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FEATURED THIS WEEK

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/35717

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: warns of identify theft
FEATURED: Our most essential basic requirement for survival, water, is being privatised. Hawa Ba describes the Senegalese experience
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- The World Bank is always quick to take the moral high ground by pointing fingers at corruption. Gail Hurley says that Wolfowitz lack sincerity about dealing with the Bank's own complicity.
- Eve Odete reports back on SOAWR's interventions at the Banjul Summit of the African Union
- A new vision for gender activism is called for, says Ann Kithaka
- The unwillingness of governments, multinationals and others to promote rudimentary democracy in Zimbabwe is obvious, writes Patrick Bond
- Stephen Lewis calls for an international agency for women
LETTERS: Football, politics and Africa - readers respond to last week's articles
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem reports on the razzmatazz at the AU Summit in Banjul
BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine rounds up the African blogosphere
AFRICAN UNION MONITOR: African Union launches the continent's first human rights court
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Two months after the Darfur peace accord, humanitarian situation worsens
HUMAN RIGHTS: International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has finally legally recognized that genocide occurred in Rwanda in 1994
WOMEN AND GENDER: Rape continues to be reported in Darfur
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Thousands displaced in DRC as crisis continues
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Election campaign kicks off in DRC
DEVELOPMENT: One year on, and what progress after Gleneagles?
CORRUPTION: Make 'Lecturing Africa' History, say governments
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: Cameroon could lose all its doctors by 2009
EDUCATION: Zimbabwe education system running into ruin
ENVIRONMENT: Niger prays for rain
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Nigerian journalists under attack
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: Internet to go mobile
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops; Jobs.

Identity theft of Pambazuka News

Warning to readers

2006-07-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/35602

Our attention has been drawn to newsletters circulating pupporting to come from Pambazuka News, usually containing a list of job adverts (often of a dubious nature). Pambazuka News always has a distinct structure. We never publish job adverts independent of the rest of the publication. The English version of the newsletter goes out each Thursday containing the feature article, comments and analyses, letters, Pan African Postcard, Blog Africa roundup and other artilces. On Fridays, the newsletter always has the title Links and Resources, and contains the summary of the remainder sections of the newsletter. Both newsletters have a standardised begining and ending giving information about Pambazuka News and where it is produced. In any case, we're sure our readers will be able to tell the difference from the quality which is the real Pambazuka News!

If you get newsletters that do no conform to this format, please exercise care: someone or somepeople are mimicking Pambazuka News to send out job adverts with, we presume, the intention of stealing your identity or carrying out some kind of fraud.

Water privatisation in Senegal

Hawa Ba

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/35714

Senegal was one of the first African countries to engage in privatisation of key sectors of its economy. Although Ghana now provides a “model” for international financial institutions, in particular the World Bank, Senegal soon found a place among those “pupils” instanced as examples of privatisation, writes Hawa Ba. The economic process set in motion at the end of the 70s had as its natural corollary the retreat of the State from the guardianship of key economic sectors and the selling off of national corporations.


From the programme of economic and financial recovery launched at the departure of former President Senghor to the structural adjustment plans initiated in the mid 80s under the Abdou Diouf regime, to poverty-reduction strategies, a variety of phenomena accompanied the deconstruction of the social and economic sector. The supposed solutions across different policies put in place by international financial institutions have never generated the growth expected as a driver of development. Worse, the “less State” from which “better State” was expected to follow, simply created a vacuum tending to nullify all public services and social policy.

It was the cult of the private sector above everything. Not even the most strategic state enterprises were able to resist this logic. This is the case of Senegal’s national water company (SONEES). Thus, the symbolic image of water as a universal resource belonging to everyone but not to any one private individual, carried no weight against the hunger for privatisation. Privatisation, it was said, would be the solution to the well-known dysfunctionality of the sector which was unable to meet populations’ growing needs. But instead of addressing the many well-reported barriers to access to water and electricity, these privatisations only served to render more precarious the position of the most disadvantaged in society. Access to water and to electricity has become more chancy, exacerbated by exorbitant rising costs.

Seen as the repository of all evils, public services and the notion of public good were supplanted by the cult of profit, assets and productivity. The most elementary rights of citizens, including the right to natural resources and to have a say in their form of management were flouted. Negotiations and decisions were made over their heads, so much so that that one can speak of the diktatof the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund imposed on States and political leaders who have no control over their destiny.

Established as a slogan during the 1980s, “a smaller state equals a better state” had practically become an incantation in the mouths of rulers. A formula on everyone’s lips, it appeared all the more scandalous in being a deliberate denial of the pauperisation and misery in which these policies plunged the most disadvantaged social strata. It was like an inevitable process, an ineluctable logic. Between “liberalisation” and “privatisation” fetishised language littered the discourse of decision-makers while at the same time creating a living death for whole populations.

In Senegal, as in almost all the other poor countries forced to undergo this “treatment”, the international financial institutions in the form of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund had a ready-made mechanism: the quasi systematic conditionality attached to the awarding of loans. These required first the restructuring of the public sector and national corporations and then the privatisation of state holdings. As a result of this restructuring , thousands of workers found themselves on the streets. To reduce the overall salary total, unemployment was encouraged. To make enterprises more saleable it was necessary to reduce the size of their workforce. To absorb the fiscal deficits arising from these enterprises there was no hesitation in passing on their profit and loss accounts. At the same time, the State abrogated its role as provider and turned its back on its social responsibilities. Crucial sectors such as education and health were starved of subsidy, following the received economic-political wisdom which encouraged the State to invest as little as possible.

In what follows, we will consider further the issue of water privatisation and its socio-economic implications for Senegal.

In 1995, in accordance with the instructions of the World Bank, Senegal undertook privatisation of its water sector. As a result, the national water company (la Société Nationale d’Exploitation des Eaux du Sénégal (SONEES)) was divided into two organisations: the Senegalese national water company (Société Nationale des Eaux du Senegal (SONES)), the holding company, and the Sénégalaise des Eaux (SDE), the operating company, a private enterprise. The purchaser was SAUR, a subsidiary of the French Bouygues Group. SAUR retains a 51% share, the remaining 49% being divided between the Senegalese state (5%), private Senegalese individuals (39%) and the employees of the defunct SONEES (5%). SONES is responsible for the management of national water resources and all State holdings pertaining to this sector, while SDE retains the exclusive monopoly for commercial exploitation. Under this arrangement, the latter makes the profits and must pay dues to SONES.

The most ludicrous aspect of this affair is that the contract between SDE and SONES and, by extension, the Senegalese State, only relates to commercial exploitation of urban water resources. This demonstrates how far considerations of financial profitability were a priority. The billing and collecting of water rates were considered more likely to be effective in an urban environment where users would be more financially solvent, but also where the means of coercion would be more effective in case of non-payment of bills. It was thus “logical” for urban centres to benefit from the majority of SONES investments to improve infrastructure and guarantee a good system for recovery of rates. So, although consumers living in urban centres benefited to a certain extent from better services (modernisation of infrastructure, improvement in water quality), those living in rural areas were left out in the cold. At the level of the overall operation of the State this gave rise to serious implications: it created a dichotomy in the allocation of services across the national population which was based on financial advantages to multinational companies.

It is important to recall that SAUR is fundamentally a capitalist enterprise – a multinational which has spread its tentacles throughout the world and which is motivated only by profit. Whether in Senegal or in any other country in which it has bought out the water sector, its relationship to this resource is the same as it would have had with any other commercial product. The worst of it all is that our States are irresponsible and that they have no consideration for the cultural and social relationships that their populations have to the utilities that they are manipulating.

How else can one understand their decision from one day to the next to transfer the operation of a utility which, since time immemorial, has been considered a public good in the popular imagination, and around which many societal processes cohere, handing it over to operatives unfamiliar with the social context, without even considering it necessary to draw up a code of conduct taking account of local conditions?

Both in the villages and in the poorest areas of the towns, a widespread quasi-institutional practice had been established of erecting fountains where local populations without domestic water supply could receive free water. To rationalise usage and avoid wastage, local community leaders or others in whom local populations had confidence were given the responsibility of managing these water supplies. Timetables were agreed with neighbourhoods to enable local people to build up their reserves, usually early in the morning and late in the afternoon. In addition, special treatment could be given to such institutions as schools and Koranic teaching institutes, mosques and other such bodies so that they would receive water either free or at special rates.

Privatisation did away with all such allowances. It became necessary to spend money to drink! Similarly for water for food preparation, making one’s toilet and doing housework. Tariffs were established and water had to be bought by the basin or the bucket in the case of local fountains. Prices varied according to location. Moreover, neighbourhood fountains were condemned to disuse, the aim being to oblige each home to have a connection to SDE with a corresponding billing system. Those bodies which had benefited previously from preferential treatment were required to subscribe through a billing system under which they paid bi-monthly bills in the same way as other users.

For many people, this new regime resulted in a penny-pinching use of a utility which had suddenly become scarce; or in recourse to alternative sources of water such as rivers. This water, which was not intended for drinking, gave rise to public health problems in poor homes where it was used in food preparation. It is not too much to suggest a causal link between limited access to water and the proliferation in recent years of diseases such as cholera in Senegal. Known also as the “dirty hands disease” precisely because it is due to a lack of cleanliness, cholera epidemics continue to break out in a variety of locations. Experience has shown that this happens almost exclusively within populations which only have very limited or no access to drinking water.

Furthermore, it is quite usual to encounter educational establishments whose water has been cut off due to their inability to pay their bills. In such cases, students fall back on local houses during their breaks to request a glass of water or to use the toilet. In this way, an unexpected vulnerability has opened up in this sector. The collateral risks of such measures are real ones. Children are exposed to a variety of dangers, including being given non-drinking water or, for little girls, the risk of sexual abuse.

Moreover, many other social benefits linked to the use of neighbourhood fountains are denied to women for whom this represents an essential aspect of their social lives. Being able to gather every morning and afternoon at the fountain enables them to meet friends, to discuss recent happenings in their lives, and, in short, to escape briefly from the daily grind. The “commodification” of water favours an entirely different relationship with water and with the act of fetching it.

The proponents of privatisation pride themselves on bringing out its positive aspects, such as infrastructure modernisation, distribution of better drinking water or further reduction of wastage at the fountains. For example, in relation to access to water, Ndaw believes that ‘ the balance sheet for the programme after 8 years [ie from 1995 to 2003] shows that it fits perfectly with the implementation strategy for the Millenium Development Objectives for urban areas. In fact, figures for coverage of the Dakar region show that the proportion of the population served increased from 80.3% in 1995 to 96% in 2004 (76% by means of domestic connection and 20% by means of local fountains), ie 620,000 additional service users. For other urban centres (amounting to 1,9 million individuals) the level of reasonable access to water in 2004 is 84% (57% through domestic connection, 18% through local fountains and 9% through modern wells), ie 400,000 additional service users’.

These arguments have been seriously called in question by numerous studies showing that the privatisation of the water sector has not given rise to a significant number of additional domestic connections. Aide Transparence’s inquiry disagrees, as it reveals that ‘the number of connections in the perimeter has increased from 203,902 in 1996 to 26,4161 in 2002, ie an increase of 60,259 over 6 years. For a population of 10,000,000 inhabitants, this does not seem to represent a significant achievement. (…) The level of service in the perimeter rose from 72.5 in 1996 to 83.1 in 2001, although it was supposed to reach 95% according to the contract between the State, SDE and SONES’.

Nor has privatisation solved the problem of water quality. The Aide Transparance report shows that consumers often complain about a reduction in water quality and, from time-to-time consumers’ organisations campaign for improved services. It is undeniable that consumers do not have confidence in the quality of the water that comes from the taps. Indeed, the use of mineral water has never before been so widespread in Senegal. Anyone who can afford this luxury now prefers to use bottled water – to such an extent that the sale of mineral water has become a very profitable sector. In the space of two to three years, at least three new companies producing mineral water have been set up and are showing an impressively healthy balance sheet. Originally seen as a privilege reserved for the comfortably off who used it to signal their material wealth, mineral water consumption is now seen as a means of avoiding a health risk.

Long periods during which water supplies are cut off in certain areas or at certain points in the year are legion. It can happen that in these areas, there is no tap water for a whole day or even for several days. A frequent scene is of large groups of women, basins in hand, wandering from one area to another in search of water for drinking and for preparing family meals. Observation has shown that the hottest period in the year is the worst in terms of water supply. It has also been demonstrated that the water supply infrastructure is not capable of meeting consumers’ needs because, as soon as there is a significant concentration of population in a given location, the SDE cannot satisfy the increase in demand. Such is the case during religious festivals which bring together large groups of the population for a specific period. This has resulted in real anguish among local communities and “pilgrims” in the run-up to religious celebrations.

All this goes to show that even the promised technical improvements have not lived up to their promise.

A further crucial is that of the cost of water. There is not a shadow of doubt that the privatisation of water has brought with it an increase in prices. The Aide Transparence inquiry tells us that this increase was around 40% in 2003. This is exorbitant! The following passage shows how, in a subtle fashion, SDE considerably increased the costs for each of the tariff packages. ‘Analysis of the different tariff packages offered between 1995 and 2003 shows that the SDE’s tariffs for social consumption (i.e consumption of between 0 and 20 m3) grew from156.7FCFA in 1995 to 191.32FCFA on 1 January 2003. At the same time the full tariff grew from 534.48 in 1995 to 629.88 for consumption of between 20 and 41 m3, and from 534.48 to 629.88 for consumption of between 41 and 100m3, on 1 January. Combining all these increases shows an average hike of nearly 40% on the price of water between 1995 and 2003’.

From whatever angle one considers water privatisation in Senegal, one constant remains: the priority given to the profit and loss aspects of the business. The process of privatisation has resulted in the right of access to water for each individual and concern for social justice in giving each member of society the same chance to make use of State-provided services, being relegated to a lower level of priority. The poor are the rejects of the different policies instigated by international financial institutions and applied by those who govern us, who have no remedy for the suffering of increasing numbers on the margins of society.

Hawa Ba works for Fahamu and is Pambazuka News West Africa Regional Correspondent.

This article was first published in the French edition of Pambazuka News, no 7: http://www.pambazuka.org/fr/category/features/34815

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Corruption and the World Bank

Gail Hurley

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/35716

The World Bank, under its president of the last year Paul Wolfowitz, has been talking tough in the fight against corruption. But how sincere is Wolfowitz when it comes to dealing with the World Bank’s role in financing corrupt regimes of the past and the cancellation of these illegitimate debts? The answer is simple. He’s not, says Gail Hurley.

One could be forgiven for thinking that Paul Wolfowitz has spoken about corruption and nothing else during the year that he has held the post as World Bank President. Although his predecessor, James Wolfensohn, also highlighted corruption as a serious obstacle to development, Wolfowitz has significantly elevated the issue as a World Bank priority. Wolfowitz’s anti-corruption rhetoric has captured media headlines. But how comprehensive, consistent and effective are the plans and actions behind the talk? How far can the Bank really go with this agenda, in particular where the Bank itself has been the cause of corruption, and odious and illegitimate debts, in the past?

It appears as though the Bank’s focus on anti-corruption looks set to continue. In February, the World Bank, in cooperation with other multilateral development banks and the IMF, agreed to create “a framework for preventing and combating fraud and corruption”. It is to be ready for the Bank/Fund Annual Meetings in September in Singapore. On a recent trip to Indonesia, Wolfowitz presented a “long-term strategy” for using the Bank’s money and expertise to help developing countries rid their governments of bribe-taking and other dishonest practices. A key component will be the deployment of anti-corruption teams in many World Bank country offices. At the World Bank’s 2006 Spring Meetings, Wolfowitz correctly acknowledged that “for every bribe-taker, there is a bribe-giver, and often, that comes from a developed country” and any thorough approach to corruption must examine corruption by companies and individuals in the North, not just the South. In a recent leaked paper obtained by Eurodad, the Bank claims to be “raising the bar on governance and anti-corruption” even further. The paper, entitled “Raising the Bar on Anti-Corruption: Improving Governance and Accountability, Fostering Development” outlines possible ways forward for the Bank, including promoting good governance and accountability and supporting international efforts for the repatriation of stolen wealth.

The story presented so far however focuses very much on the “corruption of today” and pays scant attention to the “corruption of yesterday”. Remarkably absent from the anti-corruption strategy presented by officials so far is any critical examination of the Bank’s lending practices to poor countries in the past. The World Bank has over the years been involved with and lent to some of the world’s most notorious and despised regimes such as Mobutu Seke Seso of Democratic Republic of Congo and Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines.

Bank documentation at the time of these transactions, or published shortly afterwards, confirms that many Bank officials - at both country-level and in Washington DC - were perfectly aware of the nature of the regimes in place and that many loans were simply transferred into the bank accounts of the dictators and their generals. It was plain therefore that they did not reach the poor or foster economic development. Despite their odious and illegitimate nature most of these debts continue to be serviced today, at the expense of essential investments in poverty reduction and economic development.

How can any approach to weed-out corruption be successful or comprehensive if it does not look critically at the lending practices undertaken by the institution in the past? The Bank should learn the lessons of the past, accept co-responsibility for its mistakes and agree to cancel Bank debts resulting from loans where Bank officials knew much of the money would be diverted by corrupt elites. Wolfowitz says the real issue at stake is “how to promote good governance and accountability”. Accountability must begin at home, by addressing the mistakes - and in some cases downright negligence - of the past.

A serious inquiry into past Bank lending practices and the problem of odious and illegitimate debt will likely be resisted by Wolfowitz (who said as much at the Spring Meetings when I challenged him on this point). He argued that the governments represented in the Bank would not be happy if he raised this issue. But Wolfowitz has already challenged the Bank’s members on a number of issues. And we have seen the Bush administration acknowledge the odiousness of Iraq’s debt burden.

Iraq is a country with a very significant burden of odious and illegitimate debt, a clear case study of lending for geopolitical strategic and ideological purposes rather than any concern for the welfare of the overall population. The US government indeed acknowledged this in 2003 when United States Treasury Secretary John Snow remarked to Fox News that “certainly the people of Iraq shouldn’t be saddled with those debts incurred through the regime of the dictator who is now gone”.

Another country which Wolfowitz knows well is Indonesia, where he served as US Ambassador from 1986-1989 during the General Suharto years. His recent visit to Jakarta provided the World Bank President with an excellent opportunity to pledge to examine Indonesia’s case. Respected Indonesian NGO, the International Forum for Indonesian Development (INFID) argues that “it is widely known that approximately 30% of the World Bank loans during the reign of Suharto were corrupted”. Moreover, the debts were accumulated by an authoritarian regime and no public consultation took place. For years, the World Bank continued making transactions with Indonesia. The Bank supported and strengthened the authoritarian regime, says INFID.

A leaked 1997 World Bank report supports these allegations. The report found that as much as 20 to 30% of the budgets linked to development funds were embezzled and World Bank loans were clearly involved. Other internal reports attest to staff knowledge of the regime in place and the fraud taking place. Despite this clear awareness, loans increased. There was also an increase in World Bank loans to the Indonesian Government during the occupation of East Timor.

Indonesia’s total external debt stands at US$134 billion. Of this sum, public and publicly guaranteed debt amounts to US$ 80 billion. To pay this debt, the government put aside 26% of the 2006 state budget. In contrast, education was allocated only 5% and health 2%. Poverty levels are high and increasing in Indonesia: 50% of the population lives in poverty and earns less than US$ 2 per day. The World Bank is one of the country's largest creditors with approximately US$12 billion in claims.

Instead Wolfowitz chose not to use this opportunity to critically reexamine the loans that Indonesians argue involved corruption and fraud and yet which they are required to service under the current system.

One World Bank shareholder which is taking action on this is Norway. It is one of the first Northern countries to open dialogue on odious and illegitimate debt and to call for an international focus on this critical issue. Firstly, Norway has asked the World Bank to undertake a study of odious and illegitimate debt and has put money aside to support this research. Secondly, Norway’s Development Minister Erik Solheim has committed to more closely examine the illegitimate debts claimed by Norway, notably those incurred through the Shipping Export Credit Campaign of the 1970’s.

The débacle involves the export of Norwegian ships to developing countries (such as Ecuador, Peru and Jamaica) between 1977 and 1980. It exported these ships mainly to secure employment for a ship-building industry in crisis. In the case of Ecuador, the Norwegian authorities demanded state guarantees for the ships and when, after the first four years, the company stopped paying the remaining debt was transferred to the state. Ecuador has been servicing the debt for 16 years and its value today is five times the original amount. Minister Solheim has made the very welcome statement that he wishes to draw a line across this mistaken and damaging low point in Norway’s development cooperation policy and in the context of next year’s budget will look to take unilateral action to cancel these claims, citing the lending as irresponsible. All eyes will be on Norway over the coming months to see if the country will indeed cancel these claims and NGOs will push for a clear and public acknowledgement of the injustice and illegitimacy of these debts. Kjetil Abildsnes of the Norwegian Debt Campaign said in a recent statement to the press: “It remains to be seen if Solheim is tough enough to declare these debts illegitimate. We hope to get an answer [soon]. Norway can then become the first creditor in the world to recognise parts of developing country debt as illegitimate.” 

The World Bank - and other bilateral and private creditors - should take a leaf out of Norway’s book and take a critical look at the past. The Bank in particular has no excuse: Norway has put aside money to support research into this issue and it would seem to fit logically and perfectly within the anti-corruption theme that Wolfowitz is so keen to take forward. Indeed Wolfowitz must recognise that any comprehensive approach to corruption must necessarily involve a frank and open critique of past Bank lending practices leading to the cancellation of debts found to be odious and illegitimate.

Cancellation of odious and illegitimate debts has the power to transform the lives of the world’s poor as well as foster reform of an international financial architecture skewed in favour of creditors. Developing countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Philippines, Indonesia and others continue to service debts of highly questionable origin when the benefits of debt cancellation have been clearly recognised.

Wolfowitz and World Bank Executive Directors need to place this issue firmly on the Bank Board agenda. NGOs will continue to press the Bank to do so and we hope that Norway will also do the same in particular because Minister Solheim has stated that “there can be no doubt that Norway wishes to be in front on this issue”. In the meantime, Wolfowitz should stop labelling his approach to the corruption problem as comprehensive. It is not.

It is not a question of being “stuck in the past”: the debt service on illegitimate loans has an impact on poor people today. Urgent action is needed at the international level. The funds the Norwegian Government has pledged to the World Bank and UN to support further research should not sit idly in the coffers of either the Norwegian Treasury or the World Bank but be put to good use to develop an international consensus – in equal partnership with relevant stakeholders – on how to tackle the issue of odious and illegitimate debt.

* Gail Hurley is with the European Network on Debt and Development (Eurodad) ghurley@eurodad.org

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org

Seven days in Banjul: champions for the Protocol

Eve Odete

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/35712

Eve Odete, part of the SOAWR coalition delegation, reports back on the events in Banjul where Niger's rejection of the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa is roundly condemned. Despite that set back, support for the protocol grows, boosted in particular by the launch of the joint publication from SOAWR and the AU Commission of 'Breathing life into the African Union Protocol Women's Rights in Africa'.

The Seventh Summit of the African Union and its preliminary sessions, the Executive Council and Permanent Representative Council, has just ended in the Smiling Coast, the Gambia. As I look back at the press coverage during the summit, I scan a rainbow of grandiose arrivals including the outgoing Secretary General of the UN, Koffi Anan, the President of Libya, Muammar Gaddafi, the President of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Thai diplomat, and the Chinese investor. Beyond the official Summit theme, Rationalization of Regional Economic Communities and Regional Integration, and the evidently charged geo-political agenda, did anything else happen?

Niger in Focus

‘The action by the national Parliament of Niger to reject, in its entirety the AU protocol on the Rights of African Women sets a dangerous precedence for the rest of Africa’ lamented Madame Djatou Traore, president, CONGAFEN Niger. Such was the clarion call by Solidarity for the Rights of Women in Africa, SOAWR, throughout the Summit, and it resonated among key policy makers. Caroline Osero-Agengo of SOAWR in congratulating the Gambian National Assembly for lifting the reservations on the Protocol called on the Vice-President Vice President and Secretary of State for Women’s Affairs the Gambia to use the opportunity of the AU Summit to urge her counterpart in Niger to take steps to reverse the recent decision by the National Assembly of Niger. She said “for the millions of women and girls that continue to be stalked by the female genital mutilation and other harmful practices across Africa, the Protocol offers an opportunity to rectify the absence of laws against the harmful cultural practices’’ Is it the spirit of the Summit that generates an immediate commitment by Her Excellency Dr. Isatou Njie-Saidy to urge the Speaker of the National Assembly of Niger to revisit the issue?

It is June 25 and the plenary room at the Kairaba Hotel is filled with over 100 women and men under the banner of the Solidarity for the Rights of African Women Coalition for a public symposium. I see faces from the previous day’s public forum also hosted by the African Center for Democracy and Human Rights. One after the other, participants dissects the Protocol. We hear painful stories of an aunt having to dissuade her niece from disfiguring herself through FGM and the joyful stories of a female excisor change profession to become a tailor. ‘’Nowhere is the dividing line between the past and the future more clear than the struggle to eradicate harmful cultural practices and to expand the power of women over their own bodies, assets and relationships.’’ Says Irungu Houghton. I note the sustained participation of the Special Rapporteur on Women’s Human Rights, Angela Melo, and hear her commit her good offices to urge member states to accelerate the ratification of the Protocol. Commissioner Melo singles out the National Assembly of Niger, deploring their recent action to reject, by a close vote in parliament, the Protocol in its entirety. She pledges to send a mission to Niger to persuade the government to rescind the decision. Commissioner Melo further deplores the lack of political will in Africa in advancing Protocol.

The long awaited, high profile public launch of the joint AU Commmission / SOAWR publication, and ‘Breathing Life into the AU protocol on Women’s Rights’ is here [1]. The ceremony attracts over 100 citizens and dignitaries from The Gambia and elsewhere in Africa attending the 7th Ordinary Summit of the African Union. In Launching the book, Her Excellency Dr. Isatou Njie-Saidy, calls for urgent public information campaigns for the women to understand and demand protection under the provisions of the Protocol. She commends the book to everyone present, all Government departments, NGOs, institutions of learning and individual women and men. ‘I encourage the organisers to translate into local languages and distribute the book far and wide’ She says.

In her speech during the launch, Winnie Byanyima, director, AU Gender, Women and Development Directorate, and moderator of the session, emphasizes the significance of the Protocol to the life of women in Darfur and reiterates the commitment of her Directorate to take into consideration their plight.

Ambassador Said Djinnit, Commissioner for Peace and Security Council applauds the ardent campaign by the women’s movement towards the development and the ultimate ratification of the Protocol. He reiterates his call to both men and women to sustain the efforts, and his firm belief in the rights of women and gender equality. He traces his personal experience as OAU Assistant Secretary General of working with women civil society leaders and Ambassadors to negotiate the adoption of a progressive and visionary Protocol. He closes by arguing, “You cannot transform a continent while keeping women away from decision-making. We need to develop alliances with each other.”

The book makes a clarion call for the universal ratification, domestication and implementation of the Protocol and is available from SOAWR members and the African Union Commission.

Common advocacy front is negotiated

The culmination of the AU pre-Summit Women’s Forum is a resolution adopted by the forum stating key policy messages for consideration by the AU [2]. The resolution is further strengthened when a joint AUC, SOAWR and FAS meeting agrees to consolidate their positions into one Resolution for submission to the Summit (see below). Adopted on 27 June 2006, the resolution addresses among others, the enforcement of the principle of gender parity in all key AU organs, the acceleration of the ratification of the AU protocol on the Rights of women, and the enhancement of human security in situations of conflict.

Further discussions with the Gender Directorate agree the consolidation of a common advocacy platform for the women’s movement in subsequent summits to ensure effective influencing of the AU agenda. Winnie further urges the women’s movement to strive to influence the summit agenda more proactively by negotiating common positions in line with the summit themes. A way of working to this end was agreed. I can’t agree more.

The visibility of the campaign during the summit is enhanced by several national and regional media hits following three well-attended press conferences and coverage of the high profile events. To cap this, and widely televised, is a green card issued to the vice president of the Gambia in honor of the exemplary role of the National Assembly in lifting all reservations to the Protocol.

In spite of my frustrations with flight connections to Banjul and the helicopter ride in Sierra Leone, I return home satisfied that the list of champions on the Protocol has grown.

* Eve Odete is Pan Africa Policy Officer for Oxfam GB.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

[1] Breathing life into the African Union Protocol on Women's Rights in Africa is published jointly by SOAWR and the AU Commission, and can be ordered at http://www.africanbookscollective.com/

[2] Resolution Adopted at the pre-Summit Women's Forum in Banjul:
RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT THE PRE-SUMMIT WOMEN'S FORUM IN BANJUL

BY

1. THE AU PRE-SUMMIT WOMEN’S FORUM ON “PROMOTING GENDER-RESPONSIVE GOVERNANCE IN COUNTRIES EMERGING FROM CONFLICT”
2. THE SOLIDARITY FOR AFRICAN WOMEN’S RIGHTS (SOAWR) FORUM ON ACCELERATING THE RATIFICATION AND DOMESTICATION OF THE PROTOCOL ON THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN IN AFRICA
3. THE 8TH PRE-SUMMIT CONSULTATIVE MEETING ON GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN THE AFRICAN UNION – GENDER IS MY AGENDA CAMPAIGN NETWORK ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE SOLEMN DECLARATION ON GENDER EQUALITY IN AFRICA

22-27 JUNE 2006
KAIRABA HOTEL. BANJUL, THE GAMBIA

THE RESOLUTION

We, the participants of the

1. The AU Pre-Summit Women’s Forum on “Promoting Gender-Responsive Governance in Countries Emerging from Conflict”;
2. The Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) Forum on Accelerating the Ratification and Domestication of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa; and
3. The 8th Pre Summit Consultative Meeting on Gender Mainstreaming in the African Union – Gender is My Agenda Campaign Network on the implementation of the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa

Recognising the renewed commitment of the African Union Heads of State and Government to gender equality and the laudable efforts by the African Union Commission Women, Gender and Development Directorate, civil society organizations and international development partners,

Acknowledging the existence of instruments that promote women’s rights in peace and conflict, namely the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Beijing and African Platforms for Action on Women and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325,
Recalling the commitment of the African Heads of State to gender equality as a major goal of the AU as enshrined in Article 4 (1) of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, in particular the decision to implement and uphold the principle of gender parity taken at the Inaugural session of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in July 2002 in Durban South Africa and its operationalization during the Second Ordinary Session in Maputo, Mozambique 2003, the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA) adopted at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union in Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia in July 2004, as well as the entry into force of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa,

Commending the Republic of The Gambia for removing the reservations previously placed on the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa,

Further Commending the Republic of The Gambia for supporting and facilitating the entire Women’s Pre-Summit Consultative Meetings,

Acknowledging the ongoing efforts of African women organisations and networks across the continent to promote women’s involvement in conflict resolution and peace-building processes,

Bearing in mind our commitment to monitor, evaluate and report on the implementation of the SDGEA as well as to monitor the implementation of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa,

Stressing the importance of a well-coordinated African-led regional integration process, which ensures women’s effective participation in intra-African trade and their economic empowerment,

Reiterating the importance of promoting well-anchored and effective regional mechanisms for conflict prevention and peace-building that are gender responsive and include women,

Condemning the continued abuse and violation of the rights of women and girls in Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia and Northern Uganda, and in all situations of armed conflict,

Commends the African Union Commission (AUC) for:
• The holding of the First AU Conference of Ministers Responsible for Gender and Women’s Affairs in October 2005;
• The establishment of the African Union Women’s Committee (AUWC);
• The entry into force of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa in November 2005;
• The application of the parity principle in the AUC including the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) and the Economic Social and Cultural Council of the African Union (ECOSOCC); and
• The steps taken by the AUC to investigate the allegations of sexual misconduct by some soldiers of the African Mission in Sudan (AMIS).

Committed to
• Contribute to the reporting process of the SDGEA at the national level as well as at the level of the AU Commission;
• Establish a system of mentoring to promote the inclusion of youth in our programmes;
• Strengthening the women’s movement in Africa;
• Encourage the participation of women in politics and advocate for the reform of electoral systems to facilitate their participation;
• Document lessons learned and best practices to share experiences in the different areas of intervention.

Deeply concerned about:
• The prevalence of violent conflicts and wars on the continent and the systematic abuse of women and girls therein;
• The ongoing impunity related to crimes against humanity and war crimes committed against women and children and the weaknesses of the transitional justice processes;
• The low and limited participation of women in decision-making in post conflict processes, despite the existence of instruments such as the AU Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa and UN Security Council Resolution 1325;
• The rejection of the Protocol on the Rights of Women by the National Assembly of the Republic of Niger and the general slow process of ratifications, domestication and implementation across the continent;
• The financing for women’s initiatives in peace building and decision-making;
• The fact that two years after the adoption of the SDGEA;
-The Establishment of the African Trust Fund for women has not yet been initiated;
-The Parity principle has not been applied in the nomination and election of judges of the African Court on Human and People’s Rights; and

HEREBY RECOMMEND

1. The enforcement of the gender parity principle already adopted by the African Union and contained in the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa by the Organs of the AU, the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and in peace-building and governance processes; and the amendment of the Pan African Parliament (PAP) to allow for at least 2 women representatives out of five;

2. Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, that
• Member States work towards universal ratification of the Protocol without further delay and urge those that have ratified it with reservations to withdraw them and proceed to its implementation in its current form;
• Member States that have ratified the Protocol take immediate steps to domesticate, implement and ensure that all national legislation is harmonized in line with the provisions of the Protocol;
• Member States put in place mechanisms to ensure that the Protocol is widely disseminated;
• The Republic of Niger, in particular, reconsiders the decision of its National Assembly to reject the Protocol in its entirety.

3. Human Security, that

• Member States work towards the elimination of all armed conflicts on the continent;
• The AU Peace and Security Council ensures the effective implementation of articles 10 and 11 of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, which concern the rights of women in conflict situations;
• The African Union, the RECs and Member States prioritize human security, with special attention on the elimination of Sexual and Gender- Based Violence including violence against children. Violence against women must not be tolerated in our countries, both in times of peace and during conflict;
• The AU, RECs, Member States and partners promote peace negotiations mechanisms where women are equitably represented and which respond to the needs of women;
• Heads of State and Government, the AU mechanisms and the International Community take urgent action to punish perpetrators of rape, sexual violence, exploitation and abuse of women and children in all conflict areas;
• Member States and RECs, with the support of the African Union, harmonise policy and legislation on women’s property and land rights with special consideration for women affected by armed conflict and other forms of violence;
• Member States ensure women’s access to land and to resources or profits obtained from extractive industries;
• Member States promote good governance and create a conducive environment to protect women’s rights;
• Member States put in place and enforce mechanisms to combat impunity and corruption;
• Member States integrate human rights and peace education as well as life-skills into school curricula; and
• Member States ensure women’s access to health care.

4. Monitoring and Evaluation, that
• The AU creates and maintains a comprehensive database of different pan-African Networks with the objective of harmonizing activities and facilitating the sharing of best practices on gender, governance and peace building;
• The AU and CSOs invest in documenting and promoting positive aspects of African culture which encourage and recognize peace and empower women and the girl-child;
• The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa be accompanied by a strong monitoring framework which assists active deliberation on country reports; and
• The Pan African Parliament, RECs and all National Parliamentary Assemblies provide input into the Heads of State and Government’s annual reports on the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa.

Done in Banjul, The Gambia
27 June 2006.

Gender activism in Kenya: we need a new vision

Anne Kithaka

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/35711

Despite the Protocol on the Rights of Women coming into force in November 2005, the event has gone unmarked in Kenya because of preoccupation with the referendum, writes Ann Kithaka. Concern about women's rights are not being taken seriously and impunity seems to be the norm.

24th day of November 2005 will remain an important day in the calendar of advancement of women rights in Africa. It is the day that the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (simply known as the Protocol on African Women Rights), joined a plethora of international treaties, convention, declarations, protocols and pacts that have been juggled at the international arena to ensure that all people access and enjoy a scoop or dollop of human rights at all cost. They declare, define, dictate, affirm and reaffirm the nature and parameters of these rights.
Yet here in Kenya, the day passed unnoticed, un-archived and un-applauded; perhaps because we were all under the electrifying grip of the referendum euphoria. No champagne bottles were cocked at five star hotels to mark its birth regionally.

Nationally, we are still in the throes of labor pains; our country is yet to ratify the protocol. Who knows; we might go the Niger way and beget a still born. (God forbid!)

Women of Kenya are in the dark about our country's ratification status and progress. Our women rights activists, civil society and national NGOs remain tight lipped; playing the cards close to their chests for reasons known to them. The only time we get to learn of this protocol is when we delve into the internet and encounter articles by activists like Roselynn Musa (1), Irungu Houghton (2), and Faith Cheruiyot (3) posted on the Pambazuka website. Yet how many of us have the privilege to access the internet for this information?

The truth is that even on the International Day for Women, which was celebrated on 8th March, no prominence was given to this protocol at the national level. No full-page advertisements were carried out in our daily newspapers to inform us about the protocol or other international laws that protect the rights of women. That is why our parliamentarians passed a watered down Sexual Offences Bill that took away the marital rape and sexual harassment clause in the false belief that they had the last word on the matter. How mistaken!

Somebody needs to jolt our men with the news that justice has gone global; and as argued by Betty Murungi it is time we 'locate ourselves within the global international law context' and move with the times. We cannot continue to live in isolation as the world matches on.

Most of our men, including politicians see the 'battle of sexes' every time they hear the word 'women rights and empowerment!'  Without reason and common sense, they will don themselves in full 'machismotic' battle gear and  ready themselves to do battle with 'them!', the 'them' being their poor mothers, daughters, sisters and wives, but do they know it?

They forget that women's position in society is the barometer that indicates its social progress. On this area, we are still at the bottom of the pile; see the percentage of women in our August house and positions of leadership! It's so pathetic.

Even without national laws being promulgated to comply with international law, any woman can shop for gender justice and equality at the regional and international courts. All that is required is awareness through empowerment.

The civil society must now disseminate information to the masses and stop the current trend of playing to the international gallery.  They must teach the rural women how to become activists in their own backyards; how to say no to marital rape and gender based violence. They must show our young women in schools and colleges how to say 'no' to sexual harassment and endemic FGM. They must mentor young girls to take over leadership reigns. Roselynn Musa ably argued that human rights should be taught in our schools. This will not only create an intergenerational dialogue but also break the gender barrier created by our patriarchal society.  With both girls and boys being brought on board at a malleable and pliable age, impunity, cynicism and gender clan-ism will be eradicated.

The question that the activists should be answering is this: when is human rights advocacy going to come out of the woods so that grassroots women can receive the message of their emancipation? It appears that today, empowerment is a reserve for the 'born' correct sisters in big towns and especially those who studied abroad.

I feel that it is time that we gave practical solutions to human rights violations, be it in the public domain or behind closed family doors.

All that is needed is a clear roadmap to the land of Canaan where equality and justice reign supreme.

As a person who works in our national criminal justice system, I am bewildered by the lack of pro- activism by gender activists (excuse the pun) in rape cases; they only appear on the scene after a rapist has been acquitted for lack of sufficient evidence. It's a classic case of appearing at the barn when the horse has bolted! It's a cliché but how appropriate.

They will cry 'wolf!' only when they know that it will put their name and organization in the papers; and will not bother to appear during the court trials. Have they heard about watching briefs and amicus curie appearances?

It appears that all their actions are geared towards pleasing international audiences and appear to have no scruples when they play Russian roulette with other peoples' dignity. It has become normal for women rights activist to expend all their energies in producing acres and acres of action plans and resolutions that end up on the spotless desks of their international donors and sponsors while doing zero to impart the same to those who need them most. I am yet to hear of any activists who have offered to interpret these international instruments into local dialects so that the message can reach the rural and slum woman.

In the meantime, impunity reigns supreme, making nonsense any progress made at these international gatherings. People who weld power, whether conferred by state machinery or societal norms use it to deny others their basic rights. They take advantage of our lethargic national detection and enforcement mechanisms to perpetuate human rights abuse. Our justice system appears impotent to do anything about it. Sexual offences have become legion; and it no longer matters whether you are male or female; everybody is game nowadays.

Investigations of gender based violence are carried out by police officers who have no specialized training in this area. Mothers who are usually the first to receive reports of defilement from their daughters will wait weeks before reporting to authorities when their husbands are away. Sometimes out of court settlements are carried out by the parents and a little girls virginity and sanity have been pegged at a few cows and coins. Public officers at the grass root level preside over these family meetings and due to complicity and ingrained attitudes allow 'reconciliation' to go ahead to avoid family conflicts. This is because most of the abusers are close family members.

Whenever the activists shout 'human rights violation' and 'infringement' the victims and culprits alike arch their eyes and say; 'there they go again; those lawyerly types who went to those Ivy League colleges abroad. They have nothing better to do than shovel foreign ideas at the expense of our traditional norms'.

Women rights proponents are treated frustrated middle aged women out to upset the status quo and some apple carts. In this scenario human rights discussions become confrontational, pitting this group against the other; husband against wife; captor against the captured; international law against national law; western culture against African culture. And when this happens, it is the most vulnerable members of our society who suffer.

It is sad that we are adept at paying lip service to these norms; we ratify international protocols and shelf the documents in our desk drawers without giving them teeth at the national level. The end result is that a husband who is battering his wife will taut her to 'call those human rights of yours to come and rescue you!' as he whacks her across the face.

It is true human rights can not be worn around the neck like a talisman; nor can they be waved around like a magic ward to stop the pedophile from preying on young girls and boys, but they can be invoked to curb impunity and restore dignity to all. They can be used to make us start to view ourselves as subjects and objects of international law; open our eyes to the broader tapestry of justice, equality and universality.

And this can only happen if we remodel our values, public policy and national ideals.

I dream of the day when woman rights advocacy will descend from the insulating warmth of five star hotel lobbies, descend to the village market, corner bar, church yard, chief's bazaar so they can benefit the lowly of the lowly.

1 www.pambazuka.org (comments and analysis 2006-06-1)
2 www.pambazuka.org (comments and analysis 2006-05-18)
3 www.pambazuka.org (features 2006-06-15)

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Crying need for international women's agency

Remarks by Stephen Lewis to a High-Level Panel on UN Reform

Stephen Lewis

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/35715

There is a crying need for an international agency for women. Every stitch of evidence we have, right across the entire spectrum of gender inequality suggests the urgent need for a multilateral agency. The great dreams of the international conferences in Vienna, Cairo and Beijing have never come to pass. It matters not the issue: whether it’s levels of sexual violence, or HIV/AIDS, or maternal mortality, or armed conflict, or economic empowerment, or parliamentary representation, women are in terrible trouble. And things are getting no better.

This Panel can create such an agency and show fundamental courage by doing so, or it can tinker at the edges of ‘gender architecture’ and consign the world of women, yet again, to perpetual second-rate status.

I’m not going to equivocate about my expectations: I expect the Panel to take the road of least resistance, and come up with some high-sounding scheme, probably with a few choice rhetorical morsels about ‘gender-mainstreaming’ and expect that that will do the trick. It won’t. If that’s the chosen path, I can confidently predict that we’ll be back again, less than ten years from now, driven by a new impetus for UN reform, the Millennium Development Goals unmet in a majority of countries, and the lives of women will be every bit as hazardous, compromised, marginalized and desperate as they are today.

Stephen Lewis is UN Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The full text of this statement is available at the link shown.
There is a crying need for an international agency for women. Every stitch of evidence we have, right across the entire spectrum of gender inequality suggests the urgent need for a multilateral agency. The great dreams of the international conferences in Vienna, Cairo and Beijing have never come to pass. It matters not the issue: whether it’s levels of sexual violence, or HIV/AIDS, or maternal mortality, or armed conflict, or economic empowerment, or parliamentary representation, women are in terrible trouble. And things are getting no better.

This Panel can create such an agency and show fundamental courage by doing so, or it can tinker at the edges of ‘gender architecture’ and consign the world of women, yet again, to perpetual second-rate status.

I’m not going to equivocate about my expectations: I expect the Panel to take the road of least resistance, and come up with some high-sounding scheme, probably with a few choice rhetorical morsels about ‘gender-mainstreaming’ and expect that that will do the trick. It won’t. If that’s the chosen path, I can confidently predict that we’ll be back again, less than ten years from now, driven by a new impetus for UN reform, the Millennium Development Goals unmet in a majority of countries, and the lives of women will be every bit as hazardous, compromised, marginalized and desperate as they are today.

Let’s look at the options.

The suggestion has been made that all the present fragments of women’s agencies in the United Nations be thrown together, given a little more money and staff, and be led by an Under-Secretary General. We’d take the Division for the Advancement of Women, the Office of the Special Advisor to the Secretary-General, the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW) and turn them into a viable women’s organization. It’s not enough; it won’t work … too little experience, too few mandates, too much unbridled competition, too many areas of programming that are entirely unfamiliar. It’s a recipe for stalemate. (I might note that in the July 1st edition of the Canadian newspaper, the Toronto Star, a story was carried suggesting that I thought a women’s agency could replace the mandates of various agencies where they intersect with women … eg, WHO on health; ILO on labour; UNFPA on sexual and reproductive health. That was a matter of simple confusion that I may well have caused. I hold no such view).

The suggestion has been made that UNIFEM alone should be transformed into a new, free-standing women’s agency. The sentiment is perfectly understandable; UNIFEM has at least made some impact despite being confined to subservient status as a department of UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). But it won’t work … UNIFEM, in its present form has never had extensive programming expertise, or operational experience in countries, or a range of government counterparts in Ministries, or financial and human resource autonomy, let alone sufficient breadth in its focus to represent half the world’s population.

UNIFEM can most assuredly be folded into something new; it cannot become what it was never meant to be. It is part of a gender architecture so dysfunctional as to lead one to believe that the design was deliberate.

The suggestion has been made that the Resident Coordinator (RC) system be altered to separate the RC from his or her duties with UNDP, thus freeing up the RC, as head of the UN family, to devote whatever time is necessary to the struggle for gender equality. I have heard many foolhardy suggestions, but that tops the list. It may help the overall UN relationships with government to separate out the functions of the RC. But to pretend that the RCs, who vary greatly in quality and interest, and have no particular skills on gender (and that’s the crucial point), would somehow behave differently on the issue of women than they have behaved over the last many years, is to indulge in reckless self-delusion. How long do we have to toy with the façade before admitting that the architecture is hollow?

Of equal merit is the suggestion that we can strengthen UNIFEM within the UNDP and win the day for women as a result. I don’t want to be disrespectful, but just how far can you strain credibility? One of the single greatest failures within the United Nations over the last many years is the performance of UNDP on matters pertaining to gender. It’s been awful, and everyone knows it. The UNDP has never even been able to bring itself to make the Executive Director of UNIFEM an Assistant-Director General, in an agency where ASGs abound. It is absurd to think that the UNDP can change its spots.

The suggestion has been made that we create some kind of coordinating Centre for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality, in the fashion of UNAIDS. I realize the earnest intent behind this proposal, particularly when the objective of coordination is enhanced by having an individual representative placed in all country offices, and a central office modestly staffed at headquarters.

But the UNAIDS analogy simply does not hold up to scrutiny. UNAIDS was designed to coordinate the separate agency responses to AIDS, using the cooperating partners’ (including the World Bank) field level capacity to provide resources and technical expertise to governments dealing with an unimaginably complex pandemic. But where gender is concerned, there’s precious little at headquarters to coordinate, let alone at country level. What’s more, without operational capacity on the ground, this proposition is a non-starter. It will take us no further than we are today. Advocacy without programme capacity is a recipe for the status quo. Sure, we’ll have some heightened consciousness, but that’s not genuine reform; that’s intellectual dalliance. All the advocacy in the world (and UNAIDS has some limited country capacity as well), has not managed to stem the carnage of AIDS amongst women.

The proof is in the dying.

In fact, if I may digress for a moment, it’s worth pointing out that if it were not for the unsung heroism of the women of Africa, including the grandmothers --- impoverished, uneducated, disproportionately infected --- the response of the international community would be branded a complete failure.

No, what we need is a full-fledged agency with real operational capacity on the ground to build partnerships with governments, to engage in public policy, to design and finance programmatic interventions for women, to give NGOs and community-based women’s groups the support their voices and ideas have never had, to extract money from bilateral donors, to whip the UN family into shape, to bring substance and know-how to the business of gender mainstreaming, to involve women in every facet of life from development to trade to culture to peace and security, to lobby vociferously and indefatigably for every aspect of gender equality, to have sufficient staff and resources to make everyone sit up and take notice. That’s exactly what UNICEF does for children. Why can’t we have the same for more than half of humankind?

There are five significant caveats raised every time the proposal is put. Let me deal in brief with all of them.

First, how do you wed the human rights objectives of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) with the operational capacity in the field? I submit that it’s not so difficult. The provisions of CEDAW become the policy base for the women’s agency. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) can then best service the CEDAW Committee while a new women’s agency, as part of its mandate, funds the process. That’s exactly what is now done by UNICEF and OHCHR in respect to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It works and works well.

Second, how do you re-enforce and make more effective the concept of “gender mainstreaming”? Many governments, especially western governments, have invested huge amounts of money and time in gender mainstreaming, as an easy solution to gender inequality, and want to see it make a dramatic difference; want to see that the needs and rights of women are woven into the body of every aspect of institutional life.

Well, the sad truth is that the governments have to learn to face defeat. Gender mainstreaming is not easy. When it’s sloughed off on non-experts and made to stand on its own, rather than alongside targeted programmes to promote women’s empowerment and human rights, it just doesn’t work. The original idea was intended to use gender mainstreaming as a ‘transformative” strategy … that is to say, there would be a radical transformation in gender relationships. It has not happened, least of all within the United Nations itself. There is not a single assessment of gender mainstreaming that I have read --- and there have been many assessments, commissioned by donors, compiled by the UN itself, done by NGOs --- that is fundamentally positive. Every single one of them ranges from the negative to an unabashed indictment.

And the United Nations? The complexities of gender mainstreaming aside, it even flunks the test of gender parity, failing to reach its own target of 50/50 in staffing percentages in the vast majority of departments and agencies. For the UN Office in Geneva, the city in which we’re meeting, the 50/50 target, at present rates, will be reached in 2072. The Department of Peacekeeping Operations at present rates, will reach the target by 2100. It makes of gender mainstreaming the reductio ad absurdem of United Nations policy.

I have to tell this panel that if there were a true UN policy of whistle blower immunity, you would be inundated by women, especially at the mid and lower levels of the United Nations system, eager to provide testimony about the dismay they feel when it turns out that no one cares about women’s issues, let alone the sexism and discriminatory treatment to which they are regularly subjected.

Third, where will we get the money? Everyone argues that there’s no money to be had and no patience for large additional sums. I’ve said publicly that the new agency should be launched at the level of UNICEF’s funding, currently $2 billion a year. If that paralyzes governments, then let’s start at $1 billion a year, build systematically, and with increases of ten per cent a year, for five years, we will have exceeded the $2 billion mark.

When it comes to women, western governments cry poverty whenever large sums are discussed. It’s just unconscionable. As recently as one week ago, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom asserted, in an op-ed for ‘The Independent’, co-authored by his Chancellor of the Exchequer (a member of this panel!) and his Minister of Development Cooperation, that world foreign aid jumped by 25% in 2005 over 2004, reaching over $100 billion annually, well on the way to $130 billion as promised for 2010.

So I ask: is more than half the world’s population not entitled to one per cent of the total? What’s happened to our sense of international values? How dare the leaders of the G8 crow about progress on aid and debt (albeit not trade) while continuing to watch the economic, social, physical and psychological decimation of so many of the world’s women? How in heaven’s name can they be sanguine about the catastrophic loss of so much human potential?

Fourth, it is anticipated, in advance, that the ‘G77 and China’ may not be friendly to the idea of a new agency. That may or may not be the case. But in any event, it should have no veto-like bearing on the recommendations of this panel. After all, the Secretary-General knew that his management reforms would run into hostility from the G77 and China, which indeed they have. But the Secretary-General was in no sense intimidated, and advanced the reforms because he felt they were right. This panel should do the same.

Fifth, and perhaps most pointedly, more and more people --- including NGOs and some governments --- are asking: why create another agency within the United Nations when the multilateral record is abysmal? What makes anyone think that a women’s agency will function at a higher level than so many others which have proved themselves dysfunctional.

That’s a very tough question to answer. I was frankly surprised at the numbers of people to whom I’ve spoken, overwhelmingly women, who expressed an almost venomous skepticism about the UN’s capacity to perform. They have noted the miserable sidelining of women and women’s issues and are close to writing off the entire UN on that basis. I had to plead for one more chance. I had not fully realized how much the United Nations is at the crossroads in the minds of so many.

I will admit that it’s somewhat at a crossroads in my mind as well. If this Panel merely concocts a solution that is no solution at all --- sounds good on paper, but like so many other UN documents collapses in practice --- then the rationale for contemporary multilateralism really has to be questioned. We’re not talking here of some minor intervention; we’re talking of several billion people.

For me, everything I’ve ever known of gender inequality has been sharpened by witnessing the AIDS pandemic. And I can say, without fear of contradiction, that where the women of Africa are concerned, the UN has been a colossal failure. Confirmation of that can be seen in the work of the UN Theme Groups on HIV/AIDS at country level. I’ve watched them now for five years; try as they might, they can never get their act fully together to reduce the impact of the virus on women. For the young women in particular, there is a palpable sense of betrayal.

I want to change that view. I want the world to understand that if we had an international organization for women, with force and dollars and staff, we could save, liberate and enhance hundreds of millions of lives. I make that argument because this women’s agency can be built on the foundation constructed over the years by the kaleidoscope of women’s groups that have operated outside the UN, partly because there’s been so little to affiliate with on the inside.

That’s why a billion dollars is such a paltry sum. And let no one sow confusion: by an international organization for women, I don’t mean a specialized agency like the WHO, or ILO, or FAO. I mean one of the powerful Funds or Programmes like UNICEF or UNDP or UNFPA or the World Food Programme.

Time and time again over the last two years Kofi Annan has called for a “deep social revolution … to transform relationships between men and women at all levels of society”. He means, by that, women’s empowerment and gender equality. Gender equality is not achieved in hesitant, tentative, disingenuous increments. It’s achieved by bold and dramatic reform of the architecture of the United Nations.

This Panel has the opportunity to take the plunge. Some would argue that more than half the world is waiting.

Pressuring Mugabe: Can activists replace collusive states and business?

Patrick Bond

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/35713

The unwillingness of governments, multilateral bodies and big business to promote rudimentary democracy and social justice in Zimbabwe is now glaringly obvious. Renewed solidarity initiatives can be taken with more confidence by grassroots activists on both sides of the Limpopo River and beyond, writes Patrick Bond.


Item: Kofi Annan appears to have been intimidated into not taking a trip to Harare, after Thabo Mbeki raised expectations he would achieve a breakthrough.

Mbeki last week passed the buck to Annan and Robert Mugabe: ‘It’s best left to them, to the UN and the Zimbabwean government and hopefully that will produce its outcome so that we remove this particular matter from the international agenda.’ Mugabe simply refused to give Annan an audience.

Item: Last Friday, the head of the European Commission’s Harare mission and the Austrian ambassador to Zimbabwe wrote a letter to the Herald newspaper firmly stating, ‘There are no economic EU sanctions against Zimbabwe. There have never been economic EU sanctions against Zimbabwe.’

The bureaucrats were right, and they pointed out that for the latest year data are available, 2004, ‘Zimbabwe had a trade surplus of E261 million [R2.23 billion] with EU states.’

Item: A few days earlier, South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma told parliament that Pretoria would not wield targeted 'smart' sanctions against Zimbabwe's rulers: ‘It may not be a very useful tool to use right now because it doesn’t seem to be yielding results, even in the hands of the most powerful block in the world.’

Of course not, but for a simple reason: Pretoria is a smart-sanctions ‘buster’ by permitting the Zimbabwe elite’s shopping visits, real estate speculation and illicit financial holdings. If Pretoria joined in imposing smart sanctions, the results would be immediate and formidable.

Item: big business is again hopping into bed with Mugabe, according to Dianna Games of the SA Institute of International Affairs writing last week in Business Day: ‘Many South African companies believe that Zimbabwe is still a better and easier place in which to do business than many other African countries because of its strong business culture, diversified industrial base and relatively good infrastructure. And many companies are still making good, albeit often declining, profits.’

Pointing out that more than two dozen large SA corporations employ about 20 000 Zimbabweans in mining, retail, franchising, commercial agriculture and banking, Games concluded, ‘There may be no better time for investors to take a long, hard look at the opportunities that Zimbabwe presents right now.’

That was also a point made last year by Tony Hawkins, professor of business studies at University of Zimbabwe and well known to Financial Times readers: ‘South Africa has gained market share in exports, tourism and services. SA’s share of investment in Zimbabwe has also risen as there has been an element of bargain-basement buying by some mining and industrial groups.’

Added Hawkins, ‘SA is also taking significant skills from the country, especially scarce black skills in health, education, banking, engineering and IT. It would be too much to say that SA has benefited in net terms, but there is a good deal of evidence to suggest that it is securing some gains from the crisis.’

Reflecting business confidence in Mugabe’s ability to hold on, two large multinational firms – South Africa’s Implats and the French bank BNP Paribas – last week announced, respectively, a R1.7 billion platinum investment (36% of which represents a gift to government for crony ‘empowerment’) and a R332 million credit secured by future nickel export revenues.

Another new Mugabe ally is the brutal dictator of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema, who visited Zimbabwe in March and whose country’s oil began flowing to Zimbabwe last week. Nguema wants the British mercentary Simon Mann extradited from Harare, where Mugabe’s forces are holding him after he transited Harare in a 2004 attempted coup bid.

Is pressure being applied by the West, as Mugabe often claims? Aside from an arms embargo on the government, the EU’s smart sanctions apply to just 100 key ZANU(PF) leaders, and take the form of travel bans and a threat to freeze any assets they place in European banks. There are similar provisions in the US, but these countries together provide in excess of R1 billion in aid to Zimbabwe, largely for food and humanitarian relief.

No one calls for that aid to be turned off because it feeds millions of people for whom Zimbabwe’s own farms – especially the small-scale and peasant sectors – generated maize surpluses, prior to the more general meltdown of the country’s agricultural infrastructure. The starvation threat has less to do with the takeover of white farms and more to do with the general lack of access to rural transport, fuel, pesticides, fertilizers, farm implements, electricity and the like.

What about a renewed diplomatic initiative from the West? A good reflection of the US imperial agenda in Zimbabwe may be last week’s report in a Harvard University journal authored by Todd Moss and Stewart Patrick of Washington's Centre for Global Development.

Moss and Patrick argue against existing sanctions: ‘The US and EU may need to review their sanctions legislation to ensure that it does not create a legal problem or disincentive for re-engagement or private investment.’

They also argue that a post-Mugabe Zimbabwe government will ‘have to deal with an inherited external debt of some $5 billion. Clearing arrears will be the first step, but the arrears accrued within the past few years account for nearly half the current debt stock, suggesting that some special dispensation may need to be found with the multilateral institutions and the Paris Club of creditors.’

In contrast, the position advocated by civil society campaigners, such as the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development and Zimbabwe Social Forum, is that the vast but useless 1990s loans advanced by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank should be completely cancelled.

Indeed, following the lead of the Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube, Zimbabwean civil society may need to more publicly advocate serious sanctions, given the lack of pressure from opportunistic politicians and businesses.

Patrick Bond, director of the UKZN Centre for Civil Society in Durban, is coauthor of the book Zimbabwe's Plunge - and author of Uneven Zimbabwe. This article first appeared in The Mercury on June 7.)

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Banjul razzmatazz

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2006-07-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/35721

Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem reports on the pomp and ceremony at the 7th AU Summit in Banjul, wondering how a poor country like Gambia can afford to host such a grand occasion. There were notable absences including of Uganda's Museveni, but newcomers included the Chinese, Indianns, the Iranians, and Venezuela's Chavez. Civil Society Organisations held a number of initiatives including a Question Time Africa where Liberia's President Sirleaf and Rwanda's Kagame were interrogated by activists. With the main theme of the Summit being regional integration, Tajudeen returns to his bugbear about the impediments to free movement of Africans who need visas to visit African countries, while non-African foreigners fly around with ease.


The African Union ended its 7th Ordinary Session of the General Assembly of heads of State and Governments in Banjul, Gambia on monday 3rd of July. The razzmatazz of state events , that surrounds these events may sometime make people dismissive of them as the most expensive celebrity watch on the continent. Yes, They do not come cheap and it is obvious that many of the states cannot afford to host these summits yet the allure of publicitry and the political and diplomatic prestige that comes with hosting it make many of them to even go into debt to host it.

The big question on everyone's lips in Banjul was how a poor country like the Gambia found the money to host such a grand occasion. A brand new Executive estate of Presidential Villas were builft for the Summit in addition to a new International Conference centre. This is not talk of the brand new Four Wheel vehicles, loads of Mercedes Benzes smelling of fresh factory paint and other expoensive vehicles conveying the different delegations in blazing heat and entourage of motor cades and outriders on new monster machines. I do not think that the people of this peacful country officially titled 'The Smiling coast of Africa' had ever seen any thing that big before and may not see such in the near future. Eklections are also close therefore the Government and ruling party (APRC) of President Yayah Jammeh milked the occassion for what it was worth. It was like the whole of Africa has endorsed Jammeh why would Gambians not do the same?

One of the changes that has happened in the new AU is the amendment to the old practice of host nations becoming chair of the organisation. This is no longer the case. That was why Sudan could not assume the chair even as it hosted the last Summit. And Yayaha Jameh thankfully will not become the chair otherwise he could even milk it more in domestic politics as Africa having voted for him.

The AU Summits also provide an opportunity to monitor, study and observe intra African politics and the power play between our Leaders but also between Africa and the rest of the world.

For instance a noticiable absentee from the Summit was President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. He used to be a heat with media and other heads of state throughout the 1990s but in recent years as he clung to power in Uganda his pan Africanist stocks have fallen. In the past any host wanted Museveni to confirm fist, because that was going to make others to attend. But these days even his absences are not felt!

The other interesting power monitor is the presence of foreign dignitaries. The Chinese and the Indians, historical allies of Africa but increasingly acknowledged as Global powers feared by the West, were in Banjul in full force. Ofcourse the various western powers who have traditional considered Africa as their excllusive areas of domination were there with the Americans muscling in on everybody in their familiar arrogant ways.

But their current bad guys were also their gamely spirit. Ahmedtijane, the President of Iran and President Hugo Chavez were both there. Chavez was in his element, defiant, resisting and anti imperialist. Ahmed Tijane came with a motor cade of awesome Hommer vehicles as long as those holywood Chevrolets or streched Limos! There was mild drama when the technical equipment failed in the middle of his now very familatr speeches that keep Washington and tel Aviv awake. Many suspected sabotage by, you know whom. The meeting had to be suspended for a few hours.

That little drama for me shows the lack of capacity of some of our states. How can a government that spent so much money on the pomp and pageantry of the Summit not have prepared itself for possible technical sabotage? There walk outs by some western Observers at the meeting coorniating their activities thru SMS texts. Again this exposes our vulnerability. It riases the perennial issue of why we should have so many Westerners whether government or NGOS always having access to our activities at the highest level while we do not have same in their forum but more importantly we limit access by our own people.

It is easy to get lost in these power plays and forget other important events that surround the Summit including the Summit agenda itself. There were a number of CSO/NGO parallel activities before and during the Summit which built upon the spaces that have been opening up since the innauguration of the AU. A number of African CSOs have been raising concerns about CSO participation in the Union which has so far been limited to invited spaces that are too much under the control of the bureaucrats of the Union whether it is through ECOSOCC or the Commission. The tendency is also to allow CSO activities to hold before the Summit and literally drive them out of town by the time the big guys come save for the few who may have secured 'observer' 'special Guest' or other access badges. While the invited spaces are useful it is also important the CSO and other stakew holders have independent spaces whose agenda, content and programmes are determined by them and they can invite the AU and the leaders to them. A meeting of CSO was held in Nairobi earlier this year before the Khartoum summit to build consensus around emerging issues in CSO-AU engagement.

In Banjul we made some progress through a forum organised by the UN millennium Campaign, Africa Office; Africa Regional Policy department of Action Aid Internationa; and the Pan Africa Policy Programme of Oxfam with the suppoort of Action Aid Gambia, Gambian and Pan African CSOs. It was a first at an AU summit. Prtesident Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia and President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, both participated in the Forum which is broadcast by SABC whose anchor man, Moses moderated the Panel. It is called QUESTION TIME AFRICA. The Presidents were asked questions by an audince of laregely CSO/NGO activists. Issues covered included the state of the Union, political commitment of leaders to make it work, aid, trade, debt relief, fulfilment of the Millennium Development Goals and Yes, issues of juystice, governance, impunity, and many others. It was a good start and both sides see the forum as developing in future summits.

The main theme of the Summit was rationalisation of the regional Economic communities in order to strenghten integration. It is an issue that has been on the agenda for many years. It is simply unworkable that we should have competing instead of complimentary regional blocs and still claim that we want to unite the whole continent Now the decision is that new ones will be recognised while the various regions will work out modalities for rationalising those existing. It is still a work in progress but necessary if the Union is to fulfil its mission of uniting the peoples of this continent. On the whole the problem of uniting Africa is really a contradiction between two opposaing view points. Do we want to unite states or unite peoples? So far all efforts have been directed at uniting states that are probaby not unifiable given the ahistorical and inorganic nature of most of them. but peoples are and can be united. One first step is to set our people free for them to move, live and settle across this continent. A sad reminder of the indignities we suffer as Africans was the experience of many people who had to langush in Dakar airport on theiur way to AU summit because they did not have 'Transit visas'. It is in the poweer of all our states and leaders to remove the visa requirement for all Africans and if they cannot do it we cannot trust them when they proclaim Pan Africanism. We should embark on a consistent advcacy of naming and shamning those governments and states that put impediments to free movement of Africans but welcomne non African foreigners. A gallery of these Pan Africanist rogue states may be launched from summit to summit while we also create awards for those opening up other Africans. So leaders can choose to be Villains or Defenders of Unity of our peoples.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Africa and the World Cup (1)

Alfred Mafuleka

2006-07-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/35660

I cannot agree more with Tajudeen Abdul-Raheen’s views regarding Africa’s participation in the World Cup. The positive of it especially the 2006 is that all the African countries that were there did play the best they could with Ghana giving excellent account of what African football is all about. Pity, none of them could reach the last stages but Ghana made all of Africa proud by reaching the last 16 group stage. Disparities in terms of economic status is so glaring in the World Cup, the results speak for themselves!

With Brazil failing to ignite the scene and being edged out by a not-so-convincing France spelt disaster for the third and developing world. It is true African players shine as individuals or when they play for their high paying European teams or those adopted (new form of colonialism) by these countries! France is the case in point!

I doubt if honourable Bhamjee’s expulsion has racism undertones, I think he committed big error of judgment, or fell into a trap he should not have. But the speed with which he was dealt with, leaves one wondering if the world body (Fifa) is really this swift and efficient in dealing with misdemeanors in all cases?

I will generally agree that racism is still a huge problem, despite attempts to stem the tide. How do you explain the malicious rumours that circulated in SA this past weekend hinting that “Fifa was going to take the right of hosting the 2010 World Cup by SA away and award it to Australia” because of crime and lack of preparedness etc? Of course LOC CEO, Danny Jordaan dismissed that as “nonsense”, but it makes one wonder who is behind such a rumour.

Africa and the World Cup (2)

Alan Stanley

2006-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/35536

Thank you for a really interesting article, a new contribution to what seems to be a growing area of discussion which uses football as a means of examining the wider forces of globalisation. I covered some research by World Bank economist Branko Milanovic recently which took a slightly more positive view of FIFA's regulation of player movement between clubs and infact looks towards football for possible lessons on how poor countries can harness the forces of globalisation. His paper (http://www.eldis.org/cf/search/disp/docdisplay.cfm?doc=DOC20718&resource=f1)(2005) looks at the rules FIFA have used to sanction the free circulation of labour (i.e. player transfers) in the club game whilst keeping restrictive rules governing player selection for national team competitions such as the World Cup (i.e. players can only play for the country where they were born). Free circulation of labour, he finds, produced better club teams but also greater inequality between rich and poor clubs. Experience gained by players at club level, however, has helped to reduce inequality and raise standards in the national game, hence the increasingly strong showing by poorer footballing nations in the World Cup. This, Milanovic argues, shows "how forces of efficiency but also inequality unleashed by globalisation can be harnessed by the existence of global institutions to help improve the outcome for poor countries". He doesn't, however, provide a great deal of detail on exactly how this might work. You can read my article at: http://community.eldis.org/webx?14@@.ee9593d!discloc=.eed0bf7

China dialogue

Interesting site

Akwe Amosu

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/35720

Just a line to say that if you're interested in China, the environment and/or tech stuff, you might like to take a look at this new site, www.chinadialogue.net (sorry to spam you if you're not interested!). It's a project of opendemocracy.org edited by Isabel Hilton. It's interesting for a number of reasons, not least that it's worked out a comfortable way to use chinese and english on the same page, but also because it's the only site i've seen that actively seeks to host a conversation between non-official China and the outside world. One reason that's rare is because of the translation costs implied. Anyway - take a look.

Pambazuka playing vital role

Fatma Alloo

2006-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/35508

I am presenting a kenote address at the University of Cairo later this month on how ICT impacts change and I have used Pambazuka as a case in point. Maybe I shall send you a copy once I have finished my paper. I personally feel PAMBAZUKA is playing a vital role in providing a forum for analysis of our continent. I am a media person, founder of Tanzania Media Women's Association (TAMWA) and now also teach part time and a lot of my students really access your network.

Africa: Africa in the United Nations system, 1945-2005

2006-07-05

http://tinyurl.com/7dr4f

Though there have been numerous studies on the United Nations, only a few have dealt comprehensively with Africa’s relations with the world body. This book by Issaka Souare attempts to fill this lacuna by providing a systematic assessment of Africa’s relationship with the World body, from its foundation in 1945 to its sixtieth anniversary in 2005. Argues that there have been some real successes in Africa’s relationship with the world body - such as the joint efforts against the Apartheid regime in South Africa - as well as real failures - such as in the genocide in Rwanda.

Africa: The potentiality of 'Developmental States' in Africa.

Botswana and Uganda compared

2006-07-05

http://www.africanbookscollective.com/

Investigating the potential role of the state in Africa in promoting development in the era of globalisation, this book is a valuable addition to the ongoing debates about the role, nature and character of states in Africa. The volume argues that dogmatic faith in either state planning or markets is not sufficient; rather it is the quality of state involvement that is at stake.
Edited by Pamela Mbabazi & Ian Taylor
Investigating the potential role of the state in Africa in promoting development in the era of globalisation, this book is a valuable addition to the ongoing debates about the role, nature and character of states in Africa. The volume argues that dogmatic faith in either state planning or markets is not sufficient; rather it is the quality of state involvement that is at stake. Taking Botswana and Uganda as case studies and contextualising them within their respective histories and political economies, the papers compare and contrast the features that distinguish their development records and style of activity in promoting development. The book argues some elements of the developmental state model exist in both countries and that these have contributed to the relative successes of the two countries. Pamela Mbabzi is a Development Planner, and Dean of the Faculty of Development Studies at Mbarara University of Science and Technology in Uganda. Her publications include Supply Chain and the Milk Industry in Uganda (Fountain Publishers, 2005). Ian Taylor is a Lecturer in International Relations at the University of St Andrews (UK) and a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of Stellenbosch in South Africa. Other contributors include Neema Murembe, Francis Nyamnjoh, Jane Parpart, David Sebudubudu and Timothy Shaw.

ISBN: 2869781644 Publisher: CODESRIA
Format: Paperback Published: 2005 Extent: 186pp

Global: Afro-Atlantic dialogues

Anthropology in the Diaspora

2006-07-05

http://tinyurl.com/7dr4f

Edited by Kevin Yelvington, this book breaks new theoretical and methodological ground in the study of the African diaspora in the Atlantic world. Eleven leading scholars of archaeology, linguistics, and socio-cultural anthropol-ogy draw upon extensive field experiences and archival investigations of black communities in North America, the Caribbean, South America, and Africa to challenge received paradigms in Afro-American anthropology. The contributors address colonialism, the slave trade, racism, ethnogenesis, New World nationalism, urban identity politics, the development of artworlds, music and its publics, the emergence of new religious and ritual forms, speech genres, and contested historical representations.

Kenya: Never be Silent Book Launch

2006-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/35601

Zand Graphics Ltd (publishers of Awaaz magazine, Challenge to Colonialism by Zarina Patel and Unquiet - The Life and Times of Makhan Singh by Zarina Patel)cordially invites you to a book launch of Never be Silent - Publishing and Imperialism 1884 - 1963 by Shiraz Durrani on Wednesday 5th July 2006 between 5.30 - 8.00 pm at the Goethe Institute. The launch is kindly sponsored and supported by the National Book Development Council of Kenya (NBDCK).
Zahid Rajan and Zarina Patel
Awaaz Magazine Website: www.awaazmag.com
PO Box 32843 00600 Nairobi
Tel: 0722 344900, 0733 741085
Alternative email: zand.graphics@gmail.com

South Africa: By the book

2006-07-05

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=276065

The Cape Town Book Fair drew the best from around the world, and showed that South Africa is decidedly on the map as far as being on the cutting edge of cultural and intellectual life is concerned. Being there was to see a new and enlightening phase of our era of liberation. The pariah thing has gone. Smiles and hugs all round.

African Blogosphere

Sokari Ekine

2006-07-04

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/35675

African Painters - African Painters (http://africanpainters.blogspot.com/2006/06/suzanne-ouedraogo-from-burkina-faso.html) comments on the work of Burkina Faso artist, Suzanne Ouedraogo who uses her art as a way of protesting against the practice of female circumcision. Her paintings present are a courageous, powerful picture of this horrendous violation of the female body. He accompanies the paintings with a poem on female circumcision by Nigerian poet, Chinwe Azubuike.

Egyptian Chronicles - Egyptian Chronicles (http://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2006/07/bravo-aisha-first-egyptian-minister-to.html) writes in praise of Egypt’s Minister of Labour and Employment, Aisha Abd El-Hady, a woman she had formerly thought of as a hypocrite. So why the change in attitude towards the Minister?

“Abd El-Hady presented her resignation from her position as a minister for Labour and Employment in the ministry to the Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif as she can't work anymore in this Cabinet who doesn't care for the 5 million workers who are going to lose their jobs because of the privatisation policy . The man who is responsible in privatisation in Egypt now is Minister Mahmoud Mohi El-Din, minister of investment , he is working on selling 365 public companies to the private sector. Already Abd El-Hady accused Mohi El-Din to ignore President Mubarak 's orders in protecting the workers rights”.

Abd El-Hady is an interesting woman. She only completed her education up to primary school level yet was able to hold her ground amongst the higher educated members of the Cabinet. She worked her way up starting as a factory worker which was one of the reasons why many Egyptian workers were disappointed with her previous lack of interest in their plight.

The Moor Next Door - Moor Next Door (http://wahdah.blogspot.com/2006/07/spirits-of-63.html) returns to the Algerian revolution that took place between 1955-1962 and celebrates the country’’s independence on the 5th July 1962.

“The Algerian Revolution was a revolt against exclusion, under-representation, racialism, displacement, colonialism, ignorance and all the other pretty words that come with battles in the name of rights. Algerians today, hold all of these notions close to their hearts, no matter what their political persuasion may be. The Revolution was a diverse one, claimed by former "assimilationists" fed up with the inability of the colonial system to extend the rights of man to Algerian Muslims, pan-Arab nationalists, socialists, Marxists, communists, Islamists wishing to reinstate the Islamic political order in a Muslim land, Amazigh Berberists wishing to bring equality and prestige to their people, the everyday men and women of Algerian wishing to finally know what equality and opportunity felt like, and many other interest groups.”

He writes that although the Algerian revolution could be described as a “Jihad” it was not one of those Jihad’s or “mass murder, rape, pillage, and bigotry that have ravaged the world in recent years.” It is a revolution based on patriotism and nationalism driven by an intense desire for independence and freedom.

Sotho - Sotho (http://sotho.blogsome.com/2006/07/01/francais-et-immigres/) writes a piece on the racist language used by the media when speaking about French immigrants and Black French people. He uses the commentary on the world cup to explain his point.

“Paper and television personalities are regularly accused of saying things like, “the Frenchman came from behind to win the race,” but “the Guadeloupean fell behind and never posed a threat to his opponents.” And they’d be talking about the same person, albeit at different times. It is surely subconscious but nevertheless shows deep-rooted ill-feeling toward the concept of fraternité.”

He goes on to give a number of examples of specific comments made about the Tunisians, Ghanaians and the French team which has mostly Black players.

French right wing National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen also made a comment about the number of Black players in the French team to which one player responded. We are French. We won the World Cup and the European Cup and we did it for France so what is the point of your comment.

afrika-aphukira - Afrika-aphukira (http://mlauzi.blogspot.com/2006/07/african-football-global-inequality-and.html) also comments on the World Cup and the African media’s response to why no African teams progressed beyond the early stages of the tournament. He believes the analysis used reflect the usual two themes reflected in Africa’s media: self-blame and awe of Europe.

“Virtually no analysis I have so far looked at mentions broader issues of global, historical and political injustice and inequality, in how world cup berths are allotted in the different FIFA confederations. In fact, a Rwandan columnist repeats a common refrain about how Africans always blame colonialism for their ills, when no such thing has even been mentioned in any of the analyses and comments, whose uniting feature has been blaming African teams for lacking self-confidence and resources. Such is the strength of the reluctance to examine African problems in their broader context that blaming colonialism is considered not only taboo, it is brought up even when nobody mentions it.”

He believes there is a need to look at the way the World Cup is organised particularly the allocating of slots and the fact that all World Cups with the exception of Japan and Korea in 2002 have been played either in Europe or South America. For example

"The continent of Europe has 51 national football associations, and has 14 (15 in 2002) world cup finals slots. Africa, which has 52 member associations, has only 5 slots, an improvement from 1978 when Africa was accorded only one slot. "

And so it continues. However I believe one of the main issues for African teams in the World Cup is that many of Africa’s best play for European teams having gained citizenship of various countries. In addition the financial resources and therefore the training facilities are totally inadequate. In the case of the African Nations Cup many of the Africans playing in Europe did not even want to leave their league teams to come and play for their countries. Could one imagine a European or South American player acting in this way? I doubt it.

Building the Nation - Building the Nation (http://2bnileavenue.blogspot.com/2006/07/comment-4-dennis-thoughts-on-gay.html ) responds to a post on Ugandan blog, Country Boyi in which he writes a vitriolic piece on homosexuality in Uganda with the usual comments on it being “un African” and “gay people are headed for hell”. Building the Nation writes

“Firstly, because Dr. Sylvia Tamale advocates for the rights of people who are gay does not make her gay, period. It does not mean she wants to fuck another woman, to borrow a phrase from you. It just means she’s standing up for what she believes to be a marginalised section of society. Something we all should do for people we personally believe to be marginalised. For example, I am a proponent of the – now stillborn - Domestic Relations Bill (DRB). Does that make me a woman?”

It is excellent that this debate on homosexuality is taking place in the African blogosphere. Previously there have been discussions in the Kenyan and Nigerian blogospheres and now in Uganda. Let us hope the discussions continue as it is only through debate on the issues that transformation will take place eventually.

Harowo.com - Harowo.com (http://harowo.com/2006/07/03/somalia-washingtons-warlords-lose-out) comments on the role of the USA in supporting the coalition of warlords under the name of “Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT).

According to the writer, the CIA have been paying the Alliance between $100,000 and $150,000 a month via their Nairobi office. He explains the response by the people of Somalia to the victory of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU)

“Somali reactions to the ICU's victory have been mixed. On one hand there is relief at the prospect of a respite from constant battles in the capital, but for some this is tempered by fears of the imposition of draconian interpretations of sharia (Islamic) law. .....
Among many though there is hope that the ICU will at least provide a degree of stability in a country that has been gripped by violent conflict between rival warlords since the 1991 ouster of military dictator Mohammed Siad Barre. He took power in 1969 and had originally aligned Somalia with the Soviet Union, but the alliance was broken when Barre came into conflict with Ethiopia in 1977.
Washington stepped in to fill the gap and supported Barre until he was toppled in 1991 by rebel forces led by General Mohammed Farah Aidid, Barre's former intelligence chief. In the wake of Barre's overthrow, the country was carved up by rival warlords. Under the guise of a UN-backed "humanitarian mission", Washington dispatched 20,000 US troops to Somalia in 1992.”

The fact that the CIA website lists Somalia’s resources as uranium plus other natural minerals does of course question the motives behind the involvement of the USA in Somalia both now and in the past.

Black Looks - Black Looks (http://www.blacklooks.org/2006/07/1906-2006_-_history_still_repeats_itself_.html ) builds on last weeks interview withGeorges Nzongola-Ntalaja in Pambazuka News in which he spoke on the “strategic importance of the DRC” and on the probable outcome of the elections at the end on this month. Black Looks takes an historical route based on the political biography of Patrice Lumumba and returns to 18 and the beginnings of Leopold of Belgium’s rule in the Congo around 1906 when he first invited and international monopoly capital to the country and sold off mineral mining and agricultural rights.

“Firstly land was given to the mining companies; secondly land was used for the creation of a system of national parks; thirdly huge tracks of farmland were given to white settlers. But ultimately it was the mining sector that took control of the country and remains in control today. Two regions, the Katanga and Kivu provinces most affected by the above distribution of land have also been the most affected by war and conflict throughout the history of Congo.”

She concludes that Nzongola-Ntalaja’s prediction that nothing will change is a correct assessment of the post election period. The multinationals will continue to exploit the country, the corrupt leaders to exploit the people and the people to remain in poverty and victims of the various marauding militias wondering the countryside.

Africa: The debt question - an open letter to the African Union

2006-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/35558

The African Forum and Network on Debt and Development (AFRODAD), a Pan African regional network of NGOs working across Africa is write in support of your calls for universal total debt cancellation to all African countries, and is calling for further action one year later after the G8 promises on Africa’s Debt. We urge our leaders to continue keeping Africa on the G8 agenda.
AN OPEN LETTER

To: The African Union Summit

Banjul, The Gambia

Your Excellencies,

RE: THE DEBT QUESTION: ONE YEAR AFTER THE G8 GLEANAGLES’ PROMISES

The African Forum and Network on Debt and Development (AFRODAD), a Pan African regional network of NGOs working across Africa is writing this letter in support of your calls for universal total debt cancellation to all African countries, and is calling for further action one year later after the G8 promises on Africa’s Debt. We urge our leaders to continue keeping Africa on the G8 agenda.



Cognizant of the significant progress that has so far been made in 13 of Africa’s Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) are benefiting from the multilateral debt relief initiative (MDRI), we demand the following:

African Union to the G8

We call upon you to raise these issues within relevant international fora including the forth-coming G8 Summit in Russia.

· A deeper and wider Debt relief with no conditionalitities. More countries in Africa have been excluded from the MDRI yet they need it for the attainment of MDGs. Otherwise, we need to have a fair and transparent arbitration process under the auspices of the United Nations or simply repudiate the debt.

· An unconditional and total cancellation of the illegitimate and odious debts of the Democratic Republic of Congo to give them a fresh start as they undergo elections this year.

· An unconditional total cancellation of the national debts which stands as a stumbling block to efforts of the new government to rebuild the country and its shattered economy. This will give chance to the wanted peace and allow Liberians to move on with their lives.

The African Union

We also urge you as a Union of African States gravitating towards regional integration to do the following;

(i) Speed up the creation of a Fund to help cushion non-oil producing countries from the rising oil prices.

(ii) Ensure that MDRI Beneficiaries avoid new debt problems by putting in place universal open, accountable and transparent loan contraction processes and debt management systems. This in some cases calls for the reform of institutional, legal and structural frameworks. As CSOs we are prepared to assist in this regard.

(iii) Ensure that additional resources released from debt relief are used to increase social spending on health and education, develop infrastructure and promote local private sector development.

(iv) We believe that African regional integration will not make sense without national and regional Polices on Debt and Aid.

(v) We call upon you to critically assess and cautiously negotiate with the European Union on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). Again, CSOs remain yours for consultation and advice. We believe that you will not mortgage the future of our current and future generations in so doing.

We also wish to draw your attention to the following urgent implementation issues:

MDRI Cut-off and Implementation Dates: For post-completion HIPCs, implementation date should have been 2nd half of 2005. But the IMF and AfDB chose end-2005 while IDA’s own is July 2006 – for the stated reason of aligning it with its financial year. An earlier cut-off date means lower cost of MDRI implementation and lower benefits to the HIPCs.

For IMF & AfDF, all pre-2005 debts are eligible. For the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), only pre-2004 debts are eligible so as to save IDA up to US$5.3bilion and short-change the HIPCs by about the same. Delayed implementation date means lower implementation costs and, hence, reduced benefit to the HIPCs. As CSOs, we believe that it is your right to demand IDA to shift its cut-off date from end-2003 to end-2004, in line with its AfDF and IMF counterparts. Reimbursing the HIPCs for debt service payments made during the waiting period can do this.

For the pre-completion HIPCs, implementation date is country-specific, depending on when the HIPC completion point is reached. It can take very long before reaching the completion point, with the average duration being about 6 years, from past experience, as countries have to pass through the IMF’s PRGF programme which is the major delaying factor. As you know, justice delayed is justice denied. There is urgent for the Africa Union to prevail on IMF to streamline its PRGF program for this specific case, to enable HIPCs attain completion point on a fast-track basis.

“Remember, we are Africans not because we are born in Africa but because Africa is born in us”

For further information, see: www.afrodad.org

Africa: AU launches people's court

2006-07-04

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54369

The African Union has launched the continent's first court that gives states and people equal rights to challenge governments suspected of human rights violations or other infractions. The African Court on Human and People's Rights, established on paper in 1998, will be based in the Tanzanian capital Arusha.

Africa: Leaders want Nepad, AU integrated

2006-07-05

http://www.afrika.no/noop/page.php?p=Detailed/12478.html&d=1

African leaders who were meeting in Banjul, The Gambia, say efforts would be deployed to integrate the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) into the African Union. The leaders of the NEPAD executive committee member countries made the announcement during the 7th AU Summit after having heard a report presented to them by the Secretariat a day ahead of the launching of the AU Summit of Heads of State and Government on July 1-2.

Africa: AU launches people’s court

2006-07-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54369

The African Union on Monday launched the continent’s first court that gives states and people equal rights to challenge governments suspected of human rights violations or other infractions. Taking the podium and raising their right hands, 11 African legal experts pledged to "preserve, protect and defend" the African Charter of Human and People's Rights.

Global: AU rejects Zimbabwe report

2006-07-03

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=14690

The Zimbabwe report by the African Commission was first not considered because the AU accepted Zimbabwe's argument that it had not been given an opportunity to respond. A year later the AU again failed to adopt it on the grounds that it had not been translated into all the organisation's official languages

Africa: Violence against girls in Africa

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22252

This paper draws attention to the many ways in which girls experience violence during armed conflict or crises, and briefly presents some of the activities carried out by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to protect and assist them.

Global: Academies urged to do more for women scientists

2006-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/gnbnw

A panel set up by an international group of science academies has proposed various steps to encourage more women to pursue scientific careers, reports this article by SciDev.

Global: Documenting women's rights violations by non-state actors

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22254

This manual aims to provide tools to help further the work of activists particularly those investigating and addressing violence against women perpetrated by non-state actors. It is especially designed for activists without legal backgrounds, with the aim of directing them towards legal definitions and human rights mechanisms that may help them in their efforts to ensure that states fully meet their obligation to protect.

Global: Half the world is waiting

Remarks by Stephen Lewis, UN Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa, to a High-Level Panel on UN Reform

2006-07-05

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/35703

There is a crying need for an international agency for women. Every stitch of evidence we have, right across the entire spectrum of gender inequality suggests the urgent need for a multilateral agency. The great dreams of the international conferences in Vienna, Cairo and Beijing have never come to pass. It matters not the issue: whether it’s levels of sexual violence, or HIV/AIDS, or maternal mortality, or armed conflict, or economic empowerment, or parliamentary representation, women are in terrible trouble. And things are getting no better.
There is a crying need for an international agency for women. Every stitch of evidence we have, right across the entire spectrum of gender inequality suggests the urgent need for a multilateral agency. The great dreams of the
international conferences in Vienna, Cairo and Beijing have never come to pass. It matters not the issue: whether it’s levels of sexual violence, or HIV/AIDS, or maternal mortality, or armed conflict, or economic empowerment, or parliamentary representation, women are in terrible trouble. And things are getting no better.

This Panel can create such an agency and show fundamental courage by doing so, or it can tinker at the edges of
‘gender architecture’ and consign the world of women, yet again, to perpetual second-rate status.

I’m not going to equivocate about my expectations: I expect the Panel to take the road of least resistance, and come up with some high-sounding scheme, probably with a few choice rhetorical morsels about ‘gendermainstreaming’
and expect that that will do the trick. It won’t. If that’s the chosen path, I can confidently predict that we’ll be back again, less than ten years from now, driven by a new impetus for UN reform, the Millennium
Development Goals unmet in a majority of countries, and the lives of women will be every bit as hazardous, compromised, marginalized and desperate as they are today.
Let’s look at the options.

The suggestion has been made that all the present fragments of women’s agencies in the United Nations be thrown together, given a little more money and staff, and be led by an Under-Secretary General. We’d take the Division for the Advancement of Women, the Office of the Special Advisor to the Secretary-General, the UN Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of
Women (INSTRAW) and turn them into a viable women’s organization. It’s not enough; it won’t work … too little experience, too few mandates, too much unbridled competition, too many areas of programming that are
entirely unfamiliar. It’s a recipe for stalemate. (I might note that in the July 1st edition of the Canadian newspaper, the Toronto Star, a story was carried
suggesting that I thought a women’s agency could replace the mandates of various agencies where they intersect with women … eg, WHO on health; ILO on labour; UNFPA on sexual and reproductive health. That was a matter of simple confusion that I may well have caused. I hold no such
view).

The suggestion has been made that UNIFEM alone should be transformed into a new, free-standing women’s agency. The sentiment is perfectly understandable; UNIFEM has at least made some impact despite being confined to subservient status as a department of UNDP (United Nations
Development Programme). But it won’t work … UNIFEM, in its present form has never had extensive programming expertise, or operational experience in countries, or a range of government counterparts in Ministries,
or financial and human resource autonomy, let alone sufficient breadth in its focus to represent half the world’s population. UNIFEM can most assuredly be folded into something new; it cannot become what it was never meant to be. It is part of a gender architecture so
dysfunctional as to lead one to believe that the design was deliberate.

The suggestion has been made that the Resident Coordinator (RC) system be altered to separate the RC from his or her duties with UNDP, thus freeing up the RC, as head of the UN family, to devote whatever time is necessary to
the struggle for gender equality. I have heard many foolhardy suggestions, but that tops the list. It may help the overall UN relationships with government to separate out the functions of the RC. But to pretend that the
RCs, who vary greatly in quality and interest, and have no particular skills on gender (and that’s the crucial point), would somehow behave differently on the issue of women than they have behaved over the last many years, is to indulge in reckless self-delusion. How long do we have to toy with the façade before admitting that the architecture is hollow?

Of equal merit is the suggestion that we can strengthen UNIFEM within the UNDP and win the day for women as a result. I don’t want to be disrespectful, but just how far can you strain credibility? One of the single greatest failures within the United Nations over the last many years is the performance of UNDP on matters pertaining to gender. It’s been awful, and everyone knows it. The UNDP has never even been able to bring itself to make the Executive Director of UNIFEM an Assistant-Director General, in an agency where ASGs abound. It is absurd to think that the UNDP can change its spots. The suggestion has been made that we create some kind of coordinating
Centre for Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality, in the fashion of UNAIDS. I realize the earnest intent behind this proposal, particularly when the objective of coordination is enhanced by having an individual
representative placed in all country offices, and a central office modestly staffed at headquarters.
But the UNAIDS analogy simply does not hold up to scrutiny. UNAIDS was designed to coordinate the separate agency responses to AIDS, using the cooperating partners’ (including the World Bank) field level capacity to
provide resources and technical expertise to governments dealing with an unimaginably complex pandemic. But where gender is concerned, there’s precious little at headquarters to coordinate, let alone at country level.
What’s more, without operational capacity on the ground, this proposition is a non-starter. It will take us no further than we are today. Advocacy without programme capacity is a recipe for the status quo. Sure, we’ll have some heightened consciousness, but that’s not genuine reform; that’s intellectual dalliance. All the advocacy in the world (and UNAIDS has some limited country capacity as well), has not managed to stem the carnage of AIDS
amongst women.

The proof is in the dying. In fact, if I may digress for a moment, it’s worth pointing out that if it were not for the unsung heroism of the women of Africa, including the
grandmothers --- impoverished, uneducated, disproportionately infected --- the response of the international community would be branded a complete
failure.

No, what we need is a full-fledged agency with real operational capacity on the ground to build partnerships with governments, to engage in public policy, to design and finance programmatic interventions for women, to give
NGOs and community-based women’s groups the support their voices and ideas have never had, to extract money from bilateral donors, to whip the UN family into shape, to bring substance and know-how to the business of gender mainstreaming, to involve women in every facet of life from
development to trade to culture to peace and security, to lobby vociferously and indefatigably for every aspect of gender equality, to have sufficient staff and resources to make everyone sit up and take notice. That’s exactly what
UNICEF does for children. Why can’t we have the same for more than half of humankind?

There are five significant caveats raised every time the proposal is put. Let me deal in brief with all of them.
First, how do you wed the human rights objectives of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) with the operational capacity in the field? I submit that it’s not so difficult. The provisions of CEDAW become the policy base for the women’s agency. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) can then best
service the CEDAW Committee while a new women’s agency, as part of its mandate, funds the process. That’s exactly what is now done by UNICEF and OHCHR in respect to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It works and works well.

Second, how do you re-enforce and make more effective the concept of “gender mainstreaming”? Many governments, especially western governments, have invested huge amounts of money and time in gender mainstreaming, as an easy solution to gender inequality, and want to see it
make a dramatic difference; want to see that the needs and rights of women are woven into the body of every aspect of institutional life. Well, the sad truth is that the governments have to learn to face defeat.

Gender mainstreaming is not easy. When it’s sloughed off on non-experts and made to stand on its own, rather than alongside targeted programmes to promote women’s empowerment and human rights, it just doesn’t work. The
original idea was intended to use gender mainstreaming as a
‘transformative” strategy … that is to say, there would be a radical transformation in gender relationships. It has not happened, least of all within the United Nations itself. There is not a single assessment of gender
mainstreaming that I have read --- and there have been many assessments, commissioned by donors, compiled by the UN itself, done by NGOs --- that is fundamentally positive. Every single one of them ranges from the negative
to an unabashed indictment.

And the United Nations? The complexities of gender mainstreaming aside, it even flunks the test of gender parity, failing to reach its own target of 50/50
in staffing percentages in the vast majority of departments and agencies. For the UN Office in Geneva, the city in which we’re meeting, the 50/50 target, at present rates, will be reached in 2072. The Department of peacekeeping Operations at present rates, will reach the target by 2100. It makes of gender mainstreaming the reductio ad absurdem of United Nations policy.
I have to tell this panel that if there were a true UN policy of whistle blower immunity, you would be inundated by women, especially at the mid and lower levels of the United Nations system, eager to provide testimony about
the dismay they feel when it turns out that no one cares about women’s issues, let alone the sexism and discriminatory treatment to which they are regularly subjected.

Third, where will we get the money? Everyone argues that there’s no money to be had and no patience for large additional sums. I’ve said publicly that the new agency should be launched at the level of UNICEF’s funding,
currently $2 billion a year. If that paralyzes overnments, then let’s start at $1 billion a year, build systematically, and with increases of ten per cent a
year, for five years, we will have exceeded the $2 billion mark.

When it comes to women, western governments cry poverty whenever large sums are discussed. It’s just unconscionable. As recently as one week ago, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom asserted, in an op-ed for ‘The Independent’, co-authored by his Chancellor of the Exchequer (a member of this panel!) and his Minister of Development Cooperation, that world foreign aid jumped by 25% in 2005 over 2004, reaching over $100 billion
annually, well on the way to $130 billion as promised for 2010.

So I ask: is more than half the world’s population not entitled to one per cent of the total? What’s happened to our sense of international values? How dare the leaders of the G8 crow about progress on aid and debt (albeit not trade) while continuing to watch the economic, social, physical and psychological decimation of so many of the world’s women? How in heaven’s name can they be sanguine about the catastrophic loss of so much human potential?
Fourth, it is anticipated, in advance, that the ‘G77 and China’ may not be friendly to the idea of a new agency. That may or may not be the case. But in any event, it should have no veto-like bearing on the recommendations of
this panel. After all, the Secretary-General knew that his management reforms would run into hostility from the G77 and China, which indeed they have. But the Secretary-General was in no sense intimidated, and advanced
the reforms because he felt they were right. This panel should do the same.

Fifth, and perhaps most pointedly, more and more people ---including NGOs and some governments --- are asking: why create another agency within the United Nations when the multilateral record is abysmal? What makes anyone think that a women’s agency will function at a higher level
than so many others which have proved themselves dysfunctional.

That’s a very tough question to answer. I was frankly surprised at the numbers of people to whom I’ve spoken, overwhelmingly women, who expressed an almost venomous skepticism about the UN’s capacity to perform. They have noted the miserable sidelining of women and women’s
issues and are close to writing off the entire UN on that basis. I had to plead for one more chance. I had not fully realized how much the United Nations is at the crossroads in the minds of so many. I will admit that it’s somewhat at a crossroads in my mind as well. If this Panel merely concocts a solution that is no solution at all --- sounds good on paper, but like so many other UN documents collapses in practice --- then the rationale for contemporary multilateralism really has to be questioned.
We’re not talking here of some minor intervention; we’re talking of several billion people.

For me, everything I’ve ever known of gender inequality has been sharpened by witnessing the AIDS pandemic. And I can say, without fear of contradiction, that where the women of Africa are concerned, the UN has been a colossal failure. Confirmation of that can be seen in the work of the UN Theme Groups on HIV/AIDS at country level. I’ve watched them now for five years; try as they might, they can never get their act fully together to reduce the impact of the virus on women. For the young women in
particular, there is a palpable sense of betrayal.
I want to change that view. I want the world to understand that if we had an international organization for women, with force and dollars and staff, we could save, liberate and enhance hundreds of millions of lives. I make that
argument because this women’s agency can be built on the foundation constructed over the years by the kaleidoscope of women’s groups that have operated outside the UN, partly because there’s been so little to affiliate with
on the inside.

That’s why a billion dollars is such a paltry sum. And let no one sow confusion: by an international organization for women, I don’t mean a specialized agency like the WHO, or ILO, or FAO. I mean one of the powerful Funds or Programmes like UNICEF or UNDP or UNFPA or the World Food Programme. Time and time again over the last two years Kofi Annan has called for a “deep social revolution … to transform relationships between men and women at all levels of society”. He means, by that, women’s empowerment
and gender equality. Gender equality is not achieved in hesitant, tentative, disingenuous increments. It’s achieved by bold and dramatic reform of the architecture of the United Nations.

This Panel has the opportunity to take the plunge. Some would argue that more than half the world is waiting.

Cameroon: Finally, a law about FGM?

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33811

Recently, Cameroon's female legislators could be found under a tree in the garden of the country's parliament, listening to Hannah Kwenti: 17, the mother of a five-month-old baby girl -- and a victim of female genital mutilation (FGM).

Sudan: Rape in Darfur

2006-07-03

http://www.awid.org

There have been numerous reports of the rape of women and girls in Darfur and in Chad, a country to which many of the more than two million displaced Darfurians have fled to escape the war in their region. Within camps set up for IDPs women have some measure of security. However, they are often attacked and raped when they leave the IDP camps to collect firewood. According to some studies, every Darfurian woman has been raped or personally knows other women who have been raped.

Uganda: Women Talk Peace

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22279

International Women's Tribune Centre (IWTC) has produced two sets of prototype radio programmes about UNSCR 1325 in partnership with community broadcasters in the Philippines and Uganda. The first set was dubbed and broadcast in English and Filipino for an audience in the Philippines and other parts of Asia. The second set was made available in English, Luganda and Swahili for listeners in Uganda and other conflict-affected countries in Africa.

Zimbabwe: WOZA women in court

2006-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/35555

Sixty-three Women of Zimbabwe Arise members arrested on Valentine’s Day appeared in court again today (3 July) in Harare. They are on trial charged under Section 7(c) of the Miscellaneous Offences Act – conduct likely to disturb the ordinary comfort of the public. The trial has yet to begin however, and has once again been postponed to 11th July 2006.
For more information please contact Jenni Williams
+263 91 300 456, +263 91 898 110 or email
wozazimbabwe@yahoo.com

Africa: Striking down the taboos about albinism

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33829

A variety of ailments can affect people with albinism, an inherited genetic condition characterised by the absence of melanin in skin, eyes and hair. But, the challenges confronting albinos do not end there: all too often, they are shunned and discriminated against as well, in Southern Africa and elsewhere.

Global: First session of new Human Rights Council welcomed

2006-07-05

http://www.hrea.org

Amnesty International welcomes the many substantive outcomes of the first session of the new Human Rights Council, meeting in Geneva 19-30 June 2006, which has laid important groundwork for a stronger and more effective United Nations (UN) human rights political body.

Global: A Rights Based Approach to Debt Sustainability

2006-07-03

http://www.neweconomics.org/gen/rightsbaseddebtrelief140606.aspx

New Economic Foundation's Steve Mandel writes, in the preface to this extremely well-timed and strongly argued paper: "Debt sustainability has, until now, been narrowly assessed according to a country's ability to pay in terms of its export earnings, regardless of other demands on public funds. This prevents governments in many developing countries meeting the basic needs of their citizens. A new approach to debt sustainability that takes this into account is urgently needed."

Global: Empty stomach? tell it to the UN

2006-07-04

http://ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33799

Citizens may soon be able to complain to the United Nations when their governments are not treating them well, if the administrations agree to a host of new economic, social and cultural rights. At present, countries are sovereign in the services and benefits they provide for their nationals. In future, however, groups or individuals who have been denied such rights may have recourse to the U.N. if they fail to make their case at a national level.

Global: Trafficking in persons report 2006

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22281

This report is the sixth annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report issued by the US Department of State, aimed to assist the elimination of severe forms of TIP. In assessing foreign governments' efforts, the TIP Report highlights the "three P's"- prosecution, protection, and prevention. A victim-centred approach to trafficking is also used which equally to addresses the "three R's"- rescue, rehabilitation, and reintegration.

Cameroon: IGLHRC mourns loss of Alim Mongoche, one of Yaoundé 11

2006-07-03

http://www.iglhrc.org

The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) confirms with great sorrow the death of Alim Mongoche from AIDS-related complications. Alim was 30 years old and worked as a clothing designer. Alim was one of the 11 Cameroonian men who spent more than a year in prison awaiting trial under Article 347 of the Cameroonian penal code, which punishes sex between men.

DRC: Group Seeks Tighter Leash on Diamond Trade

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33636

The international community should help the new government in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) tighten its surveillance of the diamond mining industry to lift the poor nation out of corruption and conflict, long associated with trade in the precious gem, a rights group said. Global Witness, the London-based non-governmental organisation that monitors industry-related corruption, said in a new report that regulations over mining and trade in rough diamonds passed by the transitional government in Kinshasa were woefully inadequate.

Rwanda: ICTR Finally Recognizes 1994 Genocide

2006-07-03

http://www.globalpolicy.org/intljustice/tribunals/rwanda/2006/0622recognizes.htm

The Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has legally recognized that genocide occurred in Rwanda in 1994, a long overdue ruling, according to the UN-backed tribunal's Acting Prosecutor, General Martin Ngoga. Ngoga says that having to prove in each case that genocide took place wasted time and resources. The Appeals Chamber's landmark decision will relieve the prosecution of this burden and hopefully speed up the pace of proceedings.

Senegal: Trial for ex-Chad leader

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5139350.stm

Chad's former President Hissene Habre will be tried in Senegal over alleged human rights abuses committed during his eight years in office. Senegal's Abdoulaye Wade made the announcement at an African Union summit in the Gambian capital, Banjul.

Uganda: Implementation of the ‘Self Reliance Strategy’ compromises refugee rights

2006-07-03

http://www.id21.org/zinter/id21zinter.exe?a=4&i=s10atk1g1&u=44a95937

Long-term humanitarian ‘care and maintenance’ programmes have a reputation for ignoring human and social needs. A new strategy designed for Sudanese refugees in Uganda was meant to address these failings by applying a more developmental approach. However, political security, refugee participation and respect for human rights have been lacking.

Global: Guide to international Human Rights mechanisms for IDPs

2006-07-04

http://www.brook.edu/fp/projects/idp/2006_guidebook.htm

Where can IDPs turn for justice when their own governments fail to provide for their security and well-being? This newly released Guide to International Human Rights Mechanisms for Internally Displaced Persons and their Advocates is designed to assist IDPs in using international and regional human rights mechanisms to bring attention to their plight and where possible to secure redress.

DRC: Thousands displaced as fighting continues

2006-07-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54397

Humanitarian actors in the Democratic Republic of Congo's northeastern district of Ituri are finding it difficult to reach thousands of civilians displaced by recent militia attacks, a United Nations official has said. At least 7,000 displaced people have arrived in Bunia, the main town in the district.

Kenya: Humanitarian disaster looms amongst Somali refugees

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33772

For Aaliya Omar Alas, Mar. 20, 2006 is a source of bitter memories. Her husband and son were killed on this day in Somalia, during violence that also dispersed the remaining members of the family. "I am sad because I lost both my husband and son -I do not know where the rest of my family members, four daughters and one son, are. We scattered as we were fleeing the violence," she told IPS at Ifo refugee camp, where she arrived in April. The camp is one of three set up in the vicinity of a town called Dadaab in the arid north-east of Kenya. Alas now waits for news of her surviving children.

Ethiopia: Fears after land battle

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5133060.stm

As sporadic clan killings continue in southern Ethiopia, where 90,000 people have fled their homes, local elders fear a flare-up of violence. Last month, more than 100 people died in fierce clashes between the pastoralist Borena and the Guji clans. Villages and houses have been left deserted in the area, some 500km south of the capital, Addis Ababa. The bitter dispute began three years ago when the government marked out a border between the two clans' zones.

South Africa: Don't be ungrateful, refugees told

2006-07-03

http://www.afrika.no/noop/page.php?p=Detailed/12461.html&d=1

Refugees should take care not to come across as ungrateful to their host nation. This was the clear message from the department of home affairs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) at an imbizo held for refugee youth in Gauteng. The imbizo was convened to discuss the rights and responsibilities of young refugees and the daily challenges they face.

Spain: Migrants die at Spanish enclave

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5142066.stm

At least two men died and several were seriously injured when about 70 people tried to storm a fence dividing Spain's enclave of Melilla from Morocco. It is thought that both fell from the top of a barrier six metres (yards) high, one landing on the Spanish side, the other on the Moroccan.

Sudan: Between peace and delivery

2006-07-03

http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-africa_democracy/darfur_peace_3677.jsp

The failure of the Darfur Peace Agreement to improve conditions on the ground will jeopardise the lives of already displaced and hungry people, writes Simon Roughneen from Fata Borno camp in northern Darfur.

Sudan: Violence worsens in Darfur IDP camp

2006-07-04

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54373

In Nyala, the capital of South Darfur, an analyst said the security situation in nearby Kalma camp had worsened since the signing of the Darfur peace deal on 5 May, adding that the worst attacks were taking place at night. A nighttime presence of African Union (AU) soldiers inside the camp was urgently needed, a regional observer said, but so far the cash-strapped peacekeepers were only undertaking daytime patrols.

Tanzania: Tanzania deserves donor country status

2006-07-03

http://www.ippmedia.com/ipp/guardian/2006/07/03/69557.html

Kofi Annan has commended Tanzania for its immense contribution to hosting refugees from the Great Lakes region. During talks with President Jakaya Kikwete at the seventh ordinary session of the African Union Summit that has brought together Heads of State and government in Banjul, Gambia, Dr Annan said it was unfair for the UN to recognise countries that give material and moral support to refugees as the donors and forget host countries.

Côte d’Ivoire: Election schedule could move to year-end - Annan

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607020008.html

Speaking after a meeting with Ivorian president Laurent Gbagbo, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan said an October deadline set for the war-divided country to hold elections may have to be allowed to slip until the end of the year - but no later.

DRC: Election campaigns begin

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54336

Presidential aspirants in the Democratic Republic of Congo kicked off their nationwide campaigns on Friday 30 June for the country's first democratic elections in 45 years, due on 30 July. There are 33 presidential candidates, and 9,780 aspirants vying for 500 parliamentary seats. Presidential frontrunner and incumbent Joseph Kabila is contesting as an independent.

Sudan: Jan Pronk on the DPA

2006-07-05

http://www.janpronk.nl/index120.html

There is a significant risk that the Darfur Peace Agreement will collapse. The agreement does not resonate with the people of Darfur. On the contrary, on the ground, especially amongst the displaced persons, it meets more and more resistance.

Swaziland: Opposition struggles to oppose the king

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54312

Swaziland's largest opposition group, the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), has held its annual general meeting in South Africa. The official reason for crossing the border to the town of Nelspruit rather than meeting on home soil is the fear that "royal hit squads masquerading as police would disrupt the conference", said PUDEMO president Mario Masuku.

Uganda: Key talks with LRA loom

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5140296.stm

A senior Ugandan delegation is leaving for southern Sudan to start talks with the Ugandan rebel movement, the Lord's Resistance Army. Three previous attempts to negotiate with the rebels, who have fought against the government for two decades, have ended in failure.

Zambia: President Mwanawasa 'fit to run for second term'

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=275877

Zambia President Levy Mwanawasa declared himself fit on Thursday 29 June to run for a second five-year term in elections later this year despite suffering a mild stroke, state-run radio reported. Opposition leaders have argued Mwanawasa, who has a history of hypertension, should step down because of poor health.

Zimbabwe: Zanu-PF dismisses new Zim political party

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=275619

Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF on Sunday 2 July said most Zimbabweans are grateful for its rule and dismissed as insignificant a new opposition political party launched at the weekend. Zanu-PF spokesperson Nathan Shamuyarira shrugged off calls by the leader of the newly launched United People's Party (UPP), Daniel Shumba, on the ruling party to resign because it had failed to run Zimbabwe properly.

Africa: Make lecturing Africa history

2006-07-04

http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php?/site/article/926/

A year on from the promises to ‘Make Poverty History’ at the G8 Gleneagles summit and the Live 8 concerts, there is little agreement on what has been achieved in terms of long-term poverty alleviation in Africa. However, there is a consensus that African governments need more international monitoring and regulation even at the expense of short-term economic development. The focus seems to have shifted from economic assistance to lecturing African governments on democracy, good governance and anti-corruption.

Africa: African cultures that justify corruption

2006-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/r5xoh

It is not easy for the African people to see through the pushing and shoving games politicians play. In March, a visitor to Nairobi could struggle to see through the din of anti-corruption calls and demands for President Mwai Kibaki to step down or wait for certain doom and electoral mauling in 2007, reports the East African.

Africa: For African states, ending graft is like committing suicide

2006-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/l8qzw

There are African presidents who, occasionally, break with the mould and speak the plain truth. Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni used to be a great one for that. Corruption today forms the building block of nearly every African political enterprise. Something happened on this fair continent when the euphoria of independence began to fade at the close of the 1960s and the commodity export economies started collapsing in the 1970s, reports the East African.

Egypt: Corruption hampering development, says opposition report

2006-07-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54398

A new report released by the Egyptian coalition opposition group Kifaya on 4 July says that corruption has infiltrated all aspects of Egyptian society and stands in the way of further social and economic development. "This report deals with corruption in the inclusive sense," says George Ishaq, Kifaya spokesman and coordinator. "It is diverse and includes that which is seen and that which is covered up. It includes the political and the cultural as well as the economic and the social. Corruption has become a social law."

Nigeria: Police 'fight corruption'

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5129270.stm

The Nigerian police force has rejected the conclusions of a new report that it is regarded as one of the country's most corrupt institutions. A police spokesman said the force had the highest quality control system. Last year, Nigeria's former police chief was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to six months in prison.

South Africa: German firm probed in SA arms payoffs

2006-07-03

http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/topstories.aspx?ID=BD4A225734

Confirmation of raids on SA’s corvette supplier in Germany in search of evidence of bribery and corruption has led to renewed calls for South African authorities to re-open parts of the investigation into the multibillion-rand arms deal.

Africa: Development goals a matter of life or death

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articledirect.aspx?articleid=275697

Achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) is not just economics, but a matter of life or death, said Jeffrey Sachs, special adviser to the United Nations secretary general, the Mozambican news agency AIM reported. Rich countries have not yet provided the extra resources needed to meet these targets by the cut-off date of 2015.

Africa: Doha deception round

2006-07-03

http://www.africafocus.org/docs06/tr0606.php

As negotiators again reported "no progress" at international trade negotiations in Geneva, 100 developing nations released a statement saying they were still willing to negotiate but that the chasm between the views of rich and poor countries was huge. Even if a face-saving agreement is reached over the next months, critics said that major powers had already demonstrated that they had no interest in proposals to address developing country concerns.

Africa: One year on from Gleneagles...what's changed?

2006-07-03

http://www.sundayherald.com/56437

Without a doubt, the people roared. And without a doubt the response from the politicians was a whisper, offering $50 billion extra aid by 2010, cancellation of the debt of only 40 countries, and no movement on trade whatsoever. But a whisper is not silence. Those changes have made a difference to some. Not only that, many lives will be saved and futures improved.

Global: Sustainability dismantled

2006-07-03

http://brettonwoodsproject.org/art.shtml?x=539014

World Bank president Wolfowitz announces his move to disband the Environmentally and Socially Sustainable Development (ESSD) network within the Bank. It will be merged with the Bank's infrastructure department and report to the current head of the infrastructure department.

Kenya: From value-added to income gained

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33824

Over 80 percent of Kenyans depend directly on agriculture for their livelihood, according to government statistics. But, certain farmers in the East African country find themselves hard pressed to derive the full benefit from their produce, because they cannot add value to it. The African Institute for Capacity Development is equipping farmers to overcome this hurdle, however.

Liberia: Ellen's 90-Day Challenge

2006-07-03

http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/liberia/2006/0622challenge.htm

Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf persuaded the UN Security Council to lift the sanctions on Liberia's timber industry. Revenues from the timber industry will be crucial in rebuilding the country's shattered infrastructure and providing employment to the impoverished populace. However, the Security Council has given Monrovia only three months to enact laws to establish full authority and control over the timber-producing areas.

Namibia: Civil society and govt to tie the knot

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54339

The NGO sector can often be something of a nuisance to governments, but in Namibia they have decided to embrace their activists in a formal partnership to facilitate development. A policy document, later to be turned into law, advocates working with willing NGOs in recognition that civil society groups are often closer to the communities that government development programmes want to reach.

South Africa: No escape from "poverty trap"

2006-07-05

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54393

Hope that post-apartheid economic growth will translate into a better life for the poor is dying in the expanding squatter camps that ring Johannesburg, South Africa's bustling business centre. The poignancy of poverty in South Africa is that often the have-nots are within sight of the haves. In the case of Protea South, the settlement of 3,000 shacks adjoins the leafy suburb of Lenasia, with its large and heavily secured houses, clean streets and modern shopping complex.

Africa: AIDS treatment progress reports

2006-07-03

http://www.africafocus.org/docs06/aids0606.php

With nearly 400 grants approved to combat HIV/ AIDS, TB and malaria, Global Fund-financed programs are proving that where money is invested, treatment and prevention efforts are working. In its latest progress report the Global Fund outlines the latest program results and looks at the initial data on how its grants affect health systems and indications of global impact in the fight against the diseases.

Cameroon: Country could lose all its doctors by 2009

2006-07-03

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L30311364.htm

Cameroon could lose all of its 3,000 practising doctors within three years if the government does not act quickly to stem a brain drain in the health sector, the national doctors' association has said. "Between now and 2009 if nothing is done to stop this mass exodus our hospitals will be empty and the government may be forced to undertake a massive recruitment of young doctors".

DRC: Ailing health system needs cure

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54322

Adults and children lie on a concrete floor between steely skeletons of beds that once had mattresses in the Isangi public hospital. The collapse of their health system horrifies Congolese. "It's disgusting. The medical team helps out in emergencies," Dr Jean-Robert Tshimanga, the hospital director, said "but if they [patients] have no money what can we do?

Guinea-Bissau: Undertaking measures against cholera

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54327

A surge in cases of watery diarrhoea has raised concerns of an impending cholera outbreak in the crumbling capital Bissau. The Health Ministry has ordered the closure of all traditional wells in the capital and urged the suspension of traditional ceremonies in an effort to prevent large gatherings that might facilitate the spread of disease.

Togo: Outbreaks of disease feared

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54287

As seasonal rains begin to fall across West Africa, health officials in Togo fear outbreaks of malaria and cholera as people wade in filthy water up to their chests to go about their daily lives. Sources at Lome’s main Tokoin hospital say about 10 people a day have sought treatment for cholera since 20 June.

Uganda: ARVs run out

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200606300049.html

The supply of free antiretroviral drugs is fast dwindling, raising fears that the people using them might find themselves with no treatment after August, Daily Monitor has learnt. Aids activists say unless something is done urgently, numerous lives will be endangered.

Uganda: HIV discordant couples increase

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200606261554.html

The Assistant Commissioner National Diseases Control in the Ministry of Health, Dr. Alex Apio, has told journalists that the number of discordant couples had increased from 4.8 percent last year to 5 percent, making it even more important that couples should use condoms. Doctors have been researching on circumstances why married couples have different HIV/Aids sero-status.

Zambia: Low HIV testing rates worry National Aids Council

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607010116.html

National AIDS Council (NAC) director of programmes, Dr Alex Simwanza, has bemoaned the low testing rates for HIV in the country. "Currently, statistics show that despite our high sustained prevalence levels of HIV infection which is 16 percent, only 1.5 million of our population have been tested, which is too low," he said.

Global: Education is a right, not a commodity

2006-07-03

http://www.ei-ie.org/en/article/show.php?id=36&theme=gat

In the global economy where neo-liberal values of privatisation and market competition are dominant, it is crucial for those committed to public education to reaffirm the principle that education, including higher, technical, and professional education, is a right and not a merchandise.

Global: UNESCO's Education Today

2006-07-05

http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001462/146235e.pdf

In recent years, non-governmental organizations have established themselves as fully recognized partners in the Education for All movement. The latest issue of UNESCO’s Education Sector newsletter reports on how civil society involvement pushes the boundaries in education.

Kenya: Sponsors interfering with schools

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607010179.html

School sponsors are under fire for allegedly contributing to dwindling education standards in Nyanza. Stakeholders, MPs and officials from the Ministry of Education were unanimous that interference by sponsors in management of institutions compromised academic standards.

Nigeria: Primary pupils caught writing exams for parents

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607010064.html

No fewer than ten primary school pupils were recently caught writing Primary Six examination for their parents, which the state Commissioner for Secondary and Primary Education, Dr. Veronica Ogbuagu has described as "preposterous".

Uganda: Changing attitudes to education in Karamoja

2006-07-04

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54377

Look at a map of school attendance in Uganda and you notice something different about Karamoja. Most children do not go to school; instead, Karamojong children live the pastoralist life. But traditions are changing across the plains and escarpments, long seen as Uganda's wildlands. And with that change comes a cultural struggle over the role of education.

Zimbabwe: Education system sliding into ruin

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54314

Standards of learning and teaching in Zimbabwe, at one time the envy of the African continent, have been plummeting, says a report by a cross-party parliamentary committee. "Education is now a preserve for the rich, some students have dropped out of programmes, others will not be able to write examinations, which they cannot afford, while others have had to defer their studies," the committee noted.

Africa: Football conspiracy talk sweeps Africa

2006-07-04

http://www.theherald.co.uk/sport/65127.html

The dust created by human stampedes still looms low in the air after hastily arranged street protests appeared around Ghana. Scrawled slogans on torn pieces of cardboard read "Africa boycott the World Cup," and "The white man has ruined us again," emphasising the strength of feeling against the obrunis - white people - their alleged discriminators. All of this after losing to Brazil.

South Africa: They come for sanctuary, but walk into a nightmare

2006-07-03

http://www.capeargus.co.za/index.php?fSectionId=137&fArticleId=3318039

While media coverage of refugees has not always been positive, the current debate on whether South Africa's asylum policies and processes are fair to asylum-seekers is to be welcomed. It is a far cry from the xenophobic public sentiments that used to be expressed whenever the subject of refugees was discussed. The extremely xenophobic attitudes of the South African public add to the plight of many refugees.

Africa: Apes 'are being eaten to extinction'

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=275841

Bush-meat trade is threatening a possible depletion of Africa's great apes, the world's leading chimpanzee and gorilla conservationist, Jane Goodall, has warned. She said that although governments on the continent have agreed to the protection of the primates, corruption and commercial interests involving logging companies are making conservation efforts futile.

Africa: Long-haul birds 'returning early'

2006-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/5130538.stm

Birds that migrate long distances have adapted to the world's changing climate in unexpected ways, a study shows. As the planet warms, and spring arrives earlier in Europe, birds are being forced to change their migration patterns. It had been thought that birds travelling long distances from Africa to Europe would be unable to adapt.

Africa: The economics of clean

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200606290076.html

As the world's poorest, most agriculturally dependent continent, Africa is the most vulnerable region to global climate change. It is estimated that Africa's GDP could decline up to 10% because of the effects of this phenomenon. Yet, the World Economic Forum on Africa and recent discussion on Africa's economic outlook for this year made minimal mention of climate change and its economic ramifications for African countries.

Africa: UN warns Africa to harness natural resources

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=275648

The United Nations Environmental Programme warned on Tuesday 27 June that Africa will slip further into poverty if its governments fail to adopt eco-friendly policies to sustain and exploit its natural wealth. The agency said the continent's fast-degrading environment faces fresh strains from genetically modified organisms, invasive species and a switch in chemical manufacturing from the developed to the developing world.

Global: African, S.American groups condemn World Bank biosafety projects

2006-07-03

http://www.grain.org/front/?id=92

The World Bank is set to secure funding from the Global Environment Facility (GEF) for two projects that will undermine public debate and aggressively drive GM crops into the heart of peasant agriculture. The two projects, one in West Africa and the other in Latin America, will hasten the spread of GM crops into farmer seed systems and even into certain centres of origin.

Global: Ambiguous Bank framework proposes coal and large hydro

2006-07-03

http://brettonwoodsproject.org/art.shtml?x=538529

Environment and development groups have slated the World Bank's Clean energy and development: towards an investment framework for its perverse definition of 'clean' energy, letting Northern polluters off the hook and neglecting the needs of the rural poor.

Burundi: Food security threat as banana blight looms

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54307

Food security in Burundi is under threat due to fears that an incurable banana disease, which has already been reported in several neighbouring countries, could sweep across the nation, an official of an agricultural research institute has said.

Niger: Praying for rain

2006-07-03

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=54281

The head of state and his cabinet turned out Wednesday 28 June to join the mainly Muslim population of this impoverished desert country in prayers for nourishing seasonal rains to begin to fall. The people of vast Niger are mostly subsistence farmers and herders whose livelihoods are dependent on rains that fall in one short mid-year season.

Global: Grassroots federations bring development to slums

2006-07-03

http://www.id21.org/urban/u1cd1g2.html

Federations formed by poor urban people in developing countries are emerging as one of the most significant initiatives for addressing poverty. Their success with involving community members in solving their own problems is being noticed by governments and international agencies. In at least 11 developing countries, federations formed by the urban poor and homeless are involved in community initiatives to improve housing and services and provide more stable income opportunities

Global: Urban Environment - Challenges to Sustainability

2006-07-03

http://topics.developmentgateway.org/special/urbanenvironment?intcmp=901

This new Development Gateway Special Report includes international input on current development practices and concerns, with expert views from the public, private and civil society sectors. It also includes collections of documents and web links relating to human and environmental management issues in the world's rapidly growing cities and towns.

Egypt: Violent eviction from land

2006-07-05

http://tinyurl.com/fdggd

The International Secretariat of OMCT has received with concern information from reliable sources concerning violent eviction from land of Egyptian farmers, false charges against farmers, the holding of farmers wives as hostages, the arrest of children and the immanent trial of several persons, including women, on fabricated charges. Twenty three farmers are reportedly being detained waiting trail before Damanhour court on the 19th of June 2006 as a result of the violent invasion of their land described below. Further, it is reported that wives of farmers are still being held hostage by police to force their husbands to surrender.

South Africa: Chasing elusive land goals

2006-07-04

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607010172.html

Whenever land reform is discussed, the assumption is almost always that it means the transfer of SA's vast tracts of land from white hands to black hands. But in a very important sense, land reform also seems to be the one national endeavour that is expected to redress all the wrongs of the past and deliver a better life for all.

South Africa: Farming groups unite in Land Reform drive

2006-07-03

http://www.afrika.no/noop/page.php?p=Detailed/12462.html&d=1

White and black farmers' organisations, corporate agriculture and government presented a united front in committing the country's farming interests to land reform and agricultural development efforts. A litany of commercial failures of farms transferred to new black owners, rising land prices and resistance from white farmers to the redistribution of land have slowed land reform. Central to government's approach to land reform is the development of a black farming middle class and the rural economy.

Egypt: Arab Journalists Federation speaks out

2006-07-05

http://www.kuna.net.kw/Home/Story.aspx?Language=en&DSNO=882935

The Federation of Arab Journalists has re-iterated its determination to continue to campaign against prison sentences imposed throughout the Arab world against media workers. The federation said in a statement it was opposed to Egyptian draft legislation, related to publication laws.

Global: From Selling Soap to Social Change

2006-07-03

http://www.comminit.com/strategicthinking/st2006/thinking-1700.html

This article on the website of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) discusses the work of Population Media Center and the Sabido methodology of entertainment-education. According to the article, radio and television melodramas captivate wide audiences in every part of the world, and in developing countries, positive social messages are increasingly being interwoven into the narratives. The article proposes that this has resulted in dramatic behaviour changes...

Gambia: AU summit host bans forum on free expression

2006-07-04

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/75362/

The Gambian government has refused to allow a group of civil society organisations to hold a forum on freedom of expression at the African Union Summit in Banjul, reports the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA). MFWA and 14 other free expression organisations have signed a letter protesting the move, saying it violates the African Union's constitution.

Kenya: Radio station targets slum residents

2006-07-04

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607031125.html

From outside, it looks like any other transit goods container, or storage for the popular mitumba (second-hand) clothes. But inside the nondescript structure is the studio of the country's first slum radio station. The container houses equipment and machines of newly launched 101.5 Koch FM, a private radio station owned by youth from the Korogocho slum in Nairobi. The station, launched on June 24, will broadcast in Kiswahili and English in Korogocho and the surrounding areas.

Liberia: Committee to probe attack on journalists

2006-07-05

http://cpj.org/protests/06ltrs/africa/liberia19june06pl.html

Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has appointed a committee to investigate a recent spate of attacks on journalists who have been probing the country's security services, reports the Center for Media Studies and Peacebuilding (CEMESP).

Nigeria: Authorities arrest second leading journalist

2006-07-04

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/75346/

Reporters Without Borders has condemned the arbitrary arrests of "Daily Independent" reporter Rotimi Durojaiye and AIT television presenter Mike Gbenga Aruleba on 25 and 26 June 2006, respectively, on sedition charges under a law that was made obsolete by a 1983 appeal court ruling.

South Africa: Concern at subpoenas

2006-07-03

http://www.journalism.co.za/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=4229

The Freedom of Expression Institute has condemned the decision on the part of the state to subpoena ex-Sowetan newspaper journalists Willie Bokala and Saint Molakeng as reprehensible and a blow to media freedom, according to a release from the FXI.

South Africa: Zuma sues media for R63m

2006-07-05

http://www.afrika.no/noop/page.php?p=Detailed/12472.html&d=1

Jacob Zuma's defamation claim against the media has risen to R63-million after a Johannesburg radio station "further insulted" him, the Witness newspaper reported on Tuesday.

Ghana: President Kufuor leaves for the UK, Brazil

2006-07-05

http://www.accra-mail.com/mailnews.asp?id=17203

President Kufuor will attend the plenary session of the Second conference of Intellectuals from Africa and the Diaspora to be held in Salvador. The conference themed "The Diaspora and Africa Renaissance" is a follow up to the first conference held in Dakar in October 2004. The conference aims at reviving and harnessing the contribution of intellectuals in Africa and the Diaspora. It also aims at broadening mutual understanding and fostering greater cooperation for development between Africa and Diaspora countries.

UK: Diaspora and development day to tackle African job creation

2006-07-03

http://www.blackbritain.co.uk/news/details.aspx?i=2200

Whilst Tony Blair and his celebrity cohorts sing the familiar tune of ‘aid for Africa,’ the African Diaspora in the UK are looking at more sustainable options for eradicating poverty on the continent. AFFORD will focus on job creation at its annual event.

Global: Research with children living in armed conflict

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22276

Research about children's lives conducted in the volatile setting of armed conflict places particular demands upon researchers. The suggestion that researchers should, whenever possible and appropriate, involve children as meaningful participants in that research may seem unreasonable or inappropriate. However, this paper argues that participatory research for children in conflict situations is especially valuable because of the emergency context.

DRC: New York Times front page frontin'

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/35718

Within the past two weeks the New York Times ran two front page stories on the Congo and the Washington Post ran a feature story. Both papers ought to be commended for addressing the worst humanitarian crisis in the world and the deadliest conflict since World War Two. However, once again major media outlets fall short in articulating the source of the conflict and the role that foreign governments and multinational corporations play in fueling the conflict.
Within the past two weeks the New York Times ran two front page stories on the Congo and the Washington Post ran a feature story. Both papers ought to be commended for addressing the worst humanitarian crisis in the world and the deadliest conflict since World War Two. However, once again (click here to see Friends of Congo critique of Time Magazine cover story on the Congo), major media outlets fall short in articulating the source of the conflict and the role that foreign governments and multinational corporations play in fueling the conflict and continued suffering of the Congolese people.

Both papers continue to present a stereotypical, template coverage of Africa that potrays Africans as depraved savages, condemned to eternal violence, and perpetually afflicted by corruption, poverty, hunger and incurable diseases. Very little, if any in depth analysis or explanation of the root causes of the crisis in the
Congo is made. Such a skewed presentation can only leave the reader feeling that the problem is intractable and ultimately unsolvable.

The undeniable matrix of global profiteering from the Congo's riches that fuels the conflict is either obfuscated or totally omitted. The essence of the conflict in the Congo is the plundering of the riches of the country. An unholy alliance among local elites and/or politicians, rebel groups, primarily funded and armed by
Rwanda and Uganda, foreign corporations mainly from Europe, South Africa, Canada and the United States and the World Bank, through its International Finance Corporation (IFC), all work to exploit the Congo and condemn the Congolese to poverty and war (see Global
Witness’ “Digging in Corruption” http://globalwitness.org/reports/
show.php/en.00095.html).

The Global Witness report estimated that $1.1 billion dollars worth of copper and cobalt exports left just one of the eleven provinces of the Congo in 2005. The report provides a peek into the wealth that is being illegally extracted from the Congo. The ten other provinces were not studied with their vast endowment of bauxite/
aluminum, cadmium, cassiterite, coal, coltan, diamonds, gas, gold, iron ore, lead, manganese, oil, silver, timber and uranium. Yet 80 percent of the population lives on less than 30 cents per day and the per capita income is $100 per year.

Quoted in the Inter Press Service, Annetta Weber of the Ecumenical
Network for Central Africa captured the essence and source of the conflict in the Congo. She notes, "There's a worldwide profit interest that the present plundering mechanism stays in place.
There are an enormous number of people siphoning off Congo's resources. It's all laid out in reports you can read on the Internet. There's the government elite, all kinds of European firms, a huge number of African firms, and neighbouring countries.
It's a vast network profiting from the exploitation."

Professor Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja reinforced Ms. Weber's assessment when he states in a recent interview with Pambazuka News
"The major powers of the world and the international organizations under their control would like to legitimize their current client regime in Kinshasa so they can continue unfettered to extract all the resources they need from the Congo."

In the final analysis, major U.S. publications can do a much better job at informing their readers about what is at stake in the Congo, the reason for the perpetuation of the conflict and the role that Western governments and corporations play in perpetuating the unconscionable poverty, atrocious acts of rape and wanton killing in the heart of Africa.
Learn more about Friends of the Congo
Contact:
Maurice Carney
email: info@friendsofthecongo.org
phone: 202-584-6512

DRC: Thirteen dead in election-campaign violence

2006-07-03

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=275989

Thirteen people were killed in political violence as campaigning began for the Democratic Republic of Congo's first competitive elections in decades. Demonstrators in the western city of Matadi attacked and killed a soldier on Friday 30 June before troops retaliated, firing on the crowd and killing 12 civilians, said Christian Malidini, of DRC's Association of Human Rights Defenders.

Kenya: Survivor gives petition at UN arms meeting

2006-07-03

http://www.afrika.no/noop/page.php?p=Detailed/12464.html&d=1

A 23-year-old survivor of gun violence from West Pokot District set the tone for the UN small arms conference when he gave secretary-general Kofi Annan an international petition calling for an end to the illegal trade.

Nigeria: Trade and markets in conflict development and conflict resolution

2006-07-03

http://www.id21.org/zinter/id21zinter.exe?a=3&i=s10agp1g1&u=44a95937

A number of trade-related issues could potentially lead to conflict. Also wider conflicts could spill over to affect trade. Conflict causes not just immediate trade losses, but also a loss of trust and confidence that affects social relationships and networks. Traders and other businesses can help to reduce conflict.

Rwanda: Poverty dynamics, violent conflict and convergence

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22285

Civil war and genocide in 1990s Rwanda saw not only millions of lives lost, but a population left behind to establish a livelihood when facing serious obstacles. This study examines the impact of the conflict on household income and poverty dynamics, particularly the transitory nature of poverty.

Somali: UN team meets Somalia's Islamists

2006-07-04

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/5140182.stm

A two-member United Nations security team has met Islamist leaders in the Somali capital, Mogadishu. It is the UN's first contact with Mogadishu's new rulers since they took over from the warlords a month ago. Islamist fighters are trying to disarm Abdi Awale Qeydiid, the last of the warlords they defeated in Mogadishu, some 30km from the city.

Sudan: Reclaiming the past in Southern Sudan

2006-07-04

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/5133324.stm

Fifteen years ago in Bor in southern Sudan, militia allied to the government in far-off Khartoum carried out a massacre killing an estimated 2,000 people, mostly ethnic Dinkas. Now the people who fled the massacre are returning, hoping to reclaim the land of their ancestors.

Sudan/Chad: Stronger Intervention Urged as Violence Spreads

2006-07-03

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=33800

Nearly two months after the signing of a peace accord between Sudan and a rebel group in Darfur, the humanitarian situation there appears to have worsened, while Khartoum-backed Janjaweed militia continue to attack towns and villages in neighbouring Chad. Human rights groups and others are calling for urgent action by the African Union (AU) and the United Nations to prevent the violence from further destabilising the entire sub-region along Sudan's lengthy western border.

Africa: Internet made mobile

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200607010157.html

The growing increase in the number of mobile devices is encouraging more and more content providers to look to mobile phones as distribution platforms for Internet content. According to Alexa Raad, Vice President for Marketing and Business Development, mobile phones are the appropriate means by which Internet content can be distributed efficiently and at low costs to both providers and consumers.

Global: "Cybercrime" and human rights

2006-07-03

http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/2450.html

Born as part of an intelligence military system, Internet has become an essential means of communication and information with great democratic potential as an organizational tool for social movements challenging the domination of political and economic power.

Global: UN-GAID - just another acronym?

2006-07-03

http://www.scidev.net/Editorials/index.cfm?fuseaction=readEditorials&itemid=194&language=1

There is a need to link up the thousands of communications technology initiatives littered across the developing world, but is another UN technocracy the right answer?

South Africa: Net opens world of learning and dangers for children

2006-07-03

http://allafrica.com/stories/200606300552.html

Access to the internet has been linked to an improvement in children's reading skills, while the use of it has connected them with places around the world, allowing them to have electronic pen pals, and learn about other cultures and traditions. However, Microsoft South Africa, which is hosting its annual National Security Week, has cautioned parents that if your child has full access to the internet, you should be concerned.

Uganda: USAID pushes for rural mobile banks

2006-07-04

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#computing

Banking institutions have been urged to start rural mobile banking services to attract more people into the banking industry and help the country instil a savings culture; much lacking in Uganda. The service that involves making banking transactions through a combination of banking technologies such as Point of Sales Services, Automated Teller Machines, Mini-ATMs (Movable ATMs) and mobile phones does not necessarily require bankers to visit banks.

Global: Gender, institutions and development database

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22278

The Gender, Institutions, and Development Data Base (GID) is a tool for researchers and policy makers to determine and analyse obstacles to women's economic development. It covers a total of 162 countries and comprises an array of 50 indicators on gender discrimination. The data base has been compiled from various sources and combines in a systematic and coherent fashion the current empirical evidence that exists on the socio-economic status of women.

Global: Prize for IT Benefiting Youth in Developing Countries - Call for Nominations

2006-07-03

http://www.developmentgateway.org/award?intcmp=901

The Development Gateway Foundation is calling for nominations for its US$100,000 prize for outstanding achievement in the use of information and communication technologies to improve lives in developing countries. Sponsored in part by Intel Corporation, this year's Development Gateway Award is focusing on initiatives that empower or improve the conditions of youth.

Southern Africa: Call for proposals

E-Knowledge for Women in Southern Africa (EKOWISA)

2006-07-03

http://www.ekowisa.org.zw

The Enable project implemented by E-Knowledge for Women in Southern Africa (EKOWISA) has reached its mid-term milestone and the project team seeks an independent value judgement on the activities implemented so far. We would like to use the lessons learnt to inform the next phase of the project.

Southern Africa: Regional Human Rights Audits - Call for Applications

SAHRIT

2006-07-03

http://www.sahrit.org

SAHRIT is engaged in a two year project on increasing demand for accountability and respect for human rights through utilization of enforcement mechanisms, which project covers six countries in the sub-region. As part of this project SAHRIT is commissioning an audit of the human rights framework in these countries, including generally an audit of the legislative, policy and administrative framework.

Kenya: Progress on the World Social Forum

2006-07-05

http://www.socialforum.or.ke

The World Social Forum is coming to Kenya! Activists are busy laying plans and organising the 2007 event, and this article spells out the principles of the Forum and lists the Council that has been chosen to organise the event.
World Social Forum-Nairobi 2007

1.0. WSF- Nairobi 2007 General Council (WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL)

1.1. The WSF-2007 General Council is an inclusive collective of Organizations, Institutions and Movements subscribing to the Charter of WSF and committed to resisting imperialist globalization, tribalism, religious intolerance, regionalism, sexism and patriarchy which are willing to contribute to the WSF process both organizationally and financially.

1.2. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL is responsible for developing the broad policy guidelines to ensure that WSF process is an open, transparent and inclusive process.

1.3. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL is the Forum to discuss, debate and develop consensus on broader policy issues related to the process and organizing of the WSF 2007.

1.4. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL is the forum to
facilitate broader consultation and to bring in more organizations and movement to the WSF process.

1.5. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL is a validating forum responsible for constituting the WSF-2007 Working Organizing Committee based on agreed upon criteria. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL will provide the mandate and legitimacy to the WSF-2007 Organizing Committee.

1.6. The WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL also mandates various organizations and movements to initiate and facilitate WSF
process at the grassroots level in various provinces of the three East African states of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya.

1.7. The reports of the working of the WSF-2007 ORGANIZING COMMITTEE and the Finance report will be circulated during
the WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL meetings.

1.9. The expenses for participating in the WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL are incurred by the respective organizations or persons.

2.0. WSF- Nairobi 2007 Organising Committee

2.1. The WSF-2007 Organising Committee will be the active policy making forum, mandated by the WSF-2007 GENERAL COUNCIL, to make appropriate decisions regarding the programme vision, organisational and finance policies.

2.2. The WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE will comprise the deemed number of organizations, institutions and movements and will be actively contributing to the WSF process and event. The participating organizations in WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE are expected to subscribe to and abide by the charter principles of WSF and involved in efforts to resist imperialist globalization, tribalism, religious intolerance, militarism, regionalism, sexism and patriarchy.

2.3. The participating organizations and movements in
the WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE are expected to contribute time, organisational resources and finance
to strengthen the WSF process at various levels in all
East African provinces and regions.

2.4. The WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE will receive the reports of the Commissions and will be informed about the organisational process, programmes and finances.

2.5. The WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITTEE will extend the support and guidelines to the smooth and effective functioning of the Commissions and will serve as the forum to discuss and develop consensus on contested issues or conflicts that emerge during the course ofWSF process and events.

2.6. The participating organizations in the WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE will be responsible for mobilizing volunteers, facilitating the WSF process in various states and contributing towards the fund raising.

2.7. Following are a list of responsibilities expected
from the participating organizations in the WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE:

a) Mobilizing Volunteers for the WSF process as well
as events;
b) Initiating and facilitating state level and regional level process to ensure inclusive process and maximum
participating and involvement of the people at the grassroots level;
c) Helping to raise funds from the respective regions,
states, cities and providing financial contributions
from their own organization;
d) Making infrastructure and logistical support available for the WSF process;
e) Involved in and contributing towards public education and discourse to take the message and perspective of WSF to the public at large in their own respective states and regions. This also includes developing and disseminating learning and public education materials and such as posters, pamphlets, street theatre, short films etc. such material should preferably be produced in consultation with the Communication and Media Functional Group to ensure the optimal use of such materials;
f) Contributing to ensure media coverage on WSF in their own respective states regions and nationally. Providing space in the organisational journal and newsletter for strengthening WSF process and writing articles to ensure broader dissemination of WSF 2004 perspective and wide participation of people and organizations in the process and the event;
g) Contribute towards organizing cultural events, theatre, music concerts, film shows, photo exhibitions etc.
h) In any other manner an organization may decide to
directly support the process either through specific
skills, expertise and resources (like computers, setting up communication facilities including internet, developing website etc.)
2.8. The participating organizations in the WSF-2007
ORGANISING COMMITEE are expected to list the areas where they can make specific contribution and to delegate a person within the organization responsible for following up on such agreed upon contribution and commitment.

2.9. The WSF-2007 ORGANISING COMMITEE should meet at
least five times before the WSF event.

2.10. All the expenses including travel, board and
lodge to WSF-2007 WORKING COMMITTEE functions will be incurred by the participating organizations.

2.11 Commissions of the WSF-Nairobi 2007 ORGANIZING
COMMITTEE:
a) Content,Programme and methodology Commission
b) Social Mobilization Commission
c) Resources Commission
d) Logistics Commission
e) Communication and Media
f) Youth
h) Cultural

WSF 2007 ORGANISING COMMITTEE
o Abdilahi Abdi – Northern Aid
o Abduhamid Slatch – YMA
o Achoka Awori – Sayari
o Betty Okero – West Kenya NGO Network
o Boaz Waruku - CRECO
o Dominic Odipo – Journalist
o Edward Oyugi _ SODNET
o George Mucai – COTU
o Grace Githaiga – EcoNews Africa
o H. Kisio – Rift Valley
o Hubbi Hussein
o Jacob Opiyo – KETAWU
o Jennifer Koinante – Yiaku Peoples’ Organisation, Laikipia
o Joseph ole Simel – Maa Civil Society forum
o Julius Okara – KEPSA
o Kathini Maloba-Caines – KNUSE
o Kiama Kaara – Huruma Social Forum
o Kibacia Gatu
o Maina Mugo – Forest Evictees/FMAN, Nyeri
o Muga Kolale – UASU
o Muthoni Wanyeki – FEMNET
o Mwambi Mwasaru
o Ndungi Githuku – Mulika Communications
o Ng’ang’a Thiong’o – RPP
o Njoki Njoroge-Njehu – SANA/Daughters of Mumbi RC
o Njuguna Mutahi – PAT
o Njuki Githethwa – KENDREN
o Obat Masira – Misango Arts
o Odenda Lumumba – KLA
o Odindo Opiata – Hakijamii
o Oduor Ong’wen – SEATINI Kenya
o Otieno Ombok – Chemichemi ya Ukweli
o Phylis Nduva – FMAN, Kitui
o Rep. of 5Cs
o Rep. of Huruma Social Forum
o Rep. of Osiligi
o Sophia Abdi – Womankind
o Steve Ouma – KHRC
o Tabu Osusa – Ketebul Productions
o Wafula Buke – Maskini Liberation Front
o Wahu Kaara – KENDREN
o Zahid Rajan – Awaaz
o Zarina Patel – Awaaz
o 6 reps from Uganda
o 6 reps. From Tanzania
o 6 reps from Somalia
o 6 reps from Ethiopia

Commission Convenors
• Content and methodology - PROF. Edward Oyugi
• Youth - Kiama Kaara
• Media and Communication - Zahid Rajan
• Resources _ Oduor Ong’wen
• Social Mobilisation _ Wahu Kaara
• Logistics _ Julius Okara
• Culture _ Njuguna Mutahi

Portugal: International Metropolis Conference - Paths and Crossroads: Moving People, Changing Places

Lisbon, Portugal - October 2 - 6, 2006

2006-07-03

http://www.ceg.ul.pt/metropolis2006/index.html

The Conference will be of interest to policymakers, administrators, non-governmental organizations, researchers, students, and private sector stakeholders involved in international migration and urban management issues. It is geared towards more effective policymaking, more socially meaningful research practices, and international collaboration towards the goal of strengthening policy and thereby allowing societies to better manage the challenges and opportunities that immigration and integration present, especially to their cities.

USA: Women lead in promoting peace and stability

2006-07-03

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22314

CEDPA's flagship training program WomenLead in Promoting Peace and Stability strengthens the technical, leadership and management capabilities of women working to transform post conflict societies. The program examines successful approaches for strengthening women's participation in political and decision-making processes and community and civil society participation in reconstructing and revitalizing essential institutions and services. The workshop includes site visits to related programs, NGOs and donors in Washington DC and New York.

Italy: Coordinator

UN World Water Assessment Programme

2006-07-05

http://recrutweb.unesco.org/pdf/SC938.PDF

The coordinator of the UN World Water Assessment Programme will be in charge of the management of the activities of the United Nations system-wide Programme, particularly the production of the WWDR. The Coordinator will manage the development of overall strategies and work plans for WWAP, including the coordination of all activities of UN partner organizations and external partners, through appropriate and effective channels, leading to the timely production of the periodic WWDRs.

Senegal: Program Coordinator

TrustAfrica

2006-07-05

http://www.trustafrica.org

TrustAfrica is looking for an exceptional individual to serve as its Program Coordinator. The successful candidate will have extensive experience in philanthropy in Africa and a deep understanding of the challenges TrustAfrica seeks to address.

Senegal: Finance Manager

TrustAfrica

2006-07-05

http://www.trustafrica.org

TrustAfrica is looking for an exceptional individual to serve as its Finance Manager. The successful candidate will have extensive experience in ensuring sound financial management and regulatory compliance in a charitable organization as well as experience working in Africa.

Senegal: Fundraising and Outreach Manager

TrustAfrica

2006-07-05

http://www.trustafrica.org

TrustAfrica is looking for an exceptional individual to serve as its Fundraising and Outreach Manager. The successful candidate will have excellent writing and communication skills and experience fundraising and coordinating networks.

Senegal: Project Assistant

TrustAfrica

2006-07-05

http://www.trustafrica.org

TrustAfrica is looking for an exceptional individual to serve as Project Assistant for an initiative to support research on the investment climate and business environment in Africa.

Senegal: Project Manager

TrustAfrica

2006-07-03

http://www.trustafrica.org

TrustAfrica is looking for an exceptional individual to serve as Project Manager for an initiative to support research on the investment climate and business environment in Africa.

South Africa: Law and Policy Researcher - HIV/AIDS

Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)

2006-07-03

http://www.osisa.org

The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), an advocacy and grant making organisation operating in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe, invites application from suitably qualified individuals for a vacancy in Johannesburg. OSISA is recruiting a Law and Policy Researcher: HIV/AIDS.

South Africa: Political Party and Elections Expert

NDI

2006-07-03

http://sangonet.org.za/portal/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4467&Itemid=119

NDI seeks a political party and elections expert with international training and program management experience to provide technical assistance to and manage relations with implementing partners in Southern Africa. The position will be based in Johannesburg and will require frequent travel within the region.

Africa Out of the Limelight

The Debt Crisis One Year After the Gleneagles G8

Africa Action

2006-07-06

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/gcap/35719

Last year, leaders of the world's economic powers proclaimed that 2005 would be the "year for Africa" and gathered at the annual Group of 8 (G8) meetings to create a plan to address the continent's challenges. Debt cancellation figured prominently on the agenda, and the G8 leaders crafted a deal to cancel 100% of the debts owed by 18 countries – 14 in Africa – to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). Africa Action examines the current reality in Africa's debt crisis and investigates the results of last year's promises. As the G8 leaders prepare to convene in St. Petersburg, Russia, it is clear that Africa's debt crisis is far from resolved, and there is an urgent need for new action from the G8 on this critical priority.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Diana Duarte (202) 546-7961


Africa Out of the Limelight: The Debt Crisis One Year After the Gleneagles G8

July 6, 2006 – Last year, leaders of the world's economic powers proclaimed that 2005 would be the "year for Africa" and gathered at the annual Group of 8 (G8) meetings to create a plan to address the continent's challenges. Debt cancellation figured prominently on the agenda, and the G8 leaders crafted a deal to cancel 100% of the debts owed by 18 countries – 14 in Africa – to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF).

This Africa Action statement examines the current reality in Africa's debt crisis and investigates the results of last year's promises. As the G8 leaders prepare to convene in St. Petersburg, Russia, it is clear that Africa's debt crisis is far from resolved, and there is an urgent need for new action from the G8 on this critical priority.


The Outcome of the G8 Promises

Last year's G8 deal promising to cancel $40 billion in debt owed by developing countries was met with global acclaim. This deal was the result of years of activism on the part of civil society in Africa and throughout the Global South, supported by activists across the U.S. and beyond. However, this agreement marked only an initial victory on the path to debt cancellation for Africa, as the past year has made clear.

Once the spotlight dimmed after the G8 meetings in Gleneagles, the World Bank and IMF initially made attempts to renege on the debt cancellation commitments, arguing over details of eligibility and seeking to insert further economic conditions. In addition, Mauritania was dropped from the deal, due to a dispute over its governing practices. After new pressure from activists and others, the IMF finally carried out its debt cancellation in January 2006, releasing $3.3 billion. The World Bank followed suit this week, on July 1, 2006.

Despite claims of "100% multilateral debt relief," the G8 deal does not apply to all countries in need of cancellation, nor does it cancel 100% of the debt for any one country. The 14 African countries considered eligible under the G8 deal – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Madagascar, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia – represent only about one-quarter of Africa's 54 countries and a small portion of the African nations in critical need of debt cancellation.

A number of the selected African countries have had significant fractions of their debt cancelled. For example, Uganda will have 79% of its debt cancelled, and for Mozambique the proportion is 48%. But there are dozens of other nations that still require debt cancellation to meet their development goals.

The handful of countries that were eligible for debt cancellation under the G8 deal must all meet harmful economic conditions established by the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. HIPC terms, such as the forced privatization of public enterprises and the implementation of unfair trade regulations, undermine the ability of African governments to look after the welfare for their populations. Only once these stipulations had been carried out to the satisfaction of the World Bank and IMF, however, would the countries be said to have reached their "completion point" qualifying them for debt cancellation.

Nigeria, with its $30 billion debt burden, was one of the many African countries considered ineligible for inclusion in the G8 deal. Nigeria's debt was largely incurred during the military and dictatorial regime of Sani Abacha, and the borrowed funds provided little benefit for the Nigerian people. In a separate deal reached last year with members of the Paris Club of major world creditors, which did not recognize the odious nature of the debt, $18 billion of Nigeria's debt was written off. In exchange, Nigeria agreed to make a payment of $12 billion. This substantial sum siphoned money away from other more pressing domestic concerns, such as addressing extreme poverty in the country.

One year after the G8 announcement of a debt deal, Africa's debt crisis is far from over. While initial debt cancellation for an initial list of countries has freed up some funds that will make a difference in alleviating poverty, improving health systems, and attaining other development goals, Africa's debt crisis persists and demands new action from G8 creditors.


What Remains to be Done

In the past, the benefits of debt cancellation have been plainly demonstrated. In Burundi, elimination of school fees in 2005 allowed an additional 300,000 children to enroll. In Mozambique, debt relief allowed the government to provide free immunization to all children.

Culminating with IMF debt cancellation in January 2006, Zambia's debt burden was reduced from $7.1 billion to $500 million. This drastic change allowed the government to grant free basic healthcare to its population, a major step in countering health threats such as HIV/AIDS and malaria. These examples illustrate the significant leaps that can be made when African countries are not forced to funnel their resources away in onerous debt payments.

Despite last year's deal, African countries still owe over $200 billion, and are still required to pay $14 billion annually in debt service. This is barely a modest improvement from the $15 billion annual payment that existed before the G8 deal. Most African countries continue to spend more on debt repayment than on health and education for their populations.

Under these current trends, most African countries will not be able to reach the United Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goals by 2015. If the international community and particularly the G8 nations are serious about attaining these goals, they must recognize debt cancellation as a necessary prerequisite and free the resources to achieve these targets.

The international community must also recognize that the bulk of Africa's debts are illegitimate and odious. Years of creditor mismanagement of poorly planned projects, and irresponsible lending to despotic leaders during the Cold War years, have saddled African populations with huge and harmful debts, which must now be canceled as a matter of justice.

Africa Action maintains that last year's G8 deal was insufficient on paper and carried out incompletely in practice. The agreement excluded the vast majority of African countries and the vast majority of Africa's debt. It is insufficient to alleviate the burdens sapping the continent's resources and its ability to face major economic, and social challenges, especially the HIV/AIDS pandemic. As the G8 assembles once again, Africa Action exhorts G8 leaders to take new action on the debt crisis by expanding the debt deal and cutting the harmful conditions. The leaders of the world's wealthiest countries must now finish what they started one year ago – the only moral and practical course is to fully cancel Africa's debt.


This statement is available on the Africa Action website, at http://www.africaaction.org/newsroom/docs/G8debtstatement06.pdf

AFRICA ACTION 1634 Eye Street, NW #810 Washington, DC 20006 · (t) 202-546-7961 · www.africaaction.org

Fahamu