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Featured This Week

2006-09-14

Pambazuka News Editors

COMMENT AND ANALYSIS: Yveline Deverin argues that almost all the mediators who have attempted to intervene in Ivory Coast have done so simply because they had a personal interest in intervening
- Rotimi Sankore explores the factors that contribute to the poor health of Africans
- Sokari Ekine argues that as long as Spain continues to reap benefits from cheap labour, the Spanish government’s rhetoric that it will not tolerate the continued arrival of migrants cannot be taken very seriously
- Maggie Makanza explains why the opposition in Zimbabwe has not been able to get rid of Mugabe
- Wahu Kaara argues that the reason the IMF and the World Bank chose Singapore for their meetings this year is because these institutions want to exclude poor people of the world
BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine explores what the codifying of the African blogosphere means for people of colour
BOOKS AND ARTS: Hamidou Soumah argues that African films are marginalised in the US
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Links to news on Sudan, Somalia, Uganda and Ivory Coast
HUMAN RIGHTS: Ugandan press decides to publish the names of alleged homosexuals
WOMEN AND GENDER: Maternal mortality rate still high
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Newly displaced yearn for peace
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Who benefits from inter-govt clashes?
DEVELOPMENT: Annan hails Civil Society Organisations
CORRUPTION: Lesotho tackles corruption
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: Who wants an HIV vaccine?
EDUCATION: Crisis in the teaching profession threatens education for all
RACISM & XENOPHOBIA: Why xenophobia persists in South Africa
ENVIRONMENT: Africa environment outlook
LAND AND LAND RIGHTS: Land invasion a wake up to tackle poverty
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Attacks on journalists alarming
DIASPORA: The traditional predators
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: South African NGOs petition government to adopt foss
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops; Jobs.

Vote for Pambazuka: This year it would be great to win it!

2006-09-13

Pambazuka News is amongst the list of nominations by PoliticsOnline for those who are changing the internet and politics. Last year we were in the top ten.

This year it would be great to win it!

The awards work according to a voting system - you can click on the link below to cast your vote:

http://tinyurl.com/etkgo

Please cast your vote now, the deadline for voting is 1 October 2006.

The dynamics of mediation in Ivory Coast

2006-09-14

Yveline Dévérin

At a mini-summit in Ivory Coast, political leaders ended in disagreement after failing to reach a consensus on preparations for elections. Also, mediation does not seem to be serving its purpose. Yveline Deverin argues that: “To be a mediator in the Ivory Coast crisis is, in effect, to validate one’s own diplomatic credentials, to raise the profile of oneself and one’s country, and to show oneself a champion of political correctness and of democracy. What is validated here is the function of the mediator, not the success of the mediation.”


For a mediation to “work” requires a common will for peace and reconciliation. The role of the mediator is to convince those involved that the conflict must be halted and to give up part of their claims so as to move towards each other. For the mediation to be effective, there must be political will on the part of both protagonists and mediators.

However, there is a factual dissonance between this official will and particular interests - between the “politically correct” label and the “geopolitical interest” which the parties and mediators act out in reality.

Although 19 September 2002 marked the beginning of the crisis, the conditions surrounding the election of President Gbagbo were a preliminary phase.

During preparations for the elections, an initial mediator intervened without success. On 10 August 2000 in Yamoussoukro, President Mathieu Kerekou of Benin, at that time president of the Conseil de l’Entente (although remaining very discreet since then) had tried to persuade General Guei not to stand in the presidential elections: “Do what your conscience tells you is good for your country”. His initial undertaking amounted to agreeing not to become a candidate.

At this same meeting in Yamoussokro, Alpha Oumar Konare and Gnassingbe Eyadema had tried to ensure that no artificial exclusion would apply to any of the candidates. Before them, the Senegalese President, Abdoulaye Wade had expressed his active concern about the Ivory Coast situation.

Once battle had commenced, mediators succeeded each other without interruption, each passing to the others the baton of seeking an improbable peace. Some intervened at several stages in relation to different issues.

From 19 September 2002 to March 2006 the following participated at different points:

- the CEDEAO (Economic Community of West African States)
- the African Union
- France, former colonial power and privileged partner of the country with which it has defence agreements – a mediator which one could describe as “permanent”.
- Abdoulaye Wade, President of Senegal, in his role as President of CEDEAO (2002-2003)
- Eyadema Gnasingbe, President of Togo, as a senior member of the Presidents of the CEDEAO countries (remaining a mediator until his death)
- Alpha Oumar Konare, former President of Mali, in his role as President of the Commission of the African Union
- Amani Toumani Toure, known as ATT, President of Mail.
- John Kuofor, President of Ghana, in his role as President of CEDEAO (2003-2005)
- Omar Bongo, President of Gabon, as a senior member of the heads of African states
- Mamadou Tandja, President of Niger, in his role as President of CEDEAO from 2005
- Olusegun Obasanjo, President of Nigeria, in his role as President of the African Union from 2004 to 2006 ( a frequent mediator)
- Abdou Diouf, former President of Senegal, in his role as President of the OIF (International Francophone Organisation)
- Thabo Mbeki, President of the South African Republic, designated as a mediator by the African Union on 7 November 2004
- Mohamed VI, King of Morocco who “almost” entered the fray in February 2005, but who withdrew precipitously following a diplomatic-political imbroglio
- Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Congo, in his role as newly-elected President of the African Union (2006).

MEDIATORS – MEDIATIONS: “ BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE”

The mediator is at once envoy, commissioner and referee, but a referee who blows the whistle only when he has the consent of both parties. It is worth recalling that, in the role of envoy, the mediator is taking a risk, as he is frequently the bearer of bad news and often held responsible for the content of the message he brings.

The continuation of the Ivory Coast crisis is due, not only to the fact that none of the protagonists has a vested interest in its resolution, but also because the various mediations have failed. It is not possible to bring together two parties without their mutual consent.

It is interesting to note that the South African president, Thabo Mbeki, has “lasted” longer at this game than others, but, like the others, he has been both rejected and recognised by the two parties in turn. Until August 2005, he appeared to be adulated in turn by one side and vilified by the other in equal measure, but from August his “mediation” became “stabilised” in favour of the ruling power and was thus totally discredited.

Before him, all the mediators underwent similar ups and downs: Eyadema of Togo was in turn denounced as a “rebel subversive” then as a “supporter of Gbagbo,” sometimes both in the same week!

To be a mediator in the Ivory Coast crisis is, in effect, to validate one’s own diplomatic credentials, to raise the profile of oneself and one’s country, and to show oneself a champion of political correctness and of democracy. What is validated here is the function of the mediator, not the success of the mediation.

Almost all the mediators found a personal interest in intervening: Mbeki wished people to forget the bad image left by his policy of inactivity against Aids. He tried to resurrect his tarnished image within the ANC (African National Congress) where his liberal management of his country is more and more heavily criticised.

Eyadema took advantage of his status as mediator to bring about, in the face of complete international indifference, a change to the Constitution, permitting him to become President for life. President Kuofor of Ghana, changed, thanks to the Ivory Coast crisis, his status as an unknown President to that of an internationally known President, appreciated for his efforts at mediation. He was re-elected easily in December 2004.

Omar Bongo was able to draw a veil over his internal problems, as was Tandja of Niger, whose administration was being heavily criticised for the food shortage which arose in the North of his country over the winter of 2005.

It is typical that those who withdrew very quickly from any involvement in mediation were those who had nothing personally to gain from it: Amani Toumani Toure (known as ATT) of Mali and Mathiew Kerekou of Benin, with stability in their own countries and having already gained plaudits for “good governance” to a degree. Moreover, many African countries or, rather, their elites, gained economic or geopolitical benefit from the situation.

From the beginning of the crisis, the different Ivory Coast parties requested the intervention of other countries, arguing that in the sub-region, “ the Ivory Coast is pivotal” that it represents “ 40% of the wealth of the WAMU (West-African Monetary Union) and that the collapse of the Ivory Coast would bring about, de facto, that of the whole of West Africa.

These political and geopolitical interests should not allow us to forget the economic interests that accompanied them. For instance, South African business interests in Ivory Coast have developed since the mediation role undertaken by their President.

For example, MTN, a South African business, became a majority shareholder in Telecal (mobile telephones, one of the three sectors which are still profitable in Ivory Coast). Sotra (the State public transport company) signed a contract to buy buses with a South-African company [Le jour, 20/10/2005, DNA 17/9/2005].

A huge market was taken over from the Ivory Coast electricity company (CIE). A South-African company was contracted to provide electric meters with prepayment cards [DNA 17/9/2005]. Similar arrangements were instituted in less visible, but more widespread markets.

Le Nouveau Reveil of 13 August 2005 notes: “For some time, South African wine has been well represented in our supermarkets…” and “Now that the South-African President has been called to play a mediation role, a systematic presence of South-African businesses is developing” and “with Gbagbo, Mbeki is well placed to undermine the economic hegemony of France in Ivory Coast.”

The paper notes: “Despite the significantly increased risk in Ivory Coast because of the state of war, a striking penetration of South-African business into our country’s economic fabric is noticeable.”

We should guard against any naivete or anthropomorphism in geopolitical analysis. “A State has no friends, it only has interests” as General de Gaulle lucidly remarked.

Mediation/intervention attempts by France are in a paradoxical position. Intervening to block the advance of the rebels on Abidjan, it seemed good that the attempts had as their objective the evacuation of the children from the American Baptist school in Bouake (25 September 2002), thus stemming any American attempt to intervene in its sphere of influence.

The evacuation of “foreign” nationals followed the next day and was accomplished by 27 September. This operation necessitated the establishment of the “ligne de confiance” [trust line] which split the Ivory Coast in two. Its perpetuation was justified by the notion that it would prevent the resumption of hostilities through contact between combatants.

“Foreigners” in Korhogo were evacuated on Sunday 29 September by the American army [announcement by the Ministry of Defence, 4 October 2002). This last little-known point reveals an evident exchange of favours, permitting France to let the United States intervene in a “humanitarian role”, without letting it evacuate the children from the Baptist school, which would have been perceived as France’s incapacity to guarantee the security of “foreigners” in its former colony.

From the evidence, France intervened at an early stage to protect its position, above all. Afterwards, its mediation interventions (Marcoussis in particular and the Licorne intervention force which often carried out local mediation) can be understood in the context of France’s absolute need for a pacified, and if possible, a well-disposed Ivory Coast.

HIJACKING THE MEDIATION PROCESS

The first demands of the rebels were very precise and concerned three points:

- the law relating to rural land
- the nationality code and
- the repeal of article 35

Very quickly, discussions were turned aside, to disarmament (a favourite theme which recurs regularly), the elections and the issue of the referendum (giving authorisation to the change in article 35). The attention and energy of the mediator were thus diverted from the fundamental problems at the root of the crisis.

At the time of the peace agreement on 4 July 2003, the emphasis was placed on matters relating to the gathering of combatants and on an inventory of military material on both sides, rather than on a response to the causes of the crisis.

Discussions ran into difficulties on the order of events: disarmament or legislative reform. The rebels demanded reforms as a prerequisite for any disarmament, the “loyalists” demanded the opposite. And this without any discussion of the content of the reforms!

It was only on 9 July 2004 that article 26 of the law on rural land was changed, following the Marcoussis agreement (giving back to non-Ivory Coast heirs the right to inherit ownership of land acquired by their forebears).

The laws, whose modification was agreed at the time of the Marcoussis agreement, were never voted through. The debate turned abruptly to the manner in which they were to be passed, then to their form, which, given the potential for discussion about the formulation, led to months of sterile debate.

On the other hand, the rebels refused to disarm for security reasons (given the intensive armament undertaken by the government party). Disarmament therefore became the object of successive frustrations: disarmament at that point being not “disarmament of all those with arms” (to take up the expression of General Ouassenan Kone in March 2006) but only of the rebels. President Gbagbo demanded that the rebels alone disarmed, claiming (despite what everyone knew) that there were no armed militias (sic!). Then the discussion turned to suitable gathering places, then to finances, then to whether the militias and the rebels should be required to disarm simultaneously or consecutively etc.

Another practice in which President Gbagbo was a past master consisted in transferring the crisis onto the agreements resulting from mediation. In this way, attention was no longer focused on the mediator, but on the results of the mediation process. The point at issue then became, not the rebellion, but the mediation agreements.

The stereotypical example was the reaction which followed the Marcoussis/Kleber agreements (26 January 2003), which was accompanied by the first large-scale anti-French riots. But the same observation could be made for all the agreements, with points of violence against the agreements or the mediators, the most recent being the flare-up in January 2006 against the GTI (International Working Group) in relation to the delegates’ mandate which was about to expire.

The enemy became the mediator. The problem was no longer “to resolve the crisis” but “whose side is the mediator on?” The problem was no longer the crisis but the mediator. It is not a good idea to meddle in other people’s business [translated from French proverb “between the bark and the tree one should not put one’s finger”]. There is an understandable reticence on the part of governments of neighbouring countries to intervene militarily, as was shown by the extreme slowness in which the CEDEAO intervention force (consisting of troops from Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria, Benin and Togo) was set up.

Under the Accra I agreement of 29 September, it [the intervention force] was due to take over from France from October 2002 and the first troops, whose arrival was constantly reported, were not deployed until March 2003!

This reticence was reinforced by another tactic of which President Gbagbo was also a past master, making use of an appeal to patriotism – that of taking hostages from among the nationals of countries which were taking their turn at mediation, in order to put pressure on the mediation process. This was particularly evident in the case of French nationals (notably after Marcoussis in 2003 and November 2004) but nationals of Senegal, Mali and Nigeria had also to pay their tribute to the mediation role of their country, although this was less highlighted by the international press.

The mediator’s margin for manoeuvre is thus considerably curtailed.

* Yveline DEVERIN is a lecturer in Geography at the University of Toulouse-le-Mirail GRESOC-UTM SEDET-Paris VII. This article was kindly translated from French to English by Fiona Campbell.
* Please send comments to: editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

How the Brain Drain to the West Worsens Africa’s Public Health Crisis

2006-09-14

Rotimi Sankore

In its 2006 annual report, the WHO reports that out of 57 countries, 36 countries in sub-Saharan Africa suffer from a severe shortage of health workers, such as doctors, nurses, pharmacists, lab technologists, radiographers and other frontline or support staff. Rotimi Sankore argues that the ‘brain drain’ is slowly and indirectly killing the continent.


In times of crisis and epidemics, diplomacy is a luxury the dying cannot afford, especially when millions of Africans know that an over emphasis on niceties will almost surely lead to millions more deaths.

Conventional wisdom has it that Africa is suffering from an AIDS crisis. In reality, Africa is suffering from a public health crisis, and the AIDS pandemic is the most significant symptom of that crisis, which has been worsened by the drain on Africa’s healthcare workforce to the ‘West’. The amazingly wrong political diagnosis of the challenging healthcare problems facing Africa and indeed the planet, has blunted the obvious fact that tuberculosis, malaria, a host of other preventable diseases and malnutrition still claim more African lives than the 2 million deaths attributed to HIV/AIDS annually. Combined with HIV and AIDS, these diseases are rapidly turning Africa into a continental graveyard. Yet the emphasis remains mainly on AIDS, which has been crowned the most sexy villain.

The countries with little or no health worker shortages and better health infrastructure have managed to cope better with HIV/AIDS because they are better able with preventable diseases like TB, sexually transmitted infections, sexual and reproductive rights education and malnutrition. AIDS is a problem on its own, but it is also being fed by other unresolved health problems and the lack of political will and courage. Resolving Africa’s public healthcare crisis will resolve most of the other issues and be a step towards isolating AIDS which can then be tackled more easily. The first step must be resolving the health worker shortages, which includes dealing with the “brain drain”.

2006 has been a landmark year for HIV/AIDS in terms of the number of huge international meetings and conferences organised. These include the Abuja African Union Special Summit on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in June; the UN General Assembly Special Session on HIV/AIDS (UNGASS); and the 16th International AIDS Conference in Toronto in August.

These events reflect the huge progress that has been made in tackling HIV/AIDS. With the exception of the most backward governments and institutions, it is clearly understood by the majority that inequality in gender relations is one of the most significant factors behind heterosexual transmission.

On the other hand, these events underscore the huge failures and missed opportunities in the struggle against HIV/AIDS, the biggest yet being the comprehensive failure to resolve the human resource and health infrastructure crisis in Africa.

The problem seems to be that acknowledging, prioritising and acting on the “brain drain” problem means that governments of countries that have benefited from the “brain drain” have to take responsibility, and cease their recruitment of healthcare workers from Africa. Likewise, many African governments will also have to address their governance problems and the working conditions for healthcare workers as means to counter the “brain drain”.

United Nations population researchers conclude that unless the spread of HIV is halted or reversed, Africa will top the global AIDS death league with about 100 million deaths by 2025. This is more than double the projections for India and China of 31 million and 18 million respectively, both of which have larger populations than Africa. People aged between 16 and 45 years of age will be most affected.

It is remarkable that institutions and social movements alike focus not on the continent’s health care crises, but on anti-retroviral drugs only. Anti-retroviral drugs are useful but when there are no healthcare workers to administer them to patients, they become useless

To drive the point home, let me put it like this, no war can be fought successfully without soldiers.

In April 2006, the World Health Organisation (WHO) officially acknowledged what African intellectuals have been saying for the last three decades, that the “brain drain” from all sectors of African society, but especially from the health sector, is slowly and indirectly killing the continent.

In its 2006 annual report, the WHO reports that out of 57 countries, 36 countries in sub-Saharan Africa suffer from a severe shortage of health workers, such as doctors, nurses, pharmacists, lab technologists, radiographers and other frontline or support staff. The report noted that the richest countries are filling their shortages by draining away doctors, nurses and others from less developed countries. As a result, one in four doctors and one in twenty nurses trained in Africa, is now working in the 30 most industrialised countries. Consequently, Africa is the only continent where the absolute number of shortage of health workers (817,992) far outstrips the current stock of 590,198.

Other studies have shown that “the majority of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa also do not meet the WHO’s recommended ratio of 1 to 1,000 [doctors]. Indeed, there are fewer than 10 doctors for every 100,000 people in 24 of the 44 Sub-Saharan African countries for which the statistics are available.” (Orji, Utsimi & Uwaje in paper presented to the International eHealth Association in 2005).

In contrast, Cuba has a doctor-population ratio of 1 to 165, South Korea 1 to 337, the UK 1 to 610, the USA 1 to 358, and Italy 1 to 165 (UNDP/Human Development Report, 2004). Figures from the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) state that on average, “The doctor-patient ratio is currently one per 500 in wealthy countries, and only one per 25 000 in the 25 poorest countries.”

The main factor that contributes to the low doctor-patient ratio in Africa is the “brain drain”. Quoting WHO and OECD figures amongst others, the IDRC illustrates the problem in Nigeria and South Africa. “One-third to a half of all graduating doctors in South Africa migrate to the US, UK and Canada, at a huge annual cost to South Africa (lost investment in education/training). Including all health personnel, the losses for South Africa reach US$37 million annually. This exceeds the combined (multilateral and bilateral) estimated education assistance for all purposes, not just health professional training, received by South Africa in 2000.” Alongside this, “over 21 000 Nigerian doctors are practising in the US, while there is an acute shortage of physicians in Nigeria.”

Not surprisingly, the IDRC concludes that “another reason for the deterioration of health-care systems in developing countries is the ‘brain drain’ of health professionals… which primarily benefits wealthier nations, such as the UK, the US and Canada, [and] calls into question G8 commitments to support developing countries in reaching health targets of the International and Millennium Development Goals”.

IDRC findings also reveal that “developing countries invest about US$500 million each year in training health-care professionals, who are then recruited by or otherwise move to developed countries… Meanwhile the United States, with its 130, 000 foreign physicians, saved an estimated US$26 billion in training costs for nationals… while estimates suggest that Africa spends approximately US$4 billion annually on salaries of 100 000 foreign experts (all sectors, not only health) to ‘build capacity’ and/or provide technical assistance, and incurs a loss of US$184 000 per migrating African professional”.

Dr Peter Ngatia of AMREF puts it more sharply: “Africa literally subsidises the West. It is a reverse subsidy from the poor to the rich… History is replete with instances of outflows of human resources from Africa to the rest of the world. The disgraceful and shameful slave trade epitomises this outflow, which robbed parts of the African continent of its young and strong-bodied men and women. This was followed by the colonial exploitation of the same in-fighting imperial wars that had nothing to do with Africa. The recent migration of workers, in the opinion of many, is nothing new. It is a perpetuation and perfection of what started centuries ago and has continued unabated.”

He expands by saying “According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), Africa has already lost one third of its human capital and is continuing to lose its skilled personnel at an increasing rate, with an estimated 20,000 doctors, university lecturers, engineers and other professionals leaving the continent annually since 1990. This same source estimates that there are currently 300,000 highly qualified Africans in the diaspora, 30,000 of whom have PhDs.”

Taking these factors into account, a coalition led by the US based Physicians for Human Rights, HIV Medicine Association and Association of Nurses in AIDS Care issued a 15 point plan at the July 2006 G8 summit aimed at ending Africa’s healthcare worker shortage. The statement emphasised that “G8 countries, particularly the US and UK, should reduce their reliance on health workers from abroad and seek to become self-sufficient in meeting their own health worker needs. For example, they should increase the domestic training of nurses, doctors, and other health workers. The United States should also develop a code of practice on international recruitment of health professionals, which includes not actively recruiting health workers from developing countries except in the context of an agreement with those countries that respects the right to health in those countries and is mutually beneficial.”

The British Medical Association has also cautioned that severe shortage of healthcare workers in sub-Saharan Africa because of migration to developed countries is a significant component of Africa’s AIDS crisis, and that countries like the UK must end their reliance on overseas doctors and nurses.

It is crucial to continue to stress the role of the “brain drain” in undermining African development in order to fight the myth that millions of Africans are dying of AIDS because Africa is a useless continent incapable of saving itself from anything. But stressing this is not enough. Africans must also lead from the front, or complain all the way to their graves, where only the silence of the tombstones will speak for them.

There is no doubt that Africa can rebuild its healthcare workforce both by further training and attracting some of those in the diaspora back home. The fact that a small country like Cuba, despite political and economic constraints, has a better doctor to patient ratio than most of the world’s developed countries also shows that it can be done by any country with the right healthcare priorities.

There is no human right more significant than the right to quality public health care. The infected and the deceased need first to live in order that all other rights to be significant.

This is why, as a contribution towards upholding the right to a healthy life in Africa and resolving Africa’s health care crisis, the AIDS and Public Health Program of CREDO-Africa, together with partners in Africa and around the world, are launching a campaign towards:

- That African governments make resolving the health worker shortage their number one public health care priority.
- That governments of countries that have benefited most from the “brain drain” cease such policies and examine ways to compensate Africa’s health care system for the damage their recruitment policies have done. - That the theme of the next International Aids Conference is focussed on scaling up human resources and health care infrastructure, especially in Africa.
- That all intergovernmental organisations such as UNAIDS and its key agencies focus on and act rapidly towards resolving the human resource and infrastructure shortages in Africa and the infrastructure in the next eight to 10 years.

*Sankore is Coordinator of Centre for Research Education & Development of Rights in Africa [CREDO-Africa]. He can be contacted at: info@credonet.org

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Spain's borders strengthened after African refugees storm European frontier

2006-09-14

Sokari Ekine

Last year, the UK’s ‘Sunday Herald Online’ reported that “… thousands of strong, young men at the razor-wire frontiers of these half-forgotten Spanish possessions launched their most spectacular raid yet upon fortress Europe...” Sokari Ekine explains that what drives most Africans to abandon their countries of origin is poverty and civil strife. She argues that the response of most Western European countries to the problem is influenced by cultural prejudice against those from the so-called “Third World”.


It is reported that 20,000 men, women and children have reached the shores of Spain since the beginning of the year, with over 1300 arriving two weekends ago. In eight months the numbers are three times bigger compared to last year. Those that make it to the shore, often swimming the last 100 meters, arrive half dead scattered on beaches amongst the sunbathing tourists.

In an article entitled " The Canaries, The Threatened Paradise," Spanish daily El Pais wrote: “What years ago a was slow and distant dripping of pateras (wooden boats), disembarking ten, twelve Moroccans, Senegalese, Guineanos or Gambians on beaches of Fuerteventura, has become an almost daily arrival of boats with 80, 90, the 100 or most sub-Saharans.” Arguments are breaking out between the various provincial and city governments over the numbers of migrants each is willing to accept from the two landing points, the Canaries and Andalusia. So far the number of people who have been deported to their countries of origin is about 1800.

There are layers of realities around immigration in Spain and Europe. The country has benefited from cheap Moroccan and West Africa labour on construction sites and in their agricultural sector, which has resulted in a 2.6% growth in the economy over the past 10 years. It is projected that without immigrant labour it would have fallen by 0.6% annually. Similar growth figures apply for the whole of Europe.

As long as Spain continues to reap benefits from cheap labour, the Spanish government’s rhetoric that it will not tolerate the continued arrival of migrants cannot be taken very seriously. The difference between today and a year ago can be explained in terms of numbers.

Another reality for the Spanish is that they are just waking up to the fact that Spain is the geographical space where Europe “almost kisses Africa” (Caryl Phillips, The European Tribe), or is it the other way around? The contrast between Spain and Africa is remarkable. The poverty existence of those who inhabit the latter and the wealthy existence of the Spanish is what prompts many to cross the Mediterranean in rickety launches. For some of these people, it is as if Spain is a promised land.

Some leave their own countries because of wars and endless conflicts. And it must be pointed out that for every migrant, illegal or legal, there are whole families - and in some cases communities - that survive on the reparations of those who make the crossing.

Spain and the EU are presently initiating a number of projects and policies in an attempt to slow down, and eventually stop, the migration of Africans to their shores. However, the polices being proposed are like using a rag to stop a dripping tap - cheap, temporary with no substance. This begs the question: are these policies aimed at reducing the numbers or spreading out the arrivals rather than stopping immigration altogether?

A Spanish NGO is opening a school in Senegal for 800 students. The aim is to educate both women (who make up 50% of the school population) and men. The ultimate goal of the school is to impart skills to theses young people so that they find employment in their countries of origin, rather than be compelled to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe.

There are millions of young people presently trying to migrate to the North - this new policy would have to be replicated hundreds of times in countries throughout West, North and East Africa as well as South East Asia, the Middle East and beyond. The school is a positive step but the reality is that it is a bag of flour amongst a million hungry people.

In July, in a further sign of desperation, the Spanish government signed an unprecedented agreement with Senegal to allow the Guardia Civil to patrol Senegalese waters to prevent migrants from leaving their homeland. The EU is planning and funding a series of transit camps across the continent and North Africa (from Ukraine to Libya) as part of a holistic “system of control” along with the Schengen agreement, the closing of the two Spanish enclaves in Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla, that will effectively “barbed wire” Europe.

The contradiction is that many European countries such as Britain and Spain are in desperate need of increased migration due to falling birthrates and emigration of their own indigenous citizens. There are some 4 million Spanish people working abroad and only 2 million foreigners in Spain. The way around the need for migrant labour - professional, skilled and unskilled - is to present “legal” immigration in terms of economics and meeting temporary needs, whilst using asylum seekers and refugees as a way of rejecting “illegal” migration on ethnic and nationalistic grounds.

There is no doubt that Spanish and European immigration policies have a strong racial element. Are these new policies directed towards stopping African migrants, a response to the availability of cheap labour from Romania and Bulgaria? It is important to note that these two countries are soon going to be joining EU.

I do not think Spain has reached saturation point in its need for cheap labour but now African people are having to compete for jobs with Eastern European people who are also arriving in large numbers.

Obviously the lure of hard cash made in Spain drives the migrants to risk their lives (often repeatedly) to reach Europe. One of the worst tragedies started last Christmas, when about 53 Senegalese, most from the village of Casamance, left by boat from Cabo Verde to the Canaries. The boat was relatively large but had no cover or shade. There appears to have been some chaos around the departure of the boat as apparently the Spaniard in charge jumped ship at the last minute. It is reported that five of the Senegalese also left the boat and another got scared after the boat set off and jumped out and swam back to shore.

The boat is thought to have passed Mauritania but when it reached Nuadibu (Nuadhibou, Mauritania) there was a storm and the passengers lost control of the boat. They then started to call friends and family. One of the people they called was a Spanish pirate. A few hours later they were rescued by another boat which towed them to the middle of the ocean and then abandoned them. They only had 40 litres of fuel, which ran out, and, as if this was not enough, they had to cope with the storms and high seas of the Atlantic.

It is reported that there were a series of storms, with one approximately every ten days, and high winds pushed the boat towards Barbados over a four-month period. The people died of hunger and thirst with bodies being thrown overboard one by one as they died.

There are many West Africans who have been able to create a successful life in Spain and elsewhere in Europe but also many who remain impoverished and vulnerable. Interestingly, I was fortunate enough to have a chat recently with a person who arrived by boat two months ago from Mauritania and had been sent to Granada from the Canaries by the government. He had it all worked out that he would be working on a building site and would have his papers in two years. Needless to say, there is very little chance for this person to get papers in two years. Most probably, he will be exploited and got rid of when he no longer serves his purpose.

In Granada, there is a noticeable increase in the numbers of mostly Senegalese men on the streets compared to a year ago. I mentioned this to my Senegalese hair braider who has resided in Granada for the past five years. She replied, “There are too many coming today. Before we were not many. Now there are too many and there is nothing for them to do, the only source of income open to them is to sell CDs. That is not a life.”

In terms of legal rights and status, migrants can be divided into three groups: the educated elite and experts, who are subject to very few restrictions and social disadvantages; the mass of migrants who usually seek seasonal work, whose rights are severely restricted and whose situation is characterised by poor working conditions, high unemployment, and poor living conditions; and “illegal aliens” who are needed on the labour market, but are politically excluded and have no rights whatsoever.

The irony is that only 30 years ago thousands of seasonal Spanish migrants, especially from Andalusia, spent their summers working in northern Europe, Germany and France mainly picking fruit, but also working on building sites and as casual labourers, just like the Moroccans and West Africans are doing in Spain today. In those days the borders were open and skin colour was not an issue. It is interesting how far international relations have deteriorated, but most importantly, it is remarkable how the state of affairs seems to be influenced by cultural prejudice against those from the so-called “Third World”.

*Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, www.blacklooks.org

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The Anatomy of Zimbabwe’s Problems

2006-09-14

Maggie Makanza

Over four hundred demonstrators were taken into custody after protests were staged in 34 urban centres in Zimbabwe yesterday (13 September). In this paper Maggie Makanza explores why the opposition in Zimbabwe has not been effective. She asks: “Why has the pro-democracy movement not been able to capitalise on the many reported failures of the ZANU (PF) government?” She explains that the reason the people of Zimbabwe have not revolted against the Mugabe regime is because although they agree on the need for change, they are unsure about where the MDC is taking them.


Why has the pro-democracy movement not been able to capitalise on the many reported failures of the ZANU (PF) government? Some people say all the necessary conditions needed for combustion to happen exist in Zimbabwe. All that is needed is a spark.

Most pressure for reform appears to be coming from external rather than internal forces. There have been calls for the international community to intervene and for President Thabo Mbeki to 'do something' about the Zimbabwean crisis. Such efforts as we know have not yielded any results.

If anything, positions have hardened and the situation continues to deteriorate at an alarming rate. There is something special about one who has the ability to laugh at one's situation in spite of its gravity. That person has transcended the boundaries of what others call normal and refuses provocation. Zimbabweans have that 'collective character' that the world has termed the 'great Zimbabwean mystery'. Should you ask them, how are things in Zimbabwe, the response without fail is “Zvakaoma”. Meaning, it is 'tough'. It is an abnormal response for one not to be outraged in the face of extreme provocation. Let’s explore why.

The Change Equation

The change equation tells us that change equals the degree of dissatisfaction with one's current situation, plus a compelling and attractive vision for the future. The assumption has been that if we increase the level of discomfort and suffering of the Zimbabwean people, change will inevitably come. It has not despite the fact that Zimbabweans were rated as the unhappiest lot in the world (survey in June, 2006).

While we as a nation are clearly dissatisfied with our current reality, specifically the economic situation, the forces for democratic change have failed to provide Zimbabweans with a compelling and attractive vision of the future. While people agree on the need for change, they are unsure of where the MDC is taking them.

The end state is not clear. Is it simply about a change of government or more so, a change of rulers? There has been a lack of clarity on the political position of the pro-democracy forces on key and emotive issues like the land reform programme. Discontent alone is not sufficient as a rallying point for change.

On the other hand, the ruling party ZANU (PF) had a potentially compelling and attractive vision of the future given our liberation history and the primary reason why we fought a war(s). Notice that I use the word potential, because it has not been realised. They failed to package their vision of transforming Zimbabwe and did not sufficiently share it with the masses.

The people of Zimbabwe have therefore questioned their motives for propelling the land question forward at this point in time. The poor and chaotic implementation of the Land Reform programme, shrouded in corruption and greed by officers in high places, has made it difficult for people to buy into the ZANU (PF) vision of the future.

Also, it must be noted that while it is an acknowledged fact that those of us in the Diaspora have been disenfranchised by the Mugabe regime, there is a general disengagement by Zimbabweans from active participation in politics. We are usually resigned to being armchair critics. This disengagement is evidenced in the ways external people express themselves in reference to the MDC and ZANU (PF). You hear people saying 'what the MDC should do is………or ZANU (PF) should do A, B and C to get the economy back on track'. These statements are telling. They show a clear distancing of oneself from these two major political parties.

The lack of energy and inertia to fight the regime could partly be explained by what I will term a latent support for the ZANU(PF) programmes and policies, specifically with regards to the Land Reform program and Mugabe's position on imperialism and neo-colonialism. The opposition has worked on the false assumption that no one supports ZANU(PF). This assumption has largely informed the politics of protest by the MDC and other opposition forces, which is naïve for a group fighting for democracy.

According to Machiavelli in his book “The Prince”, when you introduce a new order of things, you face resistance from those who stand to lose from a change in the status quo, and you must know that you have only a few lukewarm supporters of change who might benefit from the new order. There are a lot of people currently benefiting from the status quo. So why change something that you are benefiting from? They are working tirelessly and conspiring with the regime to make change impossible.

Democracy and governance amid poverty

The rural constituency has largely been misunderstood and underestimated. Through the arrogance of the political elite, they have often been used during elections and thereafter abandoned. They have clearly expressed their displeasure at the failed promises by the current regime to deliver. An attempt to show this displeasure was expressed in the many Parliamentary and Presidential elections since independence.

But they learned quickly. They now perceive politicians as an interruption to their serene and daily living. So, through a series of elections they have learned that this process is not beneficial to them in any way as it does not change their lives. The rural electorate have therefore decided to play games. 'Give the urbanites their votes and let them go back to Harare with minimal fuss. We will not see them for another five years'.

Voting is the power to decide. The act of giving somebody the power to decide their future assumes that one indeed has the power within their hands to make their own decision. This assumption is a complete fallacy. In a situation where poverty is rife and ignorance abounds, elections simply become a process whereby those who have access to resources abuse those who do not.

What is needed is radical change to the instruments for operationalising democracy in developing economies. The continued use of the ballot box under the present circumstances can only be described as sheer madness. Why continue to do the same thing when you know that that getting a so-called partial Electoral Commission to preside over the process is impossible? When the nature of humans is that of self-preservation and protection, why should the ruling party level the playing field?

The framework for democracy as currently conceptualised has become the source of much pain and suffering for the people of Zimbabwe. The last elections in Zimbabwe are a clear case in point. As one writer said 'it was a predictable surprise'. The results of the last election in Zimbabwe make a complete mockery of the people of Zimbabwe, but illustrate how as a developing country we have been fooled. Fooled to believe that democracy comes through an election process, that democracy comes through a box - transparent or not.

Humour and Cynicism - A Survival Strategy for Zimbabweans

The internet and the streets of Harare, Bulawayo Gweru, Mutare and the Diaspora abound with jokes and humour about the political scenario in Zimbabwe. It takes a different mindset, of defeating your enemy without fighting, hunger without starving, and diseases without allowing it to kill you. The ordinary people in Zimbabwe are challenging the premise that you have to fight hunger with food, and violence with violence. There is hope - zvichapera - it will end. This too shall come to pass.

And indeed, instead of fighting the regime, risking leg and limb, fighting that which will in time come to pass is by many seen as an exercise in futility. Many have resolved to wait and watch for the end of the regime’s time. 'It will come' you hear them say. Perhaps Zimbabweans are responding to the Mugabe regime in this way because they have weighed up their options and are indeed responding in the best way possible.

The Shona people were the first to capitulate to white rule in the 1890's, having realised that they would not win the war. They surrendered only to rise up decades later when they felt that they were much stronger. It is actually a recommended war strategy, to retreat in the face of a strong opposition. In the face of a strong enemy, you do not commit suicide, but retreat to regroup when the time is right. Perhaps.

Language plays a major role in the way people think. Our thought processes in turn influence the way we approach problems and find solutions to problems, and subsequently the way we behave. The humour used by most Zimbabweans is a way of playing with words and language to interpret the current events. In a way, the humour has developed into a second language for Zimbabweans, allowing them to talk about the painful situation without actually talking about it.

Often, the humour trivialises the issue and distances it from the person. In most cases, the humour is intellectual, creatively playing with words and abstracts from the current reality. Trivialised, reality therefore loses its power to demoralise and dehumanise its victim.


Towards collective responsibility and the building of a culture of tolerance and valuing diversity

I have often asked this question and risked losing life and limb. I know I am treading on a hornet's nest and risk assault. But I will pose the question anyway. Is Mugabe the real problem or the only problem in Zimbabwe? If Mugabe goes, will that solve our real problem?

I think Mavhaire was the first to make the 'Mugabe must go' call. If Mugabe goes, it will certainly solve the immediate economic isolation and bring back the IMF and World Bank, facilitate economic recovery and improved international relations. It will not however solve our fundamental problems as the people of Zimbabwe.

There is a culture of lack of tolerance for divergent views at all levels of society. I know of family disputes that have gone on for generations because they could not agree on certain issues or 'vakapumhana uroyi'. I know of churches that have split because the leadership did not agree on certain areas. Political parties have split because they could not tolerate different views or agree on the way forward. In the private sector, you hear very similar stories of 'camps' in the organisation. Perhaps it is the way we deal with conflict as a people.

The culture of intolerance is a big problem in Zimbabwe, as well as the lack of unity of purpose in each and every one of us. Selfishness and individualism has ruined us. There is need for us to look at ourselves in the mirror and admit that Mugabe is not the only problem in Zimbabwe. That in our own ways, we have individually and collectively contributed to the situation that we find ourselves in.

What roles can the Zimbabweans in the Diaspora play?

So, do Zimbabweans in the Diaspora have a role to play? Frankly I do not think we can play any significant role in the politics in Zimbabwe from the comfort of our adopted countries or cyberspace.

Yes, we can continue to play the role of breadwinners providing for those relatives who remain in Zimbabwe. There is no way that people can survive on the salaries that they are taking home in Zimbabwe. So how are Zimbabweans coping with the prices of goods and services, which are in no way linked to the pay cheques that people take home? The Diaspora has been sustaining and fuelling these price hikes. The Diaspora has significantly contributed to price and income distortions in Zimbabwe. The breadwinner role of the people in the Diaspora has only served to delay the process of change as it ameliorates and smothers the suffering and creates the false impression that local people are coping. That, unfortunately, is the law of unintended consequences.

Conclusion

The Zimbabwean crisis is like a big party where the invited guests come to the table and the hosts are nowhere to be seen. My call to all Zimbabweans both at home and in the Diaspora, is to come to the 'party'. Stand up and be counted. Whether you are an MDC or ZANU (PF) or whatever political persuasion you are, please show up otherwise this democracy game will remain a concept.

• This is an edited version of a paper presented at the Public Discussion forum hosted by the Zimbabwe Social Forum. Maggie Makanza is a member of the Zimbabwe Social Forum, a psychologist by training. She can be contacted at: maggiemakanza@yahoo.com

• Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Why we must celebrate our resistance

2006-09-14

Wahu Kaara (with additional input by Kiama Kaara)

This year, Singapore is the host for the 2006 Annual Meeting of the Boards of Governors of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Wahu Kaara argues that the reason the IMF and the World Bank chose Singapore is because these institutions want to exclude the poor people of the world. Further, she argues that these institutions only exist to serve the wealthy countries, while, simultaneously, undermine the sovereignty of poor countries. “The International Financial Institution (IFI) provides loans to poor countries based on conditions that undermine state sovereignty. It is these conditions that precipitate the political and economic breakdown of some African countries.”


This September, the World Bank and IMF hold their annual meetings in Singapore. The intent, more manifest than subtle, is to exclude the poor people of the world from holding them to account. But there is growing recognition that a dominant voice from the commons is clearly underpinning a new counter-planning strategy from below.

Considering that the Global Justice Movement was an unknown feature some twenty years ago, a lot more of its values are gaining credence and acceptability in the mainstream. This is an admission of how far we have come, and where we are headed.

On October 17, a day after my 54th birthday, the world will awake to the International Day of Poverty. It is interesting how organizing around poverty issues has become fashionable in today’s society. It seems as if the goal is to create a multi billion-dollar industry whose legacy we cannot fathom. Or are we in the danger of losing sight of our engagement reasons to a point that now we are gravitating towards what has aptly been referred to as the age of “Billanthropy?”

What is becoming clearer by the day, however, is that the much touted globalization, laden with neo-liberal policies, is not working for the majority of the world population.

In February 2005, Nelson Mandela aptly captured that, “massive poverty and obscene inequality is the scourge of our times.” I must add that we don’t run from a scourge, but tackle it head-on and innovatively create measures and maneuvers to overwhelm it.

The International Financial Institutions (IFIs) provide loans to poor countries based on conditions that undermine state sovereignty. It is these conditions that precipitate the political and economic breakdown of some African countries.

The structural adjustment policies and their enhanced versions have debilitating effects on the ability to enhance growth and reap the benefits thereof. Further, forced and skewed macro-economic changes are supposed to lead to growth as per the neo-liberal fable, but concentrated, short term growth only serves to fuel inequality and inequitable forms of growth that in turn result in a burgeoning economic class and, more often, a political elite that is continuously insensitive to the majority. This is a recipe for insecurity and a breakdown in social solidarity.

The debt crises continue to grind us. As the basis of how the control and domination between the rich and more often powerful North affects the South, this is one issue that we must deal with very clearly and soberly.

The debt crisis is more of a political than economic issue. But the economic mantra becomes an easy sell so as to mystify it and shroud it in secrecy. Debt must be interrogated on the basis of its illegitimacy and odiousness.

A critical awareness is emerging that with the Gleneagles debt deal of 2005, perhaps the creditors have reached the full extent of the concessions that they are prepared to make. The emergent post-Gleneagles thinking that the debtors too must make a clear position on where they stand, becomes acute. Nigeria has blazed the repudiation trail in Africa. This must be embraced and thoroughly interrogated. Both the mid-term and long-term ramifications must be isolated to arrive at a coherent position on the way forward.

We must all embrace the paradigm shift that we are no longer talking about charity but justice, that Africa is alive and the African peoples have refused to die but, in the converse, live for Africa. Tony Blair says that we are a “scar on the conscience of the world.” But that needs to be qualified. Their world. That of excesses, exploitation, control and domination.

Our political leadership may jump into bed with those who perpetuate our misery and penury, but for how long? Even at that level it is all crumbling like the walls of Jericho. The African Union has unequivocally stated that debt cancellation is a must, that investment in public services is critical and that there is a need to develop a social policy on Africa based on rights and entitlements. These are surely groundbreaking dialogues.

The World Social Forum comes to Africa for the first time in January 2007. In Nairobi from January 20-25th, we must showcase to the world the African reality. We must be able to have new dreams. To develop new cosmologies, new metaphors devoid of violence and exploitation.

We must rehabilitate and reconstruct politics. In addition, we must ensure universal and sustainable access to the common goods of humanity and nature. We have to ensure dignity, defend diversity and guarantee expression, eliminating all forms of discrimination. By guaranteeing the rights to food, healthcare, education, housing and work, we will be building a world order based on sovereignty, self-determination and rights of peoples.

In all our different actions and engagements all across the world, this is what we should be working towards and articulating. That “Another World is Possible” but that this world is already in the making. That is the only way to reinforce the paradigm shift from charity to justice. Anything short of that and I concur with the Croatian development critic Ivan Illich: “To hell with good intentions.”

In the meantime, let’s all keep at our concerted efforts to build the collage of our different actions and challenges countering the dominant themes of run-away corporate capital fuelled globalization. While at it, see you all at the World Social Forum in Nairobi, January 20-25th 2007, as we give home to celebrate our diversity and recognition of our dignified commonwealth.

* Wahu Kaara is a Kenyan Social Campaigner, Educationist and Global Social Justice Activist. She has written and spoken extensively on justice, debt and economic matters as they affect Africa and especially Women. She is the Executive Chair of the Kenya Debt Relief Network (KENDREN) and Founder Chair of the Africa Women Economic Justice Network. She is currently immersed in the Mobilization and Planning for the World Social Forum slated for Nairobi, January 20-25th 2007.

*Kiama Kaara, is the Deputy Coordinator and Researcher at the Kenya Debt Relief Network (KENDREN). He is also the Convener of the World Social Forum Organizing Committee Youth Commission.

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

A question about the quality of memory, analysis and patience

2006-09-11

Nii K. Bentsi-Enchill

Scrolling down Pambazuka News 268, I noted with surprise these words in the introduction to “THE HOPES AND ILLUSIONS OF WORLD TRADE LIBERALISATION FOR WOMEN IN AFRICA” (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/36859:[/url] “Africa has faced ten years of unfettered liberalisation that, argues Cheikh Tidiane Dièye, has left the continent on its knees.” Further down, in Sokari Ekine’s REVIEW OF AFRICAN BLOGS (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/current/#cat_6), there was this paragraph from Ethiopundit: “As we discussed in Short Term Memory, Cheerleaders and Sachs & Violence, there is a long tradition of intellectuals 'adopting' African tyrants stretching back to those 'romantic' revolutionaries Nkrumah and Nyerere and their destruction of the Ghanaian and Tanzanian economies and societies. All that is needed from a tyrant is to speak the right progressive language while flattering their ferenji intellectual sponsors - even as boots stomp the faces of and impoverish the 'people' everyone pretends to be so concerned about.”

Just very quickly, the person who wrote the intro to Dièye’s article should reckon on at least 25 years of unfettered liberalisation that has kept Africa on its knees. We can use 1980 as a crude marker for the early “structural adjustment” programmes. We have to keep as long and sharp a perspective as possible in order to recognize old policies in new clothes.

Secondly, Sokari Ekine seems to agree with the Ethiopundit paragraph. I would suggest that Nkrumah and Nyerere did not achieve the destruction of their respective colonial economies and societies but they certainly tried.

This is just to raise a question about the quality of memory, analysis and patience. Looking critically at where we are roughly 50 years after “independence”, perhaps we should take more time when criticizing those early leaders with vision and programmes of qualitative change.

Pambazuka News Special edition on Women and Trade

2006-09-14

Christina Clark

I found the Pambazuka News Special edition on Women and Trade very useful. I'm teaching a course at the University of Ottawa on gender, development and globalisation, which includes a session on trade and gender. I look forward to the appearance of the French version of this issue on the PZ site, so that I can direct my students to it.

Three African DVDs

2006-09-14

Hamidou Soumah

In the competitive but lucrative US market, African films are still on the margins. New York-based Kino International and California Newsreel in San Francisco are two rare American companies struggling to fill this gap by distributing African videos and DVDs in the US. Recently, Kino released three African films, YEELEN (1987), HYENAS (1992) and GENESIS (1999) on DVD as a part of the company's tradition of distributing classics and foreign language art films. (HYENAS was released in association with the California Newsreel's Library of African Cinema, the largest library of African films and videos in the country.)

As the three DVDs arrive in American video stores, one might be tempted to ask how well these DVDs will do with American audiences. Will they face the same difficulty other African films have had finding broader audiences in the US? And why are African videos and DVDs so absent from the American market? There are no quick or simple answers to these questions.

Nonetheless, we can say that the absence of African videos and DVDs in the US market is tied to the specific challenges facing African films throughout the international market. Film producers in Africa lack strong commercial organizations to help them distribute and exhibit their films, both in Africa and abroad. As a result, the distribution of African films is carried out individually by African filmmakers themselves, with the support of European and American companies, a situation which looks like that of independent filmmakers anywhere -- although the difficulties faced by independent filmmakers in more affluent countries pale in comparison to the ordeals experienced by African filmmakers.

Made by three major Francophone African directors, YEELEN, HYENAS and GENESIS have already gained unique significance in universities and risen to a special place in world cinema because of their highly stylized and metaphorical representations of contemporary Africa. All three films use allegory to tell their stories about Africa's descent into political chaos and economic poverty at the end of the 20th century. These fin de siècle fables describe the betrayal of the dreams of development and progress that followed an enthusiastic independence era in post-World-War II Africa.

YELEEN is the fourth feature by Malian Souleymane Cissé, a pioneer and leading figure of African cinema (along with Senegalese director Ousmane Sembène). In 1987, YEELEN won both the Grand Jury Prize of the International Film Festival at Cannes and the Golden Prize of the Pan-African Film Festival of Ouagadougou, in Burkina Faso. Since then, the film has earned critical acclaim around the world.

Loosely based on the oral epic of ancient Mali, YEELEN is set in an unspecified time in a Bambara kingdom in pre-colonial West Africa. The film mixes legend and history to recount the struggle for power and knowledge between Nianankoro, a son with a Promethean complex, and his father Soma, who is a sorcerer and the high priest of a secret society known as the Komo. Nianankoro -- a newly initiated Bambara warrior with supernatural powers --wants to end the Bambara's abuse of power and secret knowledge. Considered a dangerous threat to the privileges of the Komo Order, he is banned and persecuted. The secret order mandates that one of its members - the warrior's father, Soma -- find and punish Nianankoro. This clash between Nianankoro and the members of the Komo order is seen in Africa as a metaphor for young people's rebellion against autocratic regimes in Mali and Africa during the 1980s.

HYENAS was the last feature by Senegalese director Djibril Diop Mambéty, who died in Paris in July 1998. During a "career" that spanned almost three decades, Mambéty was a non-conformist who completed only two features and a few short films. His second feature HYENAS was made almost twenty years after his first feature, TOUKI BOUKI, or THE JOURNEY OF THE HYENA. The 1973 TOUKI BOUKI, considered a classic of African cinema, is an avant-garde film about disillusioned youth -- their existentialist search for meaning in independent 1960s Senegal, and their ironic fascination with France, the old colonial power. Like TOUKI BOUKI, HYENAS is a tour de force in symbolic storytelling and a centerpiece in Mambety's obsessive quest for an African style of cinema.

Based on Swiss playwright Frederich Dürrenmatt's "The Visit of the Old Woman" (which was made into a movie with Ingrid Bergman and Anthony Quinn in 1964), HYENAS is a dark satire on human greed and a nightmarish tale of how things have gone astray in present-day Africa. Mambety's version of "The Visit" is set in contemporary Senegal. Linguère Ramatou, a rich old woman, returns to her native neighborhood of Colobane on the outskirt of Dakar to unleash bittersweet revenge against her former lover, Draman Drameh. Years before, Draman Drameh betrayed and abandoned Ramatou after she became pregnant to marry a wealthy woman. Driven out of Colobane, Ramatou was forced into prostitution, and miraculously, she became very rich. Now that she is "richer than the World Bank," according to the praise songs of musicians in Colobane, billionaire Ramatou promises her riches to the townspeople (and all the glitters of consumer society), but only if they will kill her former lover Draman Drameh.

The film provides a hypnotic and sarcastic account of this Faustian bargain between the desperate townspeople and the unforgiving Ramatou, offering a metaphor for the present-day impoverishment and plunder of Africa by corrupt local leaders and institutions like the Word Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Cheick Oumar Sissoko's GENESIS is another ambitious end-of-the-century allegory by a member of the second generation of African filmmakers. Written by French screenwriter Jean-Louis Sagot-Duvauroux, the film is a revisionist adaptation of GENESIS, the biblical story about fratricidal strife in the house of Abraham, set now in a West African context. Drawing from the Old Testament, the film chronicles the internecine conflict among three clans: the hunter-gatherers led by Isaac's elder son Esau (played by famous Malian singer and pop star Salif Keïta), his younger brother Jacob's clan of monotheistic nomadic herdsmen, and their cousin Hamor's Canaanite clan of sedentary farmers who still practice polytheism.

The plot of GENESIS, which seems convoluted to many, is driven by a series of events that lead to a deadly conflict amongst the three clans. As Esau roams the mythic space of the story, he plots a merciless revenge against his younger brother Jacob, who has tricked him out of his birthright. Jacob, on the other hand, has become a recluse as symbolic self-punishment for his own actions that led to the selling into slavery of his favorite son Joseph by his own envious brothers. Harmor the Canaanite is drawn into the conflict when his son Sechem abducts Jacob's simple-minded daughter Dinah. The pacifist Hamor proposes intermarriage as a possible solution to their differences, and he even allows the two youngsters to marry, but not before he has been forced by Jacob's sons to accept a condition that all the Canaanite males must be circumcised. Following the circumcision, Jacob's clan led by his sons raids the compound of the Canaanites and slaughters all the males. Their deceitful act further propels the cycle of violence in this story of hatred and revenge.

Like his previous film GUIMBA, THE TYRANT, which is itself an allegory about dictatorship in contemporary Africa, Sissoko's GENESIS symbolically delves into the current drama of civil wars and conflicts in Africa and around the world. Sagot-Duvauroux and Sissoko's bold revision of this archetypal story of madness and vengeance not only gives the biblical story a genuine African perspective, it also infuses the historical experience of Africa with universal understanding.

From the early 1980s onward, allegory as a means of social criticism has become a widespread practice in African cinema, and has helped filmmakers develop an aesthetic of resistance in countries that have become increasingly totalitarian. Ultimately, all three of these films symbolically explore the fate of Africa, as the continent struggles with both real and imaginary forces: internal and external, economic and political, social and cultural.

* This article first appeared in “Really Good Films” online magazine, and it is republished here with a kind permission of the author. Hamidou Soumah is an independent film scholar who lives and teaches in Los Angeles.

* Please send comments to: editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Review of African Blogs

2006-09-12

Sokari Ekine

'African Bullets & Honey' - African Bullets & Honey (http://bulletsandhoney.blogspot.com/2006/09/is-digital-indaba-internet-berlin.html) takes issue with the Digital Indaba on Blogging taking place in Johannesburg this week. He sees the conference as a way of “codifying” the African blogosphere which will end up excluding those who cannot or do not wish to participate rather than produce an inclusive blogging environment. A kind of colonisation process is taking place by those that seek to codify and appropriate the knowledge and ideas which are individual to each and every blogger. In short, the very aspect of blogging that makes it unique and differentiates it from the mainstream media, is being challenged.

“What really pulls my goat among all the ills of this 'inclusive' event is the corralling of bloggers – most of whom are just doing their own thing – into the donor universe. Consider once again the language of the Indaba which views blogging, at least in one aspect, thus:

“Blogging, because of its far reach and networking qualities, is an essential tool in ensuring that the UN Millennium Development Goals are achieved in Africa and NEPAD remains a united and benevolent alliance on the continent.”

But it is not just the “codifying of the African blogosphere” that annoys Bullets and Honey. It is the idea that African bloggers are being manipulated by a group of white “managers” or blogosphere elites who want to show that we African bloggers are not simply “passive observers in the global village”, but also that there is the possibility of a “market” or commercial opportunity not to be missed – a kind of new Blogging “scramble for Africa”. This ties in well with other ongoing campaigns such as “keep a child alive” fronted by Gwyneth Paltrow posing as an African in the “We are all Africans” poster .

“That we should now blog to show the world (read the West and white folks) that we are somehow worthy of their respectful consideration. What nonsense. Perhaps the way to 'show the world' is to have a conference of black people in the audience listening to panels basically made up of white people. You know? To hope that the authority of whiteness rubs off on the poor little African blogosphere. I wish I will be proven wrong about such panels but the defensiveness of the white Mandelas tells the tale. Ultimately though, whoever the panellists are, and despite the 'rush for white,' the logic of this benignly conducted colonisation of Africa's blog universe will have plenty of rainbow colored African volunteers.”

Kenyan Blog, 'You Missed This' You Missed This (http://kumekucha.blogspot.com/2006/09/sumbeiywo-biography-good-soldier.html) comments on the biography of General Lazarus Sumbeiywo which he says has many inconsistencies that contradict earlier reports. He also considers that much of the material in the book is a threat to national security.

“The account of the coup and the President’s confidence does not tally with other eyewitness reports including this blogger’s (see my other post on this). At a time when the nation is trying to fill in the blanks on some very important and crucial events in her history, accuracy is very important and this is not really the time to do Andrew-Morton-like biographies designed to clean up images of past administrations. (Andrew Morton was Princess Diana’s biographer who also wrote an infamous biography on former president Moi that claimed foreign minister Ouko’s assassination was masterminded by fellow-Luo and powerful PS in the office of the president Hezekiah Oyugi for reasons to do with Luo politics.)”

'Grandiose Parlour' - Grandiose Parlor (http://grandioseparlor.blogspot.com/2006/09/dont-talk-about-my-nigeria.html)
Reports on an article by Chizoma Sandra Nwachukwu who disparages Nigerians abroad for criticising the government and Nigerian society.

My fellow Nigerians, stop speaking from a point of ignorance. Purpose to change the status quo. You don't need military might. Just build ties with your people. Stop writing and criticizing the government. Even though it is not living up to its responsibilities, it is better than you are because it is doing something..."

Nwachukwu assumes that all Nigerians abroad are ignorant of what is happening in their country. This is false – we all read the newspapers, talk to friends and relatives and in some cases carry out business activities. To say that the government should not be criticised because, unlike us in the Diaspora it is doing something, makes no sense. Anyone and everyone is entitled to make whatever criticisms they choose of the Nigerian government and any other government.

Nigerian technology blogger, 'Oro' - Oro (http://www.gbengasesan.com/blog/?p=110") asks that foreign governments forget giving Nigerians visas to Europe when what Nigerians need is broadband!

“There is, however, a different class of young people in Nigeria. They are passionate, focused, daring… but not empowered. The world they live in is a different one and it has been referred to by those who should know as a global village – in fact, Thomas Friedman dared to call it a flat world.

In this world, location should not matter. In this world, the Internet, new technologies and other forces of globalization should enable a young Nigerian (like his Indian or Ghanaian counterparts) earn more – and live better – without the need to apply for a visa. Unless, of course, he decides to travel for a well-deserved vacation or necessary appointment. Why is it a should-be story? I would argue that the reasons are not far-fetched: young Nigerians see the new opportunities on cable networks and on the Internet; we hear of them when we connect with our friends through Skype; we dream of them after reading past editions of The Economist or Time’s features on Innovation. But one single factor that can help us take the next leap is missing. Internet access in Nigeria is plug and pray, not plug and play – and that is even if you can afford it”

'Egyptian Chronicles' - Egyptian Chronicles (http://egyptianchronicles.blogspot.com/2006/09/end-of-blockade-and-start-of-new.html) comments on what she describes as the new occupation of Lebanon – this time it is UNIFAL – the UN army in Lebanon.

“The Unifal will guard the Lebanese shores and airports, and also the northern borders between Syria and Lebanon too.

The Unifal will search any luggage in the harbors and airports with weight more than 20 kg as Katyusha missiles are weighted 67 kg!

The French army is back again to Lebanon after 51 years of independence with thousands of soldiers ,same as the Turkish which will return back to Lebanon after 88 years of independence from the Turkish Ottoman rule ,ironically I saw a report on CNN last week about the Lebanese Armani minority objection on the Turkish contribution in the Unifal troops , as some of you may know the Turkish Ottoman armies did massacres against the Armani people in Armani in WWI in year 1915 and till now the Armani people didn't forget it even those who live outside Armenian , anyway their objection got no importance because the Turks are coming back to Lebanon whether they like it or not.”

Israel has successfully deployed the UN as a proxy army to defend its own interests in Lebanon. So far despite offers from Indonesia and Bangladesh, no Muslim countries have been permitted to join the UN forces. Israel continues to make new demands, the latest of which is the deployment of armed UN troops along the entire Syria, Lebanon border. Egyptian Chronicle rightly concludes

“You know this reminds me with the time of colonialism, in the 1936 agreement between Egypt and UK , the British army would guard the Egyptian borders too in time of war….Well the age of colonialism is back again after all.”

'Gambian blogger', - Home of the Mandinmories (http://gambian.blogspot.com/index.html) comments on the 5th anniversary of 9/11: Much of the African blogosphere has been silent on 9/11, other than a few posts remembering those who were killed on that day 5 years ago. Mandinmories is the only one that takes a critical position on the direction of George Bush’s war on terror.

“With the September 11 anniversary around the corner, King George and his minions will be beating the war drums again. They will try to convince the citizens of this nation that Iran is coming to get us. Iran is the new bogey man. Remember the big bad wolf of Mesopotamia (Saddam)? He supposedly has weapons to annihilate civilization or that was the rational Georgie and his handlers told us what will happen if they don't get him first. We all know how well that thingy turned out. Yeah Saddam is in jail but Iraq is teetering on the brink of disintegration. What a noble venture it has turnout to be. In the last week or two they have started their disinformation campaign again. First defense secretary Rumsfeld compared anti war Americans to Nazi sympathizers in a speech to the American legion. He later claimed to be quoted out of context after a barrage of counter offensive from the other side led by MSNBC's Keith Oberman.”

'Black Looks' - Black Looks (http://www.blacklooks.org/2006/09/a_pact_against_freedom.html) has two posts in which she comments on the recent outings of gay men initially and then of lesbians last week by the Red Pepper magazine in Uganda. In the second outing, the news magazine calls on readers to phone in the names of neighbours so they (Red Pepper) can shame them by publicizing their names.

“The horrific events taking place in Uganda should be a wakeup call for everyone. People may think that they are safe from harassment and arrest because they are heterosexual. Not so, a witch hunt affects everyone irrespective of their sexuality. Your neighbour takes a disliking to you and before you know it you are being accused of being gay or a lesbian. People may think this is not their problem because they are not Ugandans. Think again, it happened in Cameroon, it’s happening in Ghana right now and with the new laws in Nigeria it may soon happen there. The fundamental human rights of African citizens are slowly being eroded in Uganda, Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Cameroon as religious extremists and repressive governments join in a pact against freedoms.”

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, www.blacklooks.org

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Urgent Need for Popular and Diplomatic Action on Darfur

2006-09-15

Next week on the 18th of September in New York, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union will have an emergency meeting on the margin of the UN General Assembly. The PSC will decide on the future of the 7000 AU troops in the face of ongoing military escalation of the crisis in Darfur, the recent UN Security Council resolution 1706 to sent 20,00 troops and the Sudanese Government’s refusal to allow the UN mission to proceed. It is critical that members of the public, non-governmental organizations and Parliamentarians raise their voices at this time. Key to African leadership on this issue are 15 Ministers from Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, and Uganda who will be attending this Peace and Security Council meeting. It is imperative that they agree on a number of key demands. For more information on the Darfur crisis and the Day of Action for Darfur www.dayfordarfur.org
Urgent Need for Popular and Diplomatic Action on Darfur
Briefing ahead of the Upcoming Ministerial Meeting of the AU Peace and Security Council,
18th September, in New York
This update: 14 September 2006

Next week on the 18th of September in New York, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union will have an emergency meeting on the margin of the UN General Assembly. The PSC will decide on the future of the 7000 AU troops in the face of ongoing military escalation of the crisis in Darfur, the recent UN Security Council resolution 1706 to sent 20,00 troops and the Sudanese Government’s refusal to allow the UN mission to proceed.

It is critical that members of the public, non-governmental organizations and Parliamentarians raise their voices at this time. Key to African leadership on this issue are 15 Ministers from Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, and Uganda who will be attending this Peace and Security Council meeting. It is imperative that they agree on the following:

1 - A reinforced AMIS mandate until January 2007: A sudden early departure will create a dangerous vacuum, which will be replaced by scaled up military activities by the Government of Sudan. This will almost certainly lead to severe humanitarian consequences, panic, possible forced camp closures, return of IDPs to their homes and further deterioration of security. AMIS should be maintained and its capacity and mandate reinforced until an effective deployment of UN forces. In addition, the AU must show more leadership in accepting assistance in financial accounting, command and control. This is a pre-requisite for approving your plans to scale up, which in the context of massive Government deployment becomes critical

2 - African Union’s support for UN Resolution 1706: Stronger coordinated and concerted pressure on the Government of Sudan to consent to UN transition in line with UNSC resolution 1706 passed on 31 August 2006 will allow the Government to move towards a more constructive dialogue around the command and composition of the UN peace-keeping troops and the steps needed to bring non-signatory factions into the framework of the DPA.

3 - Demilitarization and observance of the cease-fire: The government’s plan of action promotes a military scale up as the way forward. Troops are already being deployed in El Fasher and Nyala. The PSC must call for adherence to the ceasefire by all parties.

4 - International community to reaffirm their support for the AMIS up to January 2007: Previous attempts by donor countries to link funding for AMIS with acceptance by the Sudanese Government of a handover to the UN must be replaced with an unequivocal statement of financial support for AMIS until the handover in January. A pre-condition that rests in the hands of one of the warring parties, the Sudanese Government, disempowers the peace process.

Recent Background to Current Crisis
The conflict in Darfur has now lasted over 3 years. In the recent weeks, the situation has deteriorated to an alarming level with the decision of the Government’s decision to implement its own plan based on military solution. Early this week, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan “strongly condemned this escalation and urged the UNSC to take urgent actions to address a worsening situation in Darfur”.

A Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) has been signed in Abuja on 5 May 2006 between the Government and Minawi Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) one of the rebels groups. In spite of this agreement, the insecurity has gotten increasingly worse, and civilians in Darfur and Chad have borne the brunt of the violence. Today only 60% of the 3.5m in need can be accessed for assistance. In July alone, the crisis has costs of the lives of civilians, humanitarian workers and 2 Peace Keepers. We have seen 20 hijackings of humanitarian vehicles, accelerated fighting and 50,000 newly displaced. With only 7,000 troops in Darfur, the under-funded and under-equipped AMIS forces have been unable to prevent widespread abuses against civilians.


African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) at the cross-roads
The AMIS mission mandate revised in October 2004 is to: “ protect civilians encountered who are under imminent threat and in the immediate vicinity, within the limits of mission capability, it being understood that civilian protection is the government's responsibility … [and] … contribute to a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian relief and the eventual return of IDPs and refugees to their homes” It had been formulated by the AU Peace and Security Council in the context of a consensual deployment and as a buttress to what was initially conceived of as a ceasefire monitoring force.

There is now considerable confusion over the future of AMIS forces in Darfur. The Arab League passed a resolution offering support for eventual handover to GNU, but requesting the AU be allowed to continue past September. GNU spokespeople later said AMIS should leave if the AU continues to support the UN transition or if it decides itself that it cannot cope or extend its mandate any longer. The AU Peace and Security Council held an emergency meeting last week and announced it would leave at the end of September if the GNU does not drop its opposition to the UN transition. PSC will be meeting at the ministerial level in New York on 18 September to take a decision.

Sudanese Government opposition to a strengthened UN Mission
GNU has opposed UNSC Resolution 1706 calling for 20,000 UN troops in Darfur. President Bashir said Sudan would confront and resist any “international” forces, which he describes as “colonization in disguise.” Speeches were made not only in Khartoum and Darfur but also East Sudan and Kordofan in an effort to mobilise anti-UN opinion nationwide. Vice-President Taha - often seen as more amenable to a UN deployment - made similar remarks at a public rally, comparing Sudan’s resistance to Hezbollah against Israel. The government has frequently used references to Lebanon in recent weeks. Libyan President Gadaafi also described the proposed UN force as “mercenaries” who must be fought.

On 4 September the GNU officially informed the AU to clarify its future in Darfur and respond in 7 days. They argued that AMIS has a role to implement the peace agreement and they cannot handover to the UN without GNU consent. This position will force the AU to leave prematurely. A pre-mature ejection will have dangerous security and humanitarian consequences and make it impossible for the UN to carry out it’s mandate.

Government of Sudan plans for Darfur
The Government of National Unity's plan for Darfur breaches the DPA and risks spreading conflict. The Plan could see a very heavy handed approach to forced return of displaced people, and the placement of up to 10,000 national police in camps, which could be likely to cause conflict and fear in camps given the armed forces' role in supporting attacks on civilians in camps.

The Plan adopts a completely unrealistic timetable to return Darfur to normality by December this year. It is likely that the government will institute forced return of the two million people displaced by the violence and massive military offensives in an attempt to wipe out the anti-peace agreement forces. The immediate deployment of 26 000 Sudan Armed forces and Minnawi SLA Faction troops (the only rebel group to sign the peace deal) to support the AU mission and ‘gain control of the security situation’ will violate the cease-fire agreement. A possible 7,050 national police will be put into camps and surrounding areas to secure and protect displaced persons’ camps. Although it is the responsibility of the Sudanese Government to protect civilians, this plan is not appropriate given that these Sudan Armed Forces have directly supported the attacks on civilians in Darfur. Most alarmingly, the government of National Unity will produce a plan for ‘prompt voluntary return programmes’ with returns beginning from the beginning of September. It seems likely that this means forcibly returning people and calling it voluntary return.

If this happens, it would have very obvious negative and serious consequences for the people in Darfur. For these reasons, the African Union and UN Security Council members should express concerns over this plan.

For more information on the Darfur crisis and the Day of Action for Darfur www.dayfordarfur.org

More...

Global: Bahrain takes presidency of UN Assembly

2006-09-14

http://www.gulfinthemedia.com/index.php?m=search&id=242912&lang=en

Shaikha Haya bint Rashid Al Khalifa yesterday took over the presidency of the UN General Assembly from the outgoing president of the 192-member body, Swedish Foreign Minister Jan Eliasson.

Ghana: Increased penalties for female genital cutting proposed

2006-09-11

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=5541

When 45-year-old farmer Fefe Dari decided to perform genital excision on three girls in 2003, with the consent of their parents, little did she know that the tradition would land her a five-year jail sentence. Few of those who perform excision have been jailed under Ghana's 1994 law against the practice - as is the case in other African countries where excision is outlawed.

Nigeria: Domestic workers or modern day slaves?

2006-09-12

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=55523

Human traffickers make good business taking poorly educated girls from Nigerian villages to toil as domestic workers in the sprawling urban throb of Lagos. But the girls, some as young as five years old, see little or none of their earnings.

Nigeria: Common Voice for Nation's Women

2006-09-13

http://allafrica.com/stories/200609130459.html

An initiative, which is a forum for women activists working in the area of women rights and development seeks essentially to empower the Nigerian women folks politically, especially in the forth-coming national elections slated for 2007 was launched by the Women Unity Forum (WUF) in Lagos on September 11.

Tanzania: Gender inequality and intimate partner violence

2006-09-11

http://topics.developmentgateway.org/gender/rc/ItemDetail.do?itemId=1071604

A recent analysis of data from nearly 1,500 in-person interviews with women in the urban district of Moshi, Tanzania, highlights the need for policies and programs aimed at empowering women to take control of their sex lives and fertility.

Uganda: Maternal Mortality Rate Still High

2006-09-13

http://allafrica.com/stories/200609110865.html

The number of women who die during birth is still high, the State of Uganda Population report, has revealed. "Maternal mortality has remained stable and high at 505 deaths per 100,000 live births. The majority of maternal deaths occur outside hospital indicating delays in seeking care," the report says.

Uganda: Rebels to Release Women And Children From Captivity

2006-09-13

http://allafrica.com/stories/200609120029.html

The rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has agreed to release 'non-combatants', including women and children they are holding captive, a top United Nations officials said. "I was pleased that the LRA have promised to release non-combatants and other abductees - women and children," Jan Egeland, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, said in the southern Sudanese town of Juba on Monday (September 11).

Africa: Migrants Find Vicious Circle of Deportation

2006-09-13

http://allafrica.com/stories/200609130076.html

The government of Libya routinely subjects migrants, asylum seekers and refugees -- primarily from sub-Saharan Africa -- to serious human rights abuses, including beatings, arbitrary arrests, forced returns and in some cases, torture, according to a Human Rights Watch (HRW) report released Tuesday (September 12).

Africa: Causing hunger - an overview of food crisis

2006-09-11

http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC22603

This Oxfam briefing argues that the world's emergency response to food crises requires an overhaul in order to deliver prompt, equitable, and effective assistance to people suffering from lack of food. It also argues that governments need to tackle the root causes of hunger, which include poverty, agricultural mismanagement, conflict, unfair trade rules, and the unprecedented problems of HIV/AIDS and climate change.

Côte d’Ivoire: The sun's rays have become strangers to our eyes

2006-09-11

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=34576

To get a sense of the problems besetting prisons in Côte d'Ivoire, look no further than Building C of the House of Arrest and Correction of Abidjan (Maison d'arrêt et de correction d'Abidjan, MACA). The 115 detainees crowded together in this building share just one toilet, and barely manage a daily shower.

Ethiopia: Hundreds of prisoners granted amnesty

2006-09-13

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=55541

For the first time in 50 years, Ethiopian authorities have granted amnesty to hundreds of convicted prisoners and commuted the sentences of several others. A total of 237 prisoners were freed and 26, including 11 death-row convicts, had their sentences reduced, the official news agency reported on Tuesday (September 12).

Tanzania: "Gem Slaves: Tanzanite's Child Labour"

2006-09-11

IRIN

In the next few days IRIN will be releasing the latest of its short documentary films and we are requesting subscribers to notify us if you wish to receive a copy.
Dear Friends and Colleagues,

In the next few days IRIN will be releasing the latest of its short documentary films and we are requesting subscribers to notify us if you wish to receive a copy.

The film is titled "Gem Slaves: Tanzanite's Child Labour" and tells the story of the child miners of Mererani in northern Tanzania who are daily forced underground in terrible conditions, by both desperate poverty and the global hunger for this precious gem.

As with all IRIN Films, the aim is to increase awareness and understanding of humanitarian crises and to assist fellow humanitarian actors in their advocacy efforts. As a humanitarian news agency IRIN specializes in the creation of advocacy tools but remains dependant on its partners for the dissemination of these messages.

IRIN Films are distributed free-of-charge but because of growing production and distribution costs we ask that only those agencies and NGOs actively involved in advocacy work request copies.

While we will endeavour to meet demand, we cannot guarantee that we will be able to provide copies to all who request them. In addition, while the vast majority of films that are dispatched reach their recipients in good time, occasionally the unreliability of postal systems may mean that copies are delayed or, rarely, lost. We thank you for your patience in such instances.

Would all interested parties please click on the link below to apply for a copy of this film: http://www.irinnews.info/filmorders/gemslaves.asp

We look forward to hearing from you and kindly request that you provide us with feedback on your usage of the film.

The film will shortly be available in low resolution on our website:
www.irinnews.org/film Best regards, Pat Banks IRIN Coordinator

More...

Uganda: Press homophobia raises fear of crackdown

2006-09-11

http://www.amnesty.org

In a country where a sodomy conviction carries a penalty of life imprisonment, a Ugandan tabloid's decision to publish the names of alleged homosexuals is a chilling development that could presage a government crackdown, Human Rights Watch has said. The lesbian and gay community in Uganda has long been stigmatized and harassed by government officials.

Zimbabwe: Pre-conditions for a new constitution

2006-09-13

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/viewinfo.cfm?linkcategoryid=6&linkid=11&id=2167

When people concerned about good governance discuss a new constitution for Zimbabwe they immediately go into details: should we have an executive president or a prime minister? Should we have a lower and an upper house, two chambers, or just one? But before we go into these details we need to look at something much more fundamental.

Zimbabwe: Demonstrators detained in Harare

2006-09-13

http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/topstories.aspx?ID=BD4A271156

The head of Zimbabwe’s main labour union and at least 14 others were arrested in Harare today as they attempted to begin a march to government offices, a union spokesman said.

Global: Coercive migration policies harm peace and security

2006-09-12

http://www.uneca.org/

A new report on international migration and development published by the Economic Commission for Africa, (ECA) says the elimination of coercive migration policies would enhance the contribution of migrants and their families to international development. The report, “International migration and development: Implications for Africa”, which will be released at the high level dialogue on international migration opening in New York on September 14, says: “Coercive migration policies in sending and receiving countries work against peace and securities at all levels and against the maximization of the benefits of international migration.”

Global: Labelling refugees - forming and transforming a bureaucratic identity

2006-09-12

http://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/news003.html

To celebrate the 100th anniversary of Oxford Journals, Oxford University Press is publishing a collection of 100 seminal papers selected from many of their 180 journals. Included is the above-named paper by Professor Roger Zetter which appeared in Volume 4 of the Journal of Refugee Studies.

Angola: Minister calls for redoubling of refugees repatriation efforts

2006-09-13

http://www.angolapress-angop.ao/noticia-e.asp?ID=471778

Angola`s Minister of Social Welfare João Baptista Kussumua has called on international donors and partners to redouble efforts for the success of the voluntary and organised repatriation of 15,000 out of the 20,000 Angolan refugees living in neighbouring Zambia.

Great Lakes: Officials adopt legislation on land, property ownership

2006-09-12

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/IRIN/716a24eb6cb1f4a7908635228ccbbe4e.htm

Draft legislation drawn up at a regional conference in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, is mainly aimed at guaranteeing the property rights of returnees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in countries such as Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, Rwanda and Uganda.

Libya: Stemming the flow - Abuses against migrants, asylum seekers and refugees

2006-09-13

http://www.hrw.org/reports/2006/libya0906/libya0906webwcover.pdf

A new Human Rights Watch Report documents how Libyan authorities have arbitrarily arrested undocumented foreigners, mistreated them in detention, and forcibly returned them to countries where they could face persecution or torture, such as Eritrea and Somalia.

SOMALIA: Crackdown on trafficking in Puntland

2006-09-13

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=55540

Authorities in Somalia's self-declared autonomous region of Puntland are cracking down on migrants waiting to be smuggled into Yemen and the Gulf states, Puntland's deputy police chief said on Wednesday (September 14).

Sudan: Newly displaced yearn for peace

2006-09-12

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/LZEG-6TKLFE?OpenDocument

Since 4 August, about 1,500 people from the area north of El Fasher have arrived after their villages were bombed, placing them in the crossfire between government forces and rebels of the National Redemption Front (NRF). Some of the new arrivals have put up flimsy shelters on a sandy slope outside El Salaam camp as they await official registration.

Chad: Govt and rebels clash in east

2006-09-13

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=55549

Government military planes, vehicles and troops were flooding in and out of the military hub Abeche in eastern Chad on Wednesday (September 14) following fighting with rebels in the region earlier this week.

Côte d’Ivoire: Stepping Up the Pressure

2006-09-11

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?l=1&id=4365

Prime Minister Charles Konan Banny has been unable to implement the roadmap that was to have secured for Côte d’Ivoire a democratically legitimated government. As happened a year ago, there will be no presidential election on the date (currently 31 October 2006) mandated by the UN Security Council.

Gambia: Murky voter registration mars election run-up

2006-09-13

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=55526&

Apainyassi is Senegalese. Yet, he says he plans to cast a vote in The Gambia's presidential elect