation of international events to reach the decision making organs of states and governments
• Forming regional networks for exchange of ideas and best practices in the campaign
• Encouraging member states to include the Protocol in their law reform processes and particularly in Constitutional review processes
• Encourage the Addis based Ambassadors to advise national capitals on the necessity for urgent ratification and initiate discussion on the steps required for domestication of the protocol.

D. Popularisation of the Protocol

It is critical to ensure that African women everywhere are aware of the Protocol and its provisions so as to avail themselves of the opportunities provided by it. We suggest a number of strategies for the African Union and African states to assist in this process of conscientisation including:
• Convene high-level events around the Protocol to be covered by the African and international media
• Encourage high-level government officials to speak in favour of the Protocol

For the African women’s movement, we need to:
• Convene regional and national meetings of the African women’s movement around the Protocol
• Create alliances between women parliamentarians and parliamentary groupings—regionally, sub-regionally and nationally.
• Develop clear targets and indicators for the Protocol and conducting/disseminating research showing the gap between these targets and indicators and the reality on the ground
• Conduct and disseminate research around coverage of the Protocol and its provisions in the African media and engaging with the African media on the basis of that research
• Engage with African women’s media organisations, particularly sub-regional ones, including through sharing information on the Protocol and training on how to cover it and its provisions
• Campaign in the African media through both the strategic placement of self-generated content as well as pro-active use of other opportunities (for example, invitations to speak during interviews) and lobbying for those opportunities with the African media
• Ensure coverage by the African media of key meetings (for example, AU summits) through cyber dialogues, press releases, press conferences during these meetings and involvement of appropriate staff from the African media in all meetings (relevant media persons, analysts, commentators, feature writers)
• Ensure engagement with diverse media, particularly community media (for example, community radio) so as to reach the broadest base possible of African women
• Feed into other campaigns (for example, the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender based Violence, 25th November to December 10th) and engagement with key campaign organisations around the issues covered by the Protocol

E. Mobilizing Resources for the Protocol’s Implementation

It will be particularly important to ensure that adequate resources are available for the Protocol’s implementation at the national level. We thus propose the following strategies around resource mobilization for the Protocol’s implementation:
• Identify non-monetary actions that can be taken by Governments to implement the Protocol including the removal of all discriminatory laws
• All states to support the establishment of a Special Rapporteur on Laws that discriminate against women by the UN Commission of Status of Women (UN Resolution 49/3) by March 2006
• Identify easy ‘quick wins’ for initial budgetary allocations for African states
• Identify core costing obligations arising from the Protocol’s provisions through partnerships with Gender Budget Initiatives at the national level
• Develop facts and arguments for the budgetary demands
• Building alliances among relevant civil society constituencies as well as with appropriate entry points in national executives and parliaments
• Promote public debate on budgetary demands (for example, taxation and expenditure reviews)

F. Litigation and Negotiation around the Protocol

The Protocol is a legal instrument for the protection of African women’s rights. But it is a legal skeleton, requiring court action to give it blood and flesh. For it to become relevant and useful at the national level, participants discussed legal strategies to fast-track its implementation including strategic litigation and alternative dispute resolution (ADR).

Strategic litigation includes constitutional test cases to determine and address legal barriers to the Protocol’s realisation so as to fast-track the law reform process required under domestication and harmonisation. Participants here noted new ways of asserting/pleading constitutional human rights provisions under international human rights law, namely though: the theory of legitimate expectation; the Bangalore principle; and the interpretive principle.

We identified the following strategies:
• Supporting African women’s organisations offering strategic litigation
• Carrying out strategic litigation around the Protocol and sharing jurisprudence continentally
• Supporting any court case impacting on women’s rights including amicus curiae brief preparation
• Using ADR to advance the Protocol where appropriate
• Carrying out judicial training on the Protocol
• Engaging with law schools and bar associations on the Protocol
• Advocating around the appointments to the African Court
• States to sign declaration enabling individuals and civil society to file cases at the African Court
• Partnering with the Coalition on the African Court on the establishment and the appointment of judges to it that are competent in African women’s rights
• Increase the number of nominations to the African Court by November 30, 2005 — of the 14 nominations received only four are from women so far.

Maintaining Momentum on the Protocol

Many challenges clearly persist with respect to realising the Protocol. While the Protocol is not a ‘gift’ but concerns African women’s rights, its realisation will require commitment and creativity. It will require ‘building power’ nationally and regionally which entails expanding constituencies, being well-structured and informing ourselves about the opportunities for its advancement that already exist. It will also require consistent, strategic and sustained pressure on African states for its entry into force, its universal ratification, its domestication and implementation. We hereby promise our continued engagement in these processes and urge the engagement of all else concerned.

* Present during the conference were the following

Women, Gender and Development Directorate, African Union Commission, Commission of Political Affairs, African Union Commission, Office of the Legal Counsel, African Union Commission, African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights, Federal Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Government of Nigeria, Ministere charge de la Promotion de la Femme et des Affaires Sociales, Government of Dijbouti, Government of Malawi, Office of the Vice President and Secretary of State for Women’s Affairs, Government of The Gambia, Embassy of the Republic of Angola, Embassy of the Democratic Republic of The Congo, Embassy of the Republic of Gabon, Ministry of Gender Equality, Government of Namibia, African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA), Association des Femmes Juristes du Mali, Cellule de coordination sur les practiques traditionelle affectant la sante des femmes et des enfants (CPTAFE)-Guine, Child Rights Advisory, Documentation and Legal centre (CRADLE) – Kenya, Coalition on Violence against Women (COVAW) – Kenya, CREDO for the Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights, Eastern African Sub-regional Support Initiative for the Advancement of Women (EASSI), Equality Now – Africa Regional Office, Reseau Inter-Africain Des Femmes, Medias, Genre et Developpement (FAMDEV)- Regional, Federation of Women Lawyers – Kenya, Federation of Women Lawyers – Uganda, African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET), Forum Mulher – Mozambique, Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practises (IAC), Media Watch organisation-Mauritius, Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), Pro-poor advocacy Group - The Gambia, Sister Namibia,
Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), Urgent Action Fund Africa, Voix des Femmes –Burkina Faso, Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF), Women’s Legal Centre – South Africa, Women’s Rights Advancement and Protection Alternatives (WRAPA) – Nigeria, ActionAid International and Oxfam

Negotiation as a strategy for domesticating women's rights instruments

Summary of a paper presented at a conference on the Ratification and Domestication of The African Union Protocol

Anne Atieno Amadi

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/29732

The ratification of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa is simply the first step in the right direction for African countries. Its domestication comes next, and will be a long and laborious task for governments and the many organizations that will assist them in this undertaking. Many strategies have been suggested as potential approaches to the domestication of the Protocol. Anne Atieno Amada advocates for negotiation to be implemented in the process.

As Deputy Executive Director of Kenya’s Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDO), Atieno Amada argues that litigation, perhaps a natural choice for the domestication of the Protocol, is not the best solution. Litigation involves going to court and having the judge or magistrate preside over the particular case in order to make a decision on the dispute. Atieno Amada’s experiences with FIDO have shown that litigation has several limitations. These include the principle of “Stare Decisis,” that commands similar cases must be decided in the same way. Litigation is time consuming and expensive; involves difficulties in implementation, enforcement and compliance; and the public nature of proceedings often diverts attention from the issue. Finally, the dominance of men in the judicial system is a problem, and may be detrimental to domesticating the Protocol should a particular judge not align himself with the views of women’s rights.

Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) encompasses a variety of process by which conflict can be resolved without litigation. It presents a number of options that cater to the particular situation or conflict. The implementation of the Protocol can be seen as conflict in that it puts women, as claim holders, on one hand and the government, as bearers of duty, on the other. Conflict can be described as a disagreement or competition of interests, and the women’s movement may indeed be perceived as a threat to African governments in these ways. Conflict may be seen in terms of data disputes, which revolve around information; value disputes, which arise as a result of a clash of ideas; relationship disputes, which include marital and commercial disagreements; behavioral disputes caused by clashes in habits, customs and culture, and; structural disputes that take place in institutions and bureaucracies. In implementing the Protocol, and indeed the realization of any women’s rights, all elements of conflict are present. In responding to, and dealing with conflict there are a number of options available. Avoidance, toleration, mediation, litigation, self-help and negotiation are all methods of dealing with conflict that may be potentially employed.

Negotiation involves a formal discussion between people and groups attempting to reach an agreement. The main goal of such an exercise is to meet certain interests or needs in a manner that is collaborative and peaceful, without being apologetic or giving in. In order to be successful, negotiation must separate people from the problem, focus on interests and not positions, involve a variety of possible solutions, and have a result based on some objective standard or practice.

In her conclusion, Atieno Amada states that the Protocol, which, as she adds, is a right of women to equality, non-discrimination, elimination of harmful practices, access to justice and equal protection under the law, cannot be negotiated away by governments. Negotiation, and the process of negotiation, may indeed be a strategy, not only to implement the protocol, but to remind governments of their duty to protect the rights of all citizens.

* * This is a summarised version of a paper presented at a conference on the Ratification and Domestication of The African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on Rights of Women in Africa. The conference, held between 27-30 September in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, was co-convened by the African Union Commission and the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition (SOAWR). The full length versions of all papers presented at the conference will be released in book form in January 2006.

* Summarized by Karoline Kemp, Commonwealth of Learning Young Professionals Intern, Fahamu.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Strategic litigation: A tool for domesticating the Protocol?

Summary of a paper presented at a conference on the Ratification and Domestication of The African Union Protocol

Sibongile Ndashe

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/29731

The effectiveness of the law as a tool for realizing women’s rights has been, by some, called into question. Because of Africa’s complicated history with inequality between men and women, and the feminisation of poverty, using judicial institutions in order to apply rights on paper into realizable rights is contentious. Sibongile Ndashe asks: What can be done differently to make governments accountable in terms of this protocol in a manner that makes a different to women’s lives? She argues that litigation does play a role in the domestication of the Protocol, but that it can be used amongst other tools.

Strategic litigation (also known as test case litigation, public interest litigation, impact litigation or precedent setting litigation) is used to challenge laws that are in violation of human rights standards and norms, and can be useful because in the event that a case is won against a discriminatory law, that law or policy may be declared invalid. This means that at the same time as successfully winning a case, broader law reform can be made. Litigation has not been widely used in the fight for women’s rights, as it marks a radical departure from traditional methods of legal practice and is indeed, a large task for gender activists, as it involves working not only on women’s rights, but on the building of courts.

Currently there are a number of ways that constitutions have permitted laws to act against women: the claw back clause exempts certain laws from being subject to the right to non-discrimination provided for by the constitution; the provision of rights to be equally applicable can sometimes be turned over in the event of a tension, in favor of the strongest right, and finally; some constitutions pre-empt inconsistency and therefore give preference to some rights over others. In addition, in some cases, in what is known as legal dualism, it is impossible to use international instruments if they have not yet been domesticated, but have been ratified, by that particular country. The Bangalore Principles come into use here – if an uncertainty, ambiguity or obscurity arises in a case, a judge may seek guidance in the general principles of international law, or those accepted by the community of nations.

Strategic litigation can be a powerful tool, but key to its use in the case of the Protocol is a women’s rights responsive judiciary – one who understands women’s inequality in all of its complexities. In addition, a strict separation of the governmental powers of judiciary, legislature and executive is important, in order that each area may fulfill their constitutional obligations. It is necessary not only to engage government, including state departments, but in order to be truly successful litigation must also reach out to research institutions, community based organizations and feminist scholars.

In her conclusion, Ndashe argues that the implementation of the Protocol through strategic litigation depends on various parties, not simply lawyers. There is a need to co-ordinate efforts so that the many complex and varied aspects of women’s rights are represented.

* This is a summarised version of a paper presented at a conference on the Ratification and Domestication of The African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on Rights of Women in Africa. The conference, held between 27-30 September in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, was co-convened by the African Union Commission and the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition (SOAWR). The full length versions of all papers presented at the conference will be released in book form in January 2006.

* Summarized by Karoline Kemp, Commonwealth of Learning Young Professionals Intern, Fahamu

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Against the death penalty in Africa

2005-10-04

http://www.acat.asso.fr/

Only 12 of 53 African countries have abolished the death penalty. On occasion of the World Day Against the Death Penalty, on October 10th, different NGOs, all members of the World Coalition against the death penalty are organizing different actions against the death penalty. You may also send letters to the different governments still practising such a penalty or you may sign a petition-appeal to the Governments of Africa at: http://www.abolition.fr/ecpm/french/petitionscoalitiongb.php?ref=11

Fifth anniversary of Resolution 1325: Women, peace and security month has arrived

2005-10-06

http://peacewomen.org/un/5thAnniversary/Oct05calendar.html

October 31 2005 marks the fifth anniversary of the adoption of Resolution 1325. PeaceWomen has developed an October events calendar - follow the link to view events.

Broadening views on Africa

J.S.Datuama Cammue, Liberia

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/29726

Your publication is very good, especially for me working on resource exploitation and its associated human rights abuses as a journalist. It gives a broader view of the African situation.

Keeping updated

Daniel G. Kwablah, Ghana

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/29633

Pambazuka News has helped to update my knowledge on current issues in Africa and in my work on issue of health like HIV/AIDS.

Privatisation or Piratisation of Forests

Lameck Noah

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/29629

This is a well-written piece of work (See http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29614) Congratulations.

However the following points are missing:

1. The few permanent staff who are lucky enough to have remained in those privatised firms are turned into casual labourers with very little salaries.

2. Some of the loans given to new investors are a kind of a gift because the lack of transparency makes it difficult to know if they will ever pay back.

3. The removal and exporting of the machineries in such industries has been alarming and shocking.

4. The involvement of the "honorables" as in the case of Longuza Forests makes it difficult for local people to object.

5. The high speeds that such exercises take also raises doubts.

In the G8 debate which was aired live on BBC, it emerged that that there are conditions attached to the loans and debt cancellation. How true is that?

An Outbreak of Peace

Justin Pearce

2005-10-06

http://www.newafricabooks.co.za/books_detail.asp?ID=453054370

Combining reportage and analysis, Justin Pearce shows the human face of Angola at a critical juncture in its history. Working as the BBC correspondent based in Luanda, Justin Pearce was the only English–speaking journalist based in Angola in 2001 and 2002. He travelled extensively in Angola, hearing the testimonies of those whose lives were shaped by political divisions and war.

Negotiating Modernity

Edited by Elísio Salvado Macamo

2005-10-06

http://zedbooks.co.uk/

Africa has been through a particularly ambivalent experience of modernity. Previous research has tended to emphasize its alien nature in Africa and how it has been resisted. This book seeks to show how this tension and the impulse to modernity have contributed to changing African society over the past one hundred years. The contributors look at how Africans negotiated the terms of modernity during the colonial period and are dealing with it in the post-colonial period. They argue that the African experience of modernity is unique and relevant for wider social theory, offering valuable analytical insights. The cases presented cover labour, land rights, religious conversion, internal migration, emigration and the African diaspora.

Remembering Ken Saro-Wiwa: Book titles resissued

2005-10-06

http://www.africanbookscollective.com/

The late Ken Saro-Wiwa (1941-1995) was a political and environmental activist, a journalist, novelist, non-fiction writer, television and film producer, entrepreneur, public servant and publisher. He is best known as the founding member and leading figure of Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and for his role in the historic Ogoni struggles against the Nigerian federal government and what he termed the oil companies 'ecological war'. To coincide with the ten-year anniversary of the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, and in association with the Remember Ken Saro-Wiwa coalition, African Books Collective is reissuing some of his best known works. Visit the ABC website to browse the titles.

The week in Blogs: Commentary on christianity in Nigeria, the aid industry, democracy in Kenya and referendums in Algeria

Sokari Ekine

2005-10-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/29685

Confessions of the mind - Confessions of the Mind ( http://confessionsofnneka.blogspot.com/)
has an interesting piece on Christianity and Africans with particular reference to Nigeria, which criticises the trend of commercialising religion and the growth of churches on the continent and “the hypocrites who come to church to see and be seen”, though I cannot agree with her comment about women “luring catholic priests into committing sin”.

"Then a couple of months later you see they have built a roof to ward off merciless sun, then a year later, they have an actual building, the pastor is looking fatter, the congregation more presentable. But the pastor is still preaching give to the lord for he is good. Next thing the pastor is driving a hummer or Mercedes truck fully Air Conditioned, Suits by Armani, shoes by Prada, monogrammed hanky, house in Lekki and still telling people, who have come with their whole families on a bike to give unto to the lord and still collecting church funds from these people and using himself as an example of how the lord blessed his life because he was “giving to the church”".

African Bullets & Honey - [url=( African]http://bulletsandhoney.blogspot.com/2005/09/why-western-visions-of-utopia-are.html]African Bullets & Honey[/url] (http://bulletsandhoney.blogspot.com/2005/09/why-western-visions-of-utopia-are.html) believes that “fighting the aid industry in its many forms is one of the great moral crusades of our time” and I have to agree with him on this. He draws on an article by William Easterly writing in “Foreign Policy” magazine which discusses the utopianism of “economists, politicians, and rock stars in rich countries have pleaded for debt relief and aid for the world’s poorest countries“.

Congo Watch - Congo Watch (http://congowatch.blogspot.com/) reports on the recently discovered remains believed to be those of Congolese and Rwandan Hutus killed by Rwandan soldiers in 1996.

Kenyan Democracy Project - Kenyan Democracy Project (http://demokrasia-kenya.blogspot.com) has a message to the Kenyan “Postponent Proponents” - “Postpone your Duplicity”.

“This essay is going to suggest that the “Tuhairishe Kura ya Maoni” aficionados are nothing more than closeted Yes supporters who have developed running stomachs in the face of the Hapana avalanche that threatens to bury many of the parliamentary turncoats in humiliating defeating in 2007- if not sooner“.

Black Star Journal - (http://popeyeafrica.blogspot.com/2005/09/amnestyisia.html) reports on the recent referendum held in Algeria for a “Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation”.

Allegedly 97% of voters approved the project with a reported 79% turnout... though the opposition and journalists dispute the latter figure ...The opposition called for a boycott of the plan.

The charter is controversial as it absolves the Algerian military from any role in the disappearance of thousands of Algerians during the civil war.

As Nigeria celebrates its 45th year of independence, Black Looks - Black Looks (http://okra soup.typepad.com/black_looks) reports on the recent arrest of the Bayelsa State Governor, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in London for money laundering.

The whole sordid shameful saga has undermined the ongoing call for 50% derivation of oil monies to the Niger Delta states of which Bayelsa is one and the calls of self-determination and autonomy.

Global/Africa: Reproductive rights for women affected by HIV/AIDS?

2005-10-03

http://www.ipas.org/publications/en/MDGRR_E05_en.pdf

Follow the link for a report by six women's organisations working for change in a local context. The starting principle was that awareness of sexual and reproductive rights is essential for achieving the MDGs: a major focus was on the reproductive health of women affected by HIV/AIDS. The partner organisations wanted to know what relevance the two gender related MDGs had to women's work, and consequently how to make them more applicable to the local context. (Of the 7 countries included, 4 are in Africa - Kenya, Lesotho, South Africa and Swaziland.)

Morocco: Accused Morocco Islamist speaks out

2005-09-30

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4297386.stm

A leading Islamist activist in Morocco says she is eagerly awaiting her trial on charges of insulting King Mohammed VI. Nadia Yassine, of the outlawed but widely-popular Justice and Charity Group, could face up to five years in jail if convicted. She was put on trial earlier this year for saying that she would prefer a republican system to Morocco's hereditary monarchy.

Rwanda: Gender promotion makes Rwanda popular

2005-10-01

http://www.newtimes.co.rw/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1352&Itemid=57

Rwanda's commitment to promote women leadership has greatly made the country popular on the international scene. Officiating at the launch of Women Waging Peace Project in Rwanda recently, the founder and chairperson, Ambassador Swanne Hunt said most people in the outside world did not know Rwanda but because of achievements of gender equality, the country has become famous.

South Africa: African businesswomen create and spread wealth

2005-09-26

http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/2466/

In South Africa, women are taking advantage of new laws promoting diversity to share and spread the country's wealth. When apartheid began to crumble in the early 1990s, Salukazi Dakile-Hlongwane returned from self-imposed exile in the United States to make her fortune at home in South Africa. Armed with a master's degree in development economics from a prestigious U.S. school and years of experience in international development organizations, Dakile-Hlongwane sensed opportunity. In 1996, two years after Nelson Mandela was elected president in South Africa's first multi-racial elections, she joined forces with six other South African women to create a woman-only investment company, Nozala Investments, which has attained a strong reputation in South Africa's financial world.

Sudan: Perceptions of the Darfur community on the effects of the conflict on women and girls

2005-10-03

http://www.agenda.org.za/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=763&Itemi

The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) recently carried out a situation analysis in Darfur, Sudan on the effects of the ongoing conflict on the health and well-being of the 1.64 million girls and women who are affected by the war. Around the world, the devastating impact of conflict has been recorded and its specific impact on women and children documented. In a departure from the normal practice of providing an analysis by experts or 'outsiders,' the UNICEF/UNFPA study analysed the perceptions of the directly affected community; the people of Darfur. The reason for doing so, according to the report, is to help guide international response to the conflict, based on what the community perceives they are experiencing and what they feel is right for them, rather than imposing solutions from outside. The situational analysis, however, was not intended to provide a comprehensive overview of the health situation in the area.

Belgium: Chocolate makers attacked over child slavery

2005-10-05

http://www.expatica.com/source/site_article.asp?subchannel_id=48&story_id=24090&name=Belgian+chocolate+makers+attacked+over+child+slavery

Belgium's world-renowned chocolate could be linked to the murky world of child labour and slavery, according to a leading consumer watchdog. Belgium's Test-Achats warned that it was often unclear where chocolate-makers got their cocoa beans from and whether their suppliers treated their workers ethically.

Burundi: UN gives time to peace process

2005-10-05

http://www.justicetribune.com/index_uk.htm

The dual mechanism to establish crimes and responsibilities in Burundi will take longer to put into place than first announced, the International Justice Tribune reports (IJT). IJT has learnt that on 30 September, Kofi Annan will not be submitting his report to the UN Security Council on the creation of the special chamber to try those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and in parallel, a truth commission.

Chad: The Case against Hissène Habré, an “African Pinochet”

2005-10-05

http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/09/30/chad11786.htm

A Belgian judge has issued an international arrest warrant charging Chad’s exiled former president, Hissène Habré, with human rights crimes committed during his 1982-1990 rule. Habré lives in exile in Senegal, where he was indicted over five years ago before courts ruled that he could not be tried there. The Belgian warrant marks a turning point in the long effort to bring Habré to justice, and should lead to his extradition from Senegal to Belgium to stand trial.

Rwanda: Travels to Rwanda

2005-10-05

http://allafrica.com/stories/200509140711.html

"The essence of conflicts and killings is the emphasis of "otherness," enabling us to consider others as "different" from us, or inferior to us. Thus in Rwanda, the Tutsi were so often and publicly called "inyenzi" or cockroaches that killing them was like killing bugs and easy to do." Kenya National Commission on Human Rights chairman Maina Kiai recounts his experience in Rwanda, where he traveled with a group of Kenyan MPs to see first hand the effects of the 1994 genocide which left more than a million people dead.

Uganda: Army and Rebels Commit Atrocities in the North

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/29694

The Ugandan military and the rebel Lord's Resistance Army continue to kill, rape and uproot civilians in northern Uganda with brazen impunity, Human Rights Watch said in a report released in September. A brutal rebel group responsible for countless atrocities, the Lord's Resistance Army continues to wage war against the Ugandan government, whose undisciplined army has committed crimes against civilians, the very people they are supposed to protect, with near-total impunity.
Human Rights Watch (HRW), Press Release, "Uganda: Army and Rebels Commit
Atrocities in the North; International Criminal Court Must Investigate
Abuses on Both Sides" - 20 September 2005
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/09/20/uganda11752.htm

"The Ugandan military and the rebel Lord's Resistance Army continue to kill,
rape and uproot civilians in northern Uganda with brazen impunity, Human
Rights Watch said in a report released today.

A brutal rebel group responsible for countless atrocities, the Lord's
Resistance Army continues to wage war against the Ugandan government, whose
undisciplined army has committed crimes against civilians, the very people
they are supposed to protect, with near-total impunity. [...]

The 76-page report, "Uprooted and Forgotten: Impunity and Human Rights
Abuses in Northern Uganda," documents how the ongoing lack of accountability
and civilian protection in the north has fueled atrocities by both sides. In
each of the displaced persons camps visited, Human Rights Watch found cases
of abuse by Ugandan government forces as well as rebel combatants.

"Uganda has asked the International Criminal Court to investigate and
prosecute abuses by the Lord's Resistance Army," said Jemera Rone, Uganda
researcher at Human Rights Watch. "But the Ugandan army itself has carried
out serious crimes that demand prosecution."

The International Criminal Court assumed jurisdiction to investigate serious
war crimes in northern Uganda last year after Ugandan President Yoweri
Museveni referred the matter to the court. So far, the court has failed to
effectively communicate its mandate to the people of northern Uganda. This
has undermined the court's credibility and impartiality in the eyes of many
there. [...]

At the same time, soldiers in Uganda's national army have raped, beaten,
arbitrarily detained and killed civilians in camps. Some beatings are
inflicted for minor infractions such as being outside the camp a few minutes
past curfew.

"The Ugandan government has failed to pursue prosecutions of military
officers before national courts that could put an end to such violations,"
said Rone. [...]

Human Rights Watch found that the 11th Battalion of the Uganda Peoples'
Defence Forces (UPDF), based in Cwero and Awach camps of Gulu district,
committed numerous deliberate killings and constant beatings of civilians
during early 2005 when it was assigned to those camps. These abuses were not
the acts of just a few undisciplined soldiers.

"Instead of holding the 11th Battalion's commanders accountable for the
atrocities committed on their watch, the Uganda army transferred the unit to
another area of the country where its soldiers and officers can continue to
commit abuses of different innocent civilians," said Rone.

The Ugandan armed forces have failed to prosecute or otherwise meaningfully
discipline soldiers and their officers responsible for abuses in the north.
No effective accountability structure exists in the camps. Reports of abuses
by government forces rarely result in any investigation or prosecution of
military personnel. While there is a military detachment in each camp, there
are few police to provide for basic law and order.

Human Rights Watch also found that local civilian officials, police and the
civilian criminal courts are not able to hold the army accountable, although
they have jurisdiction over military personnel. Ultimately, the level of
discipline, protection of civilians and accountability rests on the will and
personality of the immediate commander.

"Justice in northern Uganda requires that the International Criminal Court
thoroughly examine government forces' crimes against the civilian population
as well as those committed by the rebels," said Rone.

Human Rights Watch called for meaningful national prosecutions, which would
be a valuable supplement to the International Criminal Court's
investigation. In addition, a broader truth-telling process would give
people in northern Uganda a forum in which they could raise human rights
abuses that occurred during the entire 19 years of war. This process could
work alongside traditional remedies in which those affected wish to
participate."

2. Human Rights Watch, (HRW), Report, "Uprooted and Forgotten: Impunity and
Human Rights Abuses in Northern Uganda" - September 2005, Vol. 17, No.
12(A)
http://hrw.org/reports/2005/uganda0905/uganda0905.pdf

Zimbabwe: NGO forum releases political violence report

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/29695

"Reports in the month of July were considerably fewer due to the continuation of Operation Murambatsvina as most NGOs are involved in relief work for the victims of the Operation. As the Operation continued, perennial victims, Porta Farm residents, were again targeted for eviction. Reports are that the residents were evicted and asked to go where they wanted to, but many of them had nowhere to go. Others were reportedly taken to Hopley Farm but before they could settle down, the Minister of Local Government, Dr Ignatius Chombo is said to have told them that there were no longer any available stands at the Farm so all the other people had to move on elsewhere. The Human Rights Forum condemns the manner in which the evictions at Porta Farm continue to be executed and notes that it is the duty of the Government to provide housing for its citizens." The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has released its political violence report for July. Contact zimhrforum@btconnect.com for a full copy of the report.

Angola: Refugees face difficult route home across vast, devastated land

2005-10-04

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/UNHCR/6431531f7c1cc1da8341c943360bf6b4.htm

When a huge country is littered with mines and has seen its roads disappear during decades of war, getting refugees back to their homes is not an easy task. The 236 Angolans are the last of the 2,500 who returned in August and September in an organised manner from settlements in Kasangulu, in the western part of the DRC. They come from 15 of the 18 Angolan provinces – excluding only Zaire, Cabinda and Luanda provinces – and are headed to the south, east and west of country that is 1,246,700 square km.

Chad/ Central African Republic: New Central African arrivals confirmed

2005-10-04

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EVOD-6GUDQD?OpenDocument

Several hundred refugees from the Central African Republic (CAR) have crossed the border in the last few days. UNHCR believes that 150 to 200 persons are currently present in Komba village. The local authorities, however, are reporting that a total of 467 people crossed the border last week following an attack on Markounda in northern CAR on 27 September. Other inhabitants from Markounda apparently fled elsewhere in northern CAR.

Global: Guterres calls for joint effort to fight intolerance, preserve asylum

2005-10-04

http://www.noticias.info/asp/aspComunicados.asp?nid=105145&src=0

UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres called on the international community to join forces to fight intolerance, preserve the institution of asylum and bridge the gap between humanitarian relief and long-term development so that millions of uprooted people can rebuild their lives without fear of renewed conflict and displacement. Guterres said combating intolerance is perhaps the most difficult challenge faced today by UNHCR and its partners.

Global: UNHCR agrees to assume global responsibility for IDP protection

2005-10-04

http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/excom/opendoc.pdf?tbl=SUBSITES&id=4321a92c2

For a large part of its history, UNHCR became involved in the response to Internal Displacement in an ad-hoc case-by-case manner, focusing especially on those situations where IDPs were mixed with, or in close proximity to refugees or returnees and shared much the same needs and vulnerabilities. It has now agreed to take on global lead responsibility for ensuring adequate and effective responses to situations of conflict-induced internal displacement in the key areas of protection, camp management and emergency shelter. This approach was endorsed on 12 September by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, the main international humanitarian coordination body, and is expected to be tested in two to three major new emergencies starting in 2006.

Morocco: From emigration country to Africa's migration passage to Europe

2005-10-04

http://www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=339

Over the second half of the 20th century, Morocco has evolved into one of the world's leading emigration countries. Moroccans form one of the largest and most dispersed non-Western migrant communities in Western Europe. Although Moroccan policymakers and the media stress the temporary, transitory character of sub-Saharan migration, an increasing proportion of these officially "temporary" migrants might become permanent settlers. These African migrants to Morocco face substantial xenophobia and social and economic marginalization. At the same time, their presence confronts Moroccan society with an entirely new set of social and legal issues typical for immigration countries, issues that do not yet resonate with Morocco's self-image as an emigration country.

Zimbabwe: Displaced squatters return

2005-10-04

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/VBOL-6GUEXR?OpenDocument

Barely two months after being removed from Killarney and Ngozi mine squatter camps by police during the internationally condemned government exercise, Murambatsvina, close to 200 people have returned to these shanty towns in the periphery of the city. Those interviewed say they were dumped by government in the ‘middle of no where’ in rural settings alien to them as most of them are of foreign origin and the only place they call home are the shacks that were razed by government agents.

Egypt: In Search of a Strategy for reforming Egypt

2005-10-06

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=3718

Egypt's first multi-candidate presidential election, a response to U.S. pressure, was a false start for reform, says the International Crisis Group. "Formal pluralism has never seriously limited the dominance of President Mubarak's National Democratic Party (NDP); extension to the presidential level is a token so long as the opposition is too weak to produce plausible candidates. If the further reforms Mubarak has promised are to be meaningful, they should be aimed at recasting state/NDP relations and, above all, enhancing parliament's powers."

Guinea-Bissau: West Africa calls for world backing as president sworn in

2005-10-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49347

West African leaders are urging quick international assistance for Guinea-Bissau, whose new president Joao Bernardo "Nino" Vieira was sworn in this weekend facing a massive cholera epidemic and fears of continuing political instability. "Donors must help Bissau now, and without conditions," Senegal's Foreign Minister Cheikh Tidiane Gadio told reporters on Monday.

Liberia: Better Some Right to Vote Than None?

2005-10-05

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=30526

Liberians go to the polls next week for their country's first general elections since civil war was brought to a halt in the West African state in 2003. An estimated 1.3 million registered voters (out of a population of 3.5 million) will queue on Oct. 11 to choose a president from 22 candidates, including soccer great George Weah. More than 500 candidates are vying for 64 parliamentary seats, and about 200 for 30 senate seats.

Liberia: Despite Elections, Collapse of Justice Poses Risks

Human Rights Watch Press Release

2005-10-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/29679

If a return to armed conflict in Liberia is to be avoided, the new government to be elected on October 11 must ensure that those responsible for past atrocities are brought to justice and that human rights abusers are kept out of the police, army and civil service, Human Rights Watch said in a new report released this week. On October 11, Liberia will hold its first national elections since the signing of a peace agreement in 2003. At stake in the polls are the presidency, the 30-seat Senate and the 64-seat House of Representatives. While preparations, registration and campaigning in the October elections have been free of major irregularities, leaders in the country's incoming government will need to pay more attention to the critical issues of justice and human rights than they have on the campaign trail, Human Rights Watch said.
Human Rights Watch Press Release

Liberia: Despite Elections, Collapse of Justice Poses Risks

Incoming Government Must Ensure Justice for War Crimes, Keep Human
Rights Abusers Out of Police, Army and Civil Service

(Dakar, September 30, 2005)—If a return to armed conflict in Liberia
is to be avoided, the new government to be elected on October 11 must
ensure that those responsible for past atrocities are brought to
justice and that human rights abusers are kept out of the police, army
and civil service, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.



On October 11, Liberia will hold its first national elections since
the signing of a peace agreement in 2003. At stake in the polls are
the presidency, the 30-seat Senate and the 64-seat House of
Representatives. While preparations, registration and campaigning in
the October elections have been free of major irregularities, leaders
in the country's incoming government will need to pay more attention
to the critical issues of justice and human rights than they have on
the campaign trail, Human Rights Watch said.



The 39-page report, "Liberia at a Crossroads: Human Rights Challenges
for the New Government," warned that Liberia's transition from a
near-failed state to a democratic country governed by rule of law
cannot be considered complete until there is considerably more
progress in several key areas. First, Liberia's judicial system, which
remains plagued by striking deficiencies, must be rebuilt with the
help of the international community. Second, the process of
restructuring and reconstituting Liberia's national police and army,
which have for decades preyed upon the populations they are entrusted
to protect, must be completed without delay. Finally, the individuals
responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed
during Liberia's armed conflicts must be kept out of the civil
service, police and army and be held accountable for their crimes.



"After enduring more than two decades of political instability
including 14 years of brutal armed conflict, Liberia stands at an
unprecedented crossroads," said Peter Takirambudde, executive director
of the Africa division at Human Rights Watch. "But failure to
establish the rule of law and ensure justice for horrific crimes of
war could undermine the hard-won stability in Liberia and the region
as a whole."



From the military coup in 1980 to the overthrow of President Charles
Taylor in 2003, Liberian citizens were subjected to continual
violations of civil and political rights by successive governments as
well as widespread and systematic war crimes committed by all warring
factions during the country's two devastating armed conflicts. The
violence blighted the lives of tens of thousands of Liberians.



Candidates in the upcoming elections include at least three former
leaders of armed factions, five individuals subject to United Nations
sanctions for activities aimed at undermining peace in Liberia and the
sub-region, and several former high-level military commanders accused
of war crimes. These individuals, who have in the past shown complete
disregard for the rule of law and due process, could resort to force
and other extra-legal measures to circumvent and subvert Liberia's
political process and the legal system if elected to office, Human
Rights Watch said.



Human Rights Watch called on the incoming government, together with
the international community, to develop a concrete strategy to ensure
justice for serious past human rights crimes and to establish an
independent commission charged with instituting a vetting process to
screen out human rights abusers appointed to or under consideration
for civil service positions.



For decades, the Liberian police and army have been used as a
repressive arm of successive governments and their ruling parties, and
been the source of considerable instability, corruption and human
rights violations. However, the vetting procedure designed to screen
out past human rights abusers from the new Liberian Police Service was
most likely ineffective in screening out past abusers. Problems with
the process included unclear criteria for the elimination of potential
human rights abusers and inadequate human resources to conduct
thorough and systematic background checks on applicants. The new
government must ensure that DynCorp, a U.S.-based contractor charged
with restructuring the new army, pays attention to and corrects some
of the problems that have plagued the vetting process for the Liberian
National Police.



Immediately after the elections, the new government and international
community will need to begin rebuilding the severely dysfunctional
Liberian judicial system, which was left in ruins by the years of
civil war. Human Rights Watch noted that the absence of functioning
courtrooms, prosecutors and public defenders—as well as corruption
within judicial proceedings—is actually fostering impunity instead of
confronting it.



Human Rights Watch welcomed the recognition by the current Liberian
government, the presidential hopefuls and the international community
of the key role played by endemic corruption in creating conditions
for armed conflict and political instability. At the same time,
however, the new Liberian government and the international community
must demonstrate a parallel commitment to improving deficiencies in
the Liberian judicial system and key public institutions while
ensuring that those most responsible for past human rights crimes are
held accountable.



"Liberia's newly elected government will need to demonstrate its
commitment to the rule of law and respect for human rights by
prosecuting the key individuals who were responsible for atrocities in
the country's armed conflicts," said Takirambudde.

One of the individuals believed to be most responsible for war crimes
in Liberia is former president Charles Taylor, currently in exile in
Nigeria. Human Rights Watch urged Liberia's incoming government to ask
Nigeria to surrender Taylor for prosecution to the Special Court for
Sierra Leone for his involvement in crimes committed during Sierra
Leone's civil war. However, the new government must also ensure that
Taylor is held accountable for war crimes he is accused of committing
in Liberia.



"Surrendering Charles Taylor to the Special Court is crucial for
ensuring justice for the victims of crimes in Sierra Leone," said
Takirambudde. "But justice must also be done for the countless victims
of war crimes Taylor allegedly committed in Liberia as both rebel
leader and president."



BACKGROUND



Liberia's first armed conflict began in 1989 when rebel leader Charles
Taylor and his National Patriotic Front of Liberia launched a
rebellion to unseat then-President Samuel K. Doe. The conflict, which
lasted from 1989 to 1996, ended with an internationally brokered peace
accord that included a general amnesty to all faction fighters. The
transition from war to peace envisioned under the accord was never
completed due to incomplete implementation of the peace accords,
particularly regarding the need to restructure the security forces
prior to elections. Instead, the 1997 elections, which Taylor went on
to win, were conducted in an atmosphere of threats and intimidation.



As president, Taylor enrolled thousands of fighters from his former
faction in the country's police and army, which resulted in continued
pillage and human rights abuses and, ultimately, a return to civil war
in 1999. During Liberia's second armed conflict, two rebels groups—the
Guinea-backed Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy and
the Ivorian-backed Movement for Democracy in Liberia—launched their
own bid to unseat President Taylor. In August 2003, as the rebels
threatened to take over the capital Monrovia, Taylor was granted
political asylum in Nigeria on the condition that he not meddle in the
political affairs of Liberia or elsewhere in West Africa. Taylor was
in March 2003 indicted by the Special Court in Sierra Leone on 17
counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in
supporting rebel groups in Sierra Leone.



In August 2003, Liberia's warring factions signed an internationally
brokered peace agreement in Accra, Ghana. The accord installed a
broad-based interim government—the National Transitional Government of
Liberia—which was dominated by the country's three former armed
factions and tasked with guiding Liberia towards elections in October
2005. Since August 2003, several factors have contributed to a marked
decrease in human rights abuses and political instability and helped
establish the conditions for the elections to take place. These
included the departure of Charles Taylor into exile, the establishment
of the U.N. Mission in Liberia in September 2003, and the subsequent
deployment of about 15,000 peacekeepers and 1,000 civilian police to
Liberia.


"Liberia at a Crossroads: Human Rights Challenges for the New
Government" is available at:
http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/liberia0905/



For further information, please contact:

In Dakar, Corinne Dufka (English, Spanish): +221 860 3863 and +221 636 1013

In Toronto, Georgette Gagnon (English): +416 893 2709

In London, Urmi Shaw (English): +44 20 7713 2788

In Brussels, Vanessa Saenen (English, French, German, Dutch): +322 732 2009

Tanzania: Elections update 2005

2005-10-04

http://www.eisa.org.za/PDF/eutz200501.pdf

The latest update from the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA) looks at the key issues pertinent to Tanzania's 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections. "In many cases, a review of a country's elections is unlikely to undergo an all-encompassing assessment of the relevant elections matters, leaving aside other dominant issues that influence the delicate democracy within the analyzed elections. That said the subsequent analysis will contain a set of election issues reviewed via a justifiable list of topics."

Africa: Fuel reserves oil the wheels of corruption

2005-10-01

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=30502

Corruption is costing Africa's oil industry billions of dollars annually says Peter Eigen, founder and chairman of Transparency International (TI) -- a non-governmental group based in Berlin which monitors and fights graft. He made the comment to journalists Friday at a gathering organised by TI South Africa in the commercial capital of Johannesburg. Eigen was in the country to attend the 18th World Petroleum Congress, a five-day meeting held in Johannesburg which attracted more than 4,000 delegates. Oil-rich Angola, Chad, Libya, Nigeria and Sudan all fared poorly on TI's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2004. This annual rating ranks various states according on the extent to which graft is viewed as having taken hold there.

Ghana: Minister exposed

2005-09-30

http://allafrica.com/stories/200510020013.html

The Western Regional Minister, Mr. Joseph Boahen Aidoo, has given conflicting accounts about the exact amount spent for the renovation and refurbishment of his brother-in-law's private bungalow at Wassa Akropong, to serve as residence for the DCE for Amenfi East. Besides a whopping ¢830million that was used to refurbish the DCE's residence, another issue that has raised eyebrows in the area is a ¢920million that was also spent and captured as amount used to refurbish the District Coordinating Director (DCD) bungalow.

Nigeria: Interpol dragnet widens on corrupt governors

2005-10-03

http://www.thisdayonline.com/nview.php?id=29794

Governors and other top public officials who may have large sums of money stashed are running scared as Interpol’s dragnet widens. This is coming on the heels of moves by President Olusegun Obasanjo’s economic team who may have seized the initiative to push aside corrupt members of the political elite in the battle for 2007 presidential succession.

Nigeria: UK charges Nigerian governor

2005-09-30

http://admin.corisweb.org/index.php?fuseaction=news.view&id=118869&src=pub

A Nigerian governor from oil-producing Bayelsa state was charged in London on Wednesday with laundering £1,82m, a court official said. Diepreye Alamieyeseigha was arrested on September 15 by London's Metropolitan Police. The police later found £1m in cash in the governor's London house. He was charged at Bow Street magistrate's court with laundering money on three occasions: £420000 in September 2001, £475724 in March 2002 and £920000 in September this year, court documents showed.

South Africa: Special Investigations Unit saves SA government a projected R3bn

2005-09-30

http://www.buanews.gov.za/view.php?ID=05092917151006&coll=buanew05

The Special Investigations Unit (SIU) has prevented government from losing an estimated R3.527 billion through corruption. The unit also recovered R12 million government could have lost in this regard, this financial year, unit head Willie Hofmeyr said. Addressing the Pretoria Press Club this morning, Mr Hofmeyr said through their investigations, they were able to ensure 45 civil proceedings, 165 criminal proceedings and 207 disciplinary proceedings. "We aim to work more with government departments to assist them to fight corruption more effectively," he said.

Africa/Global: NGOs condemn dubious aid statistics linked to export credit debt deals

Statement produced and promoted by Eurodad and ECA-Watch

2005-10-03

http://www.eurodad.org/articles/default.aspx?id=648

"At the Monterrey and Millennium summits governments worldwide pledged to achieve a series of important poverty-related goals by 2015. Among other important measures, the industrialized world promised to increase aid flows to enable increased social investments by those countries that are struggling to guarantee a future to their citizens. While it is encouraging that a number of governments have announced increased aid levels in recent years, we are very concerned that many governments are falsely inflating their aid figures by including debt write-offs. Export credit debts alone increase the stated aid total of many countries by one quarter of their real amount."

Africa/Global: No to debt

Declaration of Havana, II South-North Consultation "Resistence and Alternatives to Debt Domination"

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/29710

1. Five years after the first international South-North consultation on debt was held in Dakar, Senegal, representatives from 51 countries convened the second, 'Resistance and Alternatives to Debt Domination', from 28 to 30 September 2005 in Havana, Cuba. We marked the 20th anniversary of the historic Havana meetings that focused the world's attention on the true nature of the debt crisis and strengthened the resistance to the payment of enslaving debt.

2. We, Southern and Northern people's movements and organizations, agree to work together to promote international recognition of the peoples and countries of the South as social, ecological, cultural and financial creditors of the North. We demand that Northern governments recognize these debts, caused by policies of plunder in violation of human rights, including the right to sovereignty and self-determination.
http://www.jubileesouth.org/sp/
Declaration of Havana, II South-North Consultation "Resistence and
Alternatives to Debt Domination"
HAVANA, CUBA, SEPTEMBER 30, 2005

1. Five years after the first international South-North consultation on debt
was held in Dakar, Senegal, representatives from 51 countries convened the
second, 'Resistance and Alternatives to Debt Domination', from 28 to 30
September 2005 in Havana, Cuba. We marked the 20th anniversary of the
historic Havana meetings that focused the world's attention on the true
nature of the debt crisis and strengthened the resistance to the payment of
enslaving debt.

2. We, Southern and Northern people's movements and organizations, agree to
work together to promote international recognition of the peoples and
countries of the South as social, ecological, cultural and financial
creditors of the North. We demand that Northern governments recognize these
debts, caused by policies of plunder in violation of human rights, including
the right to sovereignty and self-determination

3. The strength of the struggle against debt domination lies in the
unceasing efforts of debt campaigns and social movements across the world.
We affirm our commitment to work together in solidarity through campaigns
and initiatives in both the South and the North, strengthening our movements
to reverse the enormous historical injustice that has brought us together
here.

4. In 2005, we recognise that the accelerating processes of globalisation
have only extended and exacerbated the debt crisis, one of the worst
scourges afflicting humanity. Far from diminishing, the burden of foreign
debt remains a major obstacle limiting countries' development, forcing them
to pay interest to wealthy countries and institutions instead of investing
in people's priorities. Initiatives of those same countries and
institutions, such as HIPC, have not put an end to this grotesque situation.
On the contrary, their policies and actions - including on trade and the
environment - have increased debt and inequality around the world.

5. Debt is used as a tool of control over exploited and impoverished
countries.
Debt domination must be ended.
The injustice and poverty caused by debt must be ended.
The plunder of natural resources and exploitation of people carried out in
order to guarantee debt servicing must be ended.
The use of debt to impose policies such as neo-liberalism on the countries
of the South must be ended.
Unjust trade must be ended, including so-called "free trade" treaties, which
lead to greater indebtedness and loss of control over resources and
sovereignty.
Relations between countries must be based on justice and respect for human
rights, not on oppression, militarization, and war.
The illegitimate, unjust and unpayable debt of the South must be cancelled
immediately. This cancellation cannot be linked to externally imposed
conditions. We will advocate repudiation of debt and will be in solidarity
with governments that choose to take this course of action.

6. Wealthy governments, transnational companies, and institutions such as
the IMF, World Bank, and WTO must accept responsibility for the plunder of
the countries of the South, for creating and perpetuating the debt crisis,
and in particular for odious debt. Given the historical and on-going
exploitation of the countries of the South; the imbalanced financial,
economic and political relations between the exploited and the exploiting;
and the ecological devastation imposed on the South by governments and
commercial interests of the North, it is indisputable that the North owes
the South.

7. The South-North Consultation on Resistance and Alternatives to Debt
Domination thanks Cuba for its generous support for our meeting. At the same
time, we call on the government of the United States to recognise its
historic debt to Cuba, accumulated through the illegal and immoral blockade
and by other acts of aggression by the United States government.

8. While stressing the urgent need to overcome debt domination, we recognise
that this alone is not enough. We must at the same time promote integrated
economic and social policies that promote respect for and development of
peoples and nations, and strengthen the building of alternatives.

ELIMINATE THE DEBT NOW
DON'T OWE - WON'T PAY!
Posted by Jubileo Sur/Américas on 02-10-2005

Secretaría Jubileo Sur/Américas
Piedras 730 (1070) Bs.As., Argentina
Telefax +5411-43071867
jubileosur@wamani.apc.org
www.jubileesouth.org/sp

Africa: China goes global in Africa

2005-10-05

http://www.newstatesman.com/200507040007

For Tony Blair, Africa needs saving - nowhere more so than Sierra Leone, limping out of civil war. But China sees Africa as a proving ground for its "go global" policy, sending burgeoning private companies across the world to create new multinational corporations. Nearly 700 Chinese companies operate in 49 African countries. Chinese trade with Africa will reach $30bn next year - triple the level five years ago.

Africa: Human development in an unequal world

2005-10-04

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC19628

Will the MDG targets be met if current development trends continue? Not according to the 2005 Human Development Report (HDR), which cites inequality as the issue of prime concern in the fight against poverty. The report argues that economic development alone will fail to produce sustained poverty reduction. The focus needs to be redirected towards improving equality - narrowing the gap between the rich and the poor, men and women and eliminating regional disparities.

Africa: Reliance on foreign direct investment has distorted African development, UN says

2005-10-04

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=15785&Cr=millennium&Cr1=development

The persistent colonial legacy of relying on foreign direct investment has distorted African economic development and locked in low value-added, limited reinvested earnings and volatile inflows, yet it is being seen as an answer to today's problems, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) says in a new report. "In the face of inadequate resources to finance long-term development in Africa and with poverty reduction and other Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) looking increasingly difficult to achieve by 2015, attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) has assumed a prominent place in the strategies of economic renewal being advocated by policy makers at the national, regional and international levels," it says.

Africa: Why has integration remained weak?

2005-10-04

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC19650

The 1980 Lagos (Nigeria) conference attended by African heads of states, recommended the creation of an African common market, with the objective of launching it in 2020. Each African region was asked to consolidate its own regional organization to support the creation of an African common market. The latter would eventually lead to the creation of an economic community of Africa, seen as a vector which would lead to a viable and sustainable solution to Africa's numerous economic problems. However African economic integration has remained weak. This paper from the Global Development Network asks why integration has not progressed and what the current perspectives for African countries in the confinement of the New Partnership for the Development of Africa (NPDA) are.

Ghana/Mali: Slow progress in World Bank and IMF poverty analysis

2005-10-04

http://www.eurodad.org/articles/default.aspx?id=650

For too long the policies of developing countries have been based on the priorities of external donors.  Many studies have confirmed that these have often been misguided or inoperable. The structural adjustment years at the World Bank and IMF pushed policies that left the poor and vulnerable even more poor and vulnerable.  A new report from Eurodad finds that the IFIs are still not living up to commitments to opening up policy space in developing countries. The promised poverty and social impact analysis to be done before reforms is not working as it should.

Kenya: EPAs and the farwell to development plans

Econews Press Release

2005-10-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/29674

“Kenya aims at being an industrialized nation by 2020. For this to happen crucial sectors of the economy need to be revived and promoted. And attempts are underway. But they will all be nullified if Kenya signs an EPA with the European Union”, warns Peter Aoga from EcoNews Africa. On 27th September 3 years ago, negotiations on so called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and ACP regions were launched. These negotiations aim at creating Free Trade Areas between some of the world’s richest countries and some of the poorest – and it is obvious who will benefit.

PRESS RELEASE
Nairobi
EcoNews Africa For release on 27th September 2005


EPAs – FAREWELL TO KENYA’S DEVELOPMENT PLANS

“Kenya aims at being an industrialized nation by 2020. For this to happen crucial sectors of the economy need to be revived and promoted. And attempts are underway. But they will all be nullified if Kenya signs an EPA with the European Union”, warns Peter Aoga from EcoNews Africa.

On 27th September 3 years ago, negotiations on so called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and ACP regions were launched. These negotiations aim at creating Free Trade Areas between some of the world’s richest countries and some of the poorest – and it is obvious who will benefit.

An EPA with the EU would seriously undermine Kenya’s industrialisation plans and the revitalization of critical sectors in agriculture and manufacturing, such as dairy, sugar, cotton and textiles, shows a new research study jointly carried out by EcoNews Africa and Traidcraft (UK). At a critical time, when Kenya is trying to re-build its manufacturing sector and diversify its production, Kenya needs to have sufficient policy space to pursue its own economic and development policies – without being pushed by EU to open up its markets.

“The dairy industry supports 3 million people in Kenya and we have a great potential to expand our dairy exports in the regional markets. The sector was severely threatened a few years ago through surges in imports of dry milk powder. The local production will continue to need protection against dumping of subsidized dairy products. Opening up to the EU would be devastating for the sector”, says Justus Monda from Ngoma Campaign in Nakuru.

“Many local industries suffered severe blows following past liberalisation. 70,000 jobs were lost in the textile industry and more than 90,000 jobs disappeared in the leather sector. Now there are attempts to revive these sectors. But the local industries are vulnerable and not yet ready to face competition from more advanced industries in Europe”, says Steve Ouma from Kenya Human Rights Commission.

Kenya’s trade with its neighbours in EAC and COMESA is on the increase - and this is also where the potential for the future lies. Kenya already exports the majority of its manufactured products to the region, while the exports to the EU are mainly primary products. But if a Free Trade Area under an EPA is created with the EU, Kenya would have to compete with cheaper European goods also on the regional markets. And this could be the final death knell to the local industries and Kenya’s hopes to become an industrialized country.


FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT:
Karin Gregow, EcoNews Africa, Tel: 0722-565116

Southern Africa: Social forums continue to build opposition to neo-liberalism

Harare to host Southern African Social Forum

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/29709

Africa's adoption of the social forum movement continues to deepen with the upcoming second edition of the Southern African Social Forum (SASF) to be held from 13-15 October in Harare, Zimbabwe. This year's theme 'People's Resistance to Neo-Liberalism' will bring together thousands from community-based groups, social movements and civil society organisations. The gathering acts as a preparation event for the African Social Forum to be held later this year and the World Social Forum (WSF) to be held early next year. For the first time, Africa is slated to host the WSF in 2007, Nairobi, Kenya. The Southern African Social Forum (SASF) is a continuation of the Africa Social Forum, (ASF) that takes place annually, since Bamako (2002), as a prelude to the WSF that was initiated in Port Alegre (Brazil) in 2001. The WSF annual event is deliberately organized to coincide with the World Economic Forum (Davos). The timing is meant to signify civil society opposition voices to the high-level one-sided pro globalization and neo liberalism deliberations between the world leaders and international financial institutions.
Social forums continue to build opposition to neo-liberalism
Harare to host Southern African Social Forum

Africa's adoption of the social forum movement continues to deepen with the upcoming second edition of the Southern African Social Forum (SASF) to be held from 13-15 October in Harare, Zimbabwe.

This year's theme 'People's Resistance to Neo-Liberalism' will bring together thousands from community-based groups, social movements and civil society organisations. The gathering acts as a preparation event for the African Social Forum to be held later this year and the World Social Forum (WSF) to be held early next year. For the first time, Africa is slated to host the WSF in 2007, Nairobi, Kenya.

The Southern African Social Forum (SASF) is a continuation of the Africa Social Forum, (ASF) that takes place annually, since Bamako (2002), as a prelude to the WSF that was initiated in Port Alegre (Brazil) in 2001. The WSF annual event is deliberately organized to coincide with the World Economic Forum (Davos). The timing is meant to signify civil society opposition voices to the high-level one-sided pro globalization and neo liberalism deliberations between the world leaders and international financial institutions.

The need to host the SASF arose from the second ASF held in Addis Ababa, 5-9 January 2003. Participants resolved to establish sub-regional forums as a way of getting diverse views on Africa's socio-economic and political issues from a wider constituency prior to the ASF and WSF.

A wide range of topics is due to be discussed at the SASF in the areas of poverty and governance; regional integration; the nature and role of the African state; gender, sexism, feminism and masculinity; youth; labour and the media.

Under the poverty theme, speakers from Zambia, Mauritius and Senegal will discuss the impact of internal displacement on poverty eradication and the MDGs. The governance theme will hold discussions on the human rights of internally displaced people. Corporate rights versus the rights of people; regionalism and development; and democratisation and elections, peace, conflict, war and global solidarity, will also be discussed. The focus on regional integration includes discussions on the impact of WTO rules on agricultural commodity trade and Southern African trade agreements and their regulations.

A concept paper circulated ahead of the event states that the forum will:

- Provide the sub-region a platform for social activists to strengthen popular democracy and mobilization;
- Critically challenge the status quo of abject poverty, gender inequality and discrimination, high level corruption, social insecurity, unconstitutional governance, HIV & AIDS pandemic, etc;
- Build a sub regional solidarity network around issues of social, political and economical justice;
- Create a loose coalition that will guarantee effective participation in the future SASF, ASF and WSF.

Since its inauguration the social forum movement has grown into a strong global movement marked by a massive participation by people from the grassroots. "In this respect the Social Forum manages to engage large groups of affected communities and educate them on the causes of poverty. Furthermore the spirit of uniting people and sharing experiences has pushed for new agendas and vibrant strategies to fight global injustice," an article on the website of the Danish Association for International Cooperation says.

Questions of democracy and popular participation are crucial at the social fourm and policy processes are not resigned to ‘technocrats’, writes Tinashe Chimedza in an article on the website of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of Kwazulu-Natal (http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?3,28,10,220).

Chimedza writes that the forums are organized in the context of the failure of structural adjustment policies, stalled redistribution demands and worsening living conditions, debt and unfair trade. “The organisation and nature of the social forum as an alternative social and political action project must be informed by these national questions that are imbricated into the global political economy which is both marginalising and exploiting,” he notes.

Two opportunities are provided by the forum. Firstly, it presents a chance to blur the divided politics of redistribution on one hand and human rights, democracy and the rule of law on the other. “Secondly, the social forum provides a process of networking and building solidarity in an age in which most of Africa’s social movements and progressive NGO’s are organisationally weak,” says Chimedza.

* Compiled by Patrick Burnett, Fahamu

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Africa: G8 Summit AIDS Funding Pledges Still Not Enough To Fight Pandemic

2005-10-04

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=32764

Even if the Group of Eight industrialized nations fulfilled pledges they made at their annual summit in July to increase funding for HIV/AIDS, the amount still would fall short of what is needed to fight the pandemic worldwide, U.N. Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa Stephen Lewis warned on Monday, the Financial Times reports. During the summit in Gleneagles, Scotland, leaders of the G8 nations agreed to an immediate doubling of overall aid to Africa to $50 billion annually by 2010 to fight poverty and disease on the continent.

Africa: Meeting the health-related needs of the very poor

2005-10-04

http://www.eldis.org/healthsystems/dossiers/v_poor/

Who are the very poor and is health policy in developing countries leaving them behind? What strategies are there for reaching the very poor within the health sector and what are the challenges? Can strategies outside the health sector work better? A new dossier from the DFID Health Resource Centre/Eldis Health Systems Resource Guide addresses these key questions.

Global/Africa: Malaria drug potency restored

2005-10-04

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/em/-/2/hi/health/4289200.stm

Scientists have found a way to breathe new life into an old anti-malarial drug which had been rendered almost useless. Chloroquine was hugely successful in combating the disease when launched in the 1950s - but the malaria parasite gradually became resistant. Now Australian researchers have found combining the drug with another preparation, Primaquine, seems to restore its effect.

Senegal: Young people reluctant to get HIV tested

2005-10-06

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49374

Sitting in a classroom and wearing a shirt, tie and perfectly polished shoes, Lamine, a computer science student in Senegal's capital city, admits he has no idea whether or not he is HIV-positive. "I've never been tested and I don't think I'll do it anytime soon," said the 25 year-old Dakar resident. "I'd rather not know. I want to live happily and not have to worry about getting AIDS."

Southern Africa: HIV/AIDS Epidemic Threatening Food Supply

2005-10-04

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=32823

The combination of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, extreme poverty and weak agricultural systems has led to a "chronic, ongoing emergency" in Southern Africa, and the U.N. World Food Programme is seeking $150 million for the nearly nine million people who could run out of food in the coming months, NPR's "All Things Considered" reports. The countries most affected by drought are Malawi, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland, and parts of Mozambique and Zambia.

Africa: Intelsat wins contract with the African Virtual University to provide internet bandwidth services

2005-09-30

http://www.tmcnet.com/usubmit/2005/Sep/1185899.htm

Intelsat has been selected by the African Virtual University (AVU) as its strategic communications partner in an initiative to establish a higher education bandwidth consortium which will make Internet bandwidth more widely accessible to African universities. Using Intelsat's GlobalConnexSM Internet Trunking Service, this initiative will deliver cost-effective, reliable bandwidth to students, academics, and other users at 11 universities and two consortia in six African countries, initially.

Burkina Faso: For greater literacy, go local

2005-10-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=30339

In 1990, Burkinabe linguist Benoit Ouoba used his own funds to set up a teaching programme with a difference: it focused on using local languages to develop literacy, rather than the customary French. Fifteen years later, the 'Tin Tua' method of teaching has significantly improved literacy in the eastern Gulmu region where it was introduced, attracting the attention of international donors in the process. Tin Tua, meaning 'Let's Develop Ourselves by Ourselves', is drawn from Gulmancema - one of the most widely spoken languages in Burkina Faso.

Global: Links between the global initiatives in education

2005-10-03

http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001408/140848m.pdf

Since 2000, the United Nations has launched four global initiatives, all of which focus on education. A new publication explains the common values and ideals of these initiatives. The four initiatives are the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Education for All (EFA), the United Nations Literacy Decade and the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development. UNESCO is the coordinating agency for three of the four goals. While the initiatives are distinctive in many respects, they have common traits: a concern with the improvement of the quality of life and the promotion of human rights, a commitment to education (especially primary education), and an emphasis on the importance of the participatory role of each human being in education and development.

South Africa: Education for labour

2005-09-30

http://www.cosatu.org.za/news/weekly/20050930.htm#3

On 29 September at Wits University, over 400 trade unionists gathered to pay tribute to 100 of their number who have successfully graduated from a demanding one year advanced trade union education programme. The programme, which is formally accredited by Wits University, is provided by the union-owned Development Institute for Training, Support and Education for Labour (DITSELA). Ditsela is Sotho for Pathways, and its slogan is 'Pathways to a Strong Labour Movement'. It is set to celebrate its tenth birthday next year, and has been responsible for providing training for literally thousands of worker leaders over this period. Though primarily funded by the Department of Labour, it is an independent learning institute that is owned and controlled by COSATU and FEDUSA, the two largest federations in the country.

Tanzania: Government bans education NGO

2005-10-06

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49373

The government of Tanzania has banned a local NGO from undertaking studies and publishing any articles regarding schools claiming it had been disparaging the country's education system and teaching profession, officials said on Wednesday. The Ministry of Education and Culture issued a circular on Tuesday prohibiting the NGO, Hakielimu, from "undertaking studies and publishing any articles regarding Tanzanian schools".

South Africa: Racism and xenophobia in South African schools

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/racism/29635

The Soul Buddyz series is a television programme under Soul City Institute for Health and Development in South Africa and is aimed at young people (school going age) in South Africa. It explores critical topics and aims to educate and inform youngsters on issues such as peer pressure, sexuality, health, rights, discrimination and racism. Due to its success in reaching the youth, Soul City commissioned Jonathan Jansen to write a paper on Racism and Xenophobia in South African schools.
South Africa: Racism and xenophobia in South African schools

A critical review of Literature and experiences on Racism, Prejudice and Xenophobia in South African Schools.

The Soul Buddyz series is a television programme under Soul City Institute for Health and Development in South Africa and is aimed at young people (school going age) in South Africa. It explores critical topics and aims to educate and inform youngsters on issues such as peer pressure, sexuality, health, rights, discrimination and racism.

Due to its success in reaching the youth, Soul City commissioned Jonathan Jansen to write a paper on Racism and Xenophobia in South African schools with the following stated objectives:

1.to describe the nature and state of racism and xenophobia in schools
2.to document children's experiences, attitude and behaviour with respect to racism and xenophobia
3.to identify existing policy priorities with respect to racism and xenophobia in the current school context
4.to highlight 'best practice' locally and internationally for dealing with racism and xenophobia in schools
5.to list stakeholders and major players in the field in terms of racism and xenophobia especially as it relates to educational and training contexts.

South Africa has come from a history of a segregated education system and with such a heritage what does the integration of schools mean with respect to racism and xenophobia?

Jansen focused this paper on racism and to a lesser extent xenophobia. His findings were that South African schools, true to legacy, expressed difference to intolerance, prejudice and discrimination towards the following groups:

- black children,
- children with disabilities or special needs,
- poor children in affluent schools,
- immigrant children,
- children who speak different langauges other than English/Afrikaans,
- girls in co-ed schools,
- Muslim/Hindu children in schools claiming a Christian ethos
- over age children,
- children with HIV/AIDS.


For the research Jansen used the number of complaints as received by the Human Rights Commission as a first measure. The second measure used was taken from a study undertaken by Vally and Dalamba in 1999. This study showed that 62% of learners sampled from 60 schools reported positively for racial problems at school. The third measure was 'high profile' media cases.

Taken together the above three measures still signal a serious problem in schools with respect to racism, notes Jansen. The report by Jansen elaborates on the different experiences of children from disadvantaged and advantaged schools.

* Summarised from the full report by Mandlakazi Motsoeledi, Fahamu, student intern. The full report by Jonathan Jansen is available from: http://www.soulcity.org.za/11.02.asp

Africa/Global: Corporate control over food chain deepens

2005-10-04

http://www.etcgroup.org/documents/Comm90GlobalSeed.pdf

2004-2005 saw an upsurge in seed industry takeovers and a shake-up in rankings. Today, the top 10 companies control half of the world's commercial seed sales. With a total worldwide market of approximately US$21,000 million [$21 billion] per annum, the commercial seed industry is relatively small compared to the global pesticide market ($35,400 million), and it's positively puny compared to pharmaceutical sales ($466,000 million). But corporate control and ownership of seeds – the first link in the food chain – has far-reaching implications for global food security.

Africa: African scientists form network

2005-10-03

http://www.eastandard.net/hm_news/news.php?articleid=29869

African scientists have formed a network to give them a unified voice on policies touching on global environmental change affecting the continent. The African Network for Global Environment Change was established during a meeting in Nairobi at the weekend. Professor Eric Odada, of the University of Nairobi, told the participants that Africa lacks long-term and stable intergovernmental support for research into global environmental change.

Africa: Whose energy future?

2005-10-03

http://www.groundwork.org.za

With oil prices rising worldwide, African oil-producing countries are expecting windfall earnings. But a new report from South Africa's GroundWork questions the fundamental structure of the oil industry on the continent. The new report by the South African environmental group, which has a long record of research and protests against the environmental damage from the refining industry in South Africa, goes beyond the common critique that corruption and bad governance block the productive use of oil income. Analyzing both "upstream" production and "downstream" processing on the continent, the report charges that "the oil industry is providing the context for bad governance and corruption," in the words of Nnimmo Bassey of Nigeria's Environmental Rights Action.

Congo: Pollution Takes a Backseat in Congo

2005-10-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=30317

Yellow flames from oil rigs light up the night sky, helping Richard Vuadi guides his boat as he sets out to cast his nets along the Democratic Republic of Congo's coast. Oil rigs that dot the horizon have polluted the water, so much that fishermen say they pose health risks. "We have no choice, our families must eat," says Vuadi, a 50-year old fisherman, as he steps out of his dugout canoe in the morning with a bucketful of fish that he caught overnight. He says many of the fish are contaminated.

Kenya: State hands back Amboseli National Park to the Maasai

2005-10-03

http://www.vk.co.ke/?no=9843

The Government has handed back Amboseli National Park to the Maasai in what appears to be a move to woo the community into the Banana camp before the November 21 referendum. President Kibaki on Thursday directed that a legal notice be issued to ensure the park was returned to the community as trust land. Through a special gazette notice issued on the same day by Tourism and Wildlife minister Morris Dzoro, the park now becomes a national reserve and will be run by Olkejuado County Council.

Lesotho: Protests over dam expansion

2005-10-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/29680

As the world's financial leaders gathered in Washington for the annual meetings of the World Bank (Sept. 24-25), help for Africa was high on the agenda. But the Bank's biggest dam project in Africa, the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP) – sold as a way of pulling Lesotho out of poverty while supplying water to South Africa – is, according to the Bank itself, failing those who sacrificed everything for the project. Poverty is increasing in communities directly affected by the scheme's dams, and project-affected people are resorting to marching in the streets of Lesotho's capital to call attention to their plight.
Embargoed until September 21, 2005

Communities Affected by World Bank's Largest Dam Project in Africa Protest its Impoverishing Effects as Next Dam Moves Forward

As the world’s financial leaders gather in Washington for the annual meetings of the World Bank (Sept. 24-25), help for Africa will be high on the agenda. But the Bank's biggest dam project in Africa, the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP) – sold as a way of pulling Lesotho out of poverty while supplying water to South Africa – is, according to the Bank itself, failing those who sacrificed everything for the project. Poverty is increasing in communities directly affected by the scheme's dams, and project-affected people are resorting to marching in the streets of Lesotho's capital to call attention to their plight.

The World Bank stated in a project report in March: "It appears increasingly likely that LHWP risks not meeting the Treaty requirements with respect to resettlement and development, or the legal requirement with the Bank that 'the standard of living of all people affected by the implementation of Phase 1B should not be compromised and where possible improved'.”

Today, 500 people from dam-affected communities marched in Maseru, to broadcast their lingering grievances, which include delayed and inadequate compensation, lack of training to replace their former livelihoods; large numbers of affected people left out of programs to restore lives, and lack of water and sanitation in resettler communities. The Survivors of the Lesotho Dams (SOLD) are calling for a halt to plans for more dams in the 5-dam scheme until their grievances are resolved. (See background at end for SOLD's demands.) South African media reported this week that Lesotho and South Africa will on Thursday sign an agreement for a feasibility study of the next dam in the scheme, the 155-meter-high Mashai Dam.

Said Monaheng Mahlakeng, chairperson of SOLD:
"The communities' impoverished state make a mockery of the initial boom generated by the project’s construction and highlight the worsening poverty in Lesotho."

In the past 10 years, the project has forced out thousands of people from their homes; submerged farmlands, forests and sacred places; destroyed fisheries, and caused social, cultural and economic impoverishment of the affected communities. Tens of thousands of people have been affected by the project in some way, according to resettlement experts on the project.

Said Jacob Lenka of the Lesotho NGO Transformation Resource Centre:
"We urge the World Bank, the South African and Lesotho governments to intervene to make sure that the dam-affected people's lives are restored to the acceptable living standards as required by the Treaty."

Said Lori Pottinger of International Rivers Network:
"The World Bank should move away from huge schemes such as the LHWP and toward quality projects that place effectiveness, social justice and environmental sustainability at the center. The Bank should give the poor the option of setting their own priorities, including choosing smaller, decentralized projects to meet basic needs. Such reforms are critical for Africa’s future."

For More Information:

In Lesotho:
Mothusi Seqhee or Jacob Lenka
Transformation Resource Centre
Tel: +266 22 31 44 63 Mobile: +266 5886 4475
e-mail: lhwp@trc.org.ls Web: www.trc.org.ls


Monaheng Mahlakeng, SOLD Chairperson
Tel: +266 22 34 73 42
Anna Moepi, SOLD Secretary
Tel: +266 5898626

In the US:
Lori Pottinger,
Africa Campaigns, International Rivers Network
+1.510.848.1155 / lori@irn.org
http://www.irn.org/programs/lesotho/

BACKGROUND/ DEMANDS FROM SOLD:
While its water is exported, Lesotho suffers from drought and severe food shortages, with almost one million people (nearly half the population) now dependent on food aid. Affected people have tried to resolve these issues with meetings, ombudsman hearings, court actions and other interventions.
*"As a result of a delayed compensation, many of our children have not gone to school this winter. Delayed compensation has adversely affected our share-cropping system, and host communities refuse to get into partnership with us, saying we do not have money. We have been unable to buy seeds and fertilizers this season. We demand our annual and lump sum compensation immediately with interest, as required by law."
*"We demand development and training from [project authorities] LHDA, to ensure that the lives of all communities affected by the LHWP activities directly or indirectly are restored by sustainable livelihoods.
*"We demand water and sanitation for the communities affected by Katse Dam.
*"We demand that all communities affected by LHWP related activities be sufficiently compensated.

Namibia: $34m African Development Bank loan to create a 'Green Revolution' education

2005-09-28

http://tinyurl.com/84srb

An African Development Bank (ADB) loan to the tune of US $34 million has given Namibia's 'Green Scheme Project' a major boost. The ADB said the cash injection would provide a vital lifeline to the agricultural sector and assist in making the arid country "greener" through irrigation and crop development initiatives targeting the 70 percent of the country that relies on agriculture.

Africa: Land rights in the Apac District of Uganda

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/29630

The Land and Equity Movement in Uganda (LEMU) reports that the District of Apac is typical of most of Northern Uganda, almost completely un-industrialised with few urban centres of any size. In a report, 'Land Rights: Where we are and where we need to go' LEMU states that the population is rural and depends entirely on agriculture for its livelihoods. Mechanisation is rare, so the only productive assets which most households own are land, a few hand tools and livestock.This is described as 'traditional' and has in recent years seen changes. The report reviews the situation of land rights in the Apac District and looks at opportunities for land rights protection work. It examines the 1998 Land Act and its implementation in practice and finds that the protection clauses for women are proving ineffective.
Land rights in the Apac District of Uganda

The Land and Equity Movement in Uganda (LEMU) reports that the District of Apac is typical of most of Northern Uganda, almost completely un-industrialised with few urban centres of any size. In a report, 'Land Rights: Where we are and where we need to go' LEMU states that the population is rural and depends entirely on agriculture for its livelihoods. Mechanisation is rare, so the only productive assets which most households own are land, a few hand tools and livestock. This is described as 'traditional' and has in recent years seen changes. The report reviews the situation of land rights in the Apac District and looks at opportunities for land rights protection work. It examines the 1998 Land Act and its implementation in practice and finds that the protection clauses for women are proving ineffective.

The report says that at national level, the major change was the 1998 Land Act which implemented the provisions of the 1995 Constitution. The law now recognises so-called “customary tenure”, with two major implications. Firstly, even without any formal papers, people who have always been considered locally to “own” land now have legal recognition of this fact, without the need for them to acquire papers (ie the land can be legally owned but remain unregistered). Secondly, according to the wording of the law, the rules governing the administration of this land should be those very local rules by which ownership of the land was claimed, i.e. “customary” or “traditional” rules (of the clan). The law also offers protection to wives: where customary rules do not protect them, then the law take precedence. Although most land is considered to be owned by the male head of the household, wives automatically have rights over any land on which they depend, even where the man is the sole legal owner with freehold title.

Despite this legal context which is favourable to customary tenure, in pratice the government has shown very little interest in customary tenure as various provisions made in the 1998 act to support and protect customary tenure have never been implemented, says the report. The Government has taken away the authority of ‘customary’ institutions of land administration for administering land held under customary tenure, despite the clear statement of the 1998 Land Act. Government policy has been to encourage titling of land for freehold tenure. This gives all rights in land to named persons, usually a single individual, and frees the owner from any social obligations that may be held under customary tenure regarding the land, says the report.

According to LEMU, the situation regarding the implementation of the Land Act in Apac that has been discovered on the ground is not different from that in the rest of the country. The main differences would be that in some parts of the country, especially in the old kingdoms, more land is held under title. In the north and east, the vast majority of land is owned under customary tenure.

The report clusters barriers to land rights into three main groups. First the barriers to accessing rights under the customary system; second the barriers to accessing land rights under the formal state system; and third are the barriers to judicial protection from threats to land rights held under customary tenure. Even where the law gives people rights over land, it is often hard for them to defend those rights.

There are four noted barriers to improving the land rights situation: central government, international actors, district authorities and other actors.

LEMU has made a few suggestions on how to move forward in addressing land rights in the region of Apac. The potential for helping people to improve their rights and the protection of those rights in land is considerable, and the job is one of highest importance and urgency. Lobbying is needed for the proper application of the law and implementation of official policy. This is needed:

- for state law
- consent clause
- certificates of customary ownership and communal land associations
- for customary law
- protection of widows, children
- women’s rights
- family ownership vs. individual claims.

The land rights in the Apac region in Uganda should be a learning curve for many African countries. Many lessons can be taken from this region in order to improve land rights and to eliminate the barriers to it.

* This is a summarised version of the report by Mandlakazi Motsoaledi, Fahamu student intern. The full text of the paper, by Judy Adoko of LEMU, can be seen at http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/livelihoods/landrights/africa_east.htm#Uganda

Botswana: MISA launches Setswana version of African Broadcasting Charter

2005-09-30

http://tinyurl.com/czxmq

The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Botswana chapter has launched the Setswana version of the African Charter on Broadcasting. This is part of the African Charter on Broadcasting's effort to encourage countries in the region to promote their indigenous languages. The African Charter was itself launched in May 2002 as one of the products of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights and serves as one of the modern blueprint for policies and laws determining the future of broadcasting and information technology in Africa.

Ghana: Ghanaian FM radio station comes to the rescue of the police

2005-09-30

http://www.ghanaian-chronicle.com/thestory.asp?id=7586

A private Ghanaian radio station has just launched an operation to raise funds for the purchase of police equipment. Kumasi-based Kapital Radio is hoping this project will raise 150 million cedis (8.99 million CFA francs). The manager of the station said that the initiative was designed to help the security forces improve their fight against criminality. Local police chiefs welcomed this "noble idea" and have already donated 5 million cedis (299,000 CFA francs) to the fund. This amount was matched by the management of Kapital Radio.

Morocco: Internet puts Moroccan censors under greater pressure

2005-10-03

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/article.asp?edition_id=10&categ_id=5&article_id= 18776

While satellite television often attracts the lion's share of analysis about new media and their effect on prospects for democratization in the Middle East and North Africa, another technology may already have had at least as large an impact: the Internet. In Morocco, where the regime has severely constrained, controlled or silenced independent print media through direct and indirect censorship, the Internet has become an important instrument for unrestricted flows of information, which in turn is leading to the emergence of a more vibrant public sphere.

Niger: Journalist given jail sentence for reporting on corruption in famine aid distribution

2005-09-29

http://www.cpj.org/regions_05/africa_05/africa_05.html

The Committee to Protect Journalists has condemned the jail sentence given to a magazine journalist who reported on alleged corruption in the distribution of food aid during this year's famine in Niger. On September 27, a court in the northern town of Agadez convicted Abdoulaye Harouna, publication director of the monthly Echos Express, of defaming the local governor, Yahaya Yendaka. The court sentenced him to four months in jail and fined him 520,000 CFA francs (US$950).

South Africa: Reporter suspended over testimony

2005-09-30

http://tinyurl.com/9etk6

The Star has suspended news reporter Alameen Templeton because he testified on behalf of the state in the so-called lion murder trial in Phalaborwa, according to a report in the newspaper. The paper is to investigate his decision to testify. His testimony on Thursday was led in sentencing deliberations during the trial of Mark Scott-Crossley and Simon Mathebula for the murder of Nelson Chisale, who had been thrown into a lion's enclosure and killed. Templeton was immediately pulled off the case because his impartiality had been compromised by his testimony.

Uganda: New council for Uganda

2005-09-28

http://tinyurl.com/ab2g7

In a bid to advance self-regulation in the press, veteran media practitioners and stakeholders have set up a board to prepare for formation of an independent media council in Uganda, writes Evelyn Lirri in the Daily Monitor. The council, which will be controlled by journalists and media stakeholders, will be independent of government control and will become operational by July 2006.

Remember Saro-Wiwa Season

2005-10-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/diaspora/29729

The Remember Saro-Wiwa Season is launching in two weeks time, and the link below contains information about two events happening in London on 21 October to remember the life of the Nigerian activist.
Remember Saro-Wiwa Season

06 October, 2005

The Remember Saro-Wiwa Season is launching in two weeks time, so put these first two events happening on the same day in your diaries now!

We are also bringing you news of events on 10 November, see below…

Remember Saro-Wiwa Reception and Exhibition/Short Film Premiere.
21 October, Museum of London, London Wall, London EC2.
Tube: Barbican, Bank, Moorgate, St. Paul’s.
Buses: 4, 8, 25, 26, 56, 100, 172, 242, 501, 521
Rail - Moorgate, Liverpool Street, City Thameslink

Baroness Lola Young invites you to a reception and short film premiere at Museum of London, Friday 21st October, 7 - 9pm.

The reception launches the Remember Saro-Wiwa Season and is your first opportunity to view the five shortlisted proposals for the Living Memorial and meet the artists; Sokari Douglas Camp, Siraj Izhar, Emmanuel Jegede, Emily Johns, Frances Newman/Jeff Jackson/Knott Architects. You will also have a chance to meet the Remember Saro-Wiwa team and members of the coalition.

Also present will be artist-filmmaker Judy Price whose short film "Remember Saro-Wiwa, The Living Memorial" will be premiered. The film serves as an exhibition of the shortlisted proposals and will be screened at a number of venues throughout the season. See www.remembersarowiwa.com/events.htm for venues and dates of the exhibition screenings.

A DVD catalogue containing the film and extra material will also be available.

Please RSVP to let us know you are coming to bookings@remembersarowiwa.com

(Please note, we won’t reply to RSVPs, be assured, if you sent it, we have received it)

Social & Environmental Justice and Arts Education in Schools – what can be done? Terrace Gallery Room, Museum of London, 21st October, 4.45 – 6.30pm

Prior to the reception, a presentation and discussion led by speakers Paul Dash, Goldsmith’s, University of London, and Jane Trowell, PLATFORM.
This will be of interest to teachers, educationalists, funders, policy makers, activists, campaigners. The discussion takes Remember Saro-Wiwa as its starting point but with a broad remit in the light of this year’s G8, Africa05, and the recent bomb attacks in London.

Paul Dash is a leading educationalist on anti-racist and interculturalist practices in art education and co-editor of the Journal of Art & Design Education. Jane Trowell is co-director of PLATFORM, and an educationalist in art and social & environmental justice. She is also a visiting tutor at the Institute of Education.

This event is free and open to the public but please RSVP to bookings@remembersarowiwa.com

(Please note, we won’t reply to RSVPs, be assured, if you sent it, we have received it)
10 November events now confirmed!
Remember Saro-Wiwa is proud to announce two special commemorative and celebratory events on 10 November.

1) Ceremony and Living Memorial announcement: 11am-12 Noon. Bernie Spain Gardens, South Bank, London SE1.
At 11am we will gather at Bernie Spain Gardens for a special ceremony to mark the tenth anniversary of the tragic events of 10 November 1995. There will be readings and speeches by Ken Wiwa and others and a minute silence at 11:30am. After this, we will announce the winning design for the Living Memorial. This is a free public event and all are welcome.

We thank Coin Street Community Builders for their co-operation in using Bernie Spain Gardens.

2) Dance the Guns to Silence: This will be a special evening at the Brixton Jamm (Brixton Rd.) from 7:30pm till late. The first half of the evening will feature poetry readings from contributors to the new poetry anthology, Dance the Guns to Silence: 100 Poems for Ken Saro-Wiwa.

The second half of the evening will feature a special mix of African dance music, including live performances from The Soothsayers with special guests, including Netsayi. AfroGroov DJs will include: Dr.A4 & Rita Ray and Sarr & Soul. Further special guests will be announced soon. This will be a public event. Tickets will be on the door only, price to be confirmed shortly. Look out for further announcements on this soon.

We thank the Brixton Jamm and Eric Soul for their assistance in organising this special event.

www.remembersarowiwa.com

DRC: Security Council worries over foreign troops

2005-10-05

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/HMYT-6GUQA2?OpenDocument

The UN Security Council has expressed its concern over the presence of foreign armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, deplored the failure of the Forces démocratiques pour la liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) to proceed with the disarmament and repatriation of their combatants and exhorted them to do so without further delay, in accordance with the declaration they signed in Rome on 31 March.

Ivory Coast: Towards a solution

2005-10-06

http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=2&ItemID=8846

"The past two or three years have witnessed a number of optimistic developments in West Africa: the destructive war in Sierra Leone ended in 2002, a UN-backed War Crimes tribunal was set up in Freetown, intervention by thousands of UN troops have succeeded in disarming Liberia's neurotic militias, and other countries conducted successful elections. Ivory Coast, alas, has now become the new the festering sour on the region. This must not be allowed to continue," writes Lansana Gberie in a commentary for the website http://www.zmag.org

Malawi: Hungry season arrives early for rural poor

2005-10-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49364

In Malawi's drought-hit southern district of Bangwe, people begin queuing as early as 3.00 a.m. outside the depot of the state grain marketer Admarc for subsidised maize-meal. The demand is such, after the worst harvest in a decade, ADMARC has been forced to introduce rationing. "We are aware that ADMARC, depending on the maize supply in its depots, has been forced to ration sales to between five to 25 kg per person," said Evance Chavasuka of the USAID-funded Famine Early Warning System Network.

Nigeria/Sudan: Darfur rivals begin direct talks amid growing international irritation

2005-10-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49363

After two weeks of peace talks and amid signs that world patience is running thin, rival parties in Sudan's Darfur conflict finally entered face-to-face negotiations this week on the key issues that need to be resolved before reaching a deal. African Union (AU) chief mediator Salim Ahmed Salim brought delegates representing the Sudan government and Darfur's two main rebel groups together on Monday, saying continued violations of truce agreements in Sudan's western Darfur region were unacceptable at a time when peace seemed within reach.

Nigeria: Police clash with troops

2005-10-05

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4310710.stm

Three Nigerians have died in clashes in Lagos as soldiers fought running battles with police.
The dead were civilians caught in the crossfire of a battle that began when a soldier and policeman argued over who had the right to a free ride on a bus. The police officer hit out at the soldier, who raised the alarm at a nearby barracks, sparking violence.

Sierra Leone: Peacekeepers depart, challenges remain

2005-10-05

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=16077&Cr=sierra&Cr1=leone

Sierra Leone faces a spectrum of challenges, from explosive youth unemployment to taking legitimate control of its rich mineral resources, as the United Nations peacekeeping mission winds down and the next phase of the West African country's development begins, the mission chief has said. "We were there to keep the peace. We've kept it. So we want the peace-builders to come now and work with the people on such challenges as 70 per cent of the 5 million population living on less than $1 a day and 70 per cent illiteracy," the Secretary-General's Special Representative and head of the UN Assistance Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), Daudi Mwakawago, told a news conference at UN Headquarters.

Sudan: AU security council to hold emergency session on Darfur

2005-10-06

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49348

The Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU) has called an emergency meeting to discuss the worsening security situation in Sudan's western region of Darfur where rampant ceasefire violations have resulted in dozens of deaths and further displacement. The session of the council, expected to take place on Wednesday, follows a scathing criticism by the head of the AU Mission in Sudan (AMIS), Baba Gana Kingibe, of both the Sudanese government and the rebel Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) for perpetrating recent incidents of violence.

Sudan: Continual violence in Darfur deplored

Sudan Organisation Against Torture press release

2005-10-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/29678

SOAT deplores the failure of the international community to impress upon all parties to the conflict in the Darfur the urgency of a resolution to the conflict and the immediate need for an end to the violence in the region. SOAT whilst acknowledging the right of the armed groups, Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) to defend themselves, notes that these groups cannot commit gross human rights violations with impunity.
SOAT

Sudan Organisation Against Torture

Press Statement: 30 September 2005

Statement on Continual Violence in Darfur

SOAT deplores the failure of the international community to impress
upon all parties to the conflict in the Darfur the urgency of a
resolution to the conflict and the immediate need for an end to the
violence in the region.

SOAT whilst acknowledging the right of the armed groups, Sudan
Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) to
defend themselves, notes that these groups cannot commit gross human
rights violations with impunity.

The armed groups similar to the ruling government have throughout the
conflict prevaricated and transmitted a variety of mixed messages.
Moreover, internal power struggles and fighting within these groups
have further added fuel to an already volatile situation.

On 20 September, the SLA issued a statement stating that their
soldiers have attacked Shearia town, 70 km (45 miles) northeast of
Nyala, capital of South Darfur state, a town which was under the
control of the government of Sudan. The attack in which the SLA looted
approximately 1,000 camels and reportedly killed 18 civilians led to
the mobilisation of 'Arab' nomad tribes resulting in escalated
violence in the Darfur region. The Arab militias attacked SLA
positions in Ateam Mountains killing several civilians.

Over the last month, other attacks by the SLA includes a raid on
Korbia village, northern Darfur killing ten people, however it must be
noted that the SLA and the JEM claims that it was in fact the
government backed militias who attacked Korbia and killed 17 people
and furthermore the militias killed 13 in Jabel Marra in the west.

Nevertheless, the African Union on 22 September confirmed attacks on
Khazan Jedeed and Umm Dereisa towns by the SLA. . Moreover the AU has
also confirmed serious fighting between rebel forces and government
backed militias in the areas Shangil Tobaya and Al Mallam.

Regardless, of who or whom initiates these attacks, SOAT appeals to
the rebel groups and to the government to bring an immediate end to
all military activities and to immediately cease the continual
violations of the Ceasefire Agreement. Failure by all parties to abide
by their commitment will result in far ranging consequences which are
unacceptable not least the complete breakdown in peace negotiations
which are currently taking place in Abuja, the Nigerian Capital. Most
importantly, the deteriorating security situation will further
worsened the large population of displaced persons in Darfur further
contributing to the climate of impunity which has produced widespread
criminality, banditry and lawlessness.

Three years after full blown hostilities erupted between the
government and the rebel groups in Darfur, the situation remains far

· SOAT appeals to the ruling government and to rebel forces to
exercise restraint in their response to provocations;

· SOAT urges all parties concerned to refrain from any action
that might impede the ongoing peace process;

· Ensure safe passage and to refrain from attacks on aid
organisations to enable them to carry out their humanitarian
activities;

· To exercise their sole authority throughout their controlled
areas including to ensure a lessening in the activities of marauding
militias and bandits;

· Guarantee the respect of human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of association throughout Sudan in
accordance with national laws and international human rights
standards.

SOAT is international human rights organisation established in the UK
in 1993. If you have any questions about this or any other SOAT
information, please contact us:

SOAT
Argo House
Kilburn Park Road
London NW6 5LF, UK
Tel: +44 (0)20 7625 8055
Fax: +44 (0)20 7372 2656
E-mail: info@soatsudan.org

Website: www.soatsudan.org

Uganda: Concerns over renewed LRA attacks on civilians

2005-10-06

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=49378

The recent spate of attacks on civilians in northern and eastern Uganda by the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels has raised fears that the brutal 19-year old conflict is "not yet over", a top religious leader in the region said. "We have in the past been hoodwinked that rebel activities were on the wane, only [for such activities] to resurface with renewed vigour and brutality. Widespread attacks in many areas are not the signs of a group weakened," Archbishop John Baptist Odama said on Wednesday.

Africa: Open and closed skies: satellite access in Africa

2005-10-03

http://www.idrc.ca/acacia/ev-53486-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html

Low-cost satellite-based Internet responds to the access crisis in Africa and provides a potentially affordable opportunity for connectivity. Every square inch of Africa is covered by satellite bandwidth. However, restrictive telecom policies stop this from supporting Africa's development. To achieve Africa development goals and overcome the restrictions on access to bandwidth there must be an open skies policy.

Botswana: Can ICT help achieve education for all?

2005-10-03

http://radio.oneworld.net/article/view/82886/1/6982

“We recognise the importance of teachers in the dissemination of ICT knowledge and propose enhancing the ICT competence of teachers in the developing world through establishing innovative learning and knowledge communities of teachers and defining a professional development model to enhance ICT competence of teachers in order for them to utilise ICT in pedagogically meaningful ways.” A project proposal related to this goal reportedly involves Helsinki University of Technology, the Universities of Helsinki, Mauritius, Botswana and Geneva - through appropriate centres at each - as well as Botswana's Ministries of Education, and of Science and Technology.

Future of WSIS Civil Society Participation in Doubt

2005-10-03

http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/advocacy/conf/2005/0921wsis.htm

By the end of the second phase of the World Summit on the Information Society this November in Tunis, the role to be played by civil society in bridging the digital gap and democratising communications will be clearly defined. But many activists are less than optimistic about the eventual outcome, reports Inter Press Service. Until now, governments have included civil society and the private sector in discussions on all of the themes addressed, including the most controversial ones, like the issue of Internet governance. Nevertheless, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have doubts about whether this cooperation will be maintained in the future.

Global: Future of civil society participation in doubt

2005-10-03

http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/advocacy/conf/2005/0921wsis.htm

By the end of the second phase of the World Summit on the Information Society this November in Tunis, the role to be played by civil society in bridging the digital gap and democratising communications will be clearly defined. But many activists are less than optimistic about the eventual outcome. Until now, governments have included civil society and the private sector in discussions on all of the themes addressed, including the most controversial ones, like the issue of Internet governance. Nevertheless, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have doubts about whether this cooperation will be maintained in the future.

Global: Greenpeace Uses SMS To Monitors Forest Destruction

2005-10-06

http://www.160characters.org/news.php?action=view&nid=1752

In Argentina Greenpeace is providing indiginous people with mobile phones so that they can text for help when their lands are under attack from developers. As well as sending help, Greenpeace also used SMS to call up protesters for an instant demonstration in Buenos Aires to urge the president to spare forests.

Kenya: A health communication project engages the knowledge of marginalised people in Kenya

2005-09-30

http://www.healthcomms.org/comms/integ/aafria2.html

A new project managed by AfriAfya and supported by Exchange is using information and communication technologies (ICTs) to communicate about health and development. A health communication project engages the knowledge of marginalised people in Kenya. The project started in February 2005 and the first phase included intensive planning and training workshops. It builds on AfriAfya's experience of managing a central health communication "hub" in Nairobi and setting up regional field sites, which are based in locations ranging from primary schools to ministry of health offices.

Zimbabwe: Zimra withholds Zimbabwe independent satellites for over 6 months

2005-09-30

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/news/2005/September/Friday30/3308.html

In what appears to be a political move to thwart the business growth of the Zimbabwe Independent and Standard newspapers, the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra) has for the past six months kept under lock and key a satellite dish and accessories belonging to the group at its container depot in Beitbridge. Zimra is demanding that the equipment must first be licensed before it is released. The equipment does not require licensing since it is used to receive news, not to transmit it.

Centre for Justice and Reconciliation newsletter available

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/enewsl/29696

The October issue of the newsletter of the Centre for Justice and Reconciliation is now available at www.cjr.nl It includes:
* Update about the Manual for African Faith-Based Community Leaders
* Highlights from the International Criminal Court
* More information on CJRs new staff members

OpenDemocracy: 1325 online debate

2005-10-06

http://www.peacewomen.org/campaigns/global/opendemocracy.html

OpenDemocracy– the online magazine of politics and culture - launches a major debate this October to mark the fifth anniversary of UN Resolution 1325. How does it affect us? Has it made any difference and what difference could it make?

Africa: Human Rights Database Launched

2005-10-05

http://www.comminit.com/human-rights/newssearch.html

The Communication Initiative has introduced its revamped database of global media coverage on human rights issues. This feature is part of the Communication Initiative’s Human Rights Window. It allows for a one-stop search related to media coverage for each individual article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Articles from over 200 developing country newspapers and 10 leading global newspapers are featured in the database.

East Africa fundraising workshop

6-9 December, 2005 in Mombasa, Kenya

2005-10-06

http://www.resource-alliance.org/subsection.php?sectionid=5&subsectionid=5

Resource Alliance's 12th East Africa Fundraising Workshop will be held 6th - 9th December 2005 in Mombasa, Kenya. The workshop will be held in partnership with Kenyan Association of Professional Fundraisers (KAPF).

Research Grants for Young Scientists from Developing Countries

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/29634

The International Foundation for Science (IFS) is an independent international research council that is based in Stockholm, Sweden. The mission of IFS is to strengthen the scientific research capacity of developing countries in science fields related to
the sustainable management of biological and water resources. Since 1974, IFS
has provided support to more than 3500 IFS Grantees in some 100 countries
in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean.
Research Grants for Young Scientists from Developing Countries

The International Foundation for Science (IFS) is an independent international research council that is based in Stockholm, Sweden. The mission of IFS is to strengthen the scientific research capacity of developing countries in science fields related to
the sustainable management of biological and water resources. Since 1974, IFS
has provided support to more than 3500 IFS Grantees in some 100 countries
in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean.

What kinds of research projects does IFS support?

Research proposals submitted to IFS should be from biological, chemical,
physical, sociocultural or economic science fields, and relevant for the
conservation, production or renewable utilisation of biological or water
resources. Lists of projects supported by IFS can be found on the IFS
website (www.ifs.se).

What kind of support does IFS provide?
IFS awards research grants with a maximum value of USD 12,000 for the
purchase of equipment, expendable supplies, fieldwork activities, etc.
Grants cannot be used to cover the grantee's own salary. Researchers are
eligible to receive up to three research grants during their career.

In addition, IFS can offer IFS grantees assistance with the purchase and
delivery of scientific equipment, promotion of scientific networks and
links to other scientists, access to literature searches, travel support
to present the results of IFS supported projects at conferences or
workshops, mentorship by senior scientists from the IFS network of
Advisers, training courses, and recognition through the IFS award scheme.

Who qualifies for support?
An applicant for an IFS Research Grant must be a citizen of a developing
country (list of eligible countries is available at www.ifs.se) and at
the
beginning of his/her research career, preferably be less than 40 years of
age, and hold at least an MSc (MA) degree or have equivalent research
experience. Many applicants are working towards a PhD or have completed
their PhD studies. The researcher must be affiliated to or employed by a
national university, research institute or research-oriented NGO in a
developing country. More details can be found at www.ifs.se

How to apply for an IFS Research Grant
Applications are made on a standard application form (in English or
French), which is available from the IFS Secretariat, or can be
downloaded
from the IFS web: www.ifs.se Applications may be submitted to the
Secretariat at any time throughout the year by mail or electronically.
The
deadlines for applying are June 30 and December 31st, and applicants are
notified of decisions approximately six months after the deadline has
passed.

Bridges of Hope Training of Trainers Programme

Oct 26-28 2005 - Durban, South Africa

2005-10-06

http://www.comminit.com/redirect.cgi?r=http://www.bridgesofhope.info

Bridges of Hope is a global award winning package of powerful, practical and fun participatory training materials, activities and behaviour change techniques. These empower people to address their issues around HIV prevention, support, treatment and positive living, linked to achieving their life goals and dreams. Get the complete package of materials and learn to use them most effectively on this 3-day workshop programme.

Development Planning and Management Course

Organisation Development and Training (Olive)

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/29636

The purpose of this course is to ensure that planners and managers from different kinds of organisations and project teams are exposed to and engage with a wide range of participatory planning tools and methods, which could be applied at a national, provincial, district and local levels of society.
Organisation Development and Training (Olive)

Invites you to attend
A Development Planning and Management Course


1. Why do planners and managers need this programme?

• Most development programmes are not adequately informed of all the important contextual issues, which results in a failure of interventions and little impact in the lives of people.
• All stakeholders involved in development recognise the need to work together in an effort to bring about effective change in the lives of people, however many still battle to collaborate during analysis, planning and implementation phases and thereby continue to work in silos.
• As a result, conflicts tend to delay development processes, interventions are duplicated and resources are wasted.

2. Outcomes of this training programme

• Organisations will be more able to conceptualise, plan and monitor and adjust their plans.
• Development interventions will be conceptually informed, integrated and as such contribute towards the sustainable reduction of poverty and the impact of HIV/AIDS.
• Development institutions, such as government and the various civil society organisations will be more able to identify create and sustain useful partnerships.




3. The purpose

The purpose of this course is to ensure that planners and managers from different kinds of organisations and project teams are exposed to and engage with a wide range of participatory planning tools and methods, which could be applied at a national, provincial, district and local levels of society.

4. What will Olive offer?

Olive will offer a development planning and management course with the following components.

4.1 Designing development interventions

This aspect of the course carries two main components, namely the contextual analysis and the situation analysis.

The contextual analysis covers 5 broad contextual dimensions, which planners need to take into consideration before they plan development projects. These are the economic, socio-cultural, institutional, ecological and political dimensions. Participants will be exposed to a range of tools, which could be used to analyse each of the dimensions in a given geographical context.

The situation analysis covers the analysis of specific concerns around an identified issue, the potentials and aspirations of different groupings, which may exist, the needs, interests and roles of the different stakeholders and the varying options, which planning teams could follow to address the identified concerns.

4.2 Planning Development Interventions

This part of the course assumes that participants have had an exposure to the design tools, concepts and processes mentioned in 4.1 above. It equips participants with the tools to plan development strategies. It enables planners to visualise and articulate the intended changes with target groups and the products, which will be developed and delivered by project teams, in whatever way they are structured. It also exposes planners to tools in order to set indicators of success and to identify possible risks in order to monitor them.








4.3 Planning the implementation of operation

This step offers the skills and tools to identify the actions/steps, which project teams need to accomplish in order to develop and deliver effective products. The tools also clarify responsibilities within project teams, the timeframes, inputs and budgets required to accomplish tasks. This step clarifies the terms of references for project teams and enables them to hold each other accountable to manage and monitor their work.

4.4 Monitoring Evaluation and Adjustment

This part of the course highlights aspects of planning, which are subject to monitoring, and those, which are subject to evaluation. It offers a range of monitoring and evaluation tools, give participants an opportunity to explore different types of monitoring and evaluation processes, which normally take place inside organisations or project teams. It also provides an opportunity for participants to explore the internal requirements for monitoring to occur smoothly, and how organisations and project teams could make use of information gathered through monitoring and evaluation processes in order to adjust their intervention strategies.

4.5 Working in teams

Many development processes require organisations to collaborate with others in order to avoid duplication, share resources, their different capacities and learn from one another, in an attempt to reach the desired shared goals. In such processes, monitoring, teamwork and decision-making is often challenging. This part of the course offers insight and allows participants to reflect on issues, which could hinder teamwork in development planning processes, and how to minimise conflict. It also exposes participants to a range of tools to understand self, others and to develop balanced inter-personal relations within project teams.

5. Target Group

The course will benefit development planners and managers within civil society organisations, municipalities, provincial and national government departments as well as managers of corporate social investment programmes.









6. Olive’s approach

• Uses a case study relevant to development issues and processes taking place in SA , to provide a contextual and an information base to apply the tools.
• Offers space for site visits, (preferably linked to the case-study), for participants to experience and engage with the development challenges facing households and their institutions, in attempting to intervene in poverty situations.
• Offers an opportunity for participants to use site-visits to question and learn about the general development practices and challenges at district and local levels and share their experiences and insights with hosting institutions with respect.
• Provides theoretical input around planning methodologies, tools and techniques
• Provides appropriate literature for reading.
• Uses role-plays to heighten awareness around a range of challenging scenarios, which are often encountered during planning and implementing development interventions.
• Provides space to practice the application of tools into the case study, individually and in groups.

7. Course structure & costs

This is a 10-day course divided into 2 broad modules taking place in August and November 2005 respectively, and altogether covering 5 sessions. See chart below.

Dates Content Costs

Module 1

Week 1:
15 to 19 August 2005
(5 days)
Session1: Designing development interventions

Session 2: Situation analysis

Session 3 (a): Planning: focus on intervention strategies, i.e. setting project/programme objectives
R4 265.00

Module 2

Week 2:
14 to 18 November 2005
(5 days) Session 3 (b): Planning: focus on indicators, MOVs and risks/assumptions

Session 4: Plan of operations, i.e. activities, key performance indicators, timeframes and budgets

Session 5: Monitoring, Evaluation & Adjustment (what to monitor, how to monitor and what to do with information collected through monitoring)

Facilitation of teamwork with different stakeholders in development processes/projects, which enables effective developmental partnerships cuts across all sessions.
R4 265.00

*NB Participants are free to choose one or both sessions. Total cost of both sessions is R8 530.00

8. Venue
Both sessions will be held at the Blue Waters Hotel in Durban.

This Programme is non residential – please contact us for details of accommodation options in Durban. Please note that you are responsible for your own travel costs to and from the venue. Fee payments are not refundable should you cancel a week before each session.

For further information/confirmation please Email evangeline@oliveodt.co.za, Telephone 031 – 206 1534 or Fax 031-205 2114
Olive (OD and Training), 21 Sycamore Road, Glenwood, DURBAN, 4001,
South Africa, olive@oliveodt.co.za

Olive (OD and Training) reserves the right to cancel this programme should there not be a sufficient number of participants attending these sessions.

The Fifth Roll Back Malaria Global Partners' Forum

Nov 18-19 2005 - Yaoundé, Cameroon

2005-10-06

http://www.rollbackmalaria.org/forumV/

This forum will bring together representatives of the global malaria community to review progress in malaria control and prevention. The forum will also be an opportunity to chart the future course of action for all who are committed to halve the malaria burden by 2015.

Senior Officer for Communications

Justice Initiative

2005-10-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/29628

Based in the New York office, the Senior Officer for Communications has primary responsibility for ensuring the clarity and excellence of publications, announcements, and other written materials. The Senior Officer develops, oversees and edits all published and internet-based communications, publications, press releases, and announcements as well as relevant internal communications of the Justice Initiative.
POSITION AVAILABLE SENIOR OFFICER, COMMUNICATIONS SEPTEMBER 2005

The Open Society Institute, a private operating and grantmaking foundation, aims to shape public policy to promote democratic governance, human rights, and economic, legal, and social reform. On a local level, OSI implements a range of initiatives to support the rule of law, education, public health, and independent media. At the same time, OSI works to build alliances across borders and continents on issues such as combating corruption and rights abuses. OSI was created in 1993 by investor and philanthropist George Soros to support his foundations in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Those foundations were established, starting in 1984, to help countries make the transition from communism. OSI has expanded the activities of the Soros foundations network to other areas of the world where the transition to democracy is of particular concern. The Soros foundations network encompasses more than 60 countries, including the United States.

The Open Society Justice Initiative, an operational, non-grant making program of the Open Society Institute, promotes rights-based law reform, builds knowledge and strengthens legal capacity worldwide. The Justice Initiative seeks to shape law reform policy and achieve concrete results through hands-on technical assistance; litigation and legal advice; knowledge dissemination and network building; and counsel to donor institutions. The Justice Initiative works in the thematic areas of national criminal justice; international justice; freedom of information and expression; and equality and citizenship. It has offices in New York, Budapest, and Abuja.

Based in the New York office, the Senior Officer for Communications has primary responsibility for ensuring the clarity and excellence of Justice Initiative publications, announcements, and other written materials. The Senior Officer develops, oversees and edits all published and internet-based communications, publications, press releases, and announcements as well as relevant internal communications of the Justice Initiative. The Senior Officer for Communications furthers the Justice Initiative's goals of knowledge-generation and dissemination; fortifying networks of communication among staff and various partners; and projecting an image of the Justice Initiative as an engaged participant in law reform grounded in human rights.

Through publication of reports and projects, press releases, announcements and a law reform journal, Justice Initiatives, the Justice Initiative promotes the accessibility of its work as a resource for the law reform community at large, and increases public awareness of issues of the Justice Initiative's priority. Justice Initiatives presents, explains and critiques selected law reform efforts; draws on the experience and analyses of practitioners and theoreticians; and monitors developments in law reform internationally and at domestic level – legislation drafted, case progress, projects launched or evaluated, new institutions founded. Justice Initiatives strives to inform policy-makers, human rights practitioners and the general public.

By making available regular assessments of its own work and that of its partners, and by systematically gathering information about the law reform activities of others, the Justice Initiative website seeks to facilitate a continuous process of learning and reflection about law reform rooted firmly in the practice of ongoing events and specific, real-life projects. The website serves as a means to project, and underline the importance of, its work by highlighting the inter-relatedness of human rights and law reform. The website helps bridge the distances with its partners worldwide, by facilitating information exchange and offering information services of concrete benefit to partner institutions.


RESPONSIBILITIES: The Senior Officer for Communications, a staff position within the Justice Initiative, reports directly to the Justice Initiative Director of Programs and works under the guidance of, and in close collaboration with, the OSI Office of Communications to carry out the following primary responsibilities: • Direct the production of, and edit, publications and special reports including a periodic, theme-focused law reform journal, Justice Initiatives; calculate production specifications and schedules; develop ideas for articles; monitor printing of publications to assure schedules and specifications are met; • Maintain, monitor and upgrade the website as a whole ensuring the contents meet/improve on the established format to include a legal reform resource center composed of a resource database, a clearinghouse for best practices, a case law library, a news center, a network and exchange hub and advocacy tools; • Develop, coordinate and manage the Communications strategy for Open Society Justice Initiative; identify resource needs; recommend and implement policies and procedures; explain Communications policies and procedures; coordinate the development and production of materials to support the communications strategy; • Write and/or edit and produce press releases, other announcements regarding Justice Initiative activities, and other material for the website, press and/or newsletter related to the activities of the Justice Initiative and the broader law reform field of its partners and related institutions;

In addition, the Senior Officer will: • Participate in the development and administration of the budget for Communications; forecast additional funds needed for staffing, equipment, materials, and supplies; direct the monitoring of and approve expenditures; recommend adjustments as necessary; • Coordinate the services and activities of Communications within Justice Initiative and those of other OSI programs, outside agencies and organizations; facilitate communication by assessing needs and utility of web, press and publications with Justice Initiative staff; • Review written work product of Justice Initiative staff and consultants for purposes of identifying cross-cutting themes of interest to each other and/or to persons/institutions beyond the Justice Initiative; • Oversee consultants and others hired/retained by OSI-NY for assistance with the website or publications; • Supervise translation of articles for the website and/or publications; • Frequent international travel as required; • Perform related duties and responsibilities as required or assigned by the Director of Programs.

QUALIFICATIONS: • Exceptional English-language writing and editing ability; • Equivalent to a Bachelors degree in journalism, English, communications, journalism, public relations, political or social sciences or a related field required; Masters Degree preferred; • Advanced studies in international law and policy, human rights or related fields an asset; • Four years professional journalistic writing and editing experience; • Demonstrated practical experience in website programming and maintenance; • Proven ability and skills in the development, implementation and evaluation of communications and advocacy strategies; • Excellent knowledge of principles of communications development, public relations strategies and techniques, and international media relations; • Strong management, oral and written communication, and analytic skills; • Extensive skills and high comfort level with computer research, database management and word processing, including Outlook, internet, Lexis/Nexis, and Microsoft Windows package; • Fluency in written and spoken English mandatory; fluency in another language pertinent to the Justice Initiative an asset; • Ability to manage effectively multiple projects in a fast-paced environment; • Extraordinary initiative and creativity; • Pleasant, diplomatic manner and disposition in interacting with Program management, colleagues at all levels, contacts, and the general public; • Ability to work both independently and with others; and • Integrity, professional discretion and ability to handle confidential matters.

SALARY: Commensurate with experience with full benefits plus 4 weeks vacation.

START DATE: December 1, 2005

TO APPLY: Send résumés, cover letter, short unedited writing sample, contact details for two references and salary requirements before October 19, 2005 to:

humanresources@sorosny.org Include code in subject line –CODE SOCOM/OSJI --------------------------------------------------------------

Open Society Institute Human Resources Dept. - CODE: SOCOM/OSJI 400 W. 59th Street New York, N.Y. 10019 Fax: (212) 548-4675

No telephone inquiries, please. The Open Society Institute is an Equal Opportunity Employer.

You can also find this posting on the Justice Initiative website at the following URL, http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2?res_id=102980



___________________

The Open Society Justice Initiative, an operational program of the Open Society Institute (OSI), pursues law reform activities grounded in the protection of human rights, and contributes to the development of legal capacity for open societies worldwide. The Justice Initiative combines litigation, legal advocacy, technical assistance, and the dissemination of knowledge to secure advances in five priority areas: national criminal justice, international justice, freedom of information and expression, equality and citizenship, and anticorruption. Its offices are in Abuja, Budapest, and New York.

www.justiceinitiative.org

Zimbabwe: Country Representative

CIIR

2005-10-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/29711

We are looking for a highly motivated and resourceful individual with a genuine commitment to development and advocacy, seeking to work in a cutting edge development agency. The postholder will be responsible for managing the programme in Zimbabwe, en- suring the delivery of programme plans. S/he will have pivotal role in defining development policy and priority areas for CIIR's work in the country, working together with partners, de- velopment workers and other stakeholders.
Country Representative CIIR, Zimbabwe

The Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR) has
been a UK charity for more than forty years, working towards
sustainable development by placing development workers and advo-
cating policy change. We work with people of all faiths and
none.

We are looking to recruit a candidate from Zimbabwe or from the
Southern Africa region to be our:

Country Representative, Zimbabwe
24 months contract
Based Harare, Zimbabwe

We are looking for a highly motivated and resourceful individual
with a genuine commitment to development and advocacy, seeking
to work in a cutting edge development agency. The postholder
will be responsible for managing the programme in Zimbabwe, en-
suring the delivery of programme plans. S/he will have pivotal
role in defining development policy and priority areas for
CIIR's work in the country, working together with partners, de-
velopment workers and other stakeholders. Within the context of
CIIR?s work of skill-sharing and advocacy, the postholder will
oversee and direct a participatory process of strategic planning
of CIIR?s work in Zimbabwe for 2005 to 2010.

Educated to a degree level in a relevant field, the postholder
will have a minimum of five years of direct experience in NGO
management, strategic planning and project appraisal, as well as
financial management. In addition, s/he should have experience
of fundraising and recruitment.

The successful candidate will have particular knowledge with the
socio-political and socio-economic reality of Zimbabwe and also
sound knowledge and analysis of Southern Africa?s political and
economic contemporary context. Good understanding of interna-
tional development issues, and the role of civil society organi-
sations and multilateral bodies in development are also re-
quired.

It is essential to have experience of working with civil society
organisations, including church-based organisations and under-
standing of CSOs and NGO networks in the region and the key is-
sues involved.

S/he will be a good communicator with influencing, representa-
tional and negotiating skills, plus experience of relationship
and network building. Well-developed project cycle skills, cul-
tural sensitivity, the ability to work with diverse groups, and
sound grasp of gender analysis and dynamics are also required.

The postholder should be committed to racial and gender equal-
ity, have an understanding of the structure of the Catholic
Church and be willing to work with faith-based constituencies.

Ability and readiness to travel by car frequently and widely
within Zimbabwe and willingness and ability to travel outside
Zimbabwe for periods of up to 1 - 3 weeks per year is required.

Experience of being managed and of managing people in remote
sites/distance management, ability to speak Shona and/or Ndebele
is desirable.

Complete the application form in full, even if you are including
a CV, as very specific information is required and will be used
to decide whether or not you will be shortlisted for interview.

For further information and an application form visit
http://www.ciir.org (see section "jobs @ CIIR?).

Closing date: 14th October 2005
Interviews: End November 2005
CIIR is an equal opportunities employer

Global: UN Millennium Summit delivers rhetoric without commitment

2005-09-30

http://www.campaignforeducation.org/news/news_full.html

Following the G8 Summit, Global Campaign for Education campaigners turned their attention to the Millennium +5 World Summit in New York . It was originally conceived as an opportunity for Heads of State to review progress in meeting the Millennium Declaration of 2000, strengthen the UN and commit countries to peace-building measures. During 2005 the Summit became a major campaigning moment for anti-poverty activists, especially the Global Call to Action Against Poverty, demanding that governments of rich and poor countries deliver on past promises to end the scandal of global poverty. Following hard on the heels of the G8 Summit, hopes were originally high that it would be an opportunity for world leaders to spell out real action on aid, trade, debt and poverty reduction strategies. Sadly, these aspirations were dashed as Summit negotiations descended into farce following a last-minute intervention by the US.

United Kingdom: Mass lobby for trade justice

2005-10-03

http://www.christianaid.org.uk/campaign/lobby

As crucial World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks approach in December, concerned citizens are invited to join a mass lobby in London on 2 November 2005 to demand that the UK government supports the call to make poverty history by delivering trade justice. The lobby is being organised by the Trade Justice Movement (TJM), in partnership with the Co-operative Bank. Another mass rally is planned for Brussels on 21 November 2005.

Fahamu