Back Issues

Featured this week

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/31401

EDITORIALS: Hopes are high that a new wave of women leadership will result in real changes for the life of African women. But will it? Salma Maoulidi investigates the case of Tanzania
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: Focus on Free and Open Source Software (FLOSS)
- Soenke Zehle examines the practicalities, politics and debates surrounding the emerging FLOSS movement
- Sokari Ekine says switching to FLOSS is not so much a change in software as a change in culture
- Karoline Kemp looks at the benefits of freeing yourself from the grip of Microsoft domination
LETTERS: Readers debate the new Diaspora and South Africa under Thabo Mbeki
BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine reviews what African bloggers are saying about Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Tajedeen Abdul-Raheem wants to know if Mama Ellen can deliver liberty to Liberia?
AFRICAN UNION WATCH: Irungu Houghton on civil society engagement with the African Union
CONFLICTS & EMERGENCIES: “We will shut you down,” militants tell oil companies in the Niger Delta
HUMAN RIGHTS: How can the African Union maintain its credibility in Darfur when it holds a summit in Khartoum?
REFUGEES & FORCED MIGRATION: UNHCR granted more time to interview Sudanese refugees in aftermath of Cairo massacre
ELECTIONS & GOVERNANCE: Calls to address Ethiopian post-election crisis; the politics of space in South Africa; on the campaign trail with the Ugandan president
WOMEN & GENDER: Campaign update from the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition
DEVELOPMENT: World Social Forum kicks off in Bamako, Mali; Africa Spends US$4bn a Year On Western Expatriates
CORRUPTION: Kenya spends 800 million on luxury vehicles
HEALTH & HIV/AIDS: Lessons from an African response to the HIV/AIDS crisis
EDUCATION: Chomsky joins academic freedom row in South Africa
MEDIA & FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Libyan cyber-dissident Al Mansouri completes a year in prison
NEWS FROM THE DIASPORA: Corporates and mainstream media gloss over Martin Luther King’s denunciation of America
INTERNET & TECHNOLOGY: Africa Open Source 11 wraps up in Uganda
FUNDRAISING & USEFUL RESOURCES: How to make the transition from fundraising to development
COURSES, SEMINARS & WORKSHOPS: Strategies for ratification and rights realization
PLUS…Jobs, Books and Arts

Pambazuka News to launch French edition 31 July

Press Release: 19 January 2006

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/31406

Pambazuka News, the newsletter and website with a focus on social justice issues in Africa, recently nominated by PoliticsOnline and the 6th Worldwide Forum on Electronic Democracy as one of the top ten websites internationally “who are changing the world of internet and politics”, is to begin publishing of a French language version of it highly popular electronic newsletter on January 31, 2006.

“The newsletter has succeeded in creating a pan-African community, uniting people working in human rights, conflict prevention, health, social welfare, environment and social justice right across the region,” said Kenyan Director of Fahamu and Editor of Pambazuka News, Firoze Manji. “But there is a significant and unfortunate gap between those working in English-speaking and French-speaking countries, and we intend to bridge that gap through producing a French language version of Pambazuka News. ... But publishing in these languages is only the first step,” he said. “In the longer term we want to publish an Arabic edition, and then look at other African languages such as Kiswahili.”

Existing Pambazuka News subscribers are asked to:

- Inform Pambazuka News if they, as existing subscribers, would also
like to receive the French version of the newsletter by sending an email
to frencheditor@pambazuka.org with ‘subscribe French edition’ in the subject line and their full name in the body of the email.

- Inform French colleagues, networks, family and friends that they can subscribe to the upcoming French version of the newsletter by sending an email to frencheditor@pambazuka.org with ‘subscribe French edition’ in the subject line.

Watch out for more information in subsequent editions!

Click on the link to read the full press release.
Pambazuka News launches French edition
Press Release: 19 January 2006
Fahamu
www.fahamu.org

Pambazuka News, the newsletter and website with a focus on social justice issues in Africa, recently nominated by PoliticsOnline and the 6th Worldwide Forum on Electronic Democracy as one of the top ten websites internationally “who are changing the world of internet and politics”, is to begin publishing of a French language version of it highly popular electronic newsletter on January 31, 2006.

Produced by Fahamu, Pambazuka News currently has more than18,000 subscribers and a readership estimated at 100,000 across Africa and internationally. The weekly newsletter, which is now five years old, has become the most widely known forum for debate, commentary and insightful analyses of current affairs in Africa.

“The newsletter has succeeded in creating a pan-African community, uniting people working in human rights, conflict prevention, health, social welfare, environment and social justice right across the region,” said Kenyan Director of Fahamu and Editor of Pambazuka News, Firoze Manji. “But there is a significant and unfortunate gap between those working in English-speaking and French-speaking countries, and we intend to bridge that gap through producing a French language version of Pambazuka News.”

“But publishing in these languages is only the first step,” he said. “In the longer term we want to publish an Arabic edition, and then look at other African languages such as Kiswahili.”

Early editions of the French language version of the newsletter will consist of translated commentary, analysis and snippets from the English version of the newsletter. Soon, however, staff in West Africa will be providing original French content for the French version of Pambazuka News. “It is hoped that in the future the French edition will rival its English counterpart in terms of reach and content,” said Manji.

The Pambazuka News website has also been overhauled to allow for French content to be displayed and visitors will soon be able to choose their language preference.

For further details contact:

Firoze Manji: + 44-7786-628686
Patrick Burnett: + 27 73 232 3043
Atieno Ndomo: + 254- 733 912930

[ends]

Those interested in subscribing to the French e-newsletter can do so by sending an email to editionfrancaise@pambazuka.org with ‘subscribe’ in the subject line and their full name in the body of the email. All requests for subscriptions are considered confidential and Fahamu has a strict policy of not sharing email addresses with third parties. From the beginning of February, a subscribe function will also be available from the Fahamu website.

Issued by:

Fahamu – Networks for Social Justice
www.fahamu.org

Pambazuka News website
www.pambazuka.org

Write to editor@pambazuka.org for queries.

ABOUT FAHAMU

Fahamu has a vision of the world where people organise to emancipate themselves from all forms of oppression, recognise their social responsibilities, respect each other’s differences, and realise their full potential.

Fahamu is committed to serving the needs of organisations and social movements that aspire to progressive social change and that promote and protect human rights. We believe that civil society organisations have a critical role to play in defending human rights, and that information and communications technologies can and should be harnessed for that cause. We are committed to enabling civil society organisations to use the internet to promote social justice.

Formed in 1997, Fahamu uses information and communication technologies as a tool for social change by developing supported distance learning materials for human rights and civil society organizations; innovative ways to make information and learning for change accessible; being a catalyst for critical social debate; producing social justice e-newsletters; and undertaking social policy research on Africa.

Fahamu comprises a small core of highly skilled and experienced staff based in Oxford (UK), Nairobi (Kenya) and Cape Town (South Africa). We also have an international network of Associates. Our work is also made possible through the commitment of volunteers and interns.

Pambazuka News is a project of Fahamu.

Fahamu is registered as a company limited by guarantee in the UK (4241054). Fahamu Trust is registered as a charity (1100304). Fahamu is also registered as a trust in South Africa (IT 372/01).

Fahamu’s work has been supported by the following: Article 19; Australia Aid; Commonwealth of Learning; Commonwealth Secretariat; Christian Aid; DANIDA; DFID; European Union; Ford Foundation; Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Foundation for Human Rights (South Africa); Geneva Foundation; HIVOS; International Development Research Centre, Canada; JG & VL Joffe Charitable Trust; New Field Foundation fund of the Tides Foundation; NOVIB; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa; Oxfam GB; SIDA; Sigrid Rausing Trust; TrustAfrica; University of Oxford; University for Peace; and many individual donors.

ABOUT PAMBAZUKA NEWS

Pambazuka News means ‘awaken’ or ‘arise’ in Kiswahili. The service is published by Fahamu (www.fahamu.org) and is a weekly electronic newsletter and complementary website for social justice in Africa with a subscriber base of over 18 000. Pambazuka News is widely forwarded and reposted and it is estimated that the newsletter therefore reaches some 100,000 people on a weekly basis. This number excludes those who read the newsletter online at www.pambazuka.org or at www.allafrica.com where the newsletter appears in full each week.
Pambazuka News has:

- Supported for the campaign for the ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.
- Produced special editions on women’s rights for broader dissemination and for lobbying at African Union meetings. One of these editions was also produced as a pamphlet and in .PDF version and entitled ‘Not Yet a Force for Freedom’. Pambazuka News acted as a platform for the news and views of the coalition campaigning for the ratification of the protocol.
- Pambazuka News has developed and hosted a petition on the Pambazuka News website in support of women’s rights. This has also involved the development of an SMS function that enables people to sign the petition by SMS and receive SMS updates about the campaign. News about the petition has been covered by VOA, BBC, Reuters, SABC, UN-IRIN and African radio and newspaper outlets in at least 20 countries.
- Supported the campaign for the Remembrance of the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide in 2004 by producing a special issue that profiled the genocide through a series of ten editorials. Pambazuka News also acted as a forum for the distribution of news and information on the commemorations.
- Produced an editorial book entitled ‘African Voices for Development and Social Justice’ profiling key editorials carried in the newsletter during 2004. The book is distributed internationally through African Books Collective.

The production of a French language version of Pambazuka News has been made possible by a grant from the New Field Foundation, a fund of the Tides Foundation.

Ends

More...

Women leaders: Rights for all women or only ruling women?

2006-01-19

Salma Maoulidi

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/31402

The recently concluded general elections and the appointment of the new cabinet have attracted mixed reviews. In particular, gender activists and progressive voices laud the unprecedented appointment of women holding key posts in the cabinet as a positive development. Hongera to all appointees! Skeptics, on their part, are crossing their fingers waiting for one faux pas to criticize the President for his audacious move.

And what do I say to all this? For those who have watched Boyz in the Hood, there is a line that I will make reference to in putting this historic feat in its proper perspective. The line is uttered by Angela Basset to Laurence Fishburn, the father of her son Trey, who unlike many black men in the projects has chosen to be involved in the upbringing of his son and wanted some recognition from his ex. She informed him that he is far from special since what he is doing is what women have done for centuries without accolade. Indeed, women have led families and communities - clothed them, fed them, educated them and cared for them with little appreciation from society or the government.

But I will be more generous and credit President Kikwete for being bold in actually being the President who had enough courage and confidence to do what his predecessors thought was unthinkable or perhaps unpalatable for the masses. And he scores highly. But more can be done. For instance, since it is not only women in public office that matter, what about the home front: Is our first lady apt to represent us? What about the wives of the other big shots in government, since this empowerment has to start at home lest the appointments are not seen as genuine but token gestures, albeit with weight.

Also, Tanzania is yet to ratify the African Union’s Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa when countries without a history of progressive legislation with regards to women, like Mauritania, have. The Protocol offers great opportunity for women to push for the realization of gender equality in national laws. How can we continue thus when our very own Getrude Mongella is the president of the Pan African Parliament?

Indeed, the general elections 2005 have recorded important milestones for women in Tanzania. More women stood as candidates, not just in their traditional roles as supporters. In some respects they provided a good challenge to male figures. (Hon. Mary Nagu successfully contested against the outgoing Prime Minister, Fredrick Sumaye, in Hanang constituency, such that the latter decided to gracefully withdraw his name. Hon. Daniel Yona was not so lucky and was given a run by Hon. Anne Kilango.)

It is however notable that during the race, most political parties did not give a lot of visibility to women. Only two parties had female running mates, NCCR Mageuzi and CHADEMA, the latter only after the death of his first running mate. Only one party stood as a female candidate. It was perhaps at the constituencies that women were expected to rise up, and to a certain extent their performance is not bad. In fact it could have been better if bribes and education were not the determining factor in approving candidacy. Thus in a Parliament of 319, at present there are 97 women. Of these 75 are special seats, 3 are presidential appointments and 2 are from the Zanzibar House of Representative.

It is disconcerting that of the six female ministers, only two successfully got elected into parliament by contesting in their constituencies. The rest, including long-term political figures, have not been able to secure the vote of the electorate and are elected into the government by virtue of nomination or presidential appointment. This indicates that whereas these women are renowned at national and international levels, they are yet to gain the confidence of local populations. There is thus more work to be done in raising the profile of women candidates at the local levels. Conversely it indicates how key affirmative action measures are in guaranteeing that women will get access to positions of influence otherwise closed to them on account of sexist attitudes or political naiveté.

This did, however, not spell doom as elected officials of the new parliament began the first coup by electing the first female deputy speaker in the person of Anna Makinda, a long term politician and former minister and regional commissioner. She was unopposed. Perhaps this gave the new president the confidence to outdo parliament by electing 6 women in key cabinet positions like foreign affairs, finance, constitutional affairs, education, president’s office and community development. He appointed even more deputy ministers who are women, also in key ministries. It therefore remains to be seen how the public will judge these women compared to the male personalities that have occupied the seats of power since independence.

Activists can take comfort knowing that the president went out of his way to attract a cabinet with women who have been civically engaged. Dr. Asha Rose Migiro for example is a lawyer, who has a history in the women’s movement as well as in efforts to build a strong civic culture. Ms. Sitta on the other hand is an educationalist with a long history in the Teachers’ Union as well as in teaching. The president thus scores highly in electing women who are seasoned leaders and champions of rights, which should dispel any thought that these women were purely rewarded for some favour, without taking into consideration their competence.

What is worrisome, however, is whether they can maintain their feisty spirit once in office where bureaucracy and “politics” dictate performance. We know, for example, from the Kibaki government in Kenya, that upon assuming legislative or administrative positions many activists who came from Kenyan civil society and were invited to join the government became subdued and could no longer take on the government the way they did when operating from the outside. Effectively, their appointment is an effective way to appease or neutralize them since they now are sworn to the office and “collective responsibility”, not the voters. Of course the situation in Tanzania has an added dimension of unwavering loyalty to the party and its manifesto, which is more paramount than any nationalistic fervour.

Already there are worrying signs as to how much revolution these women will muster once in office. The party manifesto is clear, as is the existing policy framework, which intends to continue the same trend of neo-liberal expansion and accumulation adopted with the economic liberalization agenda in the early nineties. The Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Dr. Asha Rose Migiro, has already indicated that her priority will be economic diplomacy. We can make our own conclusions as to what this means. Nonetheless, what implication will this have on socio-economic and socio-cultural rights which she has been working on and which without doubt were key issues at the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children where she last served? Also, will this compromise the rights of local producers, a key concern for women and social justice groups in the recently concluded Hong Kong Ministerial?

Hon. Zakia Meghji has been appointed to head finance. She comes from a successful spin at the Ministry of Tourism where she recorded key gains in publicizing Tanzania as an important tourist destination, encouraged ecotourism and local tourism. She is one of the senior ministers as this will be the third government she serves under. Nevertheless, there is great concern about the vices of the tourism industry and its impact on women - low wages with little labour protections, prostitution and loss of livelihood in some areas where tourist hotels have been established.. More importantly, how does this history influence budgetary allocations in the future? Certainly, gender activists would like to see more allocation to social services, especially to reproductive health, education and water.

What is my role and others like me after the jubilation in closing in on the seat of power? Often times, as activists we have not been as critical of our own when they come to positions of power. Also we have not been as helpful to them, thinking that they are better placed to help our cause and us. We do not recognize that while the positions mean these women are well connected, they may need us more than ever to provide them with vital information in key policy areas: to be their extra pair of eyes, ears and heart, so to speak. It is therefore a defining moment for all of us.

Our biggest challenge is whether we will be courageous enough to demand the same level of performance and accountability from our sisters and colleagues as we do from those who seem opposed to our doctrines. We should be brave to criticize where needed and praise where warranted. We can no longer afford to be content thinking that since she is “one of us” our business is in good hands. We also cannot afford to be silenced by a sense of loyalty to a sister, a friend, a relative, or a comrade when there are bigger issues at stake. In fact these friends depend on us to give them the reality check they need to remain sane and committed, a luxury public office does not always afford. Certainly, the experiences in South America with the left, as well as the experience in Kenya, underscore that as activists we can’t afford to drop our guard.

Importantly, we have an obligation to the citizens of our country. This is the only truth we can’t afford to loose sight of. Similarly, we have for decades, if not centuries, called for an even playing field, for similar treatment and opportunity. Slowly, our voices are being heard and the doors of leadership are creaking open. We must therefore ensure that women can indeed make a difference once in office, a difference that is seen and felt in action, in culture and in impact. Certainly, if we want more women to be considered for leadership positions in the future we have to create a positive impression all round lest we fall victims to the “See, women can’t lead” rejoinder.

* Salma Maoulidi has an LLM in Law from Georgetown Law. Affiliated to the women's national and transnational movement with a strong interest in social justice issues and development, she is currently heading a women's development network, Sahiba Sisters Foundation, that aims at building the leadership and organizational capacities of women and youth in Tanzania.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Notes on African Software Politics

2006-01-19

Soenke Zehle

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/31403

Soenke Zehle traverses the virtual world of Free and Open Source Software (FLOSS), examining the practicalities, the politics and the debates surrounding an emerging movement that rivals the multinational software companies.


With a host of corporations, foundations, and organisations active in the fields of advocacy and assistance, free and open source software (FLOSS) has become a dynamic area of info-developmental cooperation. In the eminently pragmatic approach adopted by many of these efforts, the intense controversy over free vs. open source software and the extent to which advocacy should stress freedom over commercial applicability somehow seems a thing of the past. At the same time, the focus on FLOSS as an economic strategy of autonomous development within a global network of capitalism rather than a post-capitalist practice of collaborative creation recalls some of the general ambivalences at the heart of software-political struggles (1).

FOSSFA

In many African countries where computer users are not necessarily owners, important choices are often made by those in charge of establishing public ICT infrastructures. While many companies and organisations have chosen to adopt FLOSS on their own, the status of governments as the largest procurers of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) means that government action is bound to stimulate industry in various ways, including the provision of FLOSS training and support. The recently founded Free Software and Open Source Foundation for Africa (FOSSFA), currently headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya, has therefore identified national ICT policy and procurement procedures as major advocacy targets (2). For Bildad Kagai, co-founder and one of its secretaries, the licensing, localisation, and local skill building advantages of FLOSS, coupled with ‘leapfrogging’ technologies like wireless that help skip an entire generation of expensive infrastructural investments, offer an alternative to the technological dependency and resource drain associated with an exclusive reliance on mainstream proprietary software.

Given the many problems that beset the ICT sector in Africa, FLOSS advocacy is inevitably tied to political reforms in contracting, public services, and competition policy, as well as the creation of FLOSS related employment and business opportunities. FOSSFA has created an effective advocacy coalition: Kenya’s ICT policy now gives preference to open source (and open standards) over proprietary solutions, and FOSSFA also convinced the Committee on Development Information of the Economic Commission for Africa (CODI) to adopt a policy that prioritises FLOSS.

This is no small feat, given that many African states have yet to articulate any ICT policy whatsoever, and FOSSFA is also educating policy makers across the continent about FLOSS (3). The 2004 Idlelo meeting in Cape Town, co-organised by FOSSFA and the African Virtual Open Initiatives and Resources Project (AVOIR) at Western Cape University, was the ‘First African Conference on the Digital Commons’ (4). Bringing some 200 FLOSS activists and developers from across the continent together with international researchers, Idlelo emphasised the need to shift from the mere adoption of FLOSS to the local development of FLOSS applications, the use of FLOSS in education, and the development of non-proprietary open content alternatives. Hoping to be able to recruit government representatives from all 53 African states, Idlelo 2 has already been scheduled for 2006 (5).

South Africa Goes Open Source

The breakdown of Idlelo participants by country reveals the uneven geography of IT development in Africa: by far the largest contingent came from South Africa, followed by Nigeria and Kenya (6). South Africa’s influence in the African FLOSS movement is related to its dominance of the African IT sector at large. But there are other reasons, one of which is the impact of projects sponsored by Mark Shuttleworth (7). Shuttleworth, a South African celebrity entrepreneur known for his space travel – Shuttleworth was the first ‘afronaut’ – as well as his philanthropic ambition, has overseen the development of Ubuntu (an already-popular linux distribution updated in regular release cycles) and his Shuttleworth Foundation has co-launched a nation wide ‘Go Open Source’ campaign (8).

But is South Africa ‘really’ Africa? FOSSFA’s Kagai notes that ICT developments in South Africa are not representative of Africa at large, and some see in the ideas of an ‘African Renaissance’ less a new Pan-Africanism than a mere culturalisation of South Africa’s own economic and geopolitical ambition (12).

Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, FLOSS has not been an easy sell. One reason, suggests Ethan Zukerman, might be the overemphasis on free beer at the expense of free speech; a reference to Richard Stallmann’s famous definition of free software (15). Zukerman, a co-founder of GeekCorps – ‘an international non-profit organisation that transfers tech skills from geeks in developed nations to geeks in emerging nations’ – and initiator of ‘BlogAfrica’, believes that many African users continue to associate ‘inexpensive’ with ‘inferior’, a legacy of technology transfer and appropriate technology projects that sometimes amounted to little more than the dumping of obsolete technology (16). And in areas where non-licensed copies of proprietary software are widely available as well as a great deal of corresponding ‘street’ expertise, comparatively expensive manuals and a lack of bandwidth for accessing online support can easily increase the total cost of ownership of non-proprietary alternatives generally assumed to be ‘free’. FLOSS advocates should stress the expandability, transparency and resulting high performance of their software instead.

While a growing number of studies make an empirically based case for FLOSS in general, less is known about the experiences of FLOSS adoption across Africa (17). One such report has been published by Bridges.org, an international NGO with offices in South Africa and the US (18). FLOSS, concludes the report, has become a mainstream alternative. Yet because of the level of expertise required to establish and maintain a FLOSS based computer lab, it tends to work better in large projects that have the resources to address the practical problems of migration, training, and support, in contrast to individual labs that can simply take advantage of proprietary solutions that are already in place.

Info-Political Visions

Beyond the issue of appropriate means, how do the local politics of software relate to competing visions of what ‘info-development’ is and should be about? In the larger info-political vision that frames local decisions over software and standards, questions of autonomy are central, frequently articulated in response to the hegemonic presence of corporate software and IT giants. FLOSS advocates have criticised the most recent wave of international public private partnerships in this area, for example, because they involve only the usual transnational suspects. Microsoft, HP, and Cisco are all well represented in the activities of major development agencies, advertising themselves as ‘partners in development’ to promote ICTs as the vehicles for ‘good governance’ and ‘effective service delivery’, but also to stake out their own commercial claims, crowd out grassroots or public sector alternatives, and subvert South-South cooperation.

Take SchoolNet Namibia (19). Having to work with substantially fewer resources than the Shuttleworth Foundation, SchoolNet has nevertheless set up FLOSS-based thin client networks in over a hundred schools, launched an ISP to offer subsidised internet service, and is exploring the set up of wireless access in rural areas. Once they had found that students were a lot more likely to embrace FLOSS than their teachers, and standard advocacy tools were not doing much to change that, SchoolNet launched Hai Ti (‘Listen Up!’), a comic strip that features real life FLOSS users (20). Its contractual agreement with schools specifies that the teams who manage the local computer lab include students as well as teachers. Yet occasionally, SchoolNet finds that their FLOSS-LANs remain unmaintained while students use equipment donated by Microsoft and administered with support from MS certified engineers. Executive director Joris Komen is convinced that Microsoft has targeted Namibian schools specifically because SchoolNet Namibia has become an outspoken critic of the company and its philosophy (21).

Commenting on recent agreements between Microsoft and the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Bildad Kaigai of FOSSFA agrees that such deals work to confine the software choices these agencies can make and effectively transfer wealth away from an emergent local software industry. Kagai calls on African leaders to emulate the successful development strategies of Asian countries instead (22).

Other ICT analysts note, however, that African countries will have to do so under dramatically different circumstances. Yash Tandon stresses that “most of the so-called ‘technology transfers’ ... are essentially excuses for transnational corporations (TNCs) to take over local companies, or to carve out a share of the domestic markets” (23). Rather than “stripping naked” to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) from the North, Tandon also makes the case for the “creation of a home based Domestic Scientific and Technology Capacity (DSTC), including capacity to undertake relevant research and development, the actual purchase (as opposed to transfer) of appropriate technology from the open market, and a transfer of technology, preferably between South-South, only under certain conditions.”

It seems that third worldist strategies sustained by a generalised critique of neocolonialism have been replaced by the exhausting creation of advocacy networks that hold local governments just as accountable as transnational corporations (24). Yet while visions of Africa’s future have sobered significantly, the emergent dynamic of South-South cooperation still echoes a tricontinentalist spirit. Brazil’s official commitment to what its minister of culture, Gilberto Gil, has refererred to as a ‘tropicalisation’ of open source has been a major push for FLOSS advocacy in Africa (25).

An increasing “post-third wordlist” cooperation is visible in other international info-political fora as well. One example is the campaign for a “WIPO Development Agenda” and a Treaty for Access to Knowledge, supported by a broad coalition of southern governments as well as grassroots organisations (26). The World Intellectual Property Organisation is a UN agency whose current mandate is “the maintenance and further development of the respect for intellectual property throughout the world”.

In the eyes of its critics, this mandate limits WIPO to the role of an enforcer of Euro-American positions on intellectual property, supporting the WTO’s Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) as well as at least condoning the aggressive ‘TRIPS-Plus’ bilateralism both the US and the EU have engaged in to effectively bypass the ongoing review process of key TRIPS provisions (27). The access-to-knowledge campaign puts the question of FLOSS and the struggle over open standards in a much broader context. WIPO defines creativity in relation to the prospect of proprietisation, as culture is defined as the creation of private property. The FLOSS controversy, on the other hand, is not just about reducing the cost of running a computer lab, but over the implications of its approach to “commons-based peer production” (Yochai Benkler): i.e. processes of collaborative creation and an information and knowledge commons actively enlarged in opposition to the “second enclosure” (James Boyle) associated with an ever expanding IPR regime (28).

Take the role of FLOSS developers. Rishab Ghosh, FLOSS Program Leader at the Maastricht Economic Research Institute on Innovation and Technology (MERIT), stresses that licensing costs do matter, especially when GDP is taken into account (29). But another key emphasis in his studies on FLOSS in developing countries is on the skills-building in FLOSS networks. In addition to standard developer skills, open source communities address, almost by default, questions of copyright law and licensing, and introduce users to new forms of collaborative creation.

Info-Political Pragmatism

Ghosh has been a major global FLOSS advocate, and his projects specifically address the use of FLOSS outside Europe. Yet some of his economic arguments are based on the assumption that proprietary alternatives are not locally produced. What Ghosh describes as the benefits of “deep access” offered by locally developed FLOSS applications – customisation, quick bug fixing, as well as the re-use of code in other applications – is exactly how Herman Chinery-Hesse, CEO of Ghana’s successful Soft Tribe, describes his own approach (31). All of Soft’s software is based on “tropically relevant” code, Chinery-Hesse’s reference to the full spectrum of constraints he associates with local computer use: frequent savings to disk help deal with power failures and work offline lowers costs for online access. In the case of Soft’s document management software for the Ghana Human Rights Commission, storage on remote servers addresses possible interruptions caused by a change in government. And unlike Ubuntu, Soft’s applications are optimised for the low-end hardware that dominates Ghana’s offices and cybercafés.

Soft trains the majority of Ghana’s programmers, often left to their own devices in poorly equipped computer science departments. Yet Chinery-Hesse thinks that FLOSS would impede the development of a local software industry, as developers would, he worries, be reduced to installers of pre-existing applications. His main concern, however, seems to be possible tampering with the code both by users and competitors – Chinery-Hesse fears internal mismanagement and has no interest in interoperability that could threaten Soft’s pole position in the local software market. Soft rarely releases beta versions, software does not have an auto-install function, and bug fixes are not generally released. Evidence of Chinery-Hesse’s entrepreurial pragmatism, he has also entered into a cooperation agreement with Microsoft, hoping to take advantage of its global distribution channels to bring an add on from Ghana to desktops around the world.

For Guido Sohne, a former Soft employee and vocal FLOSS advocate, Soft’s deal with Microsoft is a form of technology transfer rather than a simple sell-out, prompted by the departure of some of its key developers without whom their previous portfolio of applications could no longer be maintained (32). Sohne left in part because Soft did not want to explore FLOSS-based alternatives to address this development impasse. Microsoft is there to stay, but it looks like Soft’s emergent competitors are already relying on FLOSS. So while Ghana’s developer community as a whole has not yet embraced FLOSS, this is likely to change.

In the current ‘Africanisation’ of the politics of software, the proprietary/non-proprietary divide is but one of several vectors. Perhaps this should not come as a surprise, given the hybrid dynamic of FLOSS itself. In her analyses of the cooperation between corporations and the FLOSS community, techno-feminist Yuwei Lin describes this process as “hybrid innovation”, marked as much by a sense of interdependence and mutuality as by unease over the irresolvable tension between commercial and community-oriented practices (33).

The dependence on corporate support illustrates the paradoxes of immaterial labour and suggests that common assumptions regarding the relationship between FLOSS and visions of a post-capitalist future be revisited. Often understood in terms of an anti-monopolistic practice, FLOSS is not, as such, anti-capitalist. One of the reasons for the popularity of the FLOSS paradigm is that it appears to be able to accommodate a wide range of visions of cultural, economic, and social transformation, from cyberlibertarian views of natural capitalism to the post-autonomist vision of a coming communism, actively anticipated by way of multitudinal self-organisation. Countercultural cachet notwithstanding, the high visibility of FLOSS as a mainstream alternative to proprietary software is due in large part to the support from corporations like IBM or Sun Microsystems, and the commitment to openness reverberates with an info-capitalism attempting to reinvent itself around concepts of trust and transparency.

And while the controversies over software licenses are so intense because their clauses redefine what property means in the network society, not all of FLOSS is geared toward an enlargement of the information commons. Following the popularity of user-defined license provisions like Creative Commons, Sun Microsystems has announced its own “Open Media Commons” initiative to develop FLOSS based digital rights management tools (34). FLOSS, already adopted by cost cutting governments across the world, is also easily aligned with state power – South Africa’s FLOSS and open content strategy includes, after all, the migration to FLOSS of its prison management systems (35). This makes one-size-fits-all approaches to the politics of software almost impossible, even more so in the context of African ICT controversies.

While it is too soon to say what transformative impact FLOSS efforts may already have had, examples like FOSSFA or SchoolNet show that FLOSS is not reducible to an imperial voluntarism out of sync with the “real” Africa. FLOSS‘s collaborative ethic is not a post-materialist luxury limited to those on the sunny side of the digital divide. Instead, the Africanisation of FLOSS in terms of an ‘ubuntu’ philosophy of sharing may soon connect to other collective efforts in a larger Pan-African vision of renewal. This project driven mainly from below is rarely included in the sovereign perspective of afro-pessimist prophecies accompanying the current wave of imperial nostalgia (36).

In his documentary afro@digital, Congolese director Balufu Bakupa-Kanyinda retrieves the story of the Ishango Bone, the oldest known table of prime numbers, to suggest that mathematics, and by implication the network society as a whole, needs to be given a new, Afrocentric genealogy. FLOSS advocacy may not have to go that far. Yet perhaps a discussion of software politics in Africa should not begin with the question of software, but with the contradictory images of Africa that linger in the collective post-colonial imagination.

* Soenke Zehle (s.zehle AT kein.org) teaches transcultural media studies at Saarland University, Germany. This is a shortened version of an article that first appeared in Mute Magazine (http://www.metamute.com). It is reproduced here with permission of the author.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

FOOTNOTES

1 For an account of free software vs open source software in terms of a struggle over discursive hegemony, see David Berry, ‘The Contestation of Code: A preliminary investigation into the discourse of the free/libre and open source movements’, Critical Discourse Studies 1.1 (April 2004), 65–89, http://opensource.mit.edu/papers/berry1.pdf

2 http://FOSSFA.net

3 Bildad Kagai and Nicolas Kimolo, ‘FOSSFA in Africa: Opening the Door to State ICT Development Agendas – A Kenya Case Study’, SSRC The Politics of Open Source Adoption (2005), http://www.ssrc.org/wiki/POSA; CODI, ‘Resolutions of the Fourth Meeting of the Committee on Development Information (CODI-IV)’, UNECA Commission on Development Information (23-28 April 2005), http://www.uneca.org/codi/codi4/codi_iv_report.pdf See the country policy tables at: http://www.bridges.org/FLOSS/index.html

4 http://avoir.uwc.ac.za/

5 http://www.FOSSFA.net/idlelo2

6 Derek Keats, ‘Idlelo: First African Conference on the Digital Commons’, Final Report to Department of Science & Technology South Africa (2004), http://www.catia.ws/Documents/Indexpage/IdleloFinalReport.pdf

7 http://www.markshuttleworth.com

8 http://www.ubuntulinux.org, http://www.go-opensource.org/

9 http://www.freedomtoaster.org/, http://www.go-opensource.org/go_open

10 http://www.edubuntu.org/, http://www.tuxlab.org.za/
A thin client is a computer (client) in client-server architecture networks which have very few resources, so it has to depend primarily on the central server for processing activities. A thin client network centralises maintenance tasks on a (remote) server

11 http://wiki.go-opensource.org/taskforce

12 For a middle of the road assessment of the African Renaissance, see Elias K. Bongmba, ‘Reflections on Thabo Mbeki’s African Renaissance’, Journal of Southern African Studies 30.2 (June 2004). For more critical views, see Neil Lazarus, ‘The South African Ideology: The Myth of Exceptionalism, the Idea of Renaissance,’ South Atlantic Quarterly 103.4 (Fall 2004), 607-28, and Neville Alexander, ‘South Africa – Example or Illusion?’ An Ordinary Country: Issues in the Transition from Apartheid to Democracy in South Africa, New York: Berghahn Books, 2003, 137-73, 188-90

13 John Perry Barlow, ‘Africa Rising,’ Wired 6.01 (1998) http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/6.01/barlow_pr.html

14 http://www.balancingact-africa.com/

15 Ethan Zukerman, ‘Free Beer Doesn’t Sell’, Linux Journal 111 (July 2003) http://www.linuxjournal.com/article/6785

16 http://www.geekcorps.org/, http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/

17 David Wheeler, ‘Why Open Source Software / Free Software (OSS/FS, FLOSS, or FLOSS)? Look at the Numbers!’, (May 2005) http://www.dwheeler.com/oss_fs_why.html

18 Bridges.org, ‘Comparison study of Free/Open Source and Proprietary Software in an African context: implementation and policy-making to optimise community access to ICT’ (May 2005) http://www.bridges.org/software_comparison/index.html

19 http://www.schoolnet.na/

20 http://www.schoolnet.na/haiti

21 http://tatejoris.blogspot.com

22 Bildad Kagai, ‘FOSSFA responds to Microsoft-UNDP Deal’ (Feb 2004), http://FOSSFA.net

23 Yash Tandon, ‘An Alternative View on Technology’, SEATINI (Sept 2004), http://www.seatini.org/publications/factsheets/technology.htm

24 Thandika Mkandawire, ‘Good Governance: The Itinerary of an Idea’, D C Development and Cooperation 31.10 (01 Oct 2004) http://www.inwent.org/E Z/content/archive-eng/10-2004/tribune_art1.html

25 Rebecca Wanjiku, ‘Brazil opens its arms to Africa’, Highway Africa News Agency (05 April 2005) http://www.highwayafrica.ru.ac.za/hana/textviewer.asp?item_id=339

26 http://www.cptech.org/a2k/, http://www.eff.org/IP/WIPO/dev_agenda/, http://www.access2knowledge.org/cs/

27 Peter Drahos and John Brathwaite, ‘Who Owns the Knowledge Economy? Political Organising Behind TRIPS’, Corner House Briefings (Sept 2004), http://www.thecornerhouse.org.uk/pdf/briefing/32trips.pdf, also see http://www.bilaterals.org/

28 Yochai Benkler, ‘Coase’s Penguin, or Linux and the Nature of the Firm’ (2002) http://www.benkler.org/CoasesPenguin.html; James Boyle, ‘A Politics of Intellectual Property: Environmentalism For the Net?’ (1997) http://www.law.duke.edu/boylesite/intprop.htm

29 Rishab Ghosh, ‘Free/Libre/Open Source Software for developing countries: skills, employment and costs’, 2nd National Congress on Software Libre, Buenos Aires, Argentina (07 June 2005), http://www.flossproject.org/papers.htm

30 http://www.eriders.net

31 G. Pascal Zachary, ‘The African Hacker,’ IEEE Spectrum Online (Aug 2005), http://www.spectrum.ieee.org/WEBONLY/publicfeature/aug05/0805ahac.html

32 My assessment of Soft is based on an email exchange with Guido Sohne (Sept 2005). Also see http://sohne.net

33 Yuwei Lin, ‘Hybrid Innovation: How Does the Collaboration Between the FLOSS Community and Corporations Happen?’ Knowledge, Technology and Policy 18.2 (Summer 2005), http://opensource.mit.edu/papers/lin4_hybrid.pdf

34 http://www.openmediacommons.org/ As the history of commons-based resource management systems shows, ‘commons’ doesn’t necessarily imply the free-for-all often associated with it, and it is not necessarily obvious – a point made frequently by advocates of indigenous and traditional knowledge databases, for example – that ‘commons’ and ‘access restrictions’ are mutually exclusive; what emerges instead are ‘hybridised’ commons that take the information needs of specific communities into account.

35 http://wiki.go-opensource.org/taskforce/CorrectProj

36 Martin Meredith, The State of Africa: A History of Fifty Years of Independence, London: Free Press, 2005; Seumas Milne, ‘Britain: imperial nostalgia’, Le Monde Diplomatique (May 2005). Also see Chris Landsberg and Shaun Mckay, ‘Engaging the new Pan-Africanism’, Centre for Policy Studies (Sept 2005) http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001537/CSO-Guide_pan-africanism_2005.pdf

Reviewing the state of open source in Africa

2006-01-19

Sokari Ekine

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/31404

Sokari Ekine points out that moving to open source requires not just a change in software solutions but a change in the culture of NGOs to more cooperative and sharing organisations. Ekine believes that issues of expertise and support will be overcome as take up of FLOSS increases and concludes by reviewing some innovative open source projects on the African continent.


Back in June 2005 KnowProse picked up on a paper by Gabriella Coleman, "The Politics of Open Source Adoption, NGOs in the Developing World". Briefly the paper discusses the initial take up of FLOSS (Free and Open Source Software) and some of the problems NGOs have encountered and continue to have with the transition from proprietary software to FLOSS.

The paper states that: “These challenges are usually magnified in the developing world, where institutional resources and society-wide IT infrastructures are inconsistently available or scarce. Adoption is further are hampered in countries (including nearly all developing countries) where the private sector in open source technologies is underdeveloped.”

Coleman goes on to say that the private sector in FLOSS technologies is essential to providing the necessary local tech support that would put FLOSS solutions on a level terrain with commercial players such as Microsoft. KnowProse adds that:

“There is still a culture within NGOs where they are simply used to buying things with project money. Some open source support costs money through maintenance, but this is a different culture for many - whereas, Microsoft and other proprietary software entities advertise and lobby actively, while offering discounts. The open source advocates have not displayed this ability, and it's unlikely that we will in the future simply because we don't have the budget of a small country.”

I would add to this that NGOs and individuals are often wary when offered something for "free" or when asked to change from traditional software solutions to FLOSS. Moving to FLOSS requires not just a change in software solutions but a change in the culture of NGOs to more cooperative and sharing organisations.

One advantage proprietary software has over FLOSS in Africa is the availability of pirated proprietary software which at the moment still has the advantage of local knowledge and expertise. As Coleman points out:

“The existence of a thriving black market in pirated (proprietary) software, for example, often supports local IT expertise trained in that software - typically in industry standards such as Microsoft software. Some NGOs keep their operating costs down by using pirated software and drawing on these support networks. FLOSS technologies and secondary support networks have generally not overcome this illicit network and its lock-in effects in many countries.”

This brings me to a recent statement reported in Timbuktu Chronicles in which a Nigerian representative for Microsoft said: "Africa has no need for Free Open Source Software." Gerald Ilukwe, the general manager of Microsoft Nigeria, said that cost is not important, even though he admitted that the average annual salary in the West African country is only $160 (£91). "It's easy to focus on cost and say how much is a product, but at the end of the day it's the total impact that's important. You can give people free software or computers, but they won't have the expertise to use it."

Microsoft do have a point here but I believe that the issue of expertise and support will be overcome as take up of FLOSS increases. In other words it is not a given fact that FLOSS will continue to lack support. As the blog Timbuktu Chronicles points out this opens up Microsoft's intentions in Africa which as I see it is to prevent as much as possible the development and use of FLOSS on the continent. One could even ask whether Bill Gates' altruism towards Africa in the form of some £200 million dollars for R&D into Malaria has any link to their ambitions in the African market, which is worth a lot more than $200 million.

So what is the present state of FLOSS in Africa?

WazobiaSoft (Timbuktu Chronicles) is a Nigerian open source software translation project which aims to make software available in Nigeria's three main languages - Yoruba, Hausa and Igbo. They choose to use Open Source:

"because it is free and probably the only way people will be able to use software legally at little or no cost".

Wazobia - which is derived from the words for 'come' in the three languages, wa, zo and bia - believe that:

“Wazobia.org is helping in the modernization of core languages in Nigeria. Although, English is the official language in Nigeria, however, we believe that by having local language translation in computing, we will encourage and stimulate growth in Computer literacy. Also, it will be easier for people to become computer literate when the barrier of having to learn English is removed particularly for the people whose primary form of communication is not English.”

OpenCafe (Digital Africa) is a community based computer center that uses and promotes the use of open source with an internet cafe, training, art online project and the Software Freedom Day, both part of their Pan African project which aims to:

"…keep in touch via the Net with bloggers, artists, and Linux users from all over Africa (we also work with people outside the continent.) So we thought it's time for creating an online section dedicated to African FLOSS users, artists and bloggers and everyone else interested in our projects."

Shuttleworth Foundation is a South African based organisation who have identified "improved education" as the major challenge for South Africa and:

“…endeavours to support projects that seek to pilot more effective ways of using existing resources more efficiently in education.”

The Foundation also has an Open Source project which aims to unite the SA open source community and again promote the tak eup of Open Source Software by facilitating, supporting and funding "initiatives on a corporate, private and government level that lead to the awareness, uptake and growth of open source in South Africa."

Their projects include the Freedom Toaster - which enables users to freely burn open source software as they require. Go Open Source aims to encourage the use of open source software amongst non-specialist IT users. Tuxlab Programme for schools, establishes open source computer centers in schools. Translate.org, is a translation project to produce multilingual software for South Africa.

LinuxChix Africa is a project established by a group of African women to promote and highlight the use of FLOSS. They have joined with Kasi Open Source Software (KFLOSS):

“…to develop GNU/Linux and Open Source Software development and technical skills in South African townships. The long term strategy is to replicate this model to rural areas and villages. And of course, Linuxchix Africa will then develop similar parallel programmes throughout Africa.”

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Software alternatives: The benefits of Free and Open Source Software

2006-01-19

Karoline Kemp

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/31405

So you’re thinking of going open source? Karoline Kemp looks at the benefits of freeing yourself from the grip of Microsoft domination, touching on issues of cost, accessibility and participation, but also cautioning that issues of infrastructure and compatibility need to be taken into account. The article ends with a listing of useful resources related to open source.


Free and open source software is not a new concept or tool, but is only beginning to gain in popularity. This too is the case in Africa, where, by its very nature, it is beneficial for organisations working with few resources. By way of a brief introduction to Free and open source software (FLOSS), a definition may be useful. Wikipedia defines FLOSS as “computer software and the availability of its source code as open source under an open source license to study, change, and improve its design.” FLOSS has over the years become an area of increased interest, not least because, as University of California FLOSS expert Steve Weber has stated: “Software determines how information is manipulated, where it flows, to whom, and for what reasons.”

That said, FLOSS’s growing popularity can be put down to a number of reasons. These can be identified as the following:

- Reduced costs and less dependency on imported technology and skills;
- Affordable software for individuals, enterprise and government;
- Universal access through mass software rollout without costly licensing implications;
- Access to government data without barrier of proprietary software and data formats;
- Ability to customise software to local languages and cultures;
- Lowered barriers to entry for software businesses;
- Participation in global network of software development;
- Supplier independence;
- Patches or updates become available quicker, which limits breakdowns and security risks.

A further examination of these benefits reveals the following.

Free and open source software is free in the sense that its code is free, and can thus be changed and manipulated. The difference between FLOSS and proprietary software is that there are no restrictions coming from patents, copyrights, licensing fees, etc. Because the code for FLOSS is free, it can be run for any purpose and further, can be studied, adapted, improved and then redistributed. It may not necessarily be free monetarily, but is often much cheaper than proprietary software.

The potentials for FLOSS to NGOs to become autonomous from corporate providers are also notable. Not only does this address economic issues, but it also gives the freedom of self-reliance. This means that NGOs using FLOSS can reduce their dependence on external technology providers. They also own what they have developed, thus building on capacity development. If a community owns their resources – understands how it works, adapts it for their specific purposes and takes pride in the fact that they have reclaimed something that was once not a part of their own infrastructure, then capacity is built.

FLOSS also has a political role to play. Not only does it offer a commercial alternative to Microsoft domination, but it also puts software into the hands of people, making it a freely available public good. This increases the choices available to users and means that software can meet a diversity of needs.

One of the primary advantages of FLOSS is its capacity to be customized and localized.
FLOSS can be used by anyone, but can be advantageous to NGOs in a number of ways. Groups can run and operate computers with FLOSS that have been programmed to meet their specific needs and preferences. The possibilities for software customisation are unlimited.

Free and open source software can also be localized to meet local demands, including the use of local languages. This aspect has huge potential, as it makes accessibility to information and communications technology widespread. This involves writing software so that words appear in a different target language.

Governments are often the heaviest consumers of information and communication technologies in developing countries, thus their participation is paramount to the success of any open source initiative. Historically, research and development of ICTs have responded mainly to global market incentives. Because developing countries do not usually have the resources to invest in these sorts of schemes, they have often been left behind. FLOSS introduces the potential to close this digital divide, and this is one area where the government has a crucial role to play. In addition, both governments and non-governmental organisations in the developed world alike are increasingly becoming computer enabled, which means that they will favour interaction with countries in the developing world that are similarly enabled and can interact effectively with their information and management systems. FLOSS also has the potential to save governments large amounts of money, as well as make them less dependent on the developed world in general terms of technological and skills transfer. Long term cost savings may also occur as a result of reducing reliance on single sources and suppliers.

The development of FLOSS also represents a means for skills development and knowledge transfer. Local personnel can be trained in the field – organisations benefit, jobs are created and African programmers thus have the opportunity to participate in a global market. This potential also creates prospects for further involvement in creating and strengthening the traditional ICT field of a country - business opportunities are thus created.

There do exist certain problems with FLOSS in Africa. The primary pitfall of FLOSS is that it needs, from the outset, someone with enough IT knowledge to implement the software. Having the actual resources – computers and some initial software also pose challenges, as does the ability to pay IT staff. Having the appropriate infrastructure to support all of this is also a problem, but not one confined to FLOSS users. What is unique, however, is the problem of compatibility with other operating systems as well as hardware. Having to adapt software to make it fit with other operating systems poses a big challenge. Being able to find existing FLOSS is also difficult, as it is generally not advertised. Upon finding the appropriate software it is often accompanied by documentation that is not user friendly.

* Karoline Kemp is a Commonwealth of Learning Young Professional Intern assigned to Fahamu.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Sources/Further Reading:

Alternative Routes in the Digital World: Free and open source software in Africa. Victor van Reijswoud and Corrado Topi
http://opensource.mit.edu/papers/reijswoudtopi.pdf

Open Software & Open Standards in South Africa: A Critical Issue for Addressing the Digital Divide. National Advisory Council on Innovation (Open Software Working Group)
http://www.dst.gov.za/reports/discussion_docs/NACI%20opensource%20discussion%20doc.pdf

Open source software in Developing Economies. Steven Weber
http://www.ssrc.org/programs/itic/publications/ITST_materials/webernote2.pdf

Open source software: Perspectives for Development. Paul Dravis
http://www.infodev.org/files/837_file_Open_Source_Software.pdf

Straight from the Source: Perspectives from the African Free and Free and open source software Movement. bridges.org in collaboration with the Tactical Technology Collective
http://www.tacticaltech.org/africasource/essay

The Politics of Open Source Adoption, NGO's in the Developing World. Gabriella Coleman
http://www.tacticaltech.org/SSRC_Report

Further links and reading:

NGO in a Box
http://ngoinabox.org/
(Offers peer reviewed and selected OSS tailored to the needs of NGOs)

Martus - http://www.martus.org/
(Offers software that allows users to document human rights abuses, upload them and store them on redundant servers around the world)

Nigerian Open Source Project
http://www.wazobiasoft.org/
(A Nigerian Open Source Project that aims to make software available in the three main Nigerian languages)

Ubuntu Linux
http://www.ubuntulinux.org
(OSS project based on the belief that OSS should be available free of charge, software tools should be useable in their own language and that people should be able to alter it)

Tactical Tech Conference http://www.tacticaltech.org/africasource2
Conference in Uganda in Free and Open Source Software in local communities. It is an eight day conference aimed at building the technical skills of those working with African NGOs

Open Source Africa
http://www.opensourceafrica.org
(Aims to bridge the information divide by raising awareness about the benefits (and pitfalls) of open source software on the ground in Africa.)

Open NGO
http://www.openngo.org/
(Builds OSS for non-profit, NGO and social sectors)

Freedom Toaster
http://www.freedomtoaster.org.za/
(Provides free OSS downloads across South Africa)

NonProfit Open Source Initiative
http://www.nosi.net
Informal group of non-profit sector tech providers interested in the way OSS could benefit their work

Source Forge
http://sourceforge.net/
Largest OSS website, hosting OS code and applications

Open Knowledge Network
http://www.openknowledge.net/
Among other things, OKN uses OSS for the creation, display and exchange of locally relevant information)

Linux Chix Africa
http://www.africalinuxchix.org/
(Linux training of trainers in South African Townships)

Resources:

Free and Open Source Software in Africa - http://www.FLOSSfa.net
(Promotes the use of OSS in Africa and partners with the Health, Education, and Government Departments to meet ICT objectives in Africa)

Shuttleworth Foundation
http://www.shuttleworthfoundation.org/
(Supports education and social development through technology, including OSS)

Opensource Initative
http://www.opensource.org/
(Non-profit corporation dedicated to managing and promoting OSS for the good of the community)

Association for Progressive Communications
http://www.apc.org/english/index.shtml
(International network of CSOs dedicated to supporting social justice through the strategic use of technology, including the internet)

Tectonic - http://www.tectonic.co.za/
(Source for African OSS news)

Can Mama Ellen deliver liberty to Liberia?

2006-01-19

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/31374

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was sworn in this week as President of Liberia. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem wishes her well in what promises to be a stormy voyage, and raises questions about some of the problems that might crop up over the next four years. Will her reign mean better times for all women or only for ruling women? Will she be able to unlearn all her IMF/World Bank doctrines and put social change at the forefront of her agenda?


On Monday 15 January 2006, Mrs Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was sworn in as President of the Republic of Liberia, Africa's oldest modern republican state, founded by freed slaves largely from the USA in 1847. The search for liberty took them to Liberia, but the reality for the majority of the peoples of the country for most of the 160 years of its existence has been anything but freedom.

The Americo-Liberians, newly arrived from slave plantations in America, over the years established similar exploitative systems over the indigenous peoples of Liberia. The last three decades of Liberia is more widely known for its gruesome rulers, but the previous periods should not be excused their own gruesomeness that created the basis for the post 1980 dictatorships that we are so grimly aware of.

Mrs Johnson-Sirleaf's election and assumption of office is rightly celebrated both for its historical significance and symbolic resonance for the continuing struggle for democracy and fullest participation of African women in the affairs of this continent. Her election has lifted the spirits of all those who believe in gender equality and full recognition for Africa's majority, who are women. It is also another slap in the face of all those Afro pessimists, both African and non Africans who profit from bad mouthing Africa and seeing only doomsday scenarios and catastrophies coming out of Africa.

As we enjoy these positive feelings we should also sober up to the enormous challenges that Johnson-Sirleaf is going to face. How many of those heads of state, prominent politicians, assorted state officials from across the world who were there to shine in the glow of celebrations will still be there for her in a few months time? Would those regional and international leaders who obviously preferred her candidature now be willing to travel the long journey ahead? She will sooner rather than later discover that she needs more than election war chest pledges to realize the hopes and ambitions of millions of war ravaged and traumatised Liberians who will be expecting her to be the "mama fix it' of their misruled and abused country.

Her inauguration speech was uplifting, understandably emotional but also highly measured in a way as not to raise too many hopes. She is too much of a seasoned politician and has a long and varied experience as a banker, donor dispenser and NGO activist at national and international levels to be that extravagant with her promises.

But her cautious disposition will not stop millions of Liberian women and men from looking up to “Mama Ellen” to fix all the various challenges that have confronted them. She is also not coming in with a clean pair of hands, having been part of a previous regime and collaborated with other regimes - including that of the pariah of the moment, disgraced and indicted former dictator, Charles Taylor.

While many may see her as a saviour, others will be suspicious and say “wait and see”. In a continent that has seen too many false prophets before it is not an unreasonable attitude. Many of the sit tight leaders we are moaning about today were once promised messiahs and heroes!

Some of the issues that were raised during the campaigns that may have contributed to her winning the run off against “The Footballer”, George Weah, may actually come back to haunt her. One, the fact of being a woman was an empowering position to be in an election in which women really mattered, not as victims of the wars but also as agents of change through the transformations that sometimes come with dislocations brought about by prolonged conflicts. Old barriers break down and sometimes oppressed groups break out and kick up the ceiling. But would Mama Ellen be able to deliver to the Women of Liberia?

She has been approvingly called “The Iron Lady” comparing her to Britain's former hardline right wing Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. I am not sure if many British women and men who were victims of Thatcher's “greed is good” politics will welcome her African reincarnation. If she is past tense in London why should she be a new currency in Monrovia? Would this mean prosperity for poor women beyond gender symbolism? Or is it more likely to be better times for ruling women?

Two, her Harvard University education versus the “Street University” background of her main challenger portrayed the battle as one between the educated against the so called illiterate. It is a battle that resonates across Africa. When it comes to the right to vote we do not have any qualifications but when it comes to being voted for we demand “minimum” qualifications. Does that mean that so called illiterates have no other right than to be voting for those who are educated? In the case of Liberia, Johnson-Sirleaf and her generation of politicians share the responsibility for the mass illiteracy in the country. How can they turn around and condemn the generations they denied the right to education to and look down on them as unworthy? It is very strange that George Weah was cleared to contest the election despite being an illiterate. If he was cleared to stand surely he must have passed some “education threshold”. Or was he cleared with the hope that he would not win? If we do not have a policy of free and compulsory education up to a certain level for all our citizens it is very discriminatory and a violation of their rights to insist that they must possess certain qualifications in order to be voted for.

Another undemocratic side of this illiteracy debate is the shameful fact that the business of government is conducted in many of our countries in languages that the majority of the people do not understand, thereby mystifying the process of governance. When we say someone is an illiterate, in what language are we stating this? I wonder how many of our so-called educated elite will pass an elementary test in their mother tongues?

Three, a lot was made of her experience as a World Bank staffer and UN bureaucrat. This is very odd given the fact that many countries on this continent were destroyed by following the prescriptions of the Washington twin vultures of the IMF/WB through successive failed experiments with the lives of our peoples through SAPs and the current Neo-liberal policies. In Johnson-Sirleaf we are being asked to trust the judgment of a former employee of these same institutions. She cannot solve the problems of Liberia by acting like some bank clerk or repeating the neo-liberal mantra of her former employers or the globalisation fantasies of her friend, George Soros.

Liberia needs an effective, responsible and responsive state that will protect and defend its peoples, create jobs and empower people to transform their lives. It does not need a state that hands off social and economic development, trusting the ghosts of an unfree market. She has to unlearn all her IMF/World Bank doctrines if she wants to succeed as a change agent rather merely acting as an agent of the Bank and the Fund. As for her UN background I have only one question: Is Africa now effectively a UN mandate territory that previous experience of the UN is now required for aspirations of public office? Well, she needs to look no further than her friend next door, Alhaji Tejan Kabah of Sierra-Leone, to ask if working in the UN and acting as UN mandate governor guarantees development or even a free flow of foreign investment and donor funds. No amount of foreign support can be a substituted for the efforts of your own people.

Four, Johnson-Sirleaf has promised to wage war against corruption. She needs to tread carefully here and be serious. She should learn from the credibility gap surrounding similar efforts by her biggest regional patron, Olushegun Obasanjo of Nigeria. One way she can make a difference is not by insisting asset declaration but also liability declaration. Politicians should declare how much they owe those who funded their campaigns and how they propose to pay them back.

Finally, Johnson-Sirleaf has also made one of those rash promises that many Africans have become disdainfully familiar with. She has reportedly promised to serve only one term. I hope she will break the mould by actually honoring that pledge, whether it was made verbally, in public or in private. Out of the many heads of state she will be meeting at her first AU summit in Khartoum there is no high level of redemption of past similar promises.

Congratulations Mama Ellen, it is not going to be easy, but if you do not abandon the people they won’t abandon you too. I wish you well.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.

Darfur and Rwanda: Not Just Our Imaginations

2006-01-19

Pervenia P. Brown

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31408

No one can deny the striking similarities of the Zalingei and Mornay refugee camps in Sudan compared to Kibeho’s refugee camp at the time of the Rwandan genocide.

Everyday, newspaper articles advertise “fresh violence” in Sudan as if it were fresh produce or fresh coffee. Everyday, precious lives are being lost in Darfur while the media practices verbal gymnastics, trying to find the most animated way to describe the violence in Darfur, while Arab militiamen known as the Janjaweed (men on horseback carrying G3 guns) daily emulate the Rwandan genocide. The question is, “What are we going to do about it?” Ceasefire agreements have been broken, humanitarian efforts have been blocked, refugees returning to their villages have been shot and killed, the death toll is 50,000, at minimum; yet Geneva’s United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees spokesman, Peter Kessler, “can’t tell if people are being led into a trap.”

It is a shame that we have so horrific an example before us – the Rwandan Genocide – yet we are avoiding the obvious solution to the problem in Darfur. Neither the United Nations nor the United States has deployed military troops to Darfur, Sudan .

The United Nation’s reluctance to use force, however, is, in fact, inviting more violence and atrocities to the region. If the Janjaweed know that the UN does not plan to intervene militarily until “things [get] much worse,” (in accordance with Article 41 of the Security Council’s 30 July Resolution), the Janjaweed can intermittently curb the violence in Darfur just enough to prevent UN intervention. Moreover, since there are no military troops in Darfur humanitarian aid has been severely stifled. Some Darfuris believe that the restriction of humanitarian aid is a ploy by the Janjaweed and the Sudanese government to exterminate Darfuris through “forced starvation”. As a result, the death toll has climbed.

Subsequently, the high death toll in Darfur is a direct result of the lack of military intervention. If UN troops had been deployed to Darfur more than a year ago when the ethnic cleansing began, chances are the death toll would be significantly lower than the estimated 50,000 today. Even more Darfuris are being killed as they leave the Zalingei and Mornay refugee camps to return home to their villages. In spite of the fact that Rwandans were similarly killed as they journeyed home from the Kibeho refugee camp, the UN has yet to intervene militarily.

In the same way commissioner general for humanitarian affairs, Sulaf Din Salih, is encouraging Darfuris to leave the Zalingei and Mornay refugee camps and return home to their villages, the interhamwe in Rwanda urged internally displaced persons at the Kibeho refugee camp in 1995 to return to their homes. Like Rwandans, Darfuris attempting to return home in Sudan are being senselessly and brutally murdered in the same way Tutsis were killed by génocidaires a decade ago in Rwanda.

After Rwanda, we cannot feign ignorance. If there is no military intervention in Darfur, we know how the story will end; someone will author another “genocide” book entitled “Re-Imagining Sudan,” assessing the mass deaths and the effects of ethnic cleansing in Sudan on surviving Darfuris. Let’s do our part to stop the ethnic cleansing in Darfur so we won’t have to re-imagine Sudan.

Open letter to Thabo Mbeki

2006-01-17

Susie Clark

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31327

Dear Thabo Mbeki,

In your message to the South African people this week introducing the ANC’s local government manifesto you spoke about many vital issues that are close to our hearts and urgently in need of the government’s attention. You spoke of halving unemployment and poverty, of speeding up service delivery and increasing local government efficiency and accountably. All admirable aims, but where is your plan for addressing a health crisis that threatens to wipe out millions of South Africans?

You speak of your commitment to realizing “the goal of a better life for all” and to ensuring that “all South Africans are fully able to enjoy the full dignity of freedom” without once acknowledging the reality that by 2014 many millions of South Africans may not be around to enjoy a better life or the benefits of democracy because they will have died of treatable AIDS-related illnesses.

AIDS is already taking a devastating toll in lives in this country and yet in the entire manifesto, HIV/AIDs makes one cameo appearance, featuring third in a list of diseases that government promises “fewer people will be victims of” in the coming decade. That is simply not enough when six and a half million South Africans are infected with HIV, more than any other country in the world, and the majority of them don’t even know it.

How much longer do the South African people have to wait before you make fighting this epidemic a priority for your government that features in every manifesto you issue and in regular public statements? This level of commitment and openness has had proven impacts in countries like Botswana, Uganda and Kenya, often in more resource-poor settings than South Africa.

According to the latest UN AIDS Epidemic Update, the stigma attached to HIV and AIDS remains perhaps the most difficult obstacle to effective HIV prevention. Instead of attempting to reduce stigma by speaking openly and frequently about AIDS or taking the step of publicly testing and so setting an example to those who look to you for leadership on this issue, you have more than likely contributed to stigma by remaining resolutely silent on the topic.

This manifesto is yet another missed opportunity to put HIV and AIDS at the top of your agenda and uppermost in the minds of the people you are asking to assist you in building “a better life for all.” So far, people have responded to this epidemic to the extent that they are able to. Grandmothers are using their pensions to care for their orphaned grandchildren; village and township women with only the most basic health training are providing door-to-door home-based care to AIDS patients for little or no salary; and community-based organizations depend on private donations to feed and care for people sickened by the virus.

But there is only so much people can do considering that in most cases they lack the training, resources, life-saving medications and financial support that only the government can provide.

If you really want to honour and uphold your much touted “People’s Contract,” why not begin with acknowledging the scale of the HIV/AIDS crisis and then truly working in partnership with the people to address it.

Thanks to Pambazuka News

2006-01-18

Bryan Haddon

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31353

I would like to thank you for a fine job - in difficult times. As all of us grow increasingly concerned about the more and more desperate situation that so many fellow Africans are facing, it is immensely helpful to have such a valuable source of information, and it keeps up our spirits to see and be linked with so many people who are struggling fiercely to turn things around. Thanks to the Pambazuka team.

The new diaspora

2006-01-18

Cheryl Sanchez

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31351

I have completed reading the essay about the relationship between African Americans and the new arrivals from Africa. The geographical divide between Europe and Africa is not that far but the relationship between the Diaspora Africans and mainland Africans in London and Europe is the same. I would use the word contentious.

There are lots of anxieties expressed whenever two Africans from different groups marry. There are many harsh words and insults exchanged between and among Africans. Some of the unfounded opinions mentioned can be heard over here as well. The communication problems are getting worse. There is cooperation as well but, there is more insults, in-fighting and discrimination between and among Africans.

As SAP, IMF and WB programmes viciously squeeze the life- blood out of the Africa continent, new arrivals are becomming more and more desperate. When the majority of unskilled, manual workers and unemployed arrive here, they want their economic needs met first. Then, they look for people from their own country and then they form an exclusive church or clubs, which excludes other Africans. They practice a virulent brand of discrimination.

I have gone to clubs in London where only Ivorian or Congolese music is played. The myths, misinformation and ignorance run riot amongst the various communities. Unity is frowned upon. Open and frank discussions are ignored. When you people meeting here to compete for the lowest paying jobs in this declining capitalist island, you have a recipe for more in-fighting.

There is widespread evidence of disrespect especially when Africans talk to other Africans. Africans from the mainland tend to look down on the Caribbean born ones. The communication skills are quite poor. Illiteracy rates are high among Africans born in Britain/Jamaica. We as a people do not read, ask questions, explore other ideas, countries. Most Africans only know their country and London. I work with families so I suspect I have the most up to date information. The homes are always full of electronic/stylish furniture and other latest fads. However, the bookshelves are empty except for the revered King James Version. The parenting skills are better suited for the 16th century society. There is no realistic understanding of how capitalism works and no knowledge about colonial history. There are children born here who cannot string proper sentences in grammatically correct English. Some of our people are often very defensive and offended when they are challenged about destructive habits.

The author needs to come here and see London. It is not different to Washintgon DC, New York and the other cities in the USA. The most pleasant conversations I have had is with Africans from the continent who have read or have traveled around other African countries who do not live in a noisy church and who are curious enough to ask questions. So, all is not lost! We live in hope.

The new diaspora (2)

2006-01-18

Jean Y. Owensby

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31352

Sunshine and light to you all and wishes for a brilliant 2006! A very interesting article, indeed. But my personal belief, as someone who has both personal and professional ties with continental Africans from East, West and South of the Motherland, is that no further publicizing of our self-segregation is necessary.

There were at least four different race terms used in the article, i.e. Black, African American, African Africans, new Diaspora Africans...whew! Let's not continue to serve the self-interest of the economic powers that be, including the IMF, WB, NATO, etc. They have already wildly succeeded in this area. The Berlin Conference and the historical patterns of "divide and conquer" are still largely responsible for the tensions, myths and misperceptions between continental and Diaspora Africans.

Mother Africa, the birthplace of civilization, renders us all as simply AFRICANS. We have a shared rich history, culture, birthplace and geography that cannot be denied. As Malcolm X said, we are not defined by our place of birth, we are defined by our ancestry. If I was born in Japan, China or Italy, truly I would have the same beautiful brown skin, heavy hair and body type. If I were to identify myself as "Japanese" because I was born there, the Japanese person would ask, then who are your parents?

The new diaspora (3)

2006-01-17

Nicky Robertson

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/31331

Interesting article - especially as I was formerly a foreign student in the US and I became aware of the pressure put on African students by the African American students not to associate with white students like myself.

I notice you say 'Tanzanian born and American raised, Msia Kibona Clark is half Tanzanian and half African American'. Having talked about bi-cultural children I find the use of 'half' highlights differences and implies inadequacies. I believe it is time we stop referring to people's culture or identity as 'half' of anything. I feel strongly about this as my children are both Ethiopian and British and I hope that by both parents having told them this since birth, they feel they are complete people, who have the right to identify fully with both countries and both cultures if they chose to do so. Msia may be familiar with the term 'nusu-nusu' ('half-half') that is used in Swahili for mixed race children. We need new expressions to foster positive attitudes toward self and others in our multi-cultural world!

Child Soldiers in Africa

2006-01-18

Alcinda Honwana

http://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/14183.html

Young people have been at the forefront of political conflict in many parts of the world, even when it has turned violent. In some conflicts, for a variety of reasons, including coercion, poverty, or the seductive nature of violence, young children become killers before they are able to grasp the complexities of morality. Yet it has been only in the past ten years that this component of warfare has captured the attention of the world. Images of boys carrying guns and ammunition are now commonplace as they flash across television screens and appear on the front pages of newspapers. Less often, but equally disturbingly, stories of girls pressed into the service of militias surface in the media.

Poetry and Protest

A Dennis Brutus Reader

2006-01-18

http://cbsd.com/detail.aspx?Inventory=18018

This vital original collection of interviews, poetry, and essays of the much-loved anti-apartheid leader is the first book of its kind to bring together the full, forceful range of his work. Brutus, imprisoned along with Nelson Mandela, is known worldwide for his unparalleled eloquence as an opponent of the apartheid South African regime. Since its fall, he has been a voice for justice and humanity, speaking and writing extensively on issues of debt, poverty, war, racism, and neoliberalism.

The Trial and Other Stories

2006-01-18

Ifeoma Okoye

http://www.africanbookscollective.com/

A collection of nine short stories, from Ifeoma Okoye, an established academic and writer of fiction, who won the Commonwealth Short Story Competition, Africa Region, in 1999. The title story tells the tale of Anayo, a grief-stricken and pregnant widow, who stands accused by her jealous brother-in-law, Ezeji, of poisoning her husband. Anayo faces a dehumanising and humiliating trial under the clan's traditional laws. An educated women, she stands firm and achieves some concessions, but can do little in the face of entrenched discrimination.

African blogs praise Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf

2006-01-18

Sokari Ekine

http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks

The inauguration of Mrs Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf has been the focus of a number of African bloggers this week.

Jewels in the Jungle - Jewels in the Jungle (http://jewelsnthejungle.blogspot.com/2006/01/liberia-ellen-johnson-sirleaf-sworn-in.html) writes that he was deeply moved by the inauguration ceremony. He makes a link between the inauguration and the celebration in the US of Martin Luther King, which took place on the same day.

“It was also not lost on me that January 15th is our (USA) national holiday for remembrance of the birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. According to the Reverend Samuel Sumo Payne, a Liberian immigrant to the United States who will be participating in the Martin Luther King Jr. Day celebration activities this year in Ohio, Dr. King’s impact on social justice and civil rights reverberated far beyond the shores of the United States.”
.
Jewels comments that President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is determined, like Dr King, “to heal a nation and move forward and build bridges between former combatants and victims of the brutal conflict”. Although I appreciate what Jewels is saying here, I do think the linkage with Martin Luther King is somewhat tenuous. The Liberian President, for all her qualities which I sincerely admire, has not been involved in a protracted civil rights or liberation struggle. We are all very excited about having a woman leader in Africa and have high expectations. Nonetheless I believe we should wait and see how she proceeds and deals with these issues before likening her to Dr King or other liberationist struggles.

Fire Angel - Fire Angel (http://fireangel2007.blogspot.com/2006/01/africas-first-elected-female-leader.html) writes on how excited she was:

“When I first heard about it, I jumped up and down like a little school-girl…At the same time I'm trying not to turn my excitement into wishful thinking, because Sister Ellen has one heck of a job in front of her. Besides having the enormous task of bringing Liberia ‘back to life’, she ultimately represents the African woman and her role in today’s African society.”

Black Looks -Black Looks (http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks/2006/01/ellen_johnsonsi.html) looks at the impact on African women of Mrs Sirleaf-Johnson’s Presidency. She writes:

“We should not underestimate the significance of this Presidency to all African women. The only event that comes close was the awarding of the Nobel Prize to Wangari Maathai. Just as the Nobel Prize was for Kenya and for Africa, so too is the election of Johnson-Sirleaf for Liberia and Africa. It is not just Liberia's future at stake. The stability of the whole region very much depends on the success of Liberia.”

Continuing with the subject of women in government, Mental Acrobatics - Mental Acrobatics (http://www.mentalacrobatics.com/think/archives/2006/Jan/.php) writes on the appointment of two women by the newly elected Tanzanian President to two of the most important ministries -

Zakia Meghji, the Minister of Finance, and Asha-Rose Migiro, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.

However it is not all good.

“Of the 29 ministers and 31 deputies in his new Government, only five women were appointed cabinet ministers while 10 others were made assistant ministers. That is better than Kenya. Kibaki’s government has 34 ministers and 49 assistants. Only two women are ministers, Martha Karua of Justice and Constitutional Affairs and Charity Ngilu of Health and five women are assistant ministers. This is a drop from pre-referendum levels.”

On a completely different note, Africa Unchained - Africa Unchained (http://africaunchained.blogspot.com/2006/01/what-am-i-doing-here.html) points to an article by Stella Orakwue, “Not in Black or White” who calls on Africans to return home.

"What are Africans doing in Europe? Can someone tell me, please? I was brought here as a four-year-old child. If you are reading this and you are an African in Europe, I ask you this: Why are you here? Why did you come? Why did you stay? What are you doing?”

With considerable bitterness she goes on to say:

“I know everything I need to know about Europe: everything that 40 years of hard-won knowledge can bestow about European cultures, English people, British attitudes. And I know this: Europeans do not deserve Africans. We’re too good for them. But hear this, get this: Without us they would be unable, incapable, of running their own countries! How’s that for you. We work, they play. But they treat us like we are nothing, nobodies, dirt. And now they want to destroy our minds so that we can continue to ‘work’ for them like 21st century plantation slaves. Were we ever supposed to live among them?”

Chippla’s Weblog - Chippla's Weblog (http://chippla.blogspot.com/2006/01/welcome-to-france-egalit-myth.html) also focuses on Europe, this time the myth of Egalité France. He refers to an article in the Washington Post:

“…that calls into question the fabulous concept of egalité in modern France. Yes, egalité does exist but to enjoy its fruits you must be lily white. A golden, brown or dark brown skin is enough to shut you off from certain jobs especially in the service industry. Having the requisite skills is simply not sufficient, one must also have the right skin colour.”

He concludes that racism in Europe is no less than the US and may in fact be worse.

Finally African Bullets and Honey - AFrican Bullets and Honey (http://bulletsandhoney.blogspot.com/2006/01/ex-africa-semper-aliquid-novi-buy.html) comments on the latest “save an African from poverty” scheme. This one is advertised at Lastminute.com under their “Feel Good Gifts” section called Farm Africa. Here you can “Buy a sheep, a goat or some chickens”.

“So you’re not Gordon Brown and you can’t cancel the debt of the Third World. But with lastminute.com and Farm Friends you have the chance to do something amazing, just by buying a gift for a friend (or even for yourself). You can choose a sheep, a goat or a brood of chickens. Of course, they won't be delivered to you or the person you're buying the gift for. Instead, they'll get a really cute model of the chosen animal, while Farm Africa will give the real animal to a poor African farmer, who is struggling to feed his family. Just a few pounds buys the greatest gift of all - a happier, healthier future. A goat, for example, provides milk to fight-off malnutrition and any excess can be sold to pay for medicine or schoolbooks.”

Bullets & Honey comments: “Imagine how good you will feel when you add a good deed to your vacation. Not only will you be helping a worthy cause like poor African farmers or abandoned kitties, but your lucky recipient will receive a gift pack with information about the charity and a unique gift to open on their special day.”

You could of course change the name from “Farm Africa” to “Do good and be guilt free”!

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, http://okrasoup.typepad.com/black_looks

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Africa: African Union, NEPAD and African CSO engagement

2006-01-19

Irungu Houghton

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/31407

African Union heads of state and government meet in Khartoum, Sudan, from 23-24 January for the sixth ordinary session of the continental body. Human rights groups have protested against the decision to hold the summit in Khartoum, due to the continuing conflict in the Darfur region of the country. For the latest news, information and statements coming out of the summit, visit http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/ In the article below, Irungu Houghton tackles the subject of civil society engagement with the African Union, noting that as 2007 nears a series of important events offer the opportunity to “get things right”. He concludes that: “With the completion of the AU Strategic Plan, 2007 marks the first major review moment for understanding the progress towards the union. The year is also very powerfully symbolic in that it also marks the year in which the World Social Forum will take place in Nairobi, Kenya. It will also mark the advent of celebrations towards the 50th anniversary of Ghanaian and Guinean independence and 200 years since the abolition of slavery. Within this context, we cannot but remained inspired that Africa can, and must move to new heights of relationships between its states and its peoples before 2007.”


“We continue to interact with civil society groups at various levels. On a generic level, a civil society desk has been established at the NEPAD Secretariat with a view to having a one-stop focal point for civil society. At a sector level, all programmes are being implemented in consultation with relevant civil society groups. However, it must be noted that the level and extent of civil society participation in the implementation of NEPAD programmes is largely dependent on the capacity of civil society groups.” - Prof. W.L Nkuhlu, Former Chief Executive, The New Partnership for Africa’s Development, June 2005

"The Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC) must be against authoritarian regimes, hostile external efforts and the negative waves of globalization ...You should be by the side of those who suffer injustice and are deprived of their basic human rights." - H.E. Alpha Oumar Konare, Chairman, African Union Commission at launch of ECOSOCC, March 2005.

“Many colleagues in the NGO sector have cited instances when they have been asked if they would facilitate an interface between civil society and some public institution – at first because the institution wanted to look good in the eyes of some donor or other. More recently though, it appears that creative leaders are starting to recognize the value that comes from engaging broadly and seeking wide participation of all stakeholders.” - Ezra Mbogori, in Landsberg C. & Mckay C, Engaging the new Pan-Africanism: Strategies for Civil Society Paper

The establishment of the key facilitating structures for CSO and parliamentary participation within the African Union and NEPAD over 2005 come mid-way in the African Union Strategic Plan (2004-2007). Experience so far, suggests that the vision of a people driven Pan Africanism is yet to be translated into sustainable relationships in practice. The experience so far suggests that partnership between African CSOs and continental institutions would be more mutually respectful if they were re-designed around principles of solidarity, inclusion and autonomy. Until then, partnership will remain stuck at a very minimal level of the more comprehensive project of building a pan African consciousness and citizenship in Africa.

With the completion of the AU Strategic Plan, 2007 marks the first major review moment for understanding the progress towards the union. The year is also very powerfully symbolic in that it also marks the year in which the World Social Forum will take place in Nairobi, Kenya. It will also mark the advent of celebrations towards the 50th anniversary of Ghanaian and Guinean independence and 100 years since the abolition of slavery.

Making the links with Continental Citizenship, Public Accountability and Governance

Theories of citizenship often draw from the relationship between citizens and their rights and responsibilities and states and their duties and obligations on the other. Good governance is built on the understanding that the state is accountable to the public for the stewardship of public resources, public services and the upholding of the rights of its citizens (2). This model is only partially true for the path that the AU, NEPAD and even the RECs have embarked upon. In the absence of a basic state infrastructure such as the African passport, a Cape to Cairo driving licence, the Afro note, payment of taxes and delivery of public services, the concept of a collective Pan African citizenship seems remote. For this reason, it is in the development of a pan African consciousness and the willingness to struggle for the realisation of common continental rights standards such as the African Charter for Human and Peoples Rights and its Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa that African citizenship can be built. Nurturing and deepening actions by civil society organisations around the policies and programmes of continental integration is one important way of accelerating pan African consciousness. To illustrate this further, any observer of continental institutions can see the upward accountability to Heads of States. Yet, downward accountability is still very unclearly defined with certain consequences.

Travelling as a Kenyan, in Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania and Nigeria, I used to be struck by the negative comments of ordinary citizens to the travelling of their Heads of States. The Pan African project was often seen as competing for scarce national resources – the attention of the President and senior officials, the national budget and so on. With a number of active Presidents coming to the end of their terms or losing their credibility by refusing to keep to theirs, it is important to think about succession issues. Who will replace Mbeki, Wade, Mkapa and Obasanjo? Will it be Kikwete, Sirleaf-Johnson or Nkurunziza? Will public opinion demand that the new crop of leaders protect and expand the existing path or will it swallow them in a myriad of local and national concerns?

Background and the Promise

It is in the light of the quotes by Nkuhlu, Konare and Mbogori that the establishment of three critical structures namely the African Parliament (May 2004), The Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC), (March 2005) and the NEPAD CSO Think Tank launch (December 2005) find their relevance (3). On the one hand, the urgency at which Africa must take new and radical steps towards the universal realisation of human rights, economic and social justice and on the other, the critical imperative for a form of governance that is accountable and consistently responsive to Africa’s 870 million people.

Elsewhere, Charles Mutasa has provided a useful history of AU-CSO relations going back fifteen years to the Arusha Charter on Popular Participation (1990). Despite it’s recognition of the need for African governance to fully integrate African civil society in order for them to define the long term development policies of the continent, “the charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) made no reference to African civil society and OAU ... invited African Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to participate in some of its meetings and structures as observers”.

This framework did not allow for direct participation of CSO representatives at the meetings and had no reporting or follow-up systems. Furthermore, it enabled the widespread perception of the OAU as a meeting of elite leaders to persist. More serious attempts to integrate public participation in the public affairs of the continent took form after 2001 with a number of Summit declarations and decisions that sought to make CSOs not be observers of the African Union proceedings but be an integral part of the organization's decision and policymaking process. The Economic, Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC), established under the founding charter of the African Union, defined African civil society as an advisory organ and explicitly invites African civil society through its various organisations to fully participate in the institutions of the Union (4).

New Energies bring new Possibilities

In 2005, a small but growing number of African CSOs and alliances are at the forefront of advocating continentally and globally on a range of human rights and equity issues. They are currently engaging the African Union Commission, Pan African Parliament, NEPAD, African Development Bank and the offices of other regional and sub regional organisations such as IGADD, ECOWAS, and SADEC (5). It is clear over 2004-2005 that CSOs have been able to engage effectively to influence continental policies and practices in as diverse areas as HIV/AIDS strategy development (March 2005), Bejing+10 review (September 2005), WTO Inter-Ministerial Conferences (September 2003) and trade meetings (African Trade Ministers Meetings, 2003-2005).

Other important joint advocacy initiatives include work on human rights reporting and the state’s responsibility to protect civilians in Darfur, streamlining the establishment of an African Court of Justice, lobbying for greater protection for journalists and calls for an end to impunity for crimes against humanity and the arrests and indictment of Taylor and Habre among others. The coming into force of the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa (2004-2005) on November 25 within a remarkably short period of time is a good example of what can be done.

Together with their international allies, African CSOs are also campaigning for global economic and social justice at the various international Summits including the G8 Summit, the World Summit, the Information Summit, World Bank and IMF meetings and the 6th WTO Interministerial. Significant and progressive calls for alternatives to a world economic and political order that keeps Africa disempowered and economically unviable have emerged as part of the World Social Forum. Leading up to the WSF in Nairobi in 2007, their vision that “another world is possible” will become a central theme in Africa (7).

2005 saw also the emergence of the largest single anti-poverty alliance in the world, The Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP). African civil society leaders have been instrumental in expanding the movement both in Africa to 17 countries and across the world (8).

The SOAWR campaign reflects important lessons for CSO-AU relationships. It is clear that the open door policy by the AUC office of the Cabinet, the Commissioner for Political Affairs and some key Ambassadors enabled an autonomous constituency of women’s organisations to amplify the AUC call for countries to sign and ratify the Protocol. The Protocol has now come to force, the fastest coming into force of a Protocol in the history of the AU/OAU. Members of GCAP successfully sought access to the working papers of the NEPAD Heads of States and position papers for the G8 Summit. Furthermore, NEPAD secured space for African CSOs to participate in the African Partnership Forum.

Current Circumstances and Challenges

Despite these new energies, it is clear that we are far from seeing them as mainstream to the affairs of continental institutions. During the middle of 2005, thirty African CSO leaders were interviewed at length on CSO-AU relations. Overall, the study revealed very limited knowledge among CSOs about the AU, NEPAD and other key organs, their roles and policy-making processes. Due to their proximity to the respective offices, Southern African NGOs are relatively more familiar with NEPAD, whilst NGOs in Ethiopia know relatively more about the AU Commission. When asked whether they were aware that the AU has opened political space for dialogue with CSOs most said they were, but had very little knowledge of how this has happened and what the entry points were.

Communication between CSOs and continental institutions was described as reactive and ad hoc. It was interesting to note that individuals from CSOs and pan African secretariats spoke about the other in non-institutionalised terms thus; “good communication depends on who you know”, but often there is “no feedback”. For these reasons, the current accountability mechanisms remain weak.

Despite good intentions, it would not be unfair to say that African CSOs have insufficient capacity to monitor the fulfilment of agreed promises, policies and commitments by the African Union and related institutions on the full range of issues that are vital to the people of the continent (9). There are few independent networks and mechanisms for monitoring the effectiveness and impact of the decisions by African institutions. If this is the case for a particularly well-resourced and better-positioned constituency, then the vision of a people-driven AU is even further.

Citizens of Africa have extremely limited opportunities to participate and/or scrutinise strategic continental policy documents and processes during their conception, drafting, implementation and review. Even relatively well informed and educated individuals working for African CSOs have frankly exposed how little they know about the AU and its functions and the work of other sub regional organisations. Consequently, this has hampered ownership building with wider constituencies and marred the outcome of important policy development. Currently, important debates on universalising access to essential medicine are taking place without the participation of people living with AIDs. This pattern robs the AU and specialised agencies of the possibility of building public opinion across Africa and safeguarding the emergence of new Pan Africanist leadership long after the current crop of leaders have gone.

Overall, CSOs and citizens in Africa are ill prepared to be able to articulate or express their needs, aspirations and policy priorities. The absence of pan African media (radio, newspapers and television), social and political divisions conspire to keep the pan African project too remote from the consciousness of the majority. Consequently, a large number of African citizens continue to hold onto the stereotypes that characterised the OAU namely, “as too remote”, “captured by political elites”, largely unaccountable and donor dependent” (10).

Old Contradictions strangle new Possibilities

The African Union Fifth Assembly of African heads of States in Sirte, Libya, 28 June to 5th July 2005 brought the momentum that was building up between the political leadership and African CSOs to a screeching halt. Discussions between members of ECOSOCC and the AUC revealed that there were no plans by the AUC to hold a civil society side-event that could feed into the Council of Ministers. Consequently there were no invitations for even leadership of ECOSOCC to attend the event. Through a separate process, Chairperson Hon Wangari Maathai attended and spoke at the meeting, but in the absence of a pre-consultation could not have been speaking on behalf of any specific constituency (11).

The failure of other activists to get visas to attend the AU Summit in Libya dislocated them from access to African political leadership three days before the G8 Summit. Attempts to request AUC help were met with this helpless response; “Dear colleagues, the Director has asked me to inform you that unfortunately due to host government guidelines, the AU will not be able to invite any more NGOs and other partners to the Summit in Libya. We hope to be able to invite your Group to such meetings in future”. (12)

Sankore and Odinkalu had sounded the warning bell nearly a month before the Summit in the following way. It is worth quoting extensively from their correspondence:

“Unlike with previous summits, there will be no AU facilitated civil society meeting preceeding the Summit in Libya. As there has been no official and public explanation by the AU, it is best not to speculate on why the expected meeting will not be holding.

The fact that it will not be holding it however raises important questions. The most obvious of which is - should African civil society be reliant on the AU to fund its pre summit meetings? A No answer has its implications, the major question being how then will it be funded. A Yes answer also has implications in respect of independence and ethical questions, especially given that the state, its agents and agencies in many African countries are the main violators of human, political, economic and social rights on the continent. This is not withstanding the fact that the AU as an institution has surpassed the expectations of many cynics in terms of its engagement with civil society and its vision for Africa. Nevertheless, the fact that the regular AU supported civil society meeting will not be holding will raise a question mark over the relationship of civil society with the AU with regards to summit arrangements. Will this be a one off situation? Will the next one be guaranteed to hold? How is it that African civil society's major annual meeting will not be holding in the very year when Africa and Africa's problems are the focus of the world? Is it that African civil society is so insignificant in the equation that the governments of Africa, Europe, America and the G8 can decide Africa's future without the input of civil society - even at a time when rock musicians and pop stars across the West can claim to have influence on the future of Africa. The issues of debt; gender equality; human rights and democracy; conflict, peace and security; HIV/AIDS; agriculture and food security and many more are too crucial to be left to drift for another year without African civil society input (13).”

It is partially this lack of engagement that led to the vast gap in the verdicts between African civil society and the African Union minutes after the G8 Communiqué was read (14).

This experience reveals areas of weaknesses in the relationship of CSOs to the AUC through ECOSOCC. It was unclear whether a budget existed for the pre-consultation or the process for laying claim on resources. There was not an alternative source of financing. The leadership of ECOSOCC were not sufficiently cohesive to act decisively and protect their space. Lastly, the host state was able to impose its very low public record of facilitating the inclusion of people and participation on the entire continent.

As the 6th Assembly approaches in Khartoum, Sudan, in January, many observers will be watching carefully to see whether pan African citizenship and democracy dies a second time. Should this be the case, then our resolve to resist the cynicism of one of my colleagues when she says “the African Union only exists in Durban, Maputo, Addis and Abuja, elsewhere, it cannot even operate towards the realisation of its own vision” will be further weakened.

Implications for new ways of working

For the remaining duration of the African Union Strategic Plan 2004-2007, the AU Commission, NEPAD, African Parliament, African Court of Justice and the Heads of State Summits are all expected to involve CSOs in their work. Yet for the AU vision of “an integrated Africa, a prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the international arena” to become a reality, we need to realise some pre-conditions. Firstly, we would all require the principles of transparency and dialogue to become evident in the practise of these institutions.

Secondly, we would require the active and meaningful participation of civil society in African governance. If both pre-conditions were met and sustained, we could collectively, Governments and citizens, claim to have strengthened the accountability of the African Union and NEPAD to continental constituencies. Secondly, we would have increased the credibility of the political and economic integration process underway in Africa today. Over the next two years, great synergies could be harvested. We could see the Common African Position defined not as the position of African states but as the position of states and their peoples. To do this we must shift the current model of collaboration between continental policymaking institutions and African civil society organisations and their networks. Firstly, continental policy-making institutions have to see interaction with CSOs less as an opportunity for technical advise, funding and in-put on policy development but rather as the humble beginnings of a process that increases their own accountability to the public. Instrumentalising this relationship subverts the principles of inclusion and participation and reduces the desirability for expanding circles of influence and involvement to key interest groups such as associations of farmers, people living with AIDS, youth, women etc.

Secondly, lessons from ECOSOCC suggest that a more resilient model could be built around democratising information and resources. Bridging structures, in the case of NEPAD the think tank, must be enabled to in-put in the development of the annual planning and budgeting processes. Specific elements of this include the annual calendar, the overall budget and the specific budget for CSO engagement. CSOs need to be aware what spaces exist for participation, both at the level of the Secretariat as they prepare documents but also with the political leadership.

Thirdly, it should be recognised that in the light of the vast population of Africa, existing spaces and mechanisms are only minimum arrangements for people to speak at a continental level. Other mechanisms should be established for widening public feed-back. AU and NEPAD could explore with civil society organisations, the use of citizens report-cards, independent reports on the projects performance, public hearings and social audits among others. The language of roles and stakeholders displaces the language of rights, responsibilities and obligations. Partnerships will be more mutually respectful if we are able to establish greater predictability and agreement on what both parties are obligated to do. Applying this, it should be possible to answer for NEPAD and CSOs that engage it, what obligations must exist for public accountability to be nurtured and sustained? Does the AU and NEPAD have a duty to enable the independent voice of civil society? Do CSOs have a duty to respond the formulation and implementation of policies and programmes? If the answer to these questions is in the affirmative then African citizenship can emerge in this continent.

On the side of civil society, organisations must be more demanding on the continental institutions to go beyond providing invited spaces to ensuring that the obligations on public participation enshrined in all the documents that matter are upheld consistently. Making claims on how the institutions think and act (public policies and behaviour) is a tried and tested way of keeping these institutions relevant and responsive to the broader public. Maintaining an autonomous capacity is a pre-requisite for effective influencing and engagement. At this early stage, relying on the continental institutions to completely manage this engagement will more likely end up in the agenda of civil society being subsumed, subordinated or at best, reduced to what the people managing these institutions think they can manage. Independent budgets, constituency meetings and independent leadership structures are key to this.

Lastly, from an institutional design perspective on future CSO-AU/NEPAD relations, I would propose three values and make some suggestions on processes that would assist thus;

Values

Inclusion:

- AU/ NEPAD should include guarantees that civil society representatives and non-state actors will have access to establish side-events alongside the formal agenda of Summits and key conferences.

- AU/NEPAD should open up spaces within the formal meetings for civil society to speak directly to various fora including the African Partnership Forum and Summits.

- Annual calendar of events should be shared in advance.

- CSO participation should look towards widening the space and/or rotating involvement in a manner that consolidates a culture and experience of working continentally.

Solidarity:

- Expectations should be clarified in order to identify those that are shared and those that are distinct to either party. These should then be negotiated as agreements.

- NEPAD and AU Budgets and Plans should be accessible either through arrangements with CSOs or simply placed on the website.

Autonomy:

- NEPAD and CSOs should facilitate regular pre-consultations of civil society prior to important decision-making fora, but managed by the latter.

- CSOs should organise themselves to ensure that they have the capacity to deliver on the agreements it makes with NEPAD.

Conclusion

In the absence of increasing the number of voices and actions and improving the quality of CSO engagement at the continental level, there are two scenarios for us. Firstly, the Pan African project remains an add-on for “five star civil society” alone. AU and NEPAD staff manipulate CSO involvement and constrain them to what they can themselves manage. Secondly, even this privileged group gets frustrated and is inspired by more protest-based models to make their views heard. Insecurity and the fear of external challenges gives rise to eagles in the Secretariat who spend more time defending their institutions than promoting and expanding their interaction with African citizens.

A series of important events towards 2007 give us an opportunity to get things right. With the completion of the AU Strategic Plan, 2007 marks the first major review moment for understanding the progress towards the union. The year is also very powerfully symbolic in that it also marks the year in which the World Social Forum will take place in Nairobi, Kenya. It will also mark the advent of celebrations towards the 50 th anniversary of Ghanaian and Guinean independence and 200 years since the abolition of slavery. Within this context, we cannot but remained inspired that Africa can, and must move to new heights of relationships between its states and its peoples before 2007.

* Irungu Houghton is Pan Africa Policy Advisor for OxfamGB and can be reached on irunguh@oxfam.org.uk and Tel: +254-202820155. The author wishes to acknowledges paper by Wordofa D., Odete E. and Andipatin P. Report on the Consultative Process for African CSO initiative to establish an independent facility, 20 July 2005 in the preparation of this paper. This paper was presented by invitation to the Launch of the NEPAD CSO think tank and induction workshop, Nairobi, December 14-16 th.

* Pleased send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Notes:

2 See papers within Naila Kabeer (ed) Inclusive Citizenship: Meanings and Expressions 2005, Zed Books
3 While this paper largely focuses on the African Union and its specialised organs, the author recognises the importance of avenues for dialogue that have opened up in the ECA, ADB and other regions
4 Mutasa C. Is the African Union ECOSCC: a new dawn and a new deal?
5 Wordofa D., Odete E. and Andipatin P. Report on the Consultative Process for African CSO initiative to establish an independent facility, 20 July 2005
6 You can read about and join this campaign at www.pambazuka.org or send an email to fmohamed@equalitynow.org
7 See www.africansocialforum.org or www.enda.sn
8 See www.whiteband.org or www.gcapsms.org
9 It should be noted that International CSOs with operational presence in Africa are not relatively better poised despite access to more flexible resources.
10 Oxfam GB From Unity to Union: The Changes we seek, October 2994
11 In the light of civil society concerns over the capacity of a sitting Cabinet Minister to represent a civil society platform, this had further ramifications. 12 Name of the author of letter withheld
13 Sankore R. & Odinkalu C. African Civil Society and the African Union: Time for Self-Organisation? www.pambazuka.org, June 2005
14 Linda Odhiambo Are the African Union and Civil Society Organisations failing to find common cause in approaching the international community? Unpublished paper, August 2005
15 Full copy of the statement available at http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/panafrica/downloads/ african_orgs_statement_g8.rtf

Africa: Disability is not inability

2006-01-17

http://www.africafiles.org

In 1999 the Organization of African Unity, now African Union, declared 1999 - 2009 the African Decade for Persons With Disabilities. Halfway through this decade, it is time to take stock of what has been achieved. The image that emerges from this survey shows the many gray areas, with millions of disabled living in poverty, seclusion and unable to assert their rights. If Africa lags behind in recognizing the value of people with disabilities it is also true that community based initiatives are reaching out to more people than ever. There are today many positive initiatives both from governments and local communities. Awareness campaigns and active government lobbying are changing the fate of people with disability in the continent.
Related Link:
UN to produce documents in Braille
http://www.hrea.org

Africa: Education, economic cooperation to dominate AU summit

2006-01-19

http://www.sardc.net/editorial/NewsFeature/index1.htm

Creation of a continental watchdog on education and culture, progress towards the African Economic Community and changes to the African Union corporate identity are expected to dominate this month's AU summit in the Sudan. Heads of state and government of the AU meet in Khartoum, Sudan, from 23-24 January for the sixth ordinary session of the continental body. The conference, to be held under the theme "Education and Culture", is expected to discuss the state of the continent's education sector and consider a proposal by Sudan for the establishment of the African Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (AFESCO).

Africa: Notice of SOAWR press conference

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/31410

The decision by the African Union to meet in Khartoum this week offers an important opportunity for Africa and Sudan to reflect on the continent's progress in achieving gender equality, freedom from violence and the rights of women. The coming into force of the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa on November 25th 2005 offers new possibilities for women and girls across our continent. By the time the Summit opens, seventeen countries from all regions of Africa will have ratified the Protocol. This without doubt marks a significant achievement in the promotion and protection of women's rights in the continent. We must, together celebrate this achievement.

PRESS ADVISORY FOR PRESS CONFERENCE

PRESS CONFERENCE OF WOMEN’S ORGANISATIONS PREPARING FOR THE 6TH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE SUMMIT OF THE AFRICAN UNION

WHAT: When the Assembly of the African Union Summit opens later this week, seventeen countries will have ratified the African Union’s Protocol on the Rights of Women. Prominent advocates and policy experts meeting here in Khartoum, Sudan will brief the media on the importance of the Protocol and this Summit for gender equality in Africa and Sudan.

WHO: Prof. Balgis Badri, Director of Women, Gender and Development Institute, Ahfad University for Women

Therese Nyondiko, Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition

Other speakers to be confirmed

WHEN: 19th January 2006, 10.00 a.m-11.30 a.m

WHERE: Sharjah Hall, University Street

For further details about this event and for interviews contact:

Elsin Elsayed +249-912991900 (Arabic and English)
Eve Odete +249-922649044 (French and English)


This press conference is organised by The Ahfad University for Women,
Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women and The pan African Coalition Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR)




PRESS STATEMENT
Read by Therese Nyondiko, SOAWR

The decision by the African Union to meet in Khartoum this week offers an important opportunity for Africa and Sudan to reflect on the continent’s progress in achieving gender equality, freedom from violence and the rights of women.

The coming into force of the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa on November 25th 2005 offers new possibilities for women and girls across our continent. By the time the Summit opens, seventeen countries from all regions of Africa will have ratified the Protocol. This without doubt marks a significant achievement in the promotion and protection of women’s rights in the continent. We must, together celebrate this achievement.

The Protocol is unlike any other international instrument. For the first time in international law, the Protocol legally prohibits female genital mutilation and the abuse of women in advertising and pornography. It specifically recognises the rights of widows, elderly women, migrant women, marginalised women and women in detention. It also reaffirms the rights of women to be free from gender-based violence in times of conflict and to seek political office.

Thirty-six African countries have not yet ratified the Protocol. We shall engage the leadership in these states over this Summit and at home to demonstrate their commitment to the rights of women in Africa, by ratifying the Protocol without any further delay.

We also call on those governments that have already ratified the Protocol to domesticate and harmonise the provisions of the Protocol with their national laws. The coming into force of the Protocol is the first step in securing the protection of women’s human rights in Africa. However, in a continent where millions of women and girls are locked out of education and subjected to harmful cultural practises, the two major themes of this Summit, we call upon those who have ratified the Protocol to make sure that the reality in their country reflects the promise of this Protocol.

We in SOAWR are committed to work with our sisters in the Ahfad University for Women and Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women to make sure Sudan is not left behind by the rest of Africa.

Ends

Issued 19th January 2005


PRESS BRIEFING
Issued 19th January 2005
Women’s Organisations launch their preparations for the African Union Summit and announce public meeting on Saturday 21st January

At a press conference attended by Sudanese, African and international media on 19th January, women’s organisations launched their preparations for the Summit of the African Union. The conference was attended by representatives from the Ahfad University for Women, Sudan’s oldest educational institution for the education of women, the Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women and the Pan African coalition, The Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR).

At the conference, Therese Nyondiko of the Pan African Coalition Solidarity for African Women’s Rights working in nineteen countries said, “The coming into force of the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa on November 25th 2005 offers new possibilities for women and girls across our continent. By the time the Summit opens, seventeen countries from all regions of Africa will have ratified the Protocol.” She went on to say “This without doubt marks a significant achievement in the promotion and protection of women’s rights in the continent. We must, together celebrate this achievement.”

Sudanese civil society organisations also spoke about the relevance of the Protocol for sustained peace and development in all parts of Sudan. Prof. Balgis Badri, Director of Women, Gender and Development Institute spoke of the need to campaign for the remaining thirty-six African countries that have not yet ratified the Protocol. She said, “Sudan is one of the 36 countries that have not ratified the Protocol. As the host of this Summit, we must accelerate our commitment to this important policy. I shall be encouraging my Government to publicly announce their commitment to ratify the Protocol at this Summit. Sudan must not be left behind by the rest of Africa.”

She also announced that the Ahfad University for Women in Omdurman will host an all day public symposium on Saturday January 21st The meeting will bring together African and Sudanese scholars, policy makers and policy analysts to examine Strategies for Ratification, Implementation and popularisation of the African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa

For further information and interviews in French, Arabic and English contact
Elsin Elsayed +249-912991900 (Arabic and English) or Eve Odete +249-922649044 (French/English)

This press conference is organised by The Ahfad University for Women,
Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women and The pan African Coalition Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR)

More...

Africa: Resolution from civil society on Darfur

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/31411

"We the representatives of more than 50 human rights institutions and non-governmental organizations meeting in Nairobi, Kenya from January 13th to 14th, 2006 representing African Civil Society are honored to present our compliments to your high Offices. We wish to express our deep concern with respect to the ongoing plans by the African heads of state and government to confer the AU Presidency for the year 2006-2007 on Sudan; and in particular to President Omar El-Bashir. We seriously believe that such an action will deeply undermine and erode the credibility of the AU and at the same time compromise the authority of its institutions."
January 14, 2006 , Nairobi- Kenya

To All Heads of State and Government
Members of the African Union (AU)

Resolution of Independent African Civil Society meeting 13-14 Jan 2006 on the Unsuitability of Sudan to Hold the Presidency of the African Union

Your Excellencies,

We the representatives of more than 50 human rights institutions and non-governmental organizations meeting in Nairobi, Kenya from January 13th to 14th, 2006 representing African Civil Society are honored to present our compliments to your high Offices.

We wish to express our deep concern with respect to the ongoing plans by the African heads of state and government to confer the AU Presidency for the year 2006-2007 on Sudan; and in particular to President Omar El-Bashir. We seriously believe that such an action will deeply undermine and erode the credibility of the AU and at the same time compromise the authority of its institutions.

The human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan’s Darfur region continues to be one of the worst in the world. The Government of Sudan is one of the parties considered responsible for this situation, where an estimated 300,000 people have been killed and two million others mainly women and children deliberately uprooted from their homes since February 2003. This has largely been attributed to the activities of the Government of Sudan and her allied Janjaweed militia.

A United Nations Commission of inquiry report on Darfur further confirmed the above and formed the basis of the UN Security Council’s referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court.

Excellencies,

The Government of Sudan and the Janjaweed continue to hold civilian populations in IDP camps as hostages of war, block access routes to major parts of Darfur and obstruct the work of humanitarian relief organizations.

Despite the laudable efforts of the African Union to end the crisis, through the African Mission In Sudan (AMIS) and the on-going Abuja negotiations under the stewardship of President Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, the Government of Sudan has demonstrated complete disregard to the numerous measures undertaken by the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the Peace and Security Council, which amongst others, demanded that Sudan puts an immediate end to its military activities in Darfur.
It is in the light of the fore-going that we reiterate our concern that because of these crimes against humanity committed on her territory, Sudan should not be rewarded by granting the leadership of the African Union to President El-Bashir at this very crucial moment in the Union’s history. Such a move would defeat the core principles and objectives of the African Union’s Constitutive Act, which includes; the promotion of peace and stability on the continent and upholding and protecting human and peoples' rights.

Excellencies,
In view of the leading role played by the AU Presidency in the on-going Abuja talks, Sudan cannot be entrusted with this responsibility of guiding the talks, as it is a party to the conflict. We believe that the entire process of the Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks on Darfur lies in jeopardy should the AU Presidency go to Marshal Omar El-Bashir.

Respectfully

AFFORD - AFRICAN FOUNDATION FOR DEVELOPMENT
AFRICA AFFILIATES, INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS,
AFRICA INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS VOICE(AFRICA IDP VOICE),
AFRICA PEACE FORUM
AFRICAN CENTRE FOR DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS STUDIES
AFRICAN MEDICAL AND RESEARCH FOUNDATION, AMREF
AFRICAN WOMEN'S DEVELOPMENT & COMMUNICATION NETWORK - FEMNET
AFRICAN YOUTH PARLIAMENT:
AFRIMAP
BAOBAB
CENTRE D'ETUDES ET DE RECHERCHE EN DROITS DE L'HOMME ET DÉMOCRATIE:
CENTRE FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT EDUCATION (CLEEN)
CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF VIOLENCE AND RECONCILIATION,
CHADIAN ASSOCIATION OF VICTIMS OF POLITICAL REPRESSION AND CRIME (AVCRP)
CIVIL SOCIETY LEGISLATIVE ADVOCACY CENTRE
COALITION FOR AN AFRICAN COURT ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS
CREDO FOR FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATED RIGHTS,
ECOLOGICAL YOUTH OF ANGOLA (JEA),
ELECTORAL INSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA
FAHAMU
FAMEDEV-INTER- AFRICA NETWORK FOR WOMEN, MEDIA, GENDER EQUITY AND DEVELOPMENT
JOURNALISTE EN DANGER (JED)
KABISSA
MEDIA IN SOUTHERN AFRICA NETWORK (MISA),
MOVEMENT FOR CULTURAL AWARENESS (MOCA),
MWENGO
NATIONAL ACCOUNTABILITY GROUP(NAG),
NETWORK ON EQUITY IN HEALTH IN SOUTHERN AFRICA (EQUINET):
OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE
REGIONAL NETWORK OF PEOPLE LIVING WITH AIDS
SADC YOUTH MOVEMENT
SAFAIDS
SOUTHERN AFRICA NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATION NETWORK (SANGONET)
TANZANIA MEDIA WOMEN'S ASSOCIATION
THE DARFUR CONSORTIUM
THE EASTERN AFRICAN SUB-REGIONAL SUPPORT INITIATIVE FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN (EASSI),
THIRD WORLD NETWORK - AFRICA,
WOMEN ADVOCATES, RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATIOIN CENTRE, WARDC
YOUTH DEVELOPMENT FORUM (YODEFO)

FOR FUTHER CONTACT

Dismas Nkunda, The Darfur Consortium, +256 78 310404, Dismas.Nkunda@refugeerights.org

Rotimi Sankore, CREDO for Freedom of Expression & Associated Rights, +44 207 7875501, info@credonet.org

More...

Africa: Statement of the Coalition for an Effective African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/

Visit http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/ to read a submission of the Coalition for an Effective African Court on Human & Peoples' Rights in respect of the election of Judges to the African Court this January 2006 AU Summit.

Africa: Zimbabwe and the African Union Summit

Letter to Ms. Lindiwe Mabuza, High Commissioner of the Republic of South Africa

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/31412

"As you may know Progressio (formerly the Catholic Institute for International Relations) has been involved in solidarity work with the peoples of Southern Africa for a considerable period of time. With our southern African partners and Northern partners in the CIDSE group of Catholic agencies we wish to draw your attention to significant events regarding Zimbabwe.

On December 5th 2005, the African Commission for Human and People's Rights (ACHPR) adopted a resolution condemning the human rights situation in Zimbabwe, and calling on the government of Zimbabwe to act urgently to improve the situation. The resolution calls on the Zimbabwean government to implement the recommendations of the previous ACHPR fact-finding mission, as well as those of the July 2005 report of the UN Special Envoy on Human Settlement Issues. It further calls on the government to cooperate with the African Commission Special Rapporteur on Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Internally Displaced Persons, including allowing a fact-finding mission to investigate the situation of internally displaced persons in Zimbabwe. It highlights the failure of the government to uphold the principle of separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary. We therefore urge all members of the African Union to ensure that the annual report of the ACHPR is adopted at the African Union Summit in Khartoum on the 23rd and 24th of January this year."
H.E. Ms. Lindiwe Mabuza
High Commissioner of the Republic of South Africa
South Africa House
Trafalgar Square
London WC2N 5D


16th January 2006

Subject: Zimbabwe and the African Union Summit

Dear Excellency,

As you may know Progressio (formerly the Catholic Institute for International Relations) has been involved in solidarity work with the peoples of Southern Africa for a considerable period of time. With our southern African partners and Northern partners in the CIDSE group of Catholic agencies we wish to draw your attention to significant events regarding Zimbabwe.

On December 5th 2005, the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) adopted a resolution condemning the human rights situation in Zimbabwe, and calling on the government of Zimbabwe to act urgently to improve the situation. The resolution calls on the Zimbabwean government to implement the recommendations of the previous ACHPR fact-finding mission, as well as those of the July 2005 report of the UN Special Envoy on Human Settlement Issues. It further calls on the government to cooperate with the African Commission Special Rapporteur on Refugees, Asylum Seekers and Internally Displaced Persons, including allowing a fact-finding mission to investigate the situation of internally displaced persons in Zimbabwe. It highlights the failure of the government to uphold the principle of separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary. We therefore urge all members of the African Union to ensure that the annual report of the ACHPR is adopted at the African Union Summit in Khartoum on the 23rd and 24th of January this year.

The body of evidence gathered by Zimbabweans, calling for action to be taken at an international level, is significant and growing. An audit compiled by the Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum highlights the fact that the recommendations contained in the previous report of the ACHPR and adopted by the AU in January 2005 have not been implemented to date by the government. Reports written by the Solidarity Peace Trust (a South African civil society organisation concerned with Zimbabwe), Action Aid Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Peace Project all point to a wealth of qualitative evidence that life for ordinary Zimbabweans is becoming more difficult as a result of the policies criticised in the ACHPR’s resolution. It is clear that the resolution is an expression of the will of the majority of Zimbabwean people.

At the December 2005 session of the ACHPR, four cases taken by Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) against the Republic of Zimbabwe were declared admissible, implying that there was no possibility of domestic remedy for abuses committed. Say ZLHR: “With these findings…it has now [been] established empirically through a very critical African organ that the judiciary in Zimbabwe is seriously compromised and is no longer the guarantor and protector of fundamental human rights and freedoms.”

The ACHPR resolution is a response to representations from Zimbabwean and international civil society, as well as numerous fact-finding missions by members of the international community. It comes in the wake of the January 2005 adoption of a report by the African Union following a fact-finding mission carried out in 2002.

The forthcoming AU summit is an opportunity for African leaders to give a voice to the people acting within and outside Zimbabwe to improve the conditions in that country. The resolution makes a series of recommendations which could put Zimbabwe on the path to recovery from its current position of social and political polarisation.

In adopting the Commission’s resolution, the Assembly of the Heads of State of the African Union will make a positive impact on the individuals affected by well-documented abuses. African pressure on Zimbabwe to comply with the recommendations of African institutions promises to make a strong positive difference in the lives of the millions of Zimbabweans both in that country and in exile. We and our partners look forward to the taking of positive steps to return Zimbabwe to normality, for the good of its citizens, and its neighbours.

Yours Sincerely,
___________________
David Bedford
Acting Director

More...

Sudan: African Union backs UN plan for Sudan force

2006-01-17

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4611742.stm

The African Union (AU) has said it backs proposals for a UN peacekeeping force in the Darfur region of Sudan, despite opposition from its government. A senior AU official said it was not down to Sudan to dictate what action was taken to end violence there. Sudan's foreign minister said money spent sending a UN force would be better used helping the current AU one. The AU has warned the UN that it may be forced to hand over its Darfur peace mission because of a lack of funds.

Sudan: African Union on the spot

2006-01-17

http://www.africafocus.org/country/sudan.php

"The African Union should not reward the sponsors of crimes against humanity," said Peter Takirambudde, Africa director of US-based Human Rights Watch. "How can the African Union be seen as a credible mediator in Darfur if one of the warring parties hosts its summit and becomes the head of the organisation as well?" With preliminary meetings beginning for next week's African Union (AU) summit in Khartoum (January 23), it is still undecided whether the host government will also chair the organization for the next year.

Africa: Update on women's rights campaign

Update on the Campaign on Ratification, Domestication and Popularization of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa

2006-01-17

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/31284

Below is the last quarterly update (October to December 2005) that Equality Now received from SOAWR members who are working on the campaign for ratification, domestication and popularization of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. Also included is information on the status of ratifications, meetings attended by SOAWR members and upcoming events.

Ci-après figurent les dernières mises à jour trimestrielles (octobre à décembre 2005) adressées à Egalité maintenant par des membres du Mouvement de solidarité pour les droits des femmes africaines (Solidarity for African Women’s Rights, SOAWR) qui travaillent sur la campagne pour la popularisation, la ratification et la transposition en droit interne du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique. On trouvera également dans le présent document des informations sur l'état des ratifications, les réunions auxquelles les membres du SOAWR ont participé, et les événements à venir.
Update on the Campaign on Ratification, Domestication and Popularization of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa
By Equality Now, October to December 2005

Below is the last quarterly update (October to December 2005) that Equality Now received from SOAWR members who are working on the campaign for ratification, domestication and popularization of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. Also included is information on the status of ratifications, meetings attended by SOAWR members and upcoming events.

Country level Updates

Djibouti
UNFD is continuing with the popularization of the Protocol and has elaborated a strategy to this effect. The activities that are ongoing are aimed at informing the population of Djibouti on the contents of the Protocol. UNFD is laying emphasis on awareness creation and informing the population about Article 5 of the Protocol in response to the widespread practice of FGM in the country. The strategy also aims at creating an environment that will allow for the implementation of the Protocol. UNFD will use the print and electronic media to promote its campaign.

UNFD creates awareness among political, administrative and customary leaders as well as students in colleges and schools. UNFD is optimistic that once aware, the population of Djibouti will be able to use the Protocol to protect the rights of the women and girls.
The Gambia
The African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS) convened a training titled “The Sixth Training Course on the Use of International Human Rights Procedures for the promotion and Protection of Women’s Rights” in Banjul during 12-16 November. An introduction to the African Charter and the African human rights system was given by Raymond Sock from the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Valerie and Isatou from the African Commission spoke about the history, the drafting process and the main issues of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. The training highlighted the Protocol as one of the instruments for the promotion and protection of the rights of women. The application of the Protocol was also discussed in the light of the still to be resolved issue of the African Court on Human Rights and that of the African Court of Justice.

The ACDHRS marked the entry into force of the Protocol on 25 November 2005 and at the same time launched its program for the 16 Days of Activism against gender violence. The celebration was officiated by the Attorney General and Minister for Justice and attended by government representatives of several African countries that had been attending the 38th Ordinary Session of the African Union Commission that took place at the time. Equality Now’s Program Officer also attended the celebration, made a statement on the campaign and called on the Attorney General and Minister for Justice to remove the reservations placed by the Gambia on ratification.

The event was also addressed by the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, Commissioner Angela Melo, who called on governments urgently to ratify the Protocol and, where they had already done so, to ensure that it is domesticated and implemented.
Representatives from children’s and women’s organizations in the Gambia were also in attendance.

Kenya
The Coalition on Violence Against Women COVAW (K) in collaboration with Equality Now continued to proactively engage various stakeholders with a view to attaining an early ratification of the Protocol.

Upon return from the AU/SOAWR Conference in October, COVAW (K) and the Federation of Kenya Women lawyers (FIDA Kenya) agreed to work together on the advocacy, dissemination and domestication of the Protocol and the two organizations have since held a joint planning meeting. They intend to pursue the joint initiative in the New Year.

COVAW (K) together with Equality Now held a press conference on 10 November 2005 when they urged the Kenyan government to ratify the Protocol and also to bring attention to the fact that the 15th country had deposited its ratification and the Protocol was therefore due to come into force. Two main television stations (KTN and KBC) were present among the media and so were various radio stations and dailies. The coverage was immediate and significantly widespread that Equality Now received positive feedback from various individuals and groups including a reporter (Isbel Coello) from the Spanish Agencia-EFE who interviewed Equality Now’s Africa Regional Director on the progress and impact for women of the Protocol. This news item was released by Agencia-EFE on the day the Protocol came into force.

During the 16 Days of Activism against gender violence, COVAW (K) incorporated the campaign for ratification of the Protocol in all its forums and activities. COVAW (K) produced material (posters and banners) for purposes of information, education and communication with tailor made messages appealing to the Kenyan government to ratify the Protocol at the earliest opportunity.

COVAW (K) approached the cabinet office, which referred it to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. COVAW (K) then held a meeting with an officer from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs who pointed out that the cabinet had approved a memo authorizing ratification but that there was ambiguity in drafting the ratification notes. It was not clear whether the Kenyan government is ratifying with reservation or not on article 14, which deals with reproductive rights. The officer referred COVAW (K) back to the Ministry of Gender which was to re-table the matter for clarification. COVAW (K) wrote a letter to the then Minister for Gender Hon. Ochillo Ayacko on the matter and appealed for his intervention to speed up the process.

COVAW’s advocacy work around the Protocol has not been without challenges. First the advocacy was affected by the campaigns that preceded the 21 November 2005 referendum on the proposed Constitution. The campaigns saw government business stall with close to six months without cabinet meetings. After the referendum results the cabinet was dissolved and new appointments made. Kenya has a new Minister for Gender, Sports and Culture. Taking this in stride, COVAW (K) has already written a comprehensive letter to the Minister, giving some background information and also a brief of what was done so far with his predecessor. COVAW (K) is optimistic that the new Minister will be able to pick up the process and steer it to an eventual early ratification.

COVAW (K) has also approached the Kenya Women Parliamentarians Association (KEWOPA) to partner with them in this lobbying initiative and intends to request the Hon. Njoki Ndungu, to table a question, when parliament resumes in 2006, on why the government has taken so long to ratify the Protocol.

Mali
L’Association des Juristes Maliennes (AJM) continued with its awareness creation activities on the Protocol, working against a backdrop of a history of ratification of a majority of international instruments, which stumble at the level of local application. AJM has encountered several challenges, amongst them the resistance of religious and customary leaders to embracing change that positively affects women. These leaders find reason for such resistance in retrogressive laws and practices that are very deeply entrenched. Another challenge has been the ignorance of the parliamentarians and the lack of commitment of various actors including the law enforcers and judicial officers in upholding the rights of women. Traditional communicators have also not been involved in awareness creation of legal texts. In the New Year AJM will continue with its activities to ensure the popularization and the promotion of the rights contained in the Protocol, ensure that the provisions of the Family Code conform to the Protocol and equip legal practitioners with the necessary skills and knowledge to enable them to cite and apply the provisions of the Protocol before the courts and in judgments. AJM is in the process of establishing a core team of 3 lawyers who will prepare a synthesis of the provisions of the Family Code and the Protocol so as to facilitate the harmonization of the two documents. AJM will also carry out several advocacy initiatives on domestication.

Mauritania
Mauritania became the 16th country to ratify the Protocol on 14th December.

Mozambique
The Parliament approved ratification on 9 December and Mozambique's instrument of ratification was deposited on 30 December 2005, making Mozambique the 17th country to ratify the Protocol.

Namibia
Sister Namibia carried news about the Protocol in its latest newsletter focusing on raising questions about domestication and implementation of the Protocol. The readership of the newsletter includes various stakeholders (parliamentarians, government, the public, etc.) and is also read beyond Namibia.

Nigeria
Subsequent to the ratification of the Protocol by Nigeria in October 2004 and the formal introduction of the instrument to the legislature in May 2005, activities towards domestication and implementation have been limited in scope to individual women’s groups and the Federal Ministry of Women’s Affairs. Women’s Rights Awareness and Protection Alternative (WRAPA) is working at enhancing its sensitization and advocacy activities in 2006 towards the enactment of the statutory legislation for the domestication of international law in accordance with the provisions of Section 12 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This is in response to the low awareness levels on the Protocol, its provisions, and relationship with other global and regional instruments as well as its potential strength towards actualizing women’s rights among key members of government, the legislature and even among civil society organizations who are supposed to monitor its implementation and use it to secure the rights of women. WRAPA plans to undertake activities aimed at generating public visibility and encourage an acceleration of the pace of domestication of the Protocol by Nigeria, fast tracking the domestication processes at the levels of the Executive and the legislature through coordinated advocacy and dialogue by women groups and other relevant agencies and preparing civil society, especially women groups to monitor compliance and access for women to the rights provided in the Protocol. WRAPA plans to undertake sensitization activities using both print and electronic media. It will also engage policy makers and parliamentarians as well as judicial officers so as to have as much inclusiveness from a wide range of stakeholders. WRAPA also plans to use two cases pending before the courts in respect of consent and choice of a husband and inheritance for a woman and her five daughters as trial cases using the protections set out in the Protocol. WRAPA is already providing litigation support in these two cases.

Uganda
Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA) held a one day strategy meeting on the 25 November 2005 and also released a press statement to mark the entry into force of the Protocol. Sarah Mukasa of AMwA noted that the failure by Uganda to ratify the Protocol did not augur well for the women in a country renowned for upholding women’s rights. She noted that even though celebrations were in order on this auspicious occasion, the challenge remained for activists to step up their efforts to ensure that Uganda ratified and applied the Protocol. She detailed the provisions of the Protocol and noted that the women of Uganda were missing out on the benefits to be derived from this instrument. On the same day, AMwA in conjunction with several other organizations issued a press statement and noted that the provisions of the Protocol corresponded to Uganda’s development objectives. The statement cited the poverty eradication strategies as an example of some of the programs that would be enhanced by the gender equality and non-discrimination principles espoused by the Protocol. They urged the government to honor its undertaking to the women of Uganda that was made when the President joined other African Heads of State in issuing the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa.

The organizations also undertook to work together by taking complementary roles and divisions of responsibilities as follows:

- Action Aid International and National Women of Uganda (NAWOU) will work at grassroots levels with a view to popularizing it among rural communities.

- AMwA and the Ugandan Women Network (UWONET) will lead on popularization of the Protocol at strategic levels.

- AMwA will lead on advocacy around ratification.

- The Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA-U) will work on strategic litigation, taking a leadership role in preparing cases that could challenge the current laws using the Protocol.

- The Forum on Women in Democracy (FOWODE) will lead on how budgeting strategies can be used and what avenues are available to influence the budgeting process.

Zimbabwe
WiLDAF has continued to ensure that the issue of the Protocol and the need for it to be ratified and steps to ensure its implementation was raised at all meetings that its staff and members attended during the year. WiLDAF has raised the need for a holistic approach to advocacy for women's rights by highlighting how the linkages of the various instruments can best strengthen actualization of the human rights of women. WiLDAF is finalizing some proposals including the need to upgrade its legal rights training manual to include the Protocol. WiLDAF is also fund-raising for a sub regional workshop to familiarize leaders in the NGO circles with the contents of the Protocol. WiLDAF has discovered more and more that the contents of the Protocol and its potential for bringing about real change are not well known and that people can only advocate effectively for something they fully understand.

Regional Level Advocacy

Press releases
On behalf of SOAWR, Equality Now issued press releases to welcome the 15th deposit of ratification by Togo on 26 October and to give visibility to the coming into force of the Protocol on 25 November 2005.

Letters to Heads of State
Equality Now wrote letters to 38 African Heads of State of countries that had either not even signed or that had signed but not ratified the Protocol, attributing a coloured card (Red or Yellow) to each accordingly. In the letter Equality Now drew the attention of the Heads of States to the 16 Days of Activism against gender violence between 25 November and 10 December, International Human Rights day on 10 December and the African Union Treaties’ Week from 5 to 10 December and urged them to honour these events with the ratification of the Protocol as a sign of commitment to international human rights standards. Responses were received from Mauritania and Eritrea. The president of the Military Counsel for Justice and Democracy of Mauritania noted that Parliament had ratified the Protocol and deposited the instruments. Mauritania became the 16th country to ratify the Protocol. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Eritrea on the other hand noted that they were in the process of studying and assessing the Protocol in the light of Eritrean national legislation. The letter however noted that in principle, Eritrea accepted the Protocol.

The First African Union Conference of Ministers Responsible for Women and Gender
The AU Women, Gender and Development Directorate organized the First African Union Conference of Ministers Responsible for Women and Gender jointly with the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. The meeting was held at Le Méridien President in Dakar, Senegal from 12 to 16 October 2005. The theme of the Conference was “Realizing Women's Rights through the AU Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa”. A meeting of civil society organizations convened by Femme Solidarite Afrique (FAS) preceded that of the ministers and a representative from the civil society meeting later presented a statement to the ministers emphasizing several concerns including the slow pace of ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.

Amongst the resolutions of the minister’s meeting was one calling for the speedy ratification of the Protocol by all the AU member states. The meeting recognized the work that has been done by civil society organizations in ensuring that the Protocol was ratified speedily by the AU member states. This was the first ever such conference of AU gender ministers and it opened a window of opportunity for dialogue with the various ministers and experts present. The SOAWR representatives had a chance to talk to several ministers and experts regarding the delay in ratification. The Minister from Guinea Conakry noted that her country had indeed ratified the Protocol at the national level and undertook to follow up to ensure that the instruments of ratification were deposited in Addis Ababa. The Rwandese expert noted that her department had translated the Protocol into Kinya-rwanda and was in the process of disseminating it countrywide. She said that Rwanda wanted to be the model for other African countries in terms of respect for and promotion of women’s rights. At the conclusion of the meeting, the ministers adopted a resolution calling on their governments to ratify the Protocol and to implement it by harmonizing national laws with the provisions contained in the Protocol and also with other international instruments.

The 38th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
During the 38th Session of the African Commission, the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa unveiled a proposed structure for the speedy ratification of the Protocol. Her office recently circulated a draft framework of strategies for speeding up the ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. The framework breaks down the strategies according to the various actors namely the member states of the African Union, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the various line ministries of governments, international organizations and nongovernmental organizations. She reiterated her interest in working together with SOAWR on the campaign.

Reaching out to First Ladies
WiLDAF plans to send a letter addressed to the first ladies of the Southern Africa sub-region of countries that have not ratified the Protocol in the hope that these first ladies would urge their countries to ratify. The letter is intended to reach them before they depart for the Khartoum Summit.
Status of ratifications

The following is the status of ratification with three new ratifications (by Benin, Mauritania and Togo) as compared to those reported in the last quarter. Total signatures are 38 and there are 17 ratifications.

Status of signatures and ratification At December 2004 At December 2005
Total signatures 33 38
Total ratifications 5 17

The Protocol entered into force on 25 November 2005, 30 days after the fifteenth ratification by Togo on 26 October 2005.

RED-CARDED COUNTRIES
01) Angola02) Botswana03) Cameroon04) Central Africa Republic05) Egypt06) Eritrea 07) Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic08) Sao Tome & Principe09) Seychelles 10) Somalia11) Sudan12) Tunisia

YELLOW-CARDED COUNTRIES
01) Algeria02) Burkina Faso03) Burundi04) Chad05) Congo06) Cote d’Ivoire 07) Democratic Rep. of Congo08) Equatorial Guinea09) Ethiopia10) Gabon11) Ghana12) Guinea 13) Guinea-Bissau14) Kenya 15) Liberia16) Madagascar17) Mauritius18) Niger19) Sierra Leone20) Swaziland21) Tanzania22) Uganda23) Zambia24) Zimbabwe

GREEN-CARDED COUNTRIES
01) Benin02) Cape Verde03) The Comoros04) Djibouti05) The Gambia06) Lesotho07) Libya08) Malawi09) Mali 10) Mauritania11) Mozambique12) Namibia13) Nigeria14) Rwanda15) Senegal16) South Africa 17) Togo

Meetings
Below are some of the meetings that SOAWR members attended.

1) Meeting on Realizing Women's Human Rights through Education, Kigali, Rwanda
The meeting was co-sponsored by the Economic Commission for Africa and the Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights of the United Nations. The Advocacy Officer of FEMNET, Roselynn Musa, attended the meeting on behalf of SOAWR and made a presentation on SOAWR’s campaign. Specifically she detailed the provisions of the Protocol expanding on those that address education as a right, the strategies used by SOAWR, the challenges that the campaign had faced and gave an insight into some of the upcoming strategies.

The focus of the meeting was on how to advocate for the inclusion of human rights education in the curriculum of primary and secondary schools. Participants were drawn from the East African sub-Region. The major challenge was that the workshop targeted officials from the Gender Ministry and Human Rights Commission of the different countries only, leaving out the Ministry of Education, which plays a key role in deciding what goes into the curriculum and what is left out. It was recommended that this ministry be brought on board.

The meeting produced a plan of action in which different sectors of society were assigned roles to play. As for civil society generally it was recommended that they intensify their efforts in pushing for the ratification of the Protocol among other things. SOAWR was specifically advised to publicize its activities and criteria for membership to facilitate better understanding and greater participation. It was also recommended that SOAWR create national chapters to reinforce its impact at the national level. Roselynn circulated SOAWR’s membership criteria to the meeting participants.

2) The NGOs Forum at the 38th Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
During the NGO forum, different strategies for the ratification campaign and the domestication/popularization campaign were presented by organizations involved in the campaign including ACDHRS, Equality Now and WiLDAF to participants from at least 25 countries. Campaigning strategies were discussed and some recommendations were made for future strategies and the way forward. The recommendations of the working group on the status of women’s rights included:
To step up the dissemination of the rights (international instruments as well as the national laws) of women in Africa
Network among the NGOs both international and national
Ratification of the Protocol without reservations
Domestication and application of the Protocol
Remove the reservations that have been placed by the various states
Collaborate with the ACDHRS
Increase the percentage of women in peacekeeping contingents and encourage women to take part in peacekeeping initiatives
Amend any national laws that contradict international instruments
Standard simplified Protocol.
The working group also drafted a resolution on the status of women in Africa.

3) SADC Regional Consultative Conference on Gender and Development took place in Gaberone Botswana during 6 to 9 of December 2005. Gladys Mutukwa of WiLDAF attended. The Theme of the Conference was: “Reflecting and Re-Strategizing for Gender Based Regional Integration”. Its objectives were:

a. To reflect on progress/achievements made in the implementation of the SADC Gender and Development Agenda and its Addendum, as well as challenges faced and lessons learnt in efforts to achieve gender equality and equity in the region.

b. To appraise and update participants on the developments that have taken place at SADC highlighting the institutional and structural changes and how this has bearing on the implementation of the regional and national plans on gender and development.

c. To discuss and unpack the pertinent gender issues/critical areas of concern and challenges in line with the priorities outlined in the Gender and Development section of the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP); Beijing +10 outcome document and the MDGs and targets with a view to review, envision and re-strategize future implementation.

d. To develop a regional implementation framework on gender and development taking into consideration the RISDP priorities, Beijing +10 outcomes and the MDGs targets - with clear mandates for the various stakeholders at regional and national level implementation, indicators and timeframes.

e. To develop, discuss and build consensus on gender mainstreaming in policies and programmes including gender budgeting skills in SADC's directorates of TIFI, FANR, SHDSP, I&S and their clusters at national level including SADC national committees.

f. To initiate discussions on the processes to upgrade the SADC Declaration on Gender and Development into a Protocol.

There were several thematic presentations and workshops held to assess the progress/achievements and to re-strategize for tackling the remaining obstacles or emerging issues. Gladys Mutukwa made a presentation on Violence against Women and what is needed to address this issue that is becoming even more serious in the face of the HIV and AIDS pandemic in the sub region. She shared WiLDAF’s view that sexual violence should be considered murder without any prevarication because of its linkage to HIV and AIDS infection rates. Other presentations were made on human rights of women, gender mainstreaming, gender and the media, women in politics and decision-making, women and girl-child education etc.

The issue of upgrading the Declaration into a protocol was also discussed and a loose coalition around this issue has been set up and cognizance of the lessons to be learnt from SOAWR was taken. There are several areas of convergence and the meeting noted that the sub regional efforts can benefit from and feed into the continent wide efforts. In the final analysis, the main issue is that women's rights should be promoted and protected to the optimum for the good of Africa. In the discussions participants made reference to the work being done at the regional level and raised the need to build capacity for using openings and opportunities at the various levels, so that activists avoid appearing to be in competition or contradictory. The outcome document will be available in February.
Upcoming events

A two-day meeting on the African Civil Society Consultation on Engagement with the African Union (AU), being hosted by FEMNET during 13-14 January 2006 in Nairobi, Kenya. The consultation which will bring together African civil society and the African diaspora aspires to develop an effective demand and partnership platform with the African Union (AU). It also hopes to facilitate discussions on how to progress thematic, sub-regional or country specific areas of work within a Pan African context. For more information, contact FEMNET - advocacy@femnet.or.ke

The Feminist Dialogues and the African Civil Society Forum (ACSF) is a two day meeting being organised by FEMNET on 20 and 21 January 2006 during the World Social Forum in Bamako, Mali. The meeting is meant to provide an opportunity for African activists and social movements, including African feminists and the women’s movement, to explore the issues at stake: neo-liberal globalisation, fundamentalism(s) and militarism. Debates and discussions will analyse the work of African civil society, in particular, its current approaches and strategies to the issues. For more information, contact FEMNET - advocacy@femnet.or.ke

African Union Summit and related meetings will take place in Khartoum during 16 -24 January 2006. A delegation of SOAWR plans to attend the Summit meetings to do advocacy campaigns including a press conference and a public event to discuss Islam and women’s rights as a way of popularizing the Protocol and reaching out to the Sudanese public.


Equality Now Africa Regional Office
December 2005

Mise à jour sur la campagne pour la vulgarisation et la transposition en droit interne du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique
par Egalité Maintenant, octobre à décembre 2005

Ci-après figurent les dernières mises à jour trimestrielles (octobre à décembre 2005) adressées à Egalité maintenant par des membres du Mouvement de solidarité pour les droits des femmes africaines (Solidarity for African Women’s Rights, SOAWR) qui travaillent sur la campagne pour la popularisation, la ratification et la transposition en droit interne du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique. On trouvera également dans le présent document des informations sur l'état des ratifications, les réunions auxquelles les membres du SOAWR ont participé, et les événements à venir.

Points d’info à l’échelon national

Djibouti
L’UNFD poursuit son travail d’information du public sur le Protocole et a établi une stratégie à cet effet. Les actions en cours ont pour but de faire connaître le contenu du Protocole à la population djiboutienne, et en particulier d’informer et sensibiliser la population sur l’article 5 du Protocole, face à la pratique courante des MGF dans le pays. La stratégie adoptée vise également à créer un environnement permettant l’application du Protocole. L’UNFD utilisera pour sa campagne des supports imprimés et électroniques.

L’UNFD mène des actions d’information auprès des responsables politiques et administratifs et des chefs traditionnels, ainsi qu’auprès des étudiants et des élèves du secondaire. L’UNFD se dit optimiste sur les chances de succès de la campagne, estimant qu’une fois informée, la population de Djibouti saura utiliser le Protocole pour protéger les droits des femmes et des fillettes.
Gambie
L’ACDHRS (African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies) a organisé du 12 au 16 novembre à Banjul une formation intitulée : « Sixième session de formation sur l’utilisation des procédures internationales relatives aux droits de l’homme pour promouvoir et protéger les droits des femmes ». Raymond Stock, membre de la Commission africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, a présenté la Charte africaine et le système africain de protection des droits humains. Valérie et Isatou, de la Commission africaine, ont rappelé l’historique, le processus de rédaction et les principaux enjeux du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique. La formation a mis en avant l’importance du Protocole en tant qu’outil de promotion et de protection des droits de la femme. Il a également été question de l’application du Protocole eu égard au problème toujours non résolu de la Cour africaine des droits de l’homme et à celui de la Cour africaine de justice.

L’ACDHRS a célébré l’entrée en vigueur du Protocole le 25 novembre 2005 et lancé en même temps son programme pour les 16 jours d’action contre la violence envers les femmes. Le procureur général et le ministre de la Justice ont officié à la cérémonie, à laquelle assistaient des représentants de plusieurs pays africains présents à la 38ème Session ordinaire de la Commission de l’Union africaine, qui avait lieu à la même date. La responsable de programme d’Egalité Maintenant a également assisté à la célébration, fait une déclaration sur la campagne et appelé le procureur général et le ministre de la Justice à lever les réserves formulées par la Gambie sur la ratification.
L’événement a aussi été salué par la Rapporteure spéciale sur les droits de la femme au sein de la Commision, Madame Angela Melo, qui a appelé les Etats à ratifier d’urgence le Protocole et, pour ceux l’ayant déjà fait, à veiller à ce qu’il soit transposé en droit interne et appliqué.
Des représentants d’organisations gambiennes de défense des enfants et de défense des femmes faisaient également partie de l’assistance.

Kenya
La COVAW (K) (Coalition on Violence Against Women-Kenya), en collaboration avec Egalité Maintenant, a continué son travail de dialogue avec différentes parties concernées dans l’optique d’une ratification rapide du Protocole.

De retour de la Conférence UA/SOAWR qui a eu lieu en octobre, la COVAW (K) et la section kenyane de la Fédération internationale des femmes juristes (FIDA-Kenya) sont convenues de travailler ensemble sur la promotion, la diffusion et la transposition en droit interne du Protocole, et les deux organisations ont tenu depuis une réunion de planification conjointe. Elles comptent poursuivre cette action en 2006.

La COVAW (K) a tenu une conférence de presse le 10 novembre 2005 avec Egalité Maintenant, au cours de laquelle les deux organisations ont exhorté le gouvernement kenyan à ratifier le Protocole, attirant l’attention sur le fait que, dans la mesure où un quinzième pays avait déposé son instrument de ratification, le Protocole devait entrer en vigueur. Deux grandes chaînes de télévision (KTN et KBC) étaient présentes parmi les médias, ainsi que diverses stations de radio et journaux quotidiens. L’événement a ainsi bénéficié immédiatement d’une large couverture, comme en témoignent les retours positifs reçus par Egalité Maintenant de différentes personnes et groupes, notamment d’une journaliste de l’agence espagnole Agencia-EFE, Isbel Coello, qui a interrogé la Directrice régionale pour l’Afrique d’Egalité Maintenant sur les progrès enregistrés et l’impact du Protocole sur les femmes. L’information a été diffusée par Agencia-EFE le jour de l’entrée en vigueur du Protocole.

Durant les 16 jours d’action contre la violence envers les femmes, la COVAW (K) a intégré la campagne pour la ratification du Protocole dans tous ses forums et toutes ses activités. Elle a réalisé différents supports d’information et de communication (affiches et banderoles) contenant des messages conçus sur mesure, appelant le gouvernement kenyan à ratifier le protocole le plus vite possible.

La COVAW (K) a pris contact avec le conseil des ministres, qui l’a adressée au ministère des Affaires étrangères. Elle a alors rencontré un responsable de ce ministère, lequel a indiqué que le conseil des ministres avait approuvé une note autorisant la ratification, mais que les documents de ratification étaient formulés de façon ambiguë. Il n’était donc pas possible de savoir si le gouvernement kenyan émettait ou non des réserves sur l’article 14 relatif aux droits au contrôle des fonctions de reproduction. Le responsable ministériel a renvoyé la COVAW (K) au ministère de la Parité hommes-femmes qui devait obtenir des éclaircissements sur la question. La COVAW (K) a écrit une lettre à Monsieur Ochillo Ayacko, alors ministre de la Parité, l’appelant à intervenir pour accélérer le processus.

La COVAW n’a pas eu la tâche facile concernant le Protocole. Tout d’abord, les campagnes qui ont précédé le référendum du 21 novembre 2005 sur le projet de Constitution ont gêné son action : elles ont entraîné un gel des affaires gouvernementales, sans réunions du conseil des ministres pendant près de six mois. A l’issue du référendum, le conseil des ministres a été dissout et de nouveaux dirigeants ont été nommés. Le Kenya a un nouveau ministre de la Parité, des Sports et de la Culture. Sans se décourager, la COVAW (K) a déjà envoyé une lettre détaillée au ministre, faisant un rappel de la situation et résumant de ce qui avait été fait jusque là avec son prédécesseur. La COVAW (K) a bon espoir que le nouveau ministre saura reprendre l’affaire en marche et l’amener rapidement à la ratification.

La COVAW (K) a également établi des contacts avec l’association des femmes parlementaires du Kenya (Kenya Women Parliamentarians Association, KEWOPA) afin de s’allier avec elle sur cette revendication, et compte demander à Madame Njoki Ndungu de poser une question au parlement, lorsqu’il siégera à nouveau en 2006, sur les raisons expliquant la lenteur du processus de ratification du Protocole.

Mali
L’Association des juristes maliennes (AJM) a poursuivi son action d’information sur le Protocole, dans un contexte défavorable puisque la majorité des instruments internationaux ont été ratifiés au Mali sans avoir été ensuite appliqués au niveau local. L’AJM se heurte à de nombreux obstacles, notamment à la résistance des chefs religieux et traditionnels à l’égard des changements positifs pour les femmes. Ces chefs s’appuient sur des lois et des pratiques rétrogrades très profondément enracinées. Une autre difficulté tient à l’ignorance des députés et au manque d’empressement de différents acteurs, notamment au sein des services de police et de la justice, à faire respecter les droits des femmes. Par ailleurs, les communicateurs traditionnels n’ont pas été impliqués dans l’information de la population sur la législation. En 2006, l’AJM continuera d’œuvrer pour que les droits inscrits dans le Protocole soient mieux connus et respectés, pour que les dispositions du Code de la famille soient conformes au Protocole, et pour que les avocats disposent des compétences et des connaissances nécessaires pour invoquer et faire appliquer les dispositions du Protocole devant les tribunaux et dans les jugements rendus. L’AJM est en train de constituer une équipe de 3 avocats, qui sera chargée de préparer une synthèse des dispositions du Code de la famille et du Protocole afin de faciliter l’harmonisation des deux documents. L’AJM mènera également plusieurs actions pour obtenir la transposition du Protocole dans le droit national.

Mauritanie
La Mauritanie est devenue le 16ème pays à ratifier le Protocole le 14 décembre.

Mozambique
Le 9 décembre 2005, le parlement du Mozambique a voté la ratification du Protocole et l’instrument de ratification a été déposer le 30 décembre 2005. Le Mozambique est ainsi le 17 ème pays à ratifier le Protocole.

Namibie
Sister Namibia a publié un article sur le Protocole dans son dernier bulletin, en soulevant des questions sur sa transposition en droit interne et son application. Le journal est lu en Namibie par de nombreux acteurs concernés (parlementaires, pouvoirs publics, société civile, etc.), mais aussi à l’extérieur du pays.

Nigéria
Après la ratification du Protocole par le Nigéria en octobre 2004 et la présentation officielle de l’instrument de ratification au parlement en mai 2005, les actions menées pour obtenir sa transposition en droit interne et son application se sont limitées à quelques groupes de femmes et au ministère fédéral de la Condition féminine. La WRAPA (Women’s Rights Awareness and Protection Alternative) va s’efforcer en 2006 d’intensifier la campagne de sensibilisation et de persuasion qu’elle mène pour faire adopter le texte de transposition en droit interne conformément aux dispositions de la section 12 de la Constitution de 1999 de la République fédérale du Nigéria. Le but est de remédier au manque d’information — sur le Protocole, ses dispositions et sa relation avec d’autres instruments mondiaux et régionaux, ainsi que sur sa capacité potentielle à améliorer les droits des femmes — que l’on constate chez les hauts responsables des pouvoirs exécutif et législatif et même des organisations de la société civile, qui sont pourtant censées surveiller son application et l’utiliser pour faire respecter les droits des femmes. La WRAPA prévoit d’engager des actions en vue de familiariser le public avec le Protocole et d’obtenir plus rapidement sa transposition dans le droit nigérian en accélérant les procédures au niveau des pouvoirs exécutif et législatif par un travail coordonné de persuasion et de dialogue mené par des groupes de femmes et d’autres organisations, et en préparant la société civile, en particulier les groupes de femmes, à surveiller le bon respect des droits des femmes inscrits dans le Protocole. La WRAPA utilisera à cette fin des supports imprimés et électroniques. Elle prendra également contact avec des responsables politiques, des parlementaires et des officiers judiciaires afin d’obtenir un maximum d’appui de la part d’un large éventail de parties prenantes. La WRAPA prévoit en outre de se servir de deux affaires en cours devant les tribunaux, l’une portant sur le consentement et le choix d’un mari, l’autre sur les droits à héritage d’une femme et de ses cinq filles, comme ballons d’essai pour utiliser les protections énoncées dans le Protocole. La WRAPA assure déjà une assistance juridique dans ces deux procès.

Ouganda
Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA) a organisé une réunion de stratégie d’une journée le 25 novembre 2005 et publié également un communiqué de presse célébrant l’entrée en vigueur du Protocole. Sarah Mukasa, d’AMwA, a estimé que l’absence de ratification du Protocole par l’Ouganda n’était pas de bonne augure pour les femmes, dans un pays connu pour faire respecter les droits des femmes. Elle a relevé que, même s’il fallait se réjouir de l’événement, les activistes devaient redoubler leurs efforts pour que l’Ouganda ratifie et applique le Protocole. Enumérant les dispositions du Protocole, elle a regretté que les femmes ougandaises ne puissent pas en bénéficier. Le même jour, AMwA a publié un communiqué de presse commun avec plusieurs autres organisations, soulignant que les dispositions du Protocole correspondaient aux objectifs de développement de l’Ouganda. Le communiqué a fait valoir que les principes d’égalité et de non-discrimination entre les sexes prônés par le Protocole serviraient bon nombre de programmes, en particulier ceux axés sur l’élimination de la pauvreté. Les organisations ont prié instamment le gouvernement d’honorer l’engagement pris envers les femmes d’Ouganda dans la Déclaration solennelle sur l’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes en Afrique, adoptée par le Président ougandais avec d’autres chefs d’Etat africains.

Les organisations ont également décidé de travailler ensemble en se répartissant les tâches et les responsabilités suivantes :

- Action Aid International et National Women of Uganda (NAWOU) agiront au niveau local, dans l’optique de faire connaître le Protocole dans les communautés rurales.

- AMwA et Ugandan Women Network (UWONET) organiseront des actions d’information sur le Protocole à des niveaux stratégiques.

- AMwA s’occupera du plaidoyer pour la ratification.

- La Fédération internationale des femmes juristes (FIDA-U) travaillera sur des procédures judiciaires stratégiques et dirigera la préparation des dossiers pouvant remettre en cause les lois actuelles au moyen du Protocole.

- Forum on Women in Democracy (FOWODE) sera chargé d’étudier les possibilités d’utilisation du processus budgétaire et de rechercher les moyens disponibles pour influencer ce processus.

Zimbabwe
Le WiLDAF/FeDDAF a continué de faire en sorte que la question du Protocole, la nécessité de le ratifier et les mesures à prendre pour assurer son application soient évoquées à toutes les réunions auxquelles ses collaborateurs et membres ont assisté durant l’année. Il a mis en avant le besoin d’une approche globale de la défense des droits des femmes, montrant comment les interactions entre les différents instruments existants pouvaient renforcer la protection des droits humains de la femme. Le WiLDAF/FeDDAF est en train de finaliser plusieurs propositions, qui concernent notamment la nécessité d’actualiser son manuel de formation sur les droits légaux en y intégrant le Protocole. Il lève également des fonds pour organiser un atelier sous-régional destiné à familiariser les responsables des ONG au contenu du Protocole. Le WiLDAF/FeDDAF se rend compte de plus en plus que les dispositions du Protocole et les possibilités qu’il offre d’amener de réels changements sont mal connus, et que les gens ne peuvent militer efficacement que pour une cause qu’ils comprennent parfaitement.

Actions au niveau régional

Communiqués de presse
Egalité Maintenant a publié des communiqués de presse au nom du SOAWR afin de saluer le dépôt par le Togo du quinzième instrument de ratification le 26 octobre et de faire de la publicité autour de l’entrée en vigueur du Protocole le 25 novembre 2005.

Lettres adressées à des chefs d’Etat
Egalité Maintenant a envoyé des courriers à 38 chefs d’Etat africains de pays n’ayant pas encore signé le Protocole ou l’ayant signé mais pas ratifié, attribuant à chacun un carton de couleur (rouge ou jaune selon le cas). Dans sa lettre, Egalité Maintenant attire l’attention des chefs d’Etat sur les 16 jours d’action contre les violences envers les femmes prévus du 25 novembre au 10 décembre, sur la Journée internationale des droits humains le 10 décembre et sur la Semaine de signature des traités de l’Union africaine du 5 au 10 décembre, les enjoignant de célébrer ces événements en ratifiant le Protocole afin de montrer l’importance qu’ils attachent aux normes internationales en matière de droits humains. Des réponses ont été reçues de la Mauritanie et de l’Erythrée. Le président du Conseil militaire pour la justice et la démocratie de la Mauritanie a indiqué que le parlement avait ratifié le Protocole et déposé les instruments de ratification. La Mauritanie est ainsi devenue le 16ème pays à ratifier le Protocole. Le ministre des Affaires étrangères de l’Erythrée a précisé que son pays était en train d’examiner et d’évaluer le Protocole par rapport à la législation nationale mais que, sur le principe, l’Erythrée souscrivait au Protocole.

Première Conférence des ministres de l’Union africaine en charge de la femme et du genre
La Direction de l’UA chargée de la femme, de la parité et du développement a organisé la première Conférence des ministres de l’Union africaine en charge de la femme et du genre, en association avec la Commission économique des Nations Unies pour l’Afrique. Elle s’est tenue du 12 au 16 octobre 2005 à l’hôtel Le Méridien Président a Dakar (Sénégal). Le thème de la conférence était « Vers la concrétisation des droits de la femme par le biais de la Déclaration solennelle de l’UA sur l’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes en Afrique ». La conférence ministérielle a été précédée d’une réunion d’organisations de la société civile organisée par Femmes Solidarité Afrique (FAS), et un représentant de cette réunion a ensuite adressé une déclaration aux ministres, attirant leur attention sur plusieurs questions préoccupantes, notamment la lenteur du processus de ratification du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique.

Parmi les résolutions adoptées par la conférence ministérielle, l’une d’elles appelle à la ratification rapide du Protocole par tous les Etats membres de l’UA. La conférence a reconnu le travail accompli par les organisations de la société civile en vue d’obtenir que le Protocole soit ratifié dans les meilleurs délais par les pays de l’UA. Cette première réunion des ministères de la Parité a permis d’ouvrir le dialogue avec les différents ministres et experts présents. Les représentants du SOAWR ont eu la possibilité de parler à plusieurs ministres et experts du retard pris dans la ratification. La ministre guinéenne a signalé que son pays avait effectivement ratifié le Protocole au niveau national, et elle s’est engagée à suivre le dossier afin de veiller à ce que les instruments de ratification soient déposés à Addis-Abeba. L’expert rwandaise a indiqué que son département avec traduit le Protocole en kinyarwanda et était en train de le diffuser dans le pays. Elle a précisé que le Rwanda entendait être un modèle pour les autres pays d’Afrique sur le plan du respect et de la promotion des droits des femmes. A la clôture de la conférence, les ministres ont adopté une résolution appelant leurs gouvernements à ratifier le Protocole et à l’appliquer en harmonisant la législation nationale avec les dispositions du Protocole ainsi qu’avec d’autres instruments internationaux.

38ème Session ordinaire de la Commission africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples
Au cours de la 38ème Session de la Commission africaine, la Rapporteure spéciale sur les droits de la femme en Afrique a présenté une proposition visant à faire accélérer la ratification du Protocole. Son bureau a diffusé récemment un projet de cadre de mesures pour accélérer la ratification du Protocole relatif aux droits de la femme en Afrique. Ce cadre répartit les mesures à prendre en fonction des différents acteurs impliqués, à savoir les Etats membres de l’Union africaine, la Commission africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, les différents ministères gouvernementaux, les organisations internationales et les organisations non gouvernementales. La Rapporteure spéciale a réitéré son souhait de travailler avec le SOAWR sur la campagne.

Action ciblée sur les épouses des chefs d’Etat
Le WiLDAF/FeDDAF prévoit d’adresser une lettre aux épouses des chefs d’Etat des pays d’Afrique australe n’ayant pas encore ratifié le Protocole, dans l’espoir qu’elles exhortent leur pays à le faire. La lettre sera envoyée de façon à leur parvenir avant leur départ pour le Sommet de Khartoum.

Etat des ratifications

Ci-après figure l’état des ratifications, qui comporte trois nouvelles ratifications (Bénin, Mauritanie et Togo) par rapport au trimestre précédent. Le total des signatures s’élève à 38 et celui des ratifications à 17.

Etat des signatures et des ratifications En décembre 2004 En décembre 2005
Total signatures 33 38
Total ratifications 5 17

Le Protocole est entré en vigueur le 25 novembre 2005, 30 jours après la quinzième ratification par le Togo le 26 octobre 2005.

PAYS AYANT REÇU UN CARTON ROUGE
01) Angola02) Botswana03) Cameroun04) République centrafricaine05) Egypte06) Erythrée 07) République démocratique arabe sahraouie08) São Tomé & Principe09) Seychelles 10) Somalie11) Soudan12) Tunisie


PAYS AYANT REÇU UN CARTON JAUNE
01) Algérie02) Burkina Faso03) Burundi04) Tchad05) Congo06) Côte d’Ivoire 07) Rép. démocratique du Congo08) Guinée équatoriale09) Ethiopie10) Gabon11) Ghana12) Guinée 13) Guinée-Bissau14) Kenya 15) Libéria16) Madagascar17) Maurice18) Niger19) Sierra Leone20) Swaziland21) Tanzanie22) Ouganda23) Zambie24) Zimbabwe





PAYS AYANT REÇU UN CARTON VERT
01) Bénin02) Cap-Vert03) Comores04) Djibouti05) Gambie06) Lesotho07) Libye08) Malawi 09) Mali10) Mauritanie11) Mozambique12) Namibie13) Nigéria14) Rwanda15) Sénégal16) Afrique du Sud 17) Togo


Réunions
Au cours du trimestre, les membres du SOAWR ont assisté à plusieurs réunions, parmi lesquelles :

1) Réunion sur la concrétisation des droits humains des femmes par l’éducation, à Kigali (Rwanda)
La réunion était coparrainée par la Commission économique pour l’Afrique et le Bureau du Haut-Commissaire aux droits de l’Homme de l’Organisation des Nations Unies. Roselynn Musa, chargée de campagne de FEMNET, a assisté à la réunion au nom du SOAWR et a fait une présentation de la campagne du SOAWR. Elle a notamment passé en revue les dispositions du Protocole en s’attardant sur celles qui portent sur l’éducation en tant que droit, présenté les stratégies employées par le SOAWR, expliqué les difficultés rencontrées dans la campagne, et exposé certaines mesures que le SOAWR prévoit de prendre prochainement.

Le thème central de la réunion était comment faire pression pour que l’éducation aux droits humains soit incluse dans les programmes scolaires de l’enseignement primaire et secondaire. Les participants venaient de la sous-région Afrique de l’Est. Malheureusement, les ministères de l’Education, acteurs clés dans la définition des programmes scolaires, n’étaient pas représentés à cet atelier, ciblé uniquement sur les ministères de la Parité et les commissions des droits de l’homme des différents pays. Il a été recommandé d’obtenir le concours des ministères de l’Education.

La réunion a établi un plan d’action affectant des tâches précises aux différents segments de la société. En ce qui concerne les organisations de la société civile en général, elles ont été invitées à intensifier leurs campagnes de persuasion pour faire ratifier le Protocole, entre autres actions. Le SOAWR a été plus particulièrement invité à donner davantage de publicité à ses activités et à ses conditions d’adhésion afin de mieux faire comprendre sa mission et rallier un plus grand nombre d’associations. Il a également été recommandé que le SOAWR crée des sections nationales pour renforcer son impact dans chaque pays. Roselynn a diffusé aux participants à la réunion les conditions d’adhésion au SOAWR.

2) Forum des ONG lors de la 38ème Session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples
Durant le forum des ONG, l’ACDHRS, Egalité Maintenant et le WiLDAF/FeDDAF, entre autres, ont présenté aux participants d’au moins 25 pays un certain nombre de moyens pouvant être utilisés pour la campagne de ratification et pour la campagne de popularisation/transposition en droit interne. Des discussions ont eu lieu sur les stratégies de campagne et des recommandations ont été formulées pour aller de l’avant et établir de nouvelles stratégies. Le groupe de travail sur la situation des droits de la femme a émis les recommandations suivantes :
v Faire davantage connaître les droits des femmes en Afrique (instruments internationaux et législations nationales)
v Développer la collaboration entre ONG, au niveau international et national
v Ratifier le Protocole sans réserves
v Transposer en droit interne et appliquer le Protocole
v Lever les réserves ayant été formulées par différents Etats
v Collaborer avec l’ACDHRS
v Augmenter le pourcentage de femmes dans les contingents de maintien de la paix et encourager les femmes à prendre part aux initiatives de maintien de la paix
v Amender les lois nationales en contradiction avec les instruments internationaux
v Rédiger un Protocole simplifié standard.
Le groupe de travail a également élaboré une résolution sur la situation des femmes en Afrique.

3) La Conférence consultative régionale de la SADC sur la parité hommes-femmes et le développement s’est déroulée à Gaberone (Botswana) du 6 au 9 décembre 2005. Gladys Mutukwa y assistait pour le WiLDAF/FeDDAF. Sur le thème « Intégration régionale et parité hommes-femmes : éléments de réflexion et nouvelles stratégies », la conférence s’était fixé les objectifs suivants :

a. Réfléchir aux progrès et réalisations enregistrés dans la mise en œuvre du Programme d’action de la SADC en matière de parité et développement et de son Addendum, ainsi qu’aux problèmes rencontrés et aux enseignements tirés des actions menées en faveur de l’égalité et de l’équité entre les sexes dans la région.

b. Faire le point et informer les participants des évolutions récentes à la SADC, en expliquant les changements institutionnels et structurels intervenus et leur impact sur la mise en œuvre des programmes d’action régionaux et nationaux en matière de parité et développement.

c. Examiner les questions et les grands problèmes liés à la parité par rapport aux priorités définies dans la section Parité et développement du Plan de développement stratégique indicatif régional (RISDP), dans le Document final adopté lors de la Session Beijing+10 et dans les ODM, afin de revoir et redéfinir les stratégies envisageables pour l’avenir.

d. Elaborer un schéma directeur régional en matière de parité et développement, qui prenne en compte les priorités du RISDP, les conclusions de la Session Beijing+10 et les ODM, et qui fixe des missions claires aux différentes parties concernées au niveau régional et national, avec des indicateurs et des calendriers.

e. Obtenir que les questions de parité hommes-femmes soient prises en compte, discutées et acceptées dans les politiques et les programmes, entre autres en développant des compétences en matière d’intégration de ces questions dans le processus budgétaire au sein des directions de la SADC (TIFI, FANR, SHDSP, I&S) et de leurs représentations à l’échelon national, notamment dans les comités nationaux de la SADC.

f. Engager des discussions sur les modalités de transformation en protocole de la Déclaration de la SADC sur la parité hommes-femmes et le développement.

Plusieurs ateliers et présentations thématiques ont été organisés pour évaluer les progrès et les réalisations et revoir les stratégies à adopter pour surmonter les difficultés restantes et les problèmes nouveaux. Gladys Mutukwa a fait une présentation sur la violence envers les femmes et sur les moyens nécessaires pour s’attaquer à cette question, laquelle prend aujourd’hui un tour encore plus dramatique avec la pandémie de VIH et de SIDA qui sévit dans la sous-région. Elle a souscrit à l’avis du WiLDAF/FeDDAF, selon lequel les violences sexuelles doivent être assimilées sans hésitation à des meurtres compte tenu des taux d’infection par le VIH et le SIDA. D’autres présentations ont été faites sur les droits humains de la femme, l’intégration des questions de parité hommes-femmes, la parité et les médias, les femmes en politique et dans les instances décisionnelles, l’éducation des femmes et des fillettes, etc.

La question de faire évoluer la Déclaration en protocole a également été examinée ; une entente informelle s’est constituée autour de cette idée et l’assistance a reconnu l’expérience que le SOAWR pouvait apporter à ce sujet. Il y a plusieurs domaines de convergence, et la réunion a fait observer que les actions menées au niveau sous-régional pouvaient profiter à celles menées à l’échelon du continent, et réciproquement. En dernière analyse, le principal problème est de promouvoir et protéger au mieux les droits des femmes dans l’intérêt de l’Afrique. Au cours des discussions, les participants ont évoqué le travail réalisé au niveau régional et soulevé la nécessité de renforcer les capacités permettant d’exploiter les ouvertures et les opportunités qui peuvent se présentent à un niveau ou à un autre, afin que les activistes ne semblent pas agir de façon concurrente ou divergente. Le document final sera disponible en février.

Evénements à venir

v Une Consultation de la société civile africaine sur la participation à l’Union africaine (UA) sera accueillie par FEMNET les 13 et 14 janvier 2006 à Nairobi (Kenya). Elle réunira pendant deux jours des membres de la société civile africaine et de la diaspora africaine dans le but de créer un cadre de revendication et de partenariat avec l’Union africaine (UA). Elle espère également favoriser le débat sur les moyens de faire avancer certains dossiers thématiques, sous-régionaux ou nationaux dans un contexte panafricain. Pour tout renseignement, contacter FEMNET - advocacy@femnet.or.ke

v Dialogues féministes et Forum de la société civile africaine : réunion de deux jours organisée par FEMNET les 20 et 21 janvier 2006 durant le Forum social mondial à Bamako (Mali). Son objectif est de donner aux activistes et aux mouvements sociaux africains, notamment aux féministes et au mouvement des femmes d’Afrique, la possibilité d’explorer les problèmes en jeu : la mondialisation néolibérale, le(s) fondamentalisme(s) et le militarisme. Les débats et les discussions seront l’occasion d’analyser le travail accompli par la société civile africaine, et en particulier ses approches et stratégies actuelles par rapport à ces problèmes. Pour tout renseignement, contacter FEMNET - advocacy@femnet.or.ke

v Le Sommet de l’Union africaine et les réunions connexes se tiendront à Khartoum du 16 au 24 janvier 2006. Une délégation du SOAWR prévoit d’assister aux réunions du Sommet afin d’y défendre les causes des femmes, avec notamment une conférence de presse et une intervention publique sur l’islam et les droits des femmes, dans le but de faire connaître le Protocole et de toucher le public soudanais.



Bureau régional africain d’Egalité Maintenant
Décembre 2005

More...

Chad: Education and health for adolescent girls in refugee camps

2006-01-18

http://www.id21.org/education/e2wc1g1.html

More than 220,000 Sudanese from Darfur have fled the ongoing violence in their region and crossed the border into the desert of eastern Chad. Most of the refugees are now in camps; however, several thousand remain outside camps, waiting to be registered. With the crisis continuing, it is estimated that many more refugees will flee to eastern Chad. In the midst of this crisis is the education and reproductive health of adolescent girls being neglected?

Global: HIV and violence against women

2006-01-17

http://www.eldis.org/hivaids/vaw_consequences.htm

Violence against women plays a crucial and devastating role in increasing the risk to women of HIV infection. It is both a cause and a consequence of infection, and as such is a driving force behind the epidemic. The circumstances underlying the correlation between violence against women and HIV and AIDS are a complex weave of social, cultural, and biological conditions.

Global: When culture overrides the law: Does 'rights talk' always get results?

2006-01-17

http://www.awid.org

Most women's rights practitioners would agree that getting progressive laws passed to protect women's rights is difficult, but the real battle is in getting them implemented. This is the reason why the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) for instance, has comprehensive reporting requirements from each state that is
party to the treaty.

Kenya: “Here, rapists can get as low a sentence as a fine..."

2006-01-17

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=31733

An alleged ex-convict known only as "Maranda" may have been responsible for the rape of five-year-old Peris Akoth at the beginning of this year, in Kenya. Then again, he may not. However, the case has already become a rallying point for anti-rape campaigners who claim that abuses such as the one visited on Peris would be less likely to occur if Kenya had adequate legislation on the books. While a person found guilty of rape may end up with life imprisonment, there is no minimum sentence for the crime -- something activists are intent on changing.

Liberia: First female President inaugurated

2006-01-18

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/31363

This Monday, January 16 2006, has seen the inauguration of Africa’s first democratically elected female president. Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf has been officially inaugurated as President of Liberia, Africa’s oldest republic. The ceremony was attended by several African leaders as well as numerous foreign dignitaries. This historical moment has received mixed responses. Many have welcomed Johnson-Sirleaf as a role model for the potential of women in politics. Others criticize her support of Charles Taylor, and question her ability to address social issues given her professional background with economic and financial institutions.

Relevant reading:

Africa’s first female president vows to deliver a better future
http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=5 1146

African first for Liberian leader
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/46157 64.stm

Madam President: The changing gender dynamics of African politics -
http://zeleza.com/blog/index.php?p=34

Africa: Human Rights Watch World Report 2006

2006-01-19

http://www.hrw.org/wr2k6/africa/index.htm

The 532-page World Report 2006 contains information on human rights developments in more than 60 countries in 2005. The Human Rights Watch World Report 2006 contains survey information on human rights developments in more than 70 countries in 2005. In addition to the introductory essay on torture, the volume contains two essays: “Private Companies and the Public Interest: Why Corporations Should Welcome Global Human Rights Rules” and “Preventing the Further Spread of HIV/AIDS: The Essential Role of Human Rights.”

Burundi: Rights group slams mass release of prisoners

2006-01-17

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L12768389.htm

A Burundian human rights group has criticised the provisional release of 673 prisoners involved in the 1993 killing of the country's first democratically elected president and the ethnic reprisals it triggered. Human rights watchdog Ligue Iteka said the authorities' decision this week to free hundreds of detainees charged with political assassination, murder and breaching state security undermined Burundi's reconciliation efforts.

Ethiopia: ActionAid defends Ethiopia activists after bail is refused

2006-01-18

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/31356

The international development agency ActionAid has expressed its deep disappointment after an Ethiopian court on January 08 refused bail to two anti-poverty activists who were arrested in early November. ActionAid Ethiopia’s policy head Daniel Bekele, and close partner Netsanet Demessie of the Organisation for Social Justice in Ethiopia (OSJE), were held for more than a month before they were charged with conspiring to overthrow the Ethiopian constitution. 125 other people, and four organisations, face this charge and up to six additional charges.
Press Release



Sunday, January 08, 2006

ActionAid defends Ethiopia activists after bail is refused

The international development agency ActionAid has expressed its deep disappointment after an Ethiopian court today refused bail to two anti-poverty activists who were arrested in early November.

ActionAid Ethiopia’s policy head Daniel Bekele, and close partner Netsanet Demessie of the Organisation for Social Justice in Ethiopia (OSJE), were held for more than a month before they were charged with conspiring to overthrow the Ethiopian constitution. 125 other people, and four organisations, face this charge and up to six additional charges.

ActionAid has consistently maintained that the two men have done nothing illegal, and that their work as social activists and anti-poverty campaigners is protected by the constitution.

Fikre Zewdie, director of ActionAid Ethiopia, said: "We are extremely disappointed that Daniel and Netsanet have been refused bail. Their continued detention is a travesty of justice. There exists no basis at law or on the facts for the denial of their right to bail. The public prosecutor opposed bail and disappointingly, this was not challenged by the judge today.

“If necessary, Daniel and Netsanet will fight their case vigorously in court. But we have said from the start that there is no sustainable case against them and the charges should be dropped."

One of ActionAid’s complaints is that the two men have been allowed very little time with lawyers and other visitors. It has demanded that Daniel and Netsanet must have full access to lawyers to prepare their defence.

To avoid prejudice, ActionAid says that it is imperative that the men are tried separately from the others accused.

Daniel and Netsanet appear to have attracted the attention of the authorities by campaigning for civil society monitoring of the national elections in May, demanding amendments to a new Ethiopian law on non-governmental organisations, and helping to organise Ethiopia’s part of the Global Call to Action against Poverty, a worldwide movement supported by the UN Millennium Campaign, of which the UK Make Poverty History campaign is a part. Neither has advocated or taken part in violent protest.

More...

Ethiopia: Independent inquiry should investigate rural violence

2006-01-19

http://www.hrea.org

Ethiopian government is using intimidation, arbitrary detentions and excessive force in rural areas of Ethiopia to suppress post-election protests and all potential dissent, Human Rights Watch said today (January 13) after a research trip to Addis Ababa and the Oromia and Amhara regions. “The Ethiopian government is violently suppressing any form of protest and punishing suspected opposition supporters,” said Peter Takirambudde, director of Human Rights Watch's Africa Division. “Donor governments should insist on an independent, credible investigation into abuses by federal police and local officials in rural as well as urban areas.” 

Global: UN to bar abusers from human rights council?

2006-01-17

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/N11161214.htm

Countries that have committed grave human rights abuses should not have a seat on a new Human Rights Council as that would undermine the UN's credibility, US Ambassador John Bolton said Wednesday (January 11). South African envoy Dumisani Kumalo said he was optimistic and noted "there is beginning to be movement" on the size and selection process for the council.

Africa: Make poverty history? Make migration easier!

2006-01-17

http://www.oneworld.net/link/gotoarticle/addhit/125538/8/58145

London-based development worker Chukwu Emeka-Chikezie explains how the northern-dominated aid industry and the Make Poverty History campaign have turned Africans into invisible objects and ignored the important role remittances play in tackling poverty. To really fight poverty, he says, increase migration from the developing world!

Egypt: UNHCR granted more time to interview Sudanese

2006-01-19

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/IRIN/22ea8c7cbe4b370439d9ff6cf4de2955.htm

The Egyptian government granted UN refugee agency UNHCR an unspecified amount of time to continue interviewing hundreds of Sudanese. They are still being held in detention centres after their involvement last month in a violent confrontation with police. "We have been given more time," said Astrid van Genderen Stort, spokeswoman for the UNHCR office in the capital, Cairo. "The government has not yet specified how long."

Kenya/Sudan: Sudanese refugees in Kenya reluctant to go home

2006-01-18

http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=13539

The UN refugee body UNHCR signed an agreement with the governments of Kenya and Sudan to begin the voluntary repatriation of Sudanese refugees living in Kenya. But many southern Sudanese refugees say they are reluctant to return home until education, health, and other services can be provided in the southern part of Sudan, where infrastructures are limited or nonexistent due to 21 years of conflict. "Yes, it’s true, it’s going to take years before southern Sudan is going to reach the level of services that refugees have had in camps in neighboring countries," one refugee, Fakhouri, said. "But it’s going to happen much faster and in a more peaceful way if refugees themselves contribute by returning. The real builders will be returnees."

Liberia: Liberia calls on refugees

2006-01-18

http://www.news24.com/News24/Africa/News/0,,2-11-1447_1864544,00.html

Newly sworn-in Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has backed efforts to get tens of thousands of people driven into exile by years of civil war to come home, the UN refugee agency said. Sirleaf, who formally took office on Monday and is Africa's first elected woman head of state, recorded a video for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) urging Liberian exiles to consider returning to help rebuild their homeland.

Somalia: Boat Missing As More Migrants Leave for Yemen

2006-01-18

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601170160.html

A boat carrying 110 Somali and Ethiopian migrants destined for Yemen went missing after leaving the northeastern coast of Somalia early this week according to sources in the port of Bosasso. No news has been heard from the missing boat, which was one of six vessels en route across the Gulf of Aden. The travelers had paid between US $30 and $50 each for the voyage to Yemen, which would be the point of departure in their search for work in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states.

Sudan: Tripartite agreement signed

2006-01-17

http://www.hrea.org

In an important milestone, the UN refugee agency on Thursday (January 12) signed the first of seven expected tripartite agreements that will clear the way for up to 70,000 refugees to return to South Sudan in the first half of this year. The agreement was signed in the Kenyan capital between the governments of Sudan, Kenya and UNHCR – exactly one year and three days after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended 21 years of north-south civil war in Sudan was also signed in Nairobi.

Tanzania: Government pressures reluctant refugees to return home

2006-01-18

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/ACIO-6L4QGQ?OpenDocument

From its peak of 5,000 refugee returns from Tanzania to Burundi in August, the number had dropped to less than 500 a month by the end of December. According to UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, this is explained by cyclical factors as refugees are less willing to return home during the rainy season and wish to leave after they have harvested their crops to ensure they have enough food to last them until the next season.

Congo: Voters approve new constitution

2006-01-17

http://apnews.myway.com/article/20060112/D8F2RCL00.html

A new constitution for this war-ravaged Central African nation was approved by a landslide vote, paving the way for historic presidential and parliamentary elections in March, according to electoral results released late Wednesday. The balloting in December approved a charter that grants greater autonomy to mineral-rich provinces and lowers the minimum age for presidential candidates from 35 to 30 - allowing an election bid by 34-year-old President Joseph Kabila, who has ruled since his father's 2001 assassination. Electoral commission chief Appolinaire Malumalu said 84 percent had voted in favor of the constitution, compared to 16 percent against.

Ethiopia: Call on EU to address post-election crisis

2006-01-17

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/31285

“I entered parliament having been elected as an independent candidate. I thought and hoped there would be a chance to raise and debate substantive issues that matter most to the people. I expected to air them fully in the parliament and transmit my concerns to the public through the media. But currently what is happening in parliament is that we, non-EPRDF parliament members, are blocked. We are not allowed to propose motions and raise issues for discussion. We cannot put issues on the agenda. We are not given enough time to make our different voices and opinions to be heard. We have no opportunity to transmit our views to the people through mass media. Taken together, the parliamentary working procedure is wholly non-accommodative and uninviting”.
By the Network of Ethiopian Scholars (NES) - Scandinavian Chapter
January 12, 2006 (22nd Press Release)

Title: Call on the International Community to Implement the EU Parliament Resolution on the Post- Election Crises in Ethiopia Immediately!

“ I entered parliament having been elected as an independent candidate. I thought and hoped there would be a chance to raise and debate substantive issues that matter most to the people. I expected to air them fully in the parliament and transmit my concerns to the public through the media. But currently what is happening in parliament is that we, non-EPRDF parliament members, are blocked. We are not allowed to propose motions and raise issues for discussion. We cannot put issues on the agenda. We are not given enough time to make our different voices and opinions to be heard. We have no opportunity to transmit our views to the people through mass media. Taken together, the parliamentary working procedure is wholly non-accommodative and uninviting”.

Dr. Negasso Gidada, Ex-President of Ethiopia, VOA, 11 January 2006, (trans. by NES)


1. The Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment of Opposition leaders

As the interview above fully attests the current parliament is filled with a ruling party majority that is afraid of a few independent voices that had the illusion of using the parliament as a platform to voice the concerns they care about. As it is becoming clearly evident, the ruling party controls the parliamentary procedure and freezes out any dissident voices. They cannot propose a motion. They are not allowed to put issues on the parliamentary agenda. Their voices cannot be heard. It is as good as being imprisoned in parliament. Why they stay there when they recognise all these restrictions and oppressions to function with effectiveness is indeed inexplicable.

What the perspicacious leadership of the opposition that finally had the courage to boycott the current parliament feared most was exactly what Dr. Gidada found out by joining parliament. Unless the parliamentary procedures were designed to accommodate a range of different views, the opposition leaders who have been thrown into jail rightly believed that they would not be able to represent the people who voted for them. Rather than joining the stillborn parliament, they chose to struggle to reform it to conform to universal democratic norms.

Not only are the voices of those independent opposition elected persons ignored and un-listened to, but even more worryingly, the people who voted for them are being beaten, jailed and even killed in various parts of the country. We have heard reports of repression against the people that voted for the opposition. The regime has thus not only criminalised dissent, but also those who voted for the opposition.

Ethiopia today has been controlled by unscrupulous men who control a parliament that is illegal, a Government that is not legitimate, a court that is into more drama and theatre than observing law and protecting the presumption of innocence until once is proven guilty; indeed a court that is denying the right of bail to popularly elected political leaders by attempting to violently reduce them into criminals whilst the truth lies in the fact that the regime is locking them because of its lack of democratic toleration of difference. The only appropriate designation of regime action is that it is the one that is committing the crime it is accusing of the jailed opposition leaders of. It is crystal clear that the imprisonment of those who wished to highlight the injustice of the election that produced an illegal parliament and an illegitimate Government is itself highly unjust, illegal immoral and disingenuous.


2. The Significance of the EU Parliament Resolution on the post- Election Ethiopian Crises

We found the EU resolution on the post-election crises in Ethiopia significant because the EU parliament tries to promote values of human rights, democratic governance and rule of law by condemning those with consistency that violate the peoples trust, voice and votes. We hope the other bodies of the EU such as the commissions and the council would take the unanimous resolution with one abstention by the parliament on the post- Ethiopian election crises and implement expeditiously and scrupulously the key and significant recommendations made by the parliament:
1. Suspend the budget substitution fund for the regime
2. Apply targeted travel and other bans on the regime’s inner cabinet and the formal cabinet
3. Press the international community especially the USA and the UN to form an international independent inquiry into the entire situation that brought about the post-election killings, brutality and cruelties
4. Condemn strongly by isolating the regime for criminalising dissent and continuing to violate its own constitution by keeping opposition leaders in jail
5. Use every diplomatic avenue to show what the regime is doing by jailing elected leaders of opposition parties, journalists and others is illegal, unjust and cannot be tolerated in international public life
6. Implement the suspension of the illegal regime in Ethiopia from all-important international councils.

We would like the USA Government to go beyond seeing the post-election crises as if the culprit—the illegal regime, and the opposition, that have steadfastly stood for human rights, democracy are on a par. They are not. The regime must be confronted with the fact that it is both illegal and unjust and is accused for vote tampering and the muzzling of democratic voice expression. The opposition that has been falsely accused of ‘treason’ and ‘genocide’ is being criminalised for the expression of dissatisfaction with the way the election has been mishandled. We call on the Government of the USA and its various branches such as the Congress, the Senate, the State Department and the other relevant agencies to follow the EU Parliament’s persistence to promote value based governance based on human rights, democracy, public ethics and the rule of law in order to promote long-lasting global security. Support to dictatorship by sacrificing human rights will not promote lasting security to the USA or the world. The sooner the USA acts together with consistency with those like the EU parliament that connect the realisation of true security with the preservation of human rights and democracy, the better and the sooner the world would be safe from terrorism and other scourges that have marred no end the much expected post-cold war peace, stability and development based on justice, human rights, democracy and the rule of law.


3. Sustainable Peace with Eritrea with the democratic transition in Ethiopia!

We have heard reports that the USA Government has decided to send its Assistant Secretary Frazer and General Fulford to mediate the dispute over the border demarcation issue between Eritrea and Ethiopia. The bottom line regarding this war is this: if Meles was prepared as he did to make a deal with the Eritrean leadership by signing the Algiers agreement, there was no reason in the first place for him not to have acted to forestall the war all together by entering into mediation and talks with the same leadership prior to the war. What was the reason for rushing into this war? What are the hard gains and losses from this war? The only spectacular result of this two-year war is that firstly it was one of or perhaps the most stupid wars in the annals of world history. Secondly it resulted in nearly an estimated 100,000 lives dead along with those who were displaced and the ugly manifestation of ethnic cleansing that it occasioned.

We would like to bring to the attention of the USA Government that the human rights activist leaders who are now in jail have stood steadfastly and consistently in opposition to the 1998-2000 war. This is a historically and internationally recocognised fact. Such principled leaders as Emeritus Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam highlighted with high principle and high ethics pointing to the massive human rights violations that the war created. They stood firmly against the massive violations of human rights by using the principle of opposing the war and recognition that the interest of the people in Eritrea and Ethiopia is not war but peace. They stood firmly behind the people and not war or the warmongers and were horrified especially by the human rights violations from the hideous practice of ethnic cleansing regardless of who perpetrated this crime against the people.

When the USA Government tries to assume the role of brokering ‘peace’ between the Government of Eritrea and the Meles regime, we would like it to recognise that the latter has formed an unjust and illegal Government. It has no moral or legal right to keep the duly and legally elected leaders in jail and try to impose an illegal peace. The Ethiopian people are right to think and believe that the first order of business is to get their illegally and unjustly incarcerated leaders to be released. Only a nationally legitimate Government can make peace and not an illegal regime that has stolen the votes of the people. Ultimately the Eritrean- Ethiopian predicament will be solved based on the expressed will of the people on both sides with free deliberation and peaceful and democratic engagement. Any other backhanded deal is likely to unravel sooner or later. This is something that both the Eritrean leadership and the Meles regime may not be aware of. We trust the US Government would not wish to impose temporary deals that are doomed to fail on the people of Ethiopia. The most urgent task is to release the prisoners in Ethiopia and help stimulate the democratic process and not suppress democracy and subordinate in the interest of brokering peace that would probably evaporate sooner or later.

4. Concluding Remarks

We say the first order of business is to restore the badly mauled election in Ethiopia in order to bring the much anticipated democratic transition in the country and settle the Eritrean –Ethiopian conflict peacefully and democratically based on the will of the people on both sides. We call on the international community to act and guide their foreign policy on Ethiopia with values of human rights and democracy in order to establish an enduring security architecture in the volatile Horn of Africa region.

Underlying the disorder of present day world politics is the rupturing of establishing lasting peace and security in the world from the diffusion and spread of universal values of democracy, human rights, accountable, transparent and people- empowering governance, and the rule of law. After the end of the cold war, there was a historical opportunity to bridge and align the establishment of lasting peace and security with the consistent and principled promotion of the rule of values of human rights, democracy and citizen empowering and legally protecting rights. We hope the international community will not tolerate abusive dictators because of their putative role in the fight and ignore jailed elected democrats.

We call on the USA Government and its various branches to take heed of the EU parliament and condemn rather than support the regime that puts into jail elected leaders, kill their people and cart away tens of thousands of youth into concentration camps. We call on the USA to recognise that the regime in Ethiopia has unjustly and illegally incarcerated the elected opposition leadership and accused them of false and trumped up- charges. We call on the USA Government to impose strict sanctions against such illegal behaviour and not reward it with 600 million dollars. We call on the USA Government to review its aid to the regime and find ways of reaching the Ethiopian people by finding alternative ways of disbursing the support of the American people to their fellow Ethiopian people. We call on the USA Government to apply the principle of protection of human rights and democracy as the surest way of promoting security in Ethiopia, Africa and indeed throughout the word. In the end it is democracy and freedom and not dictatorship that is a friend of national and human security.


Professor Mammo Muchie, Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter
Berhanu G. Balcha, Vice- Chair of NES-Scandinavian Chapter
Tekola Worku, Secretary of NES-Scandinavian Chapter

Contact address:
Fibigerstraede 2
9220- Aalborg East
Denmark
Tel. + 45 96 359 813 or +45 96 358 331
Fax + 45 98 153 298
Cell: +45 3112 5507
Email: mammo@ihis.aau.dk

More...

South Africa: The politics of space

2006-01-19

http://www.themercury.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=285&fArticleId=3068441

"The heart of the local government elections, then, is a contest over the politics of space," writes Raj Patel from the University of KwaZulu-Natal's Centre for Civil Society in a recent commentary about South Africa's upcoming local elections. "On the one hand are shack-dwellers who believed, and still believe, in the ideals of desegregation, of the possibility of rich and poor and black and white living side by side. On the other hand lie local councillors seeking to fence the rich from the poor - councillors who, faced by questions of redistribution from within their own party, can only remain mute."

Swaziland: Tensions rise following opposition arrests

2006-01-19

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=31764

Political tensions in Swaziland are on the rise following the arrest of 15 pro-democracy campaigners in recent weeks over petrol bomb attacks that were made on courthouses and the homes of various officials last year. The activists belong to the banned People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO). They include the secretary general of this opposition party, Bonginkhosi Dlamini, and leading campaigner Mphandlana Shongwe - who was reportedly detained Tuesday.

Tanzania: Mkapa's Pursuit of Economic Recovery Pays Off

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160036.html

A report by the UN Integrated Regional Information Networks argues that Mkapa's term in office brought Tanzania significant economic progress, although much more remains to be done. At the start of his administration, Mkapa vigorously pursued recovery programmes, robust macroeconomic policies and structural reforms, including privatisation initiated by his predecessor. Newly elected President Kikwete, has vowed to improve the country's economy by consolidating the foundations laid down by his predecessors.

Uganda: Campaigning with the President

2006-01-17

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4602256.stm

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni has been defending his move to run for a third term as campaigning is stepped up ahead of next month's general elections. Both he and his biggest challenger, Dr Kizza Besigye, have been touring the country to try and secure votes in the country's first multi-party elections in 20 years. Elections are due on 23 February.

Uganda: Creation of New Poll Stations Trigger Fear of Rigging

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160323.html

The Ugandan Electoral Commission has created 2,480 new polling stations, triggering a wave of protests from the country's opposition camps. Opposition politicians claim this move could be a ploy for massive vote rigging. Electoral Commission officials are yet to tell Ugandans where the new polling stations are located.

Zimbabwe: calls for revamp of the opposition

2006-01-19

http://zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=13595

“The MDC as an institution is hardly what we must be fighting to preserve or protect but rather the values that formed its formation and the formation of the broader progressive forces in Zimbabwe.” These were the words of well-known political analyst and human rights lawyer Brian Kagoro. Kagoro was speaking on the programme Hot Seat on the political crisis in the country and on how to salvage the opposition after the devastating effects caused by the infighting within the six year old opposition.

Global: World Bank anti-corruption head named

2006-01-17

http://www.theage.com.au/news/Business/World-Bank-anticorruption-head-named/2006/01/13/1136956325579.html

World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, who has promised to crack down on corruption, has appointed Suzanne Rich Folsom to head the bank's anti-corruption unit, according to a notice to member countries. Folsom, a US national, has been acting director of the World Bank's Department of Institutional Integrity since October 2005 following the departure of Maarten de Jong .She joined the bank in 2003 as counsellor to then World Bank President James Wolfensohn and will retain that post as well under Wolfowitz.

Kenya: President Okays Fresh Graft Probe On Murungaru

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160279.html

President Kibaki has okayed a demand by the country's anti-corruption chief for Kieni Member of Parliament, Chris Murungaru to declare and account for his wealth. The sacked Transport Minister has further been summoned to appear before the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission on February 16 as it probes the mega-billion shilling Anglo Leasing scam, the biggest scandal in President Kibaki's tenure so far.

Kenya: State Spends 800 million On Luxury Vehicles

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160283.html

At least 800 million Kenyan Shillings was used by the Narc government to buy cars for Cabinet ministers in its first two years in power, a State-owned human rights watchdog says. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights says the money was also used to buy sleek cars for assistant ministers and permanent secretaries. Commission Chairman Maina Kiai, says the findings are contained in the organisation's yet-to-be-released report: "The Culture of Wastage and Conspicuous Consumption Portrayed by Senior Civil Servants and Politicians."

Sao Tome and Principe: Foreign minister resigns over diversion of foreign aid

2006-01-19

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=51197

The foreign minister of Sao Tome and Principe has resigned after coming under widespread criticism for spending nearly US $500,000 of aid from Morocco without reference to other members of the government. Meanwhile, a group of disgruntled police officers firing guns in the air has seized the main police station in the capital to protest at unpaid salaries and poor working conditions, according to the Portuguese news agency Lusa.

South Africa: Call for deputy president to repay cost of UAE trip

2006-01-19

http://www.dispatch.co.za/2006/01/19/SouthAfrica/bpay.html

President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka should repay the cost of her controversial holiday to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), said Grahamstown-based corruption watchdog the Public Services Accountability Monitor (PSAM). Mlambo-Ngcuka is in breach of the Executive Members' Ethics Act and should be held responsible for the amount - ranging from R400000 to R700000 - used for her private holiday, said PSAM director Colm Allen. "You have to ask: if she was not in her position of deputy president, would she have been able to make use of such transport facilities for a holiday for herself and her family and friends?" said Allen.

Africa: Africa Spends Us$4bn a Year On Western Expatriates

2006-01-19

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601060396.html

Africa spends US$4 billion per year, representing 35% of total official development aid to the continent, to employ some 100,000 Western experts. These are recruited to perform functions generically described as 'technical assistance', which could have been done by African experts lost to the brain drain of the western world.

Africa: China willing to negotiate FTA with African countries, organizations

2006-01-17

http://www.bilaterals.org/article.php3?id_article=3526

China is willing to negotiate Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with African countries and African regional organizations when conditions are ripe, according to China’s African Policy Paper issued Thursday (January 12) in Beijing. The paper, the first of its kind issued by the Chinese government, said the Chinese government encourages and supports Chinese enterprises’ investment and business in Africa. African countries are welcome to make investment in China and the two sides should work together to create a favorable environment for investment and cooperation and protect the legitimate rights and interests of investors from both sides, the paper said.

Africa: New Barriers Hinder Trade

2006-01-18

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601170115.html

Just as developing countries are beginning to overcome some major hurdles in their quest to expand trade with industrial countries, another is rearing its head. As a result of agreements negotiated at the World Trade Organization (WTO), traditional trade protection measures such as tariffs and quotas are falling away. But to some extent they are being replaced by domestic technical regulations that permit countries to bar products from entering their markets if the products do not meet certain standards.

Africa: WTO Talks May Not Reduce Poverty

2006-01-18

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601171286.html

Talks at the recently concluded World Trade Organisation Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong will not lessen poverty in developing countries because no decisive position was taken to tackle protectionism and dumping. This is according to a statement by the Southern and Eastern Africa Trade Information and Negotiation Institute (SEATINI), an African civil society organisation initiative to strengthen Africa's capacity to take a more effective part in the emerging global trading system and to effectively manage the process of globalisation.

Global: Is the WTO too complicated? Or not complicated enough?

2006-01-18

http://blogs.odi.org.uk/blogs/2005/archive/2006/01/11/103.aspx

Simon Maxwell's recent posting in the ODI weblog contends that the WTO is certainly complicated, and not just because of the profusion of acronyms and the arcane detail of trade policy. The real complexity lies in the way many different issues are brought to the table, with the idea that losses in one area may be offset by gains in another. He argues that there were some obvious examples in Hong Kong - the best known being the EU demanding better access to developing country markets for its manufactures and services in countries like Brazil, as a quid pro quo for reduction in its agricultural subsidies and for further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP).

Kenya: End of the Production Line for Shoemakers?

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160431.html

Cheap shoes from China have nearly crippled Kenya's shoe manufacturing industry. Shoemakers in the country blame the government for failing to protect local jobs. But as with most developing countries, the reality of free trade means juggling the arrival of more imports with the chance for more exports. Industrialised countries are putting pressure on African governments to drop import tariffs and open their markets to manufactured products from industrialised countries.

Lesotho: Impact of MFA termination

2006-01-17

http://www.icftu.org

The termination of the Multi-Fibre Arrangement (MFA) on 1 January 2005 has had a devastating impact on the fragile, emerging, textile economies of many African countries. In Lesotho, for example, in the period between January and June 2005 at least 10 textile factories shut down, leaving over 13,000 people jobless, a huge figure for that small country of some 2.2 million inhabitants (and where the textile industry employed some 54,000 people before the ending of the MFA). Daniel Maraisane, the General Secretary of the Lesotho Clothing and Allied Workers' Union (LECAWU), has been leading the trade union struggle for over 20 years. He discusses the impact of the ending of quotas on Lesotho's workers and gives some insights into the role of trade unions in Africa.

Malawi: Social funds contribute to poverty reduction

2006-01-17

http://www.id21.org/society/s5cgb1g1.html

Malawi is a poor country: close to 65 percent of the rural population live on less than US$ 0.60 per day and 48 percent of children are malnourished. The first Malawi Social Action Fund (MASAF) aimed to reduce such high poverty levels. It was introduced at a time when the country was transitioning politically to multi-party system. A review shows that despite the difficulties of this period, the social fund performed well.

Mali: Lack of Sponsorship Undermines Mali Gathering

2006-01-19

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=31774

Plans to send a large contingent of Kenyan campaigners to the African leg of the World Social Forum (WSF) may be undermined by a lack of funding. Since this year's event was brought to Africa, many Kenyans thought they would take advantage of the proximity to attend. But this hope has waned and the number of those expected to attend has dropped due to inadequate resources, including a prohibitive airfare. It's cheaper to fly to Europe, than to Mali, from Kenya.
* Related Link
See http://sa.indymedia.org/features/wsfmali2006/ for the latest news from Bamako.

Africa: Lessons from an African response to HIV and Aids

2006-01-17

http://www.healthlink.org.uk/PDFs/sipaa_learn.pdf

This publication focusing on the key lessons from the Support to the International Partnership against AIDS in Africa (SIPAA) programme implemented between 2001 and 2005 in nine African countries, could not have come out at a better time. Though it is not an evaluation report, it tells the story of good practice from which readers will learn much about the programme. On the African continent there are numerous interventions and innovative methods being applied. Unfortunately many of these activities are barely documented, giving the impression that nothing significant is taking place.

Mozambique: MSF to ensure sustainability of ARV programme

2006-01-19

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=51164

In a bid to ensure the sustainability of its antiretroviral (ARV) treatment programme in Mozambique, the international NGO, Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), has focused on skills transfer with the aim of handing over the running of its sites to the government. This would see the government and local community taking over the responsibility for running MSF's Lichinga site in the northern Niassa province, which treats 370 patients, by the end of 2008.

Nigeria: Aids-drug plan 'thwarted'

2006-01-17

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4618940.stm

A pledge by the Nigerian government to provide all anti-Aids drugs for free has not been met as some hospitals impose service charges, activists say. The government vowed in December to provide anti-retroviral drugs, needed to combat HIV-Aids, free of charge. The drugs have always been free, but many hospitals run by individual states still demand service charges for treating patients.

South Africa: Remembering Peter Busse

2006-01-17

http://www.health-e.org.za/news/article.php?uid=20031350

Peter Busse, one of the first South Africans to openly declare his HIV status, died on Friday. Health-e News Service spoke to a few people whose lives Busse touched in many different ways. When 34-year-old mother of three Vicki Bam stood up at an International Women’s Day meeting in 2004, she had been living with the disease for two years. Her speech was testimony to the lives Peter Busse had touched and in the case of Bam – saved. “The first three months after I was diagnosed was a living hell. I even thought of committing suicide. But at that time I met someone who made a positive impact on my life. His name is Peter Busse who had been living with HIV/Aids positively for the past 17 years and he made me realize that being HIV positive is not a death sentence,” Bam told the gathering.

Tanzania: Iron Supplements Linked to Malaria Deaths

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160149.html

A major study based on evidence gathered from the Tanzanian island of Pemba has concluded that giving generalised iron and folic acid supplements to young children in malarial areas increases the likelihood of those children dying.The London-based medical journal "The Lancet" has published details of the trial which points out that the World Health Organisation still recommends routine supplementation with iron and folic acid in countries where anaemia is widespread - despite growing scientific opinion that anaemia could be a natural defence against the malarial parasite.

Zambia: Guardian Examines Spread of HIV in Lake Mweru Region

2006-01-17

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=34680

London's Guardian on Saturday examined the spread of HIV in the region surrounding northern Zambia's Lake Mweru, which in recent years has seen an influx of young men who have migrated to the region to start fishing. Although the area was sparsely populated 30 years ago, the closure of Zambian copper mines, increasing poverty and conflict in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo have contributed to the region's recent population growth.

Africa: Challenges and implications for education for rural people

2006-01-18

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC20627

This paper from the Sustainable Development Department, FAO, emphasises the need for a strong specific focus on rural people and argues that education is the most effective way to empower the rural poor to get out of poverty and to ensure that the MDG targets are met in sub-Saharan Africa. The paper provides empirical data on the human development situation and trends for rural peoples of the region, explains the critical roles of agriculture, food security and nutrition for the achievement of the MDGs, identifies key potentials and strategic challenges of sustainable agriculture and rural development, and highlights the important contribution of education for rural people (ERP) to sustainable rural development and to achieve the MDGs.

Africa: Close to 50 Million Children Lack Access to School

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160157.html

About 50 million African children are currently denied school due to lack of investment on education by governments in the continent according to African Education Ministers. The Ministers said this at a gathering of the first extra-ordinary conference on Education in Addis Ababa, to evaluate the First Decade of Education For All (EFA)-1997 to 2006.They observed that a number of countries in Africa spend, on average, only less than 3 per cent of their GNP on education and less than 12 per cent of their budgets.

Africa: Do ICTs enhance teaching and learning in South Africa and Egypt?

2006-01-17

http://www.id21.org/education/e4jl1g1.html

The Digital Education Enhancement Project (DEEP) is exploring how information and communications technologies (ICTs) can improve the quality of teacher education and learning. Research looks at primary schools in South Africa's Eastern Cape Province and in Cairo, Egypt.

Africa: Refurbished computers for schools

2006-01-17

http://www.id21.org/education/e4si1g1.html

Refurbishing used and second hand computers is one means among many for African schools to gain access to affordable ICTs. However, addressing Africa's digital divide is not simply a matter of shipping unwanted computers from the developed world. Not every second-hand computer is suitable for re-use. By sending unusable personal computers (PCs) to Africa, the developed world is dumping on to Africa the environmental challenge of disposing of the toxic substances in PCs.

Africa: SchoolNet Toolkit

2006-01-17

http://www.schoolnetafrica.net/1500.0.html

Aimed at African schoolnet practitioners, policymakers, school managers and teachers, the toolkit documents experiences in school networking from a number of African countries and recommends frameworks, tools, lessons and good practices to inform and improve our day to day practice.

Botswana: Study of literacy and secondary education in Botswana

2006-01-17

http://tinyurl.com/bww5r

“Improving the Quality of Literacy Learning in the Content Areas: Situational Analysis of Secondary Level Education in Botswana” underscores the importance of continuous literacy development in order to maximize secondary school students’ learning opportunities. The study sheds light on the critical issue of transitional challenges between primary and secondary levels of education. It argues that solid competencies in literacy are required for a truly participatory and student-centred approach to learning at the secondary level.

Ethiopia: Capacity building for decentralised education service delivery

2006-01-18

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC20644

This report from the European Centre for Development Policy Management examines capacity building for decentralised education service delivery in Ethiopia. Main key findings on devolution and education services in Ethiopia include: the devolution of service delivery was included in the 1995 Constitution, which provides an unusual degree of autonomy to Ethiopia's 11 regional states. However, the administration appears to be more aligned to deconcentration below the regional level.

Global: Can ICTs help increase literacy?

2006-01-17

http://www.id21.org/education/e4gf1g2.html

There is growing awareness that it is not the learning of literacy skills that brings about social and economic benefits but the ability to use literacy in specific instances. Literacy learning must encourage the use of skills in real life situations and promote the transfer of literacy skills from the adult classroom into the external world. Can new technologies be used to develop learning materials to assist with this?

South Africa: Chomsky opposes Desai ban

2006-01-19

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=261264&area=/insight/insight__national/

A national and international brouhaha has rapidly developed following the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s (UKZN) decision to bar renowned academic and activist Dr Ashwin Desai from seeking a position at the university. The decision has elicited letters of strong protest to UKZN vice- chancellor Malegapuru Makgoba from Noam Chomsky and Naomi Klein - among other well known figures from abroad - and several South African academics.

Sudan: Push to reconstruct school system

2006-01-17

http://tinyurl.com/agoaf

The Federal Minister of Education and the Minister of Education, Science and Technology of Southern Sudan visited UNESCO on 5 January 2006 with the aim of strengthening cooperation between the Organization and this war-torn country. Reconstruction in Sudan has been possible since peace accords were signed in January 2005 between the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the Government of Sudan. Nevertheless, the country still faces many educational challenges with a literacy rate of less than 40% and the number of children enrolled in school dropping, according to UNESCO.

Global: MDGs helping or harming minorities

2006-01-19

http://www.minorityrights.org/

The international commitment to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) presents both opportunities and risks for persons belonging to ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities. Minorities are among the poorest in most countries and so attention to issues such as poverty, primary education, health and housing can help to improve minorities' human development. There is a genuine risk, however, that the strategies used to achieve the MDGs will be less beneficial for minority groups, might increase inequalities and may harm some minority communities.

Africa: Environment is a trade union priority

2006-01-17

http://www.will2006.org

The World Trade Union Assembly on Labour and the Environment was officially opened on Sunday 15 January in Nairobi, at the head office of UNEP. Trade unions from all over the world are debating the best ways to engage in concrete action in the struggle for a sustainable environment. This meeting - a joint initiative of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), Sustainlabour and the Varda group - brings together more than 160 trade unionists from all over the world. Non-government organisations and employer representatives have also been invited to take part. The primary objective of the meeting is to ensure more effective trade union action on the environment.

Africa: Ministers to agree a single treaty on the Nile waters

2006-01-18

http://www.nationmedia.com/eastafrican/current/News/news160120067.htm

Water ministers from the Nile Basin countries meet next month to conclude a new agreement on governing the use of the river's waters. The question of whether a country should notify other Nile basin states before starting a project on the river was unresolved after the seventh round of talks by the technical negotiation panel, which met in Uganda last September. The issue will be top on the agenda at the Nile Council of Ministers meeting due in Addis Ababa.

East Africa: Power shortages

2006-01-17

http://tinyurl.com/8wjc4

Delayed rains have resulted in power shortages across east Africa as falling water levels prompt hydro plant operators to curtail generation or even consider shutting plants down. An electricity shortage has gripped Tanzania due to water levels at the Mtera dam falls. With a minimum full capacity operating level of 690m, the level has reportedly dropped to 688.4m recently, leaving the 80MW facility generating as little as 34MW. The lowest possible level permitted by the Ministry of Energy and Minerals is 688m, according to the Water Power Magazine.

Global: The latest threat to the world's climate?

2006-01-17

http://tinyurl.com/7pmun

The world of climate change science and policy has been rocked by the discovery that plants produce up to one-third of the second most important greenhouse gas. The findings are published in Nature today (12 January) by a team led by Frank Keppler from the Max-Planck Institute in Germany. Until now, researchers thought that most methane was produced by bacteria in environments lacking oxygen, such as the digestive system of cows and Asia's flooded rice fields. But Keppler's team says plants worldwide produce millions of tonnes of the gas each year, with the greatest share coming from the tropics, reports SciDev.

Kenya: Elephants suffering from drought

2006-01-17

http://apnews.myway.com/article/20060112/D8F3C7FG6.html

Elephants in Kenyan national parks and reserves are leaving their drought-stricken sanctuaries to search for water and food near human settlements, where they have attacked starving people trying to protect their crops. UN agencies have warned of hunger across the region because of drought and say the situation in eastern Kenya is particularly serious. People reportedly have died of hunger during what officials say is the country's worst drought in 22 years.

Namibia: NamPower continues to think big

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601110185.html

The Chairperson of the NamPower Board of Directors, Andries Hungamo, says the power utility will spend N$1,5 billion to develop a 200 to 400 MW transmission interconnection between Zambia and Namibia, particularly in the Caprivi Region. The link is believed to will hold various strategic supply and commercial benefits for NamPower and is likely to decrease the country's dependency on South Africa for electricity. Hungamo said the project has been made possible by Zambia's recent construction of a 220 Kilovolt line from the Zambian substation at Livingstone to the Zambezi substation at Katima Mulilo.

South Africa: Poor launch land war

2006-01-19

http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php?article_id=7900

A wave of bitter revolts over land and housing is sweeping many parts of
South Africa. Ten years after the end of apartheid, the ANC government's
commitment to neo-liberalism means millions are still waiting for proper
houses, clean water and toilets. What began as spontaneous rage is growing into a movement. Every week sees large groups of landless and homeless people settling land, building shacks and demanding the authorities provide services.

South Africa: Results of the first national farm evictions survey

2006-01-19

http://www.uwc.ac.za/plaas/

Research by Nkuzi Development Association and Social Surveys indicates that farm evictions continue unabated in the post-apartheid era. The number of people displaced from farms between 1994 and the end of 2004 was 1.8 million and another 942 000 people were evicted in the same period. Only 1% of evictions went through a court process.

DRC: Critical radio station closed in dispute over music royalties

2006-01-17

http://www.cpj.org/news/2006/africa/drc13jan06na.html

The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the closure of Radio Mwangaza, a community station in the northern Congolese city of Kisangani, which has aired programs criticizing local authorities. Court officials sealed its studios on January 11 in a dispute over alleged non-payment of music royalties, station director Jean-Pierre Lifoli told CPJ. Local press freedom groups said they believed the station, which was set up with French and Canadian support, has been targeted for its critical programming.

Libya: Cyber-dissident Al Mansouri completes a year in prison

2006-01-17

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/71567/?PHPSESSID=81e6acc60fb6fd40f012c9727b1d1a9f

On the first anniversary of cyber-dissident Abdel Razak Al Mansouri's arrest, Reporters Without Borders has reiterated its call for the immediate release of this former bookseller, who is serving an 18-month prison sentence for posting articles critical of President Muammar Gaddafi on the Internet. "Al Mansouri has become the symbol of the fight for free expression in Libya," the organisation said. "By using the Internet to publish independent news and information, he opened a path which many other Internet users are bound to follow."

South Africa: Google censors South African search engine

2006-01-17

http://www.tectonic.co.za/view.php?id=806

Web users searching for South Africa's newest search engine Jonga on Google are more likely to find an Indian army 4x4, a South African tour company or the genealogy of a German whose name is "Jonga". That is if they find it at all. The search engine was dropped from the Google index "in its entirety" last week, according to owner of Jonga, Alistair Carruthers. Carruthers says he has "no idea whatsoever" why Jonga is no longer indexed by the world's biggest search engine.

South Africa: SABC cans interview with PW

2006-01-17

http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/articles/article.aspx?ID=ST6A161733

The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has pulled the plug on a television interview with former State President PW Botha - the first he has given in 11 years - sparking accusations of censorship against the public broadcaster. The exclusive interview, conducted by controversial former SABC journalist Cliff Saunders, was allegedly scheduled to have aired on Thursday night to coincide with Botha’s 90th birthday celebrations.

Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe to review Aippa?

2006-01-17

http://www.journalism.co.za/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=3496&CAMSSID=3d757b64ca55f7198531cb3ae036481b

The government of Zimbabwe is reportedly reviewing the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), in the wake of intense criticism and condemnation of Zimbabwe's dented human rights record and suppression of freedom of expression, according to an alert from the Media Institute of Southern Africa. This comes hard on the heels of a damning report by the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), which expressed concern over the suppression of fundamental rights and liberties through laws such as AIPPA, the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA).

Global: International day of action against dams

2006-01-18

http://www.irn.org/dayofaction/

March 14, 2006 is the 9th annual International Day of Action Against Dams and for Rivers, Water and Life! This is a time to join together in solidarity to protest destructive river development and celebrate successes over the last year. It is also a time to fight for social justice and the rights of communities to have a say in decisions affecting their lives and livelihoods. We invite you to participate in this year’s Day of Action by planning an action or event to celebrate rivers, water and life. Take a stand this March 14th for healthy rivers and thriving communities! Organize an action, a celebration, or a community fair. Choose whatever topic and form of action you like, and focus on whatever works within your own context. Just get involved and get active.

USA: The unfinished march and movement

2006-01-19

http://cgi.wn.com/?action=display&article=41872259&template=worldnews/index.txt&index=recent

"I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values." - Martin Luther King, Jr., "A Time To Break The Silence," April 4, 1967. On Monday January 16th, the mainstream media and government-corporate powers will pause to dilute and gloss over the life and words of America's greatest social and political prophet, Martin Luther King, Jr. They will redefine the 1963 Civil Rights March on Washington - it was called the Jobs and Freedom March; water down his speeches to the phrase "I have a dream"; and limit his actions to a handful of marches. They will neglect to tell the nation that he denounced American values, proclaimed the US as a "sick" nation and the "greatest purveyor of violence", and emphatically declared the war in Vietnam as illegal and unjust.

Chad: Rebels admit ‘friendly’ ties with Sudan

2006-01-19

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=51203

A Chadian rebel leader on Wednesday said insurgents seeking to oust President Idriss Deby have ‘friendly’ relations with Sudan and have met on Sudanese soil, but are receiving no arms or other assistance from Khartoum, as charged by N’Djamena. Abdelwahid Aboud Makaye, a leader of the newly formed United Front for Change and Democracy (FUC), said in an interview with Radio France Internationale that some meetings sealing the group’s formation in late December were held in El Geneina in Darfur, western Sudan.

Ethiopia: Failed Rains Leave 1.75 Million More People in Need of Food Aid

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160611.html

According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, with Ethiopia's major October to December rains having failed, an additional 1.75 million people will require food aid up to June, bringing the number of people receiving food assistance in the Horn of Africa country to 7.25 million. Drought has devastated the economies of many pastoralist groups in East African countries this year, especially Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Kenya, leaving 11 million people at risk of food shortages.

Ivory Coast: Ivorian leaders urge calm after four die in riots

2006-01-19

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L18174802.htm

Ivory Coast's president urged his supporters on Wednesday to end a wave of attacks on UN peacekeepers in which at least four people were killed, after a lightning peace mission by Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo, who is also chairman of the African Union, flew in to meet Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, whose supporters have staged three days of anti-UN riots to protest at what they call foreign meddling in the war-divided West African state.

Nigeria: Militants say all oil producers at risk

2006-01-19

http://today.reuters.com/news/newsArticle.aspx?type=worldNews&storyID=2006-01-19T001629Z_01_L18696432_RTRUKOC_0_US-NIGERIA-ATTACKS.xml&archived=False

Militants behind attacks aimed at disrupting Nigeria's oil exports said they will target all producers in the country, in a message singling out US-based Chevron. The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, which has caused major disruption at Royal Dutch Shell and kidnapped four foreign oil workers, said it has also attacked installations run by France's Total and Italy's Agip, a unit of ENI. "We have decided not to limit our attacks to Shell oil as our ultimate aim is to prevent Nigeria from exporting oil," the militant group said in an email statement to Reuters.

Somalia: Still Waiting for Change

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160394.html

A report by the UN Integrated Regional Information Networks contends that politically and socially, little changed in 2005 for Somalia, a nation of approximately 7 million. Having suffered a 14-year civil war, most of its citizens were optimistic that the year following the creation of a transitional federal government (TFG)would herald substantive change. Continued bickering within the TFG, however, dashed the hopes of many Somalis that the years of anarchy and chaos were coming to an end.

Sudan: Army commits serious ceasefire violation

2006-01-19

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L18598217.htm

Sudan's army has committed the first serious violation of a final ceasefire signed a year ago to end Africa's longest civil war in its south, a UN peacekeeping official said on Wednesday. The former southern rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) said the army sent around 1,200 troops last week into the rebel-controlled eastern area of Hamesh Koreb and has threatened to expel the SPLM. A joint UN-led team is still in the area to defuse tensions between the two sides.

Africa: Looking forward five years from now

2006-01-18

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html

Balancing Act News Update gazes into their crystal ball and attempts to make some predictions on what the African internet environment might look like five years from now. "Some predictions are easy. They are just about pointing to something that is about to take off. The start of Africa's broadband markets would be a typical example. Other predictions are less easy to make. However, making predictions in Africa is so much harder because so much depends on the often unpredictable mix of Government action and commercial strategy."

Africa: Obsidian teaches open source basics

2006-01-17

http://www.tectonic.co.za/view.php?id=778&s=news

Buli Tikolo, training co-ordinator, Obsidian Systems, says the new course is aimed at office workers and other non-IT professionals that wish to gain a rounded understanding of computing, specifically in an open source environment. “We are offering people who want to switch to open source applications and operating systems a benchmark course that will provide them with all the necessary skills to operate a computer running Linux and some of the top open source tools available today,” says Tikolo.

Africa: Participants guide to the Africa Digital Commons

2006-01-19

http://www.commons-sense.org/pages/encyclopedia.htm

The Africa Commons-sense Project has as its goal to conduct research that helps equip African activists and decision-makers with the information they need to develop cutting-edge, relevant intellectual property policies and practices. It begins with a map that presents a broad picture of where Africa is in terms of achieving a "digital information commons", as well as providing some sense of how to grow it further.

Kenya: Plans underway to Create 30,000 Outsourcing Jobs in Varsities

2006-01-17

http://allafrica.com/stories/200601160691.html

Kenya plans to position itself as one of the world's leading outsourcing hubs for companies in North America and Europe looking to cut costs in their business processes. In an interview, the country's Information and Technology Permanent Secretary revealed a strategy to set up outsourcing incubators at local universities that are hoped to create up to 30,000 jobs. The new enthusiasm to push the Kenyan economy to the digital age follows last week's approval of the long-awaited Information and Communications Technology (ICT) policy by President Kibaki's new Cabinet, at its second sitting.

South Africa: NGO Web Awards 2006

2006-01-17

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/31328

The Southern African NGO Network (SANGONeT) is pleased to announce the first ever South African NGO Web Awards. In recent years a growing number of South African NGOs have invested in ICT skills and infrastructure, including their own dedicated websites. This is a very encouraging trend and one which will hopefully continue to grow in future. This competition aims to raise awareness amongst South African NGOs about the benefits of having a web presence, stimulate interest in the application of web solutions and applications, and showcase best practices in website creation and maintenance.
South African NGO Web Awards 2006

Closing date - 17 February 2006

---------------------------------------------------------------

The Southern African NGO Network (SANGONeT) is pleased to announce the first
ever South African NGO Web Awards.

In recent years a growing number of South African NGOs have invested in ICT
skills and infrastructure, including their own dedicated websites. This is a
very encouraging trend and one which will hopefully continue to grow in
future.

This competition aims to raise awareness amongst South African NGOs about
the benefits of having a web presence, stimulate interest in the application
of web solutions and applications, and showcase best practices in website
creation and maintenance.

The competition will run in conjunction with the second SANGONeT "ICTs for
Civil Society" Conference to be held from 7-9 March 2006 in Johannesburg.
The winners will be announced at the conference gala dinner on 8 March 2006,
and will also be profiled during a special conference session focusing on
the role and relevance of websites in support of the work of South African
NGOs.

The focus of the competition is to identify NGO websites with unique and
relevant features in relation to the overall development work of
organisations, rather than very specific categories and criteria, or just
the technical features of the website. However, issues which will guide the
judging panel are usability, accessibility, innovation and content,
demonstrating how the website is complementing the core development focus
and activities of the organisation.

NGOs stand the chance to win prizes to the value of R50 000.

The competition is open to South African NGOs with a website. Organisations
must be able to demonstrate their non-profit status and involvement in
development work in South Africa.

The application form is available on the SANGONeT Conference website -
www.sangonet.org.za/conference2006

Please complete the entry form online, or fax it back to SANGONeT at (011)
403-0130.

Any enquiries about the competition can be addressed to Fazila Farouk at
SANGONeT on Tel: (011) 403-4935 or portal@sangonet.org.za

The closing date for entries is Friday, 17 February 2006.

More...

Uganda: Africa Source II

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/31381

Over an 8-day period, 140 people from around Africa and beyond, came together to live, learn and be inspired at the Africa Source II FOSS technology workshop, organised by the Tactical Tech team. Presented in 3 main tracks, participants were invited to share their stories and learn from experts in the fields of ‘Information handling and citizen’s media’, ‘Migration for education and resource centres’ and ‘Migration for NGOs’. Sessions covered items such as Alternative Access and localisation. Undoubtedly, the non-profit and non-governmental sectors in Africa are turning to FOSS to solve their technology problems.

http://za.creativecommons.org/blog/archives/2006/01/17/a-source-of-inspiration/

Further Resources:
Africa Source II - http://www.tacticaltech.org/africasource2
Africa Source II Wiki - http://wiki.africasource2.tacticaltech.org/
Tactical Technology Collective blog - http://www.tacticaltech.org/africasource2/blog
foss4us blog - http://foss4us.org/blog

Global: NMCI Launches Human Trafficking Web Portal

2006-01-17

http://www.humantraffickingsearch.net

The National MultiCultural Institute (NMCI) launches a groundbreaking web portal that provides over 15,000 web entries of informational resources on issues related to human trafficking and modern-day slavery from around the world. HumanTraffickingSearch.net and its "deep search" engine provide information on related topics including: Human Trafficking, Child Labor, Bonded Labor and Sex Slavery. HumanTraffickingSearch.net offers a vast amount of information, updated regularly, on over 120 countries through a broad range of articles, research studies, congressional testimony, case studies, UNODC public service videos, a data map on child labor, and a daily news service.

Africa: How to make the transition from fund raising to development

2006-01-18

http://www.socialedge.org/Events/Workshops/52

This article discusses how most NGO's begin with a visionary individual who identified a need that wasn't being filled and obtained enough funds to start a small organization. The visionary then raises more money, hires more project staff, and grows the organization by working extremely hard and relying on a growing circle of funder contacts. The article goes on to discuss how to make the transition from fund raising to development.

Africa: New loan program to benefit media in developing countries

2006-01-18

http://www.ijnet.org/FE_Article/NewsArticle.asp?CId=304277&UILang=1&CIDLang=1

The Media Development Loan Fund (MDLF) has announced a unique initiative designed to help independent news media in emerging democracies. The program will allow investors to help foster press freedom and viability abroad by loaning money at low interest rates. MDLF is a New York-based nonprofit that offers low-interest loans to independent news media in developing countries.

Africa: Southern Africa Trust (SAT) Influencing policies to end poverty

2006-01-18

http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001773/index.php

SAT was established to support civil society to engage effectively in regional level public policy processes aimed at reducing poverty and inequality in southern Africa. SAT is making an initial call for proposals for once-off grants to promote innovative regional-level work that supports these goals.

Africa: World Bank small grants programme

2006-01-18

http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/EXTSMALLGRANTS/0,,menuPK:952550~pagePK:64168427~piPK:64168435~theSitePK:952535,00.html

The aim of the World Bank Small Grants Program is to strengthen the voice and influence of poor and marginalized groups in the development processes, thereby making these processes more inclusive and equitable. Thus, it supports activities of civil society organizations whose primary objective is civic engagement of the poor and marginalized populations.

Global: Gates Foundation Access to Learning Award

2006-01-18

http://www.clir.org/fellowships/gates/gates.html

The Council on Library & Information Resources seeks applications from Public Libraries outside the United States for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation Access to Learning Award for 2006. Each year, the programme presents an award of up to $1 million to a public library or similar organisation outside the US with an innovative programme offering the public free access to information technology.

Africa: Strategies for ratification and rights realisation: Symposium at Ahfad University for Women

Saturday 21 January 9.00 am to 5.30 pm, Ahfad University for Women

2006-01-19

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/

This event is organised by the Ahfad University for Women, the Babikar Badri Scientific Association for Women, the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights Coalition and in collaboration with the Women, Gender and Development Directorate of the African Union Commission. It seeks to share continental progress on the ratification of the African Union Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women and current initiatives towards implementation of the Protocol.

eLA - eLearning Africa

1st International Conference on ICT for Development, Education and Training

2006-01-18

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/31340

eLearning Africa intends to become an eLearning capacity-building event for the entire African continent and a forum for all stakeholders engaged in the planning and implementation of technology-supported learning and training. The event is supported by the United Nations Commission for Africa and the European Commission's DG Information Society. The Ethiopian Ministry of Capacity Building has taken the patronage over the conference. The event will be accompanied by an exhibition.
eLA - eLearning Africa
1st International Conference on ICT for Development, Education and Training

When: May 24 - 26, 2006
Where: UNCC, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Organizers: ICWE GmbH, www.icwe.net, Hoffmann & Reif www.hoffmann-reif.com
Contact: Rebecca Stromeyer, info@elearning-africa.com, +49-30-327 6140
www.elearning-africa.com

Short Description:
eLearning Africa intends to become an eLearning capacity-building
event for the entire African continent and a forum for all
stakeholders engaged in the planning and implementation of
technology-supported learning and training. The event is supported by
the United Nations Commission for Africa and the European Commission's
DG Information Society. The Ethiopian Ministry of Capacity Building
has taken the patronage over the conference. The event will be
accompanied by an exhibition.

More...

South Africa: Advanced conflict transformation course

2006-01-18

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/31337

The Coalition for Peace in Africa (COPA) is a membership network of individuals and organisations working for sustainable peace in Africa. It aims to be a resource for African wisdom and expertise able to respond effectively to the conflicts besetting different parts of Africa. It connects people working for peace and development, human rights and related goals, in Anglophone, Lusophone and Francophone countries throughout Africa. Twice a year, COPA holds a 5-week training workshop. This course covers diverse aspects of conflict transformation and peace building, and is aimed at building the capacity of participants, mostly from the African continent, working for development, human rights, peace, justice and related fields.
Coalition for Peace in Africa
COPA

ADVANCED CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION COURSE

Duration: 8th May-9th June 2006
Location: Elijah Barayi Training Centre, Johannesburg, South Africa
Language of facilitation: English, with translation into French and Portuguese

The Coalition for Peace in Africa (COPA) is a membership network of individuals and organisations working for sustainable peace in Africa. It aims to be a resource for African wisdom and expertise able to respond effectively to the conflicts besetting different parts of Africa. It connects people working for peace and development, human rights and related goals, in Anglophone, Lusophone and Francophone countries throughout Africa.

Twice a year, COPA holds a 5-week training workshop. This course covers diverse aspects of conflict transformation and peace building, and is aimed at building the capacity of participants, mostly from the African continent, working for development, human rights, peace, justice and related fields. The purposes of this course are to:

• Explore why and how people and organisations organise and to share strategies for building networks and coordinating the programmes of different stakeholders
• Introduce tools and skills for analysing conflicts that can assist in identifying intervention strategies to reduce and prevent violence.
• Identify the origins and causes of new and ongoing conflicts in Africa and their links to continental and global factors
• Support and strengthen skills for facilitating dialogue, including communication and facilitation skills, negotiation, mediation and arbitration.
• Explore ways of providing support between practitioners and policy makers active in the field of Conflict transformation and Development
• Develop strategies to train other people working for development, human rights and reconciliation in methods of transforming conflict and preventing violence as well as the monitoring and evaluation of these initiatives.
• Develop capacity within organizations for conflict sensitive planning and implementation of development, humanitarian and peace building programmes.
• Develop a vision for Africa that reflects African values and capacities for peace

The course has been designed specifically for people who want to focus on conflict in Africa. Although it will include an analysis of global events and their impact on Africa, emphasis will be placed on culturally sensitive and sustainable responses to regional and community conflicts in Africa. Participants should bring to the course case studies and examples of conflict transformation from their own experience and research. Throughout the course there is a strong focus on personal development and the need for individuals and organizations to form networks, coalitions and alliances with others working in similar fields. By the end of the course each participant is expected to have designed an action strategy, which is developed further and implemented on his or her return.


Programme:

Module One: Organising for change
Observations and Perception
Bringing about organisational change: Why and how we organise
Networking, coalitions and alliances
Perspectives on world peace
Understanding concepts: Peace, conflict, violence and development
Developing a relationship model between these concepts

Module Two: The dynamics of conflict
Why and how we analyse
Approaches to analysis
Tools for conflict analysis and solving problems
Situation analysis
Developing case studies and intervention opportunities
Processing trauma
Faith, values and religion in Africa
Facilitating dialogue, mediation, negotiation and arbitration
Advocacy, lobbying and campaigning
Reconciliation and reintegration

Module Three: Conflict Intervention in Africa
Changing environments and political systems in Africa
Demilitarisation
Culture and tradition
African renaissance, NEPAD and the AU
Building an African Vision
Human rights and African values

Module Four: The way forward for peace
Conflict and sustainable development
‘Do no Harm’
Impact and effectiveness
Monitoring and Evaluation
Mainstreaming conflict sensitivity in project planning
Developing context specific action strategies

The course includes tours to local places of interest as well as opportunities to make contacts with local organisations.

For organisations:

This course is particularly concerned with strengthening people’s capacities to improve their organisations’ effectiveness in responding to conflicts they encounter in their work. We would particularly encourage organisations to send participants whose knowledge and experiences will be easily shared with the rest of the organisation.

COPA strongly requests organisations wishing to enrol their staff for this course to prepare the participants in the following ways:

• Identify the organisation’s expectations of the course.
• Identify the participant’s objectives for the course.
• How will the participant use the learning obtained from this course in the organisation?
• How does the organisation propose to integrate the participant’s learning and experience?

Facilitators:

Four COPA members from the African continent will facilitate the course. COPA facilitators take a participatory approach, emphasising experiential learning. They have experience of living and working on the continent and internationally. The course process and content will be developed by the facilitators in-line with participants needs.

In addition to the full-time tutors, resource specialists from external institutions will conduct sessions on particular topics.

Participants:

The course is aimed particularly at:
• Development and relief workers operating in contexts of conflict and violence in Africa.
• NGOs wanting to develop their programme beyond development and emergency relief to include advocacy, lobbying, peace building and reconciliation.
• Peace and justice workers from religious institutions
• Human rights workers interested in Conflict Transformation.
• Those wanting to explore African cultural mechanisms for peace making.

We encourage people from Francophone and Lusophone countries to apply. While the course in conducted in English care will be taken not to disadvantage any language groups. Women are particularly encouraged to apply.

If you have special needs that you fear may affect your participation please let us know. Every effort will be made to accommodate these needs.

Numbers on each course are restricted. It is advisable to apply as soon as possible.

Course Fees:

Tuition fee: $1,500
Accommodation, extra curricular activities and medical insurance: $2,000
Total fee: $3,500

A non-refundable deposit of $500 is required to secure a place upon acceptance.

Participants will need about $300 to cover personal expenses within South Africa.

It is the applicants’ responsibility to ensure they have all necessary funds before travelling to South Africa.

Scholarships:

Limited funds are available to support those unable to raise the full fees. Scholarships will be awarded primarily on the basis of the context in which the applicant is working and their need for such training. Other factors taken into account include, prior experience, diversity of applicants (age, gender, nationality, experience etc) and the demonstrated commitment and motivation of applicants. Applicants for scholarships should complete section 4 of the application form as early as possible. This should include an explanation of why they require a partial scholarship and should list the other sources of funds they have approached. Participants should first seek funding from their employer, partner organisations or donors already familiar with their work. COPA can offer advice to applicants on how to find alternative sources of funding.

For further information on COPA and the ACT Course please contact:

COPA Continental Secretariat
Post: P.O. Box 61753-00200 City Square, Nairobi, Kenya
Telefax: 254-020 2736565
Tel: 254 020 2726044
Email: copa@copafrica.org
Web: www.copafrica.org

More...

Geneva: Training Officer

Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre

2006-01-18

http://www.internal-displacement.org

The Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) of the Norwegian Refugee Council is looking for an experienced Training Officer to strengthen the IDMC's training team. Mandated by the United Nations, the IDMC is the leading international body monitoring internal displacement worldwide and providing training on the protection of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) to field-based actors. Target groups of IDMC's activities include national and local authorities, international agencies (UN and NGOs), local NGOs and leaders of displaced communities, and national human rights institutions.

New York: Development Associate

Witness

2006-01-18

http://tinyurl.com/bcxh3

WITNESS is seeking a Development Associate to assist the Development and Special Projects Manager with all aspects of the development department. WITNESS uses the power of video to open the eyes of the world to human rights abuses. By partnering with local organizations around the globe, WITNESS empowers human rights defenders to use video as a tool to shine a light on those most affected by human rights violations, and to transform personal stories of abuse into powerful tools of justice. Since its founding by Peter Gabriel and others in 1992, WITNESS has partnered with groups in more than 60 countries, bringing often unseen images, untold stories and seldom heard voices to the attention of key decision makers, the media, and the general public -- prompting grassroots activism, political engagement, and lasting change.

New York: Finance Manager

Witness

2006-01-18

http://tinyurl.com/bqjvk

WITNESS uses the power of video to open the eyes of the world to human rights abuses. By partnering with local organizations around the globe, WITNESS empowers human rights defenders to use video as a tool to shine a light on those most affected by human rights violations, and to transform personal stories of abuse into powerful tools of justice. WITNESS is an independent nonprofit organization with an annual budget of $3,000,000 and a staff of nineteen. The Finance Manager is responsible for full range of financial management systems including fiscal analysis, budgeting, internal controls, audits and reports. The Finance Manager is a key member of WITNESS’ senior management team but operates as the only member of the Finance team. S/he reports to the Deputy Director and works closely with the WITNESS Board Treasurer, auditors and other members of the WITNESS Finance Committee.

South Africa: Board Members

AIDS Consortium

2006-01-17

http://www.aidsconsortium.org.za

The AIDS Consortium embarked on a process of restructure and change in 2004. This resulted in the organisation being strengthened, repositioned and a new governance structure implemented and additional funding secured as part of a feasibility plan. Now, nearly two years on, the AIDS Consortium is seeking to enforce its governance structure and leadership with the appointment of additional specialist Board members, in the following areas of expertise:
Financial Management – qualified chartered accountant
Business Management – senior experienced business leaders
Civil rights – advocates or attorney’s
Health – Medical – HIV/AIDS and related health specialities
Community Leaders – rural, urban and peri-urban

South Africa: Executive Director

AIDS Consortium

2006-01-17

http://www.aidsconsortium.org.za

The AIDS Consortium is seeking to receive CV’s for the post of Executive Director. Key responsibilities include: Overall management of organisational operations; Oversee the development & maintenance of a strategic programme of action for the organisation; Full understanding and management of financial resources, procedures and systems in place or required in the organisation; Undertake fundraising and ensure effective donor management; Reporting to the Board of Directors on all financial, organisational and programme matters; Ensuring the implementation and maintenance of workplace policies and systems; Ensuring full compliance with statutory obligations including all secretarial and labour law matters; An excellent communicator at all levels: CBOs, ASOs, NGOs, Government, Private Sector, Nationally and Internationally; Providing visionary leadership to the organisation.

South Africa: ICT Advocacy Manager

SANGONeT

2006-01-18

http://www.sangonet.org.za

SANGONeT is a national NGO providing various information communication technology (ICT) services to civil society organisations. This position presents a vital opportunity for an individual passionate about shaping the role and application of ICTs for development through policy advocacy and sensitization. The incumbent will be responsible for informing the strategic ICT policy focus and activities of the organisation; networking and liaising with key government, private sector and civil society stakeholders; and developing, planning and hosting ICT forums in various Southern African countries.

South Africa: Outreach Officer

Centre for Civil Society

2006-01-19

http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/

The Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal is seeking applicants for the post of outreach officer, based in Durban. The outreach officer will do the following work:
* help coordinate Centre efforts in popular education.
* help steer the Centre's outreach work in local communities.
* contract and manage the writing or translation of one article for the CCS website per month.
* personally translate one article on the CCS website into a South African language other than English each month.
* liase with the editors of appropriate websites with a view to sharing information.
* assist community organisations, NGOs, labour and social movements with the development of websites.
* assist with the Centre's workshop and film projects and their proposed extension off campus and into communities.
* assist with management of the Centre's resource centre.
* participate in the intellectual life of the Centre.

Switzerland: Research Director (2 positions)

International Council on Human Rights Policy

2006-01-18

http://www.ichrp.org

Reporting directly to the Executive Director, the Research Directors will design, manage and complete research projects for which they are responsible. In most cases, this involves preparing a detailed project design in consultation with experts, recruiting a research team and project advisers, supporting the research team both logistically and in substance, editing draft and final reports, and holding a range of meetings and events during the research and after publication to discuss and publicise the project's findings.

Fahamu