Back Issues

This week's highlights

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/40528

FEATURES:
- Mary Ndlovu asks how long before Mugabe goes? Change is coming, but it will only be the first step on a long journey to a just society
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- Kali Akuno – calls for reparations, and recognition of Afrikans as their own liberators
- Roland Bankole Marke – calls for compassion and action for Sierra Leone amputees
- Nikolaj Nielsen – on the West’s continued complicity in the underdevelopment of Africa
LETTERS:
- Vye Ewol from Haiti congratulates Jacques Depelchin on his Cite Soleil article
- Reggie Auguste: who are the real enemies of Cite Soleil?
- Doreen Lwanga on criminalisation of the poor
- Bernard Tabaire appeals for support to save a forest in Uganda
- PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Tajudeen laments that slavery in not dead
- BLOGGING AFRICA: housing issues in Durban; China in Kenya; and reparations for slavery
BOOKS & ARTS: reviews of African Love Stories and Hotel Rwanda

WOMEN AND GENDER: Senegal guarantees gender balance in legislative polls
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Bemba’s militias join national army
HUMAN RIGHTS: Egyptian police break up referendum protest
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: 35 Somali migrants dead
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Unity cabinet named in Guinea
AFRICA AND CHINA: China’s back-door deals in Zambia
DEVELOPMENT: Zambians thirsty for basic services
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: The dilemma of health care reform
EDUCATION: UNESCO releases Global Monitoring Report
LGBTI: Application of Human Rights to Sexual Orientation
ENVIRONMENT: African governments urged to ban plastics
LAND & LAND RIGHTS: More people at risk as Kenya land clashes persist
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Liberian court nullifies ban on newspaper
NEWS FROM THE DIASPORA: 900,000 Africans prepare for French polls
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: New ICT policy for Zambia
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops and Jobs
FAHAMU: Is looking for a programme manager - see jobs section

*Pambazuka News now has a Del.icio.us page, where you can view the various websites that we visit to keep our fingers on the pulse of Africa! Visit http://del.icio.us/pambazuka_news

Zimbabwe: Change is coming: the first step in a long journey

Mary Ndlovu

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/40499

The past three weeks have seen an embattled Zimbabwean government unleash terror on its citizens. Mary Ndlovu believes that the last weeks have brought qualitative change to Zimbabwe that spells the end of Mugabe ‘s rule sooner than later. Change is coming, she writes, but it is not likely to bring us close to that goal. Rather it will be the first step of another very long journey.


Three weeks ago an embattled Zimbabwe government declared a ban on public meetings for three months. A week later, when a defiant opposition attempted to hold a prayer rally in a historic Harare suburb, government responded with brutal and calculated beatings of hundreds of opposition supporters, residents and stunned by-standers – resulting in two known deaths and many life-threatening injuries. Since then the world’s press and diplomatic communities have been in an uproar and newspaper editors have fallen over each other predicting the pending demise of Robert Mugabe’s 27 years of misrule.

Has Robert Mugabe’s game finally come to an end? Has he now gone a step too far for even his protectors to tolerate? Will the coming weeks see progress toward the genuine change so many Zimbabweans are longing for?

Opposition leaders have said so – we have reached the tipping point, claims Morgan Tsvangirai. Others are calling it the beginning of the end; Mugabe’s last stand. Not so hasty say the more cautious, it has happened before; we have had massive public protests; we have had government brutality and world condemnation before.

The Zimbabwean people are not ready to face the dangers of extended public protest, they say, and will likely again be cowed by the terror tactics of government. At this point, we do not even have a state of emergency; Mugabe still has many weapons in his arsenal, both literal and figurative. Mugabe may have been weakened, he may be down for the count, but he is not out, and could rise to his feet again.

The past weeks have indeed brought a qualitative change to Zimbabwe, with a significant shift in the balance of power between the forces which keep Mugabe in power and those which wish to remove him. Ultimately a government’s endurance rests on its success in maintaining a productive and healthy economy which delivers at least subsistence to the population. Mugabe has failed spectacularly in this sphere, with the economy in a state of contraction for the past seven years, and in free fall for the past year.

This collapse has effects which undermine his political support. Firstly, it makes it more difficult for him to dispense the largesse necessary to buy the continuing loyalty of the political and security elite, and to keep the lower ranks of the forces in line. Second, it makes the population, which has remained largely quiescent and submissive in the face of oppression, restive and prepared to risk more in confronting a hugely unpopular government which has destroyed their lives. And thirdly it has spill-over consequences in the region which are beginning to annoy and frustrate neighbouring governments.

Perceiving a weakening in Mugabe’s power base, opposition leaders in political parties, civil society organisations, student movements and churches, have taken their cue and demonstrated greater determination and willingness to come together to push him out.

Within the past weeks opposition elements have shown greater cohesion than at any time in the past few years, the people are less afraid, neighbouring governments are at last speaking out on the need for change, and the ZANU PF elite are themselves realising that they do not want Mugabe to continue in power any longer.

Add to this the alienation of the regular police, army and intelligence forces, and the increasing unwillingness of a previously tamed judiciary to play ball, and we do have a recipe for change in the near future. Most critical of these elements in effecting an early change, is the ZANU PF elite.

The opposition would take much more time to bring sufficient pressure to bear, but the ZANU PF hierarchy has seemingly realised that rather than squabbling about succession, their interests will be better served by working together to ditch their unpopular and ageing leader. That may be the only way they can save themselves, their positions and their misgotten wealth.

Certainly, Mugabe will not go easily. He is determined to hang on, and prepared to use any violent means within his grasp. In case the regular police waver in their support, he has side-stepped them by utilising youth militia and party thugs, with or without uniforms, to intimidate opposition forces by brutality, both targeted and indiscriminate.

Now he has declared that the traditionally loyal although also divided war veterans will form a reserve army. And a pact with Angola to provide police to support his rule is rumoured. Dissenters to Mugabe’s continued rule from within ZANU PF have the permanent threat of arrest and punishment for economic crimes dangled over them, and the implied threat of violence as well.

Clearly the food weapon will again be used against any who do not show their loyalty in another year of drought and scarcity. He is a master at splitting any social or political force which he does not control; in Zimbabwe he has split the churches, the political opposition, and civil society organisations; internationally he succeeded in splitting the Commonwealth and now there are signs that the Angolan alliance is an attempt to split SADC. Down he may be, perhaps, but certainly still fighting, with no intention of leaving the ring.

But Mugabe will eventually go, and it appears now that it will be sooner rather than later. If his own party supporters see him as a liability his days are numbered. Their loyalty has for some time been conditional on his ability to protect their criminal activities. With this becoming less and less possible, they have no reason to keep him in place. While it is useless to speculate on the timing, when Morgan Tsvangirai says that he will be gone before the end of this year, it is now believable.

Our focus then shifts to the question of how he will go, bringing us to consider the scenarios which could play out before us. We have reached the time of greatest hope but the time of greatest danger, because the way in which Mugabe goes is of utmost importance to the future of Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans.

There are two major issues – will it be a peaceful change, or will it be violent – and will the change bring progressive forces into power, or will it simply be more of the same?

Mugabe’s use of violence, denying non-violent means of resisting him, tends to provoke violence in response. Although all the opposition forces espouse non-violence, in the face of intensifying, irrational repression, it is possible that groups of dissenters will turn to violence.

The current sporadic use of sabotage tactics against police and civilian targets could be the work of agents provocateurs, but could also be the work of disgruntled opposition elements who want to do anything to express their anger. They are not a threat to the government, as they lack organisation and weaponry, at least at the present moment.

A more serious threat to government would be action by disaffected army units, with or without the connivance of senior military and political figures. Serious fighting could result if the army were to divide into units loyal to Mugabe and units loyal to other factions of ZANU PF, or acting independently. It might well lead to the removal of Mugabe, but could also usher in a period of civil strife and uncertainty such as has occurred in Cote d’Ivoire. It would probably also lead to international intervention of various sorts, which might or might not produce a satisfactory political resolution.

But experience in the rest of Africa shows that once weapons are used to promote the interests of individuals or groups, the results are highly detrimental to civilians at all levels, and the chaos produced is normally long-term, not short-term. Thus civil strife, or even a violent overthrow of Mugabe by his own soldiers can hardly be considered a desirable solution. Fortunately, it does not appear very likely, but is certainly a possibility.

The second scenario would be one in which opposition forces, acting on their own without support from the ZANU PF hierarchy, but possibly with assistance from within the police and army, were able to pressure Mugabe into resigning or fleeing as he sees his support base melting away. In such a case, opposition forces would be likely to call for international assistance in effecting a transition and holding new elections. A transition which is driven by popular mass action is desirable as it empowers the people to make the leaders accountable to them. Furthermore, it is likely to put in place a system of trial and punishment for perpetrators of violence and exploiters of the nation’s wealth, ending impunity for crimes.

But the truth is that the opposition in Zimbabwe would take many months to organise the people into such a powerful formation. Although the capacity of the combined opposition forces to pressurise Mugabe is probably underestimated, the main goal which unites them is to remove the man himself. Even if they were able to pull off an 'Orange revolution' which is always being held up as a model, their ability to deliver the dreams of the masses of Zimbabwe is highly questionable.

Elements amongst them which show a commitment to genuine participatory democracy and an economy of fair distribution of wealth are very weak. They have not shown that they have the will or the skills to replace a highly corrupt political and government structure which answer to the people’s needs.

Nevertheless, such a people driven change would be the most desirable, simply because it would remove the corrupt power structure of ZANU PF and hold it accountable for the destruction of a once vibrant nation and the immiseration of its people. We live in hope that it would at least produce something better than what we have been subjected to for the past 27 years.

The other likely prospect is a 'negotiated settlement'. This is currently being promoted, not only by Western governments, but also probably by South Africa and the majority of SADC. This position sees the opposition MDC as being too divided and too weak to effect the removal of Mugabe, making factions of ZANU PF opposed to Mugabe’s continuation in power critical to removing him.

The idea is to use some of his immediate subordinates in the party to broker a deal in which Mugabe is persuaded (or even forced) to vacate office in exchange for impunity from any form of accountability for his crimes against his people. Talks between ZANU PF and the MDC on a new constitution and arrangements for 'free and fair' internationally supervised elections in 2008, would follow, resulting in a new government taking office. It would then receive massive support from the IMF to resurrect the economy.

The first scenario is the most dangerous, the second the most desirable, but the third ultimately the most probable. If current reports of 'talks' can be believed, the second 'solution' may already be in process.

Much as we would like to see a change, we should not be fooled into believing that such an outcome will solve our problems. Since it relies on Mugabe’s lieutenants to remove him, it means they will remain in place; but they are equally guilty of the crimes of which he would stand charged. Unless they are also removed, impunity will prevail and they will keep the current corrupt anti-democratic patronage system in place. Moreover, can we trust SADC to supervise a transition? Who will repeal the oppressive legislation which ensured that recent elections could not be fair?

The same people who put it in place? Who will restore citizenship to those Zimbabweans who have been stripped of it and denied their vote? How do we install a new election machinery and overhaul the Registrar General’s electoral roll if ZANU PF leaders remain? And how can we trust those African governments which previously declared obviously flawed elections free and fair to guide us through new elections?

We may wish for a peaceful transition, but are we wise to again allow the perpetrators of massive human rights abuses to go unpunished? Many voices are raised to urge Zimbabweans to allow Mugabe to retire gracefully in order that we gain a peaceful transition. But does this mean we allow the establishment through which he perpetrated the abuses to continue as well? The lessons of history are that when there is impunity abuses continue. Such an outcome does not augur well for the future.

There is a danger in this scenario that we will see a sort of replay of 1979. At that time, when liberation movements had a complete victory over Ian Smith within their grasp, the international community intervened to prevent it, and force compromises whose consequences remained to haunt our independence.

Is this what is happening again? Will Western and Southern African nations intervene to help remove Mugabe himself, enforce compromises in the shape of impunity for perpetrators of human rights abuses, re-establish a safe environment for world and regional capital, and leave the people little better off than before?

The main difference, however, is that opposition forces in 2007 are much further from victory on their own, and history will not wait for those who are unable to seize the moment.

In spite of a history of 'people’s struggle' in Southern Africa, the outcome has almost always been the appropriation of the political process by the few. Deals are worked out between opposing elites which put one or the other or a combination in power.

In general, the need to deal with abuses is swept aside, international capital pours in to revitalise investment opportunities for the world’s entrepreneurs, and the people are fed an illusion that change has occurred.

Sadly, we must accept the truth that progressive forces have not yet evolved sufficiently to achieve power in Zimbabwe or indeed the region as a whole. A non-violent negotiated removal of Mugabe by elites in Zimbabwe and outside will at least break the current impasse.

We can only hope that it will open some cracks which the committed might use to create democratic space. In that space they must continue the struggle to achieve the vision of a just society. Change is coming, but it is not likely to bring us close to that goal. Rather it will be the first step of another very long journey.

* Mary Ndlovu is a Zimbabwean human rights activist.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

We are our own liberators

Confronting 200 years of the end of the trans-Atlantic slave trade

Kali Akuno

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/40496

In marking the abolition of slavery, Kali Akuno calls for reparations from Britain, the US and 'numerous corporate enterprises'. He asks that the world recognises the role played by Afrikans in liberating themselves from slavery and in particular the Haitian revolution, 'the seminal historic process that ended the slave trade'.


Much is being made in England and throughout the English speaking or so-called anglophone world about the 200th anniversary of the abolition of the slave trade in the British empire and its breakaway colony, the United States of America.

Hollywood and the monopoly sector of entertainment capital have marked this anniversary with a major feature film, Amazing Grace, about the life and works of William Wilberforce.

What should Afrikan peoples throughout the world make of this fanfare? While commemorations, public discussion, and the issuance of statements of 'regret' - not formal apologies, all must note the difference morally and legally - are being offered for the monumental crime against humanity are positive, they are by no means an adequate response to this crime.

In the 200 years since the cessation of the slave trade within the English speaking empires, suffering and exploitation of Afrikan people within these territories have not abated, only changed in form.

Where slavery once structured the ruthless exploitation of Afrikan people, neo-colonialism is now the order of the day. The central question underlining these commemorative activities is what forms of restitution, redress, and reparations should be offered to Afrikan peoples throughout the world by the governments of the United Kingdom, the United States, and the numerous corporate enterprises built by the capital accumulated from the slave trade sanctioned by these states?

Reparations are just a starting point, the necessary first step, towards the elimination of the ongoing legacies of the slave trade and slavery for Afrikan peoples. If Afrikan peoples do not press the demand of reparations at these commemorative events, then we will allow them to serve as justifications for their ongoing denial.

The legacy of Afrikans liberating themselves from slavery must also be redressed. Specifically, the Haitian revolution, and the seminal role this played in ending the slave trade. The moral appeals of Quaker and Methodist abolitionists aside, it was the success and spreading appeal of the Haitian revolution throughout the Afrikan diaspora that forced British and American colonisers and capitalists to end the slave trade in order to stop fuelling the fire for liberation fanned by the Haitian people.

The denial of this fact perpetuates the dehumanising white supremacist myth that Afrikan people did not, and could not, play a decisive role in their own liberation. Its denial also serves to distort our understanding of historic processes, particularly those of revolutionary transformation.

The determinant force in the liberation of Afrikan people, then as now, is the self-organisation of Afrikan peoples themselves. It is not the efforts of liberal do-gooders or those non-Afrikans that stand in genuine and concrete solidarity with our cause.

Distortions of this logic lead to aid initiatives with the premise that Afrikan peoples must be saved from themselves, not that imperialism and neo-colonialism have to be totally and utterly destroyed.

The conclusion therefore is that Afrikans and genuine revolutionaries everywhere must seize the opportunity being provided by the 200th anniversary commemorative events to address the ongoing legacies of slavery, the slave trade, colonialism, imperialism, and neo-colonialism and to fight, without compromise, for reparations for the heinous crimes committed against our people to build the fortresses of the British and American empires.

*Kali Akuno is the national organiser of Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. He can be reached at kaliakuno@gmail.com

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Links: Will the real William Wilberforce Please Stand Up

Reparations

No compassion for Sierra Leone’s amputees

Roland Bankole Marke

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/40501

The war in Sierra Leone has been over for five years. However for thousands of amputees 'their personal battles with trauma have exponentially and vicariously intensified as the years have passed'. The amputees’ experiences and nightmares are more emotional and psychological than physical.


The decade long harrowing civil war endured by Sierra Leone might be over as far as the Sierra Leone government and top United Nations emissary Carolyn McAskie responsible for peace-building are concerned. The latter states: 'The war has been over for five years the peace has held, I think that’s a gold standard...there is still a lot to do though.'

President Ahmed Tejan Kabba has publicly told the nation his government is overwhelmed by national priorities. He is therefore unable to address the individual needs of his people therefore they must begin to help themselves.

However for the thousands of amputees living in this tiny nation barely the size of Maine this is an impractical and impossible task. Their personal battles with trauma have exponentially and vicariously intensified as the years have passed. The amputees’ experiences are more emotional and psychological. They suffer a nightmare than their physical wounds can communicate.

Presently, the government is busy with its pending presidential and parliamentary elections just a few months away, and the routine of running the machinery of government.

However these elections are not going to be curative for the thousands of Mamsu Thoronkas and Tamba Ngaujahs that are still languishing in the mundane and elusive wilderness of Sierra Leone, plagued and handicapped in destitution and despondency. They cannot fend for themselves in a country where unemployment is astronomical and finding a job and a home are extremely difficult.

The disturbing and graphic poster images of mutilation and amputation germinated from the seeds of the 1991 civil war that were sown in the eastern border town of Bormaru.

Sierra Leone shares close proximity and commonality with neighbouring Liberia. There, the demonic and diabolic foetus of dehumanisation and shocking brutality were born. Although the rebels, who migrated to Liberia to execute heinous crimes with the aid of Charles Taylor of Liberia, were discounted by the government as mere rabble rousers.

But facts have proved quite the opposite as warnings of possible violence were ignored. Although the Government assured the nation that the dire situation was under control the truth was that innocent and peaceful Sierra Leonean civilians would encounter a bizarre and innovative barbarism seasoned with surgical nightmares.

The psychology behind the amputation of limbs, tongues or ears is a terror wedging campaign to instil phobia and panic on the government and all its citizens. In a previous election the people had voted overwhelmingly for President Kabba. Since they used their hands to vote, dismembering their limbs would prevent them from casting another ballot for a democratic government. Rebel propaganda of fear and panic was to impose their will on the people of Sierra Leone, just like terrorists across the world.


Mamsu Thoronka - 41 year-old trader, shown in the pictures is among thousands of amputees living in Freetown, Sierra Leone today. She is struggling to support her family of six children on her own. Her husband is in a transition into another relationship and is distant from the family. Welfare services do not exist and no form of help comes from the government:

'On 22 January, 1999 when the capital city Freetown was attacked by rebels, I attempted to take refuge in a building to escape the vengeance of the rebels. But they found me, and put my hand on a table and ready to cut it off with a machete like a butcher would sever animal meat. I begged for mercy asking them to respect God and me being His child.

They told me to point to God with my right hand which they also tried to chop off. They tried three times but failed, the hand of God probably helped or saved me. I still can’t use three fingers on my right hand. The rebels said, “I should get another hand from President Kabba, who has several hands to spare.” I was in agony and the thought of death crossed my mind. I was later taken to hospital but the doctors too had fled for their lives. Freetown was infested with hundreds of corpses scattered all around its perimeter. My dangling left hand held by a film of skin had begun to decay. It took a week before I was able to see a doctor who treated only my wounds.

My husband is still distant, I’m sure he has another wife without my knowledge. I persevere to support my children by buying produce like palm-oil in the countryside to resell in Freetown. My responsibility is too much for me. I cannot afford to pay school fees for my six children, as school fees are beyond my reach. I’m appealing for help from the international community, as my two oldest children have dropped out of school.'

But with her resilience and tenacious spirit Mamsu refuses to give up her fight for survival or self sufficiency. She continues cross border trade between Guinea and Sierra Leone. In Guinea goods are cheaper. But a recent embargo put on Guinean goods could paralyse her main source of livelihood. She still sells vegetables and beans to enable her to buy clothes and household necessities for her large family. Goods and services are now being sold at cut throat prices upcountry than in Freetown. She rears a few chickens for subsistence and sometimes sells some.

'Rebels have threatened to end our lives. They say, if government will not stop talking about amputees and the rebel atrocities that created them, they will get rid of us all. I fear the advent of another war.'

For Mamsu the welfare of her children is paramount in her mind. She is not seeking vengeance or retribution towards her assailants (rebels). She has offered forgiveness to them, despite the institution of the War Crimes Court in Sierra Leone to help bring justice to people like Mamsu. 'I want someone to take care of my children', she prays.

'The former rebel fighters are being well looked after with skills training and free education for their children. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission said, we amputees should get a pension but we have seen nothing.'

A Norwegian charity that helped house her. There is discrimination against amputees at all levels. 'I cannot cook for myself; I have to direct my daughter Bonki to do the cooking for me. When my children run into disagreement in school their peers tell them, “Your mother is a half-person.” It is so demeaning and painful for me since I’m a victim of mere circumstance. We amputees are really discriminated against in Sierra Leone.'

Tamba Ngaujah has a similar story to tell the world about his destitution and abandonment by the society that he once served. He had enlisted in the Republic of Sierra Leone Military Forces (RSLMF) to defend his country against all internal and external aggressions, serving his country diligently and honestly to the best of his ability.

While other soldiers deserted from the army, he stayed on to defend his country and people. It was during his line of duty that he was captured by the rebels, at the beginning of the war in 1991. Tamba suffered double amputation in captivity, becoming the first among thousands of amputees. After surviving his ordeal he was kicked out of the Wilberforce barracks where he lived in the military quarters during the heavy rainy season when massive flooding is common. His condition did not prevent the military officials from evicting him from his living quarters.

He is now homeless languishing on the streets with his family parading as beggars. No plans have been made to provide him with alternative accommodation. He is appealing to the international community at least to provide him with shelter considering his current status. Help for amputees is a deplorable and pathetic situation and in fact does not seem to be moving at all.

Despite the numerous NGOs in the country, aid is slow to reach the amputees. Even the Human Rights Declaration and The Truth and Reconciliation testament does not seem applicable to them, although a recent UN assessment gives the country high marks for keeping the peace.

What we do to the least of those among us, we have done it to our creator. How long will this peace last that is held by a thread? A nation that does not take care of its disabled or less fortunate subjects is doomed.

A comprehensive reading of the Sierra Leone civil war and its effects on ordinary people can be found in my book: Harvest of Hate- Stories and Essays: “Fuel for the Soul” - published by Publish America 2006. Visit: www.worldpress.org/africa/2447.cfm to read an extract - Harvest of Hate- Mary’s Saga.


*Roland Bankole Marke is a Sierra Leonean writer living and writing in Florida, USA. He is the author of three books: Teardrops Keep Falling, Silver Rain and Blizzard and Harvest of Hate; Stories and Essays – “Fuel for the Soul.” His work has appeared in several publications including World Press.org and Free Press.org. Reach him at bankole@mindspring.com

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The West’s theatrical wardrobe: Mask of self-interest

Nikolaj Nielsen

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/40502

Combining personal interviews with women living in the slums of Nairobi and local NGOs and published research, this essay argues the West should continue to bear the brunt of the blame for underdevelopment in Africa.


Just on the outskirts of Nairobi, one of Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest slums sprawls out alongside a hill and down into a valley. Amongst the sea of corrugated tin roof tops, flags designating communities wave along with clouds of kicked-up dust that never seem to settle. Waves of heat emanate from above the slum and warp the Nairobi skyline in the near distance. A train just manages to push itself along the British built rail leading to Uganda, but for close to a million people, the tracks have ended here.

Kibera is not without contradictions but in some respects, it has better living conditions when compared to the smaller but more notorious Korogocho slum a several kilometers away. As if to deliberately antagonize residents, the lap of ultimate luxury sits atop the same valley and just touches the crumbling rail. Italian conifers are tall, kept neatly trim and conceal the razor wire and broken bottled lined walls of a multimillion dollar villa owned by former President Moi. Within the very heart of Kibera, guides parade tourists about eager to gage a level of poverty previously unknown to them and snap an occasional photo when deemed appropriate. Basic commodities such as water are sold at three times the price than in the city. Korogocho is similar, but few Westerners (including international NGOs) rarely venture into its urban jungle.

It would appear that the real value of life in societies deeply rooted in injustice is secondary to those who initially sowed the seeds. Along the road and next to the Kibera entrance is a large billboard with a picture of an affluent family in a modern kitchen eating a brand name chicken, a biting reminder of an unattainable lifestyle for the near million living in the slum. And one has to wonder what would inspire President Moi to settle within a stone’s throw to abject poverty on such a scale? Is it just fatalism that anchors Kibera’s residents? Such questions are passim throughout Africa and the world for that matter. Perhaps the answer lies somewhere in what Pinnacle Relief co-founder Joshua Kungu Nguujivi of Nairobi said,” Poverty is three-folded. One, the white man brought poverty to Africa and then taught the black man handout mentality. Two, African’s are lazy. If Africa is to be helped, we are not going to change through handouts, IMF, or the World Bank. We are only going to change if the West is honest with Africa. Three.” I, for one, believe the West should and continue to bear the brunt of the blame for the “underdevelopment” in contemporary Africa.

Plutarch wrote that the inequality between the poor and the rich is the oldest and most fatal affliction in any society. Given the disparaging conditions and the extreme inequalities throughout modern African history, one has to question what forces brought about such afflictions. While ignoring its own protocols, the West sets unattainable standards on Africa as its laws impinge development. According to Joseph Sitiglitz, former Vice-President and Chief Economist of the World Bank, if a country doesn’t respond to certain criteria, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) will suspend aid. This includes funds from donor countries. In other words, and according to an article by Ignacio Ramonet (Le Monde Diplomatique, February 2005) if Sweden donates funds to build schools, the IMF will suspend aid money because the allocated IMF loan budget didn’t take into account extemporaneous expenses such as teacher salary and maintenance. Another example is the UK’s Jack Straw (Le Monde, February 23, 2006) who wants Africa to follow Europe’s lead on Kyoto but fails to recognize Europe’s and Canada’s own dismal implementation of the protocols.

The West has a contradictory and in some respects, an epistemic love affair with intellectualizing the co-existence of the haves and the have-nots. In the 19th century, Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarianism and Daniel Ricards and Robert Malthus’ horrid pragmatics did their best to explain the devil’s waltz. Later on, Herbert Spencer introduced social Darwinism which effectively further eschewed responsibility. His was not surprisingly eagerly adopted by American business elites such as John D. Rockefeller, themselves masters of exploitation. Incidentally, one may speculate if Diego Rivera intentionally painted Lenin’s face in his Rockefeller center mural to provoke the industrialist’s skewered belief system. Not surprisingly, the mural never saw the light of day, but the act itself has engendered a posthumous life.

Like the manipulating and cunning Richard III, the West has continuously wrangled its hands in the accumulation of riches, prestige and most remarkably, a seemingly frivolous play of power and pride at the expense of millions, past, present and future. The fate of the continent was and is in the hands of ignorant politicians and corrupt businessmen. In 1975, Dick Clark, chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa made the statement, ”I knew nothing about Africa. I had not been there, had not studied it and wasn’t particularly interested…(Gleijess, 2002).” The West brought along with its colonies a macabre stage, and a disinterested wider audience, to Africa. Having laid the groundwork of silence, the West’s involvement today is in many respects, just as horrendous as Leopold’s Congo. It would seem to me that the colonization of the past has taken on another face (globalization), a veritable costume change for the third act, but just as sinister and perverse as the amputated hands that nevertheless continue to decor the set.

In order to understand why colonialism and imperialism should bare the burden of the blame for Africa’s woes, one doesn’t have to look that far into the past. From slavery, to the establishment of indentured state servitude, to second and third class citizens and outright racism, to the underdevelopment of infrastructure, the West’s efforts to thwart Africa is like an orchestrated and finely tuned looting machine. Fascist colonial states united with the Catholic Church and business savvy individuals worked hand in hand during the 30’s and 40’s to “de-Africanize” and separate Africans from their roots (Rodney 1972, 273). This in turned encouraged internal strife and further pitted local communities against each other, sometimes without the direct involvement of the “white” man. Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s ,The River Between, demonstrates how colonial influence, not the colonies themselves, separates two communities through heritage and tradition of polytheism and circumcision to Christian ideals and Western education. The novel’s protagonist, Waikayi, is forced to negotiate and comprise the two systems and perhaps symbolizes African’s modern dilemma of living amongst opposing forces, contradiction and changing times. The reader, however, is left to wonder whether or not the adoption of Western thought and Christian belief is so much the issue since it is not revealed whether or not there is a veritable comprehension of what those systems are, how they operate, and how they can integrate into a traditional based society. If anything, the colonial education system sought to create a class hierarchy by delegating low skilled labor to Africans, thereby, stunting development while promoting the worst form of alienated individualism without regard to social responsibility (Rodney 1972, 280). This system of exploitation continues today. In the 1980 “Perambulator” album, Fela Kuti sings that after acquiring a colonial education and 35 years of service, the black man remains without property and prosperity, at best he has a bicycle, “if he no tire, dem go tire am, dem go dash am one gold wrist watch, 35 years of service all im property one old bicycle.”

The French were at the forefront of subjecting African society within the educational construct and today they continue to rewrite their own history despite facts that point to its devastating affects. On February 2005, the French National Assembly passed a law requiring public schools to recognize, in particular, the positive role of the French colonies in North Africa. The basis of such a law and its deliberate attempt to force the educational system into recognizing its authority is not consistent with the freedoms of speech they profess to adhere. After much protest and a year later, Jean-Louis Debre, President of the National Assembly, said in an interview by Patrick Roger (Le Monde, January 27, 2006), “I would like the political message to be clear, precise and without ambiguity. It is not a law that can carry judgment on historical fact. It is not legislation that should dictate scholarly content.” The words positive role were subsequently removed, but the efforts set into place has severely damaged the French image, particularly in former French colonial states.

The decolonization of Africa set another scene en route, and during the 1940’s, Africa became an amalgam of wider aspirations and greater possibilities. Whereas the colonial states previously sought to draw distinctions among people under its rule by defining them into categories, post-colonial Africa saw a fragmented but steadily growing and unifying movement engaged in revitalizing local belief systems. Eventually, the distinctions and separations indoctrinated by colonial rule became impossible to manage and somewhere along the timeline, decolonization inevitably involved a transition from an empire into a free-for-all global market system (Cooper, et al. 1999 ). But to whose benefit?

Since 1980, social and health macro-economic indicators have eroded and eradicated a middle class. Coup d’etat upon coup d’etat and the resulting mass exodus of refugees seemed to have blurred already contingent international borders. Impoverished “democratic” states without infrastructures are forced onto the world economy whether they like it or not. The resulting destabilizing factors are numerous; the establishment of macroeconomic and ultraliberal cadres, extreme privatization, incoherent structural adjustment programs, disguised social plans, exploitation of labor, unstable prices of raw materials, commercially disadvantageous measures, outright fraud, multinational interventions, debt explosion, lack of vision, and arms trafficking. There is no real independent African state in the political sense and the independence of the 1960’s has evolved into a twisted mass of citizens, managers, factions, and military leaders, all striving for upward mobility through any acquisition of power by any means possible. African state heads behave more like presidents of a consular administration of a company than of a nation. Pierre Franklin Tavares (Le Monde Diplomatique, Jan. 2004) writes how in Liberia, multinationals and state officials orchestrate ethnic conflicts to obtain and conserve commercial lumber interest. Elf president Loik Le Floch-Prigent negotiated deals with UNITA while simultaneously financing MPLA 200km outside Nairobi, the East African Standard officially claimed 221600 acres belonged to Kenyatta, 114600 acres to Moi and 31600 to Kibaki. In essence, half of all arable land in Kenya is controlled by 20% of the population. And in an interview by Jean-Christrophe Servant (Le Monde Diplomatique, February 2004), Rou Kimani, head of the Mungiki association of the Mau-Mau inheritors of the Rift Valley, protesting the land appropriation says “A lot of us are foreign in our own country.” The Mau-Mau fought the colonists and today, the Mungiki are fighting Del-Monte and their national and international political emissaries.

Many are exasperated by any Western involvement and view the altruistic aims of occidental organizations with disdain. The United Nation’s attempt at establishing human rights initiatives and setting deadlines for this goal is viewed by many as an excursion into contempt. According to Joy Samake, a businesswoman in Sierra Leone, “…the United Nations has failed to create conditions of peace. This organization was founded by whites to regulate their problems after WWII. It has not been able to adapt to the needs of Africa and developing countries (Lobo, 2006).” The West and many of its enterprises has a duty to be honest with Africa but continues to fail miserably. Oxfam just recently criticized Tony Blair’s Africa Commission Report for not living up to its promises, and worse, actually ignoring many of its own appeals. Though the IMF debt has been written off in many of the developing countries, conditions tied to the waivers makes for unjust trade policies that further stunt growth potential in already fragile and emerging markets.

Everywhere, everyone is fighting for a share of the cake. The EU is currently forcing the overture of unfair industrial free trade in Africa while offering no substantial cuts in agriculture. There is something to be said when an orange from Spain in an upscale grocery store in Nairobi is cheaper than those produced in the country. But the disaster is more deeply rooted than economics and trade because these apocryphal institutions (Bob Geldof), continue to deny the African a voice in a global arena supposedly erected in their honor. Child soldier turned rapper, Emmanuel Jal, who learned how to fight at the age of eight and whose experiences in Sudan are unimaginable to many, is considered a musical prodigy in Kenya and in many parts of Africa. He was denied greater audience in Live8 because he hadn’t sold the minimum requisite number of albums set forth by the organizers. He was instead allowed to perform a few minutes on a stage in Cornwall, far away from the crowd drawing venues at Hyde Park. It would appear that Geldof’s Long Walk for Justice ended at the ticket booth.

Black or white, the human condition in Africa is at odds and I truly believe the policies of the past (including pre-colonial conflict) have fomented the environment in which many are forced to live today. Africans are obviously not without their share of hatred and exploitation that has furthered exasperated the despair from within. Like the West, the condition of life and its values in respect to heritage and culture is a contentious affair between the haves and the have-nots. But according to an article by Jeevan Vasagar in the South African Mail & Guardian, the attempt to bring the two closer is slowly advancing, at least on the surface level. On March 5, 2005, Arrisal Ag Amdagh, a powerful chief in Inates, Niger liberated en masse, his 7000 slaves. Slavery in Niger was only declared illegal by the state in 2004 but the practice remains prevalent throughout the region. However, Amdagh claims it was his religious convictions of Islam that forbids enslaving fellow Muslims that drove him. The fate of the former slaves remains questionable, faced with no prospects, no land and no income, they find themselves in a state of liberated limbo. Amdagh’s sudden abolitionist gesture, according to the article, means he now stands a better chance of receiving humanitarian aide given the drought and lotus attacks that had just recently devastated his crops. Self-interest, genuine or not, knows no color but wears the same mask.

In the meantime, a group of women in Kibera have organized themselves along with local NGOs to find solutions where and when Kibaki’s government and tied international donor aid has failed to deliver. Progressive micro-finance initiatives by the likes of Africaid have helped expedite concrete steps to a better life. Circulating minimal funds for the likes of 38-year old Mary Khasa means more than just generating an income, it also means being able to survive in conditions most of us abhor. She was able to purchase a sewing machine and material, and rent a booth. She is closely followed by Africaid who assist managing her small enterprise. Her success is relative, but essential, because it provides a hope to those that have been repeatedly forgotten, cast aside, and left to fend for themselves under the auspices of multi-million dollar villas and nonsensical commercial interest and tasteless advertising. It means people are turning away from the international and government policy and looking at themselves and those in their immediate surroundings for help and reliance. More generally, it means the West and the powers-to-be continue to fail Africa.


Works Cited
Cooper, Fred. Decolonization in Africa: An Interpretation. Afrikaner Encyclopedia: 573.
Gleijess, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa 1959-1976. NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002: 331.
Lobo, Ramon. 'Une paix boiteuse a Freetown' Courrier International, Issue 799, February 23, 2006: 31.
Rodney, Walter. Education for Underdevelopment 1972: 273, 280.

* Nikolaj Nielsen is currently pursuing a masters degree in journalism as part of a programme commissioned by the European Community; Erasmus Mundus Master's of Journalism. He specialises in conflict and war reporting and study at the University of Amsterdam, Netherlands.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Slavery is not dead

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/40537

Since the beginning of this month there has been all kinds of memorials, lectures, prayer meetings and other kinds of public activities commemorating two-hundred years of the abolition of the cross-Atlantic slave trade in Britain. They have provoked all kinds of reactions and generated a lot of interest, debate, reconstructions and deconstructions.

Unfortunately this is more in the diaspora than across Africa, outside of Ghana which has managed to weave the painful experience into a creative tourism package. In a year in which Ghana celebrates 50 years of independence and is guaranteed to be partying throughout the year, the anti-slavery commemorations have become another value added in a state-sponsored 'feel good' hysteria.

Ghana is not the only country from where slaves were captured and forcibly bounded and hounded on to ships, in chains, transported in the most inhuman conditions to the plantations in the Caribbean and North America, the other Americas and Europe. Nations of East, Central and Southern Africa and other parts of West Africa including present day Senegal and Nigeria were part of this shameful trade that went on for 400 years!

If the history touches all of us why are so many Africans and African leaders not interested in this barbaric experience whose impact continues to reveal itself in the continuing negative image of Africa and Africans in relation to the rest of the world? Slavery was followed by colonialism, which in many ways was a legal distinction without a practical difference in terms of the negative impact on the lives of our peoples. In a sense slavery formally ended in Europe but continued in the colonies.

Maybe one of the reasons Africans are not excited is that slavery reminds us, in too painful ways, of our subjugation, the indignities inflicted on us made more unbearable by the fact that the existence of many of our peoples today whether in Africa or in the diaspora bear too much parallel to slavery.

So for many regardless of the history and legal finesse slavery is not dead, it has mutated into other forms of exploitation and domination in which we still remain bottom of the pile on most indices of human progress. Like chiefs and emperors, kings and other slave dealers of old our Presidents and Prime Ministers preside over a system of power that continues to make our peoples 'hewers of wood and drawers of water', while the riches of this continent continue to be siphoned off by others; content to play junior partners for as long as their grotesque and gratuitous consumption lifestyles and that of their immediate family and hangers-on can be guaranteed.

They will sell anything having already battered their souls. So if they are sleep-walking through all the remembrances of slavery it is because the past is still weighing too heavily on the present and they may be afraid that such events may draw uncomfortable comparison to their collaboration in keeping their peoples in modern slavery in the name of thw free market, privatization, modernisation and globalization.

The slaves were captured in wars, slave raids, and forcibly sold but today we are willingly financing our own slavery. Just go in front of any Western embassy across this continent and see the hordes of our people (mostly young) willing to do anything to get the visa to go abroad. Anywhere will do as long as it is outside Africa, even if the former slaving countries of Europe and America remain favorite destinations! Look at the risks many take traveling, hitch hiking, facing all kinds of abuse, exploitation and indignities to smuggle themselves through the straights of Gibraltar into Spain from North African countries.

Even at the height of slavery millions of our peoples resisted, and many died, in what is euphemistically called the Middle Passage. Many as a result of being thrown overboard due to illness or because they were 'difficult to handle', and many also dived into the sea, preferring to be eaten by sharks, crocodiles and other sea predators than be taken into plantations.

On the plantations resistance was rampant in all forms through culture, the rise of the African churches, music, drums, etc; the most decisive being the successful slave revolt in Haiti. Haiti may be a by-word for all kinds of inhumanities today with the dubious title of 'poorest country in the western hemisphere' but it used to be the prized jewel of slavery economies as the leading sugar cane producer. It has a glorious role in the resistance against slavery which we should not forget. In the jungles of Brazil former slaves established the Zoumbi kingdom after overthrowing slavery.

It is important to remember these struggles because what we are getting through the Western media and the shameful 'cut and paste' uncritical coverage in our tech-dependent and intellectually lazy African media is that the Anti Slavery Society in the UK, the church and missionaries and good people in Europe and America helped to bring slavery to an end.

How come their conscience only woke up after four centuries? And that same conscience did not prevent them from supporting so called 'legitimate trade' (between unequal peoples which echo what we still face today) for another century, and colonialism after that!

Africans need to be aware of their own history to understand how and why we are where we are in order to be able to fashion out the best strategy to lift us up and fulfill the aspirations of our peoples to be rid of poverty, disease, want and shameful misery in the midst of plenty. That was the point that the Young Man, Toyin, from the African Campaigning Group, Ligali, was making when he 'allegedly' disrupted the service last Sunday at Westminister Abbey to which all the great and mighty of that slaving nation (who's Greatness has always been built on iniquities) were gathered.

The Queen, her arrogant but thankfully expiring PM Blair, and the ruling class of Britain, all of them including the church, heirs to slavery and beneficiaries of its illegal and immoral earnings up to now. The Anglican Archbishop, Rowan Williams, is a sincere and frank man who is a pain on the side of the powers-that-be. He was open in expressing remorse and confronting the painful past and the complicity of the British establishment.

But the British PM can only express regret and cannot find it in him to say 'sorry'. But his sorry is meaningless since he has been exposed to be a compulsive serial liar.

The bigger shame is that some African leaders (Museveni being the first to say there was no need for reparations and his current successor in Western adulation, John Kuffour, has loyally joined the queue) and poodle cousins among the few leading black tokens in Blair's government like Baroness Amos (she was in Elmina castle in Ghana recently and all she could say, with all her posh accent, was that the slaves, definitely including her ancestors traveled in 'difficult circumstances'!) think that it is not necessary.

Together with former top guard-dog of Bush, Colin Powell, Baroness Amos led the British and US delegations to the World Conference against Racism in which they tried but failed to scuttle any attempt to link Israeli occupation to racism and apartheid and also seek reparations for slavery. Thy do not need reparations because they have been more than amply rewarded by their House Nigger status. As good Christians, all of them, even if they are not Catholics, have they forgotten the relationship between: confession, resmorse, absolution and forgiveness?

Blair thinks (wrongly again) that he is being smart by stopping short of an apology because of the implication of guilt and subsequent legal obligation to compensate for his ancestors through reparations to the victims. But the issue will not go away even if they are ignoring it now.

When Africa becomes united and more assertive it will no longer be possible to ignore our demands. For me the challenge is to put our house in order first, then reparations will become a mainstream issue. Then issues of debt cancellation, aid and reform of the modern slavery economic system forced on humanity by IMF/World Bank/WTO will not be favors to us but part of the reparations.

The Reparations Movement should not despair. The answer is simple to any member of the Pan African Movement: "Do Not Agonise! Organise!!

* Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the Deputy Director for the UN Millennium Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his personal capacity as a concerned Pan-Africanist.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

In Solidarity with Cité Soleil

Vye Ewol

2007-03-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/40477

This short email is addressed to Jacques Depelchin. I want to congratulate him and say thanks in the name of Haiti where I am from. His article Africa: In Solidarity with Cité Soleil in Haiti is brilliant and thought-provoking.

Who is the enemy of Cite Soleil

Reggie Auguste

2007-03-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/40479

Throughout the 18th and 19th centuries Haitians knew exactly who to fight. Their enemies were obvious.

Now Haitians are so high on cheap opium (Karl) and their minds so full of Platonism (Nietzsche) that they can not distinguish their enemies who have cloaked themselves as priests, pastors, Christians, humanists, democrats.

The poor in Cite Soleil face the agents - or demons - of a global system that prey on people. While they are themselves part of a nightmarish matrix resembling the film of the same name.

If the global poor becomes or is made aware of what they face, they may have a better chance of creating a little respite like the one after 1804 in Haiti.

However, if one becomes complacent, one could end up like Toussaint at Fort de Joue or worsee.

Knowledge and information are the only weapons against that colossal ever growing monster that has its tentacles in everything and everywhere. Ignorance is bliss. Knowledge is power. These are the choices in the arsenal.

The poor are criminalised everywhere

Doreen Lwanga

2007-03-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/40478

Two recent articles on the criminalisation of the poor in the recent Pambazuka News have intrigued me.

Bronwen Dyke in 'Where being poor could become a criminal offence' shares with us a law passed in Cape Town to criminalise people who continue to beg after somebody has said no.

Jacques Depelchin's In solidarity with Cité Soleil in Haiti (Pambazuka News (2007-03-22) shows how France with the help of the US, Canada and the Vatican forced the Haitian government that defeated their slavery of the Africans to agree to pay compensation to the slave and plantation owners, in exchange for being accepted as a nation state.

Sadly, the poor are criminalised everywhere. In the time I have lived in the United States, I have been perplexed by how the poor and vulnerable are criminalised amidst plenty. Here, poor people without a home are chased away from sleeping inside the train station in the night even during the freezing winters.

The other day I was walking down the street in my neighborhood and met this lady, scrounging from the dumpster. I guess she was collecting empty bottles and glass containers for sale. She reached out for a yoghurt container, which somebody else had half-eaten and she started scooping the left-overs from it. When I told this story to my mother in Uganda, she responded: 'even there (in the US) there are beggars?'

Indeed there are beggars in this country and that's what really scares me. It scares me to imagine that in this country where food is thrown away every second, there are people who eat from the dumpster. There is also another group of poor people or the less well-to-do who are scolded for being very materialist by the kings and queens of materialism.

Oprah Winfrey, while justifying why she spent money on building a school in South Africa instead of improving inner city schools in the United States responded tha, all the kids care about here are iPods.

Surely, why would she be surprised, when all these kids see is Oprah giving away cars and diamonds on TV? This is not toattack Oprah or her gestures but to show the contradiction of the materialists who scold the 'have-nots' for being their reflections.

What is not recognised is the psychological humiliation of people who beg on the streets, or trains or take showers on the roadside. I've watched how people who beg on the New York trains have to prepare themselves before they open their mouths.

Both Dyke and Depelchin call upon our social solidarity to stand against these established regimes that impoverish, dehumanise and criminalise the struggles of the unemployed and freedom fighters.

* Doreen Lwanga is from Uganda and currently lives and works in New York.

Wild call to save a forest

Bernard Tabaire

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/40536

Uganda needs your help to face down an increasingly arrogant regime. It has ignored professional advice to not give 7,100ha of critical forestland to a major sugar company to plant cane. Now it is up to 'common' Ugandans to make their voices heard. But with your help. Right now a massive effort is on via SMS, internet, etc in Uganda to stop the government. To sign an online petition, go here: http://www.petitiontime.com/ViewPetition.aspx?key=savemabira

For background info, follow these URLs: http://www.monitor.co.ug/sunday/insights/insights03252.php http://www.monitor.co.ug/news/news03292.php http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/12/556656 http://www.monitor.co.ug/oped/oped03291.php http://www.sundayvision.co.ug/detail.php? mainNewsCategoryId=7&newsCategoryId=132&newsId=555932

Trust me, this massive forest is so beautiful. I never tire going there for nature walks and leisurely bike rides. Do your bit for humanity.

Hotel Rwanda: An opportunity missed?

Mohamed Adhikari

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/40505

As the first feature length film covering the Rwandan genocide, Hotel Rwanda had the opportunity to contextualise the genocide and act as an informative piece of work.

Instead, the producers choose to focus on the drama of one individuals attempt to save a group of people. Thereby they made the film more commercially acceptable. In doing so the truth is compromised and an opportunity missed.

Hotel Rwanda is based on the true story of Paul Rusesabagina (Don Cheadle), house manager at the luxurious Hotel des Milles Collines in Kigali, who used his position and influence to save the lives of nearly 1300 victims who had sought refuge at the hotel during the Rwandan genocide.

In what many rank as the most horrifying episode in African history, an estimated 800,000 people, mainly Tutsi, were massacred by their Hutu countrymen in little more than three months between April and July 1994.

Most victims were hacked to death with machetes, spiked clubs or farming implements. A unique and disturbing feature of the Rwandan genocide was widespread popular participation in the killing.

A further 500,000 people died as a result of disease, famine and military action. While over 2,000,000 Hutus fled to neighbouring countries for fear of reprisals when a Tutsi-dominated government was installed by the invading Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) that took control of the country in July 1994.

These casualty figures are enormous if one considers that the population of Rwanda was in the region of 7,000,000 at the start of the genocide and that Tutsis formed about fifteen per cent or just over one million of this total.

At the start of the film, Rusesabagina is depicted as a suave, stylish man. Through a combination of deference, flattery and canny bribery consciously he stores up favours with the rich and powerful and, through his charm and resourcefulness manages to keep the hotel’s clientele happy.

Although Hotel Rwanda is well-intentioned and is moving, even potent, in parts, it has serious flaws and its execution is at times below par. A central weakness of Hotel Rwanda is that the film makes little more than a cursory attempt to explain why the genocide happened or to sketch the political and historical context in which it unfolded.

The film instead focuses on the intense drama around Paul Rusesabagina’s heroic attempts to save his charges. The choice of a strong dramatic centre clearly did not preclude director, Terry George, from also providing sufficient background to make the slaughter more comprehensible to viewers because the film carries a lot of flab.

Simply replacing some of the superfluous and repetitious scenes, especially those involving a frightened and tearful Tatiana, with ones clarifying some of the complexities of the Rwandan situation would have gone a long way toward achieving this objective.

Appropriate contextualization would thus have helped strengthen the flaccid plot line and improved the coherence of the film. This disembodiment of Rusesabagina’s story from the complexity of its context deprives the film of much of its power to provoke, enlighten or simply to raise critical questions.

More importantly, being the first feature-length offering with mass appeal on the genocide, it would not be unfair to regard the film as having some duty to inform, perhaps even educate, viewers to a greater extent than it does. Some people might think that this places an unfair burden on the film-makers but one could argue that Hotel Rwanda is, after all, not a movie viewers are likely to want to see purely for entertainment.

This is not to advocate an overt didacticism but to ask for better contextualisation. Hotel Rwanda’s simplistic approach to the genocide is, in my opinion, more likely to perpetuate than dispel stereotypes of Africa as a place of senseless violence and roiling tribal animosities.

The absence of a well-founded explanation of the genocide is bound to result in many viewers falling back on shop worn, racist conventions of Western attitudes toward Africa. Indeed, the film inadvertently reinforces such mystification. When Dube (Desmond Dube) asks Rusesabagina how such cruelty could be possible, Paul simply replies, ‘Hatred… insanity’, as if the mass killing defies logical explanation.

The failure to contextualise the story properly is symptomatic of a wider problem, namely, the director and script-writers’ flawed commercial strategy for dealing with the challenge of representing the extreme violence of the Rwandan genocide.

Terry George’s overall approach may be summed up as one of evading the key issues at stake in the Rwandan genocide. As Keith Turan, the reviewer for the Los Angeles Times, very neatly put it; ‘One of the ways filmmakers have traditionally tried to make unpleasant scenarios more palatable to audiences is by changing the focus from the awfulness of events to individual acts of bravery, from the complicity of the many to the heroism of the few. Hotel Rwanda saw the opportunity to take this path and did not hesitate’ (Cape Times, 2005).

Many viewers will have been enticed into seeing the movie in the expectation of gaining insight into one of the most heinous crimes of the recent past. Instead they come away with little real insight but a formulaic story about the triumph of the human spirit in which the focus is diverted from the dire human cost of the carnage and the troubling questions it raises, to the noble actions of a single hero.

In celebrating the relatively minor triumph of Rusesabagina’s extraordinary courage, Hotel Rwanda promotes a simplistic morality of good conquering evil and has little of substance to offer by way of elucidating why the greater evil of the Rwandan genocide was possible in the first instance.

This is not to criticise Hotel Rwanda for focusing on an individual, for individual experiences can indeed be a most effective vehicle for illuminating broader social, even global, experiences and truths. The trick in doing this successfully is to bring into a simultaneous frame of reference localized detail and broader social structures and experience.

Hotel Rwanda fails to do this through a lack of proper contextualisation of its subject matter and choosing to focus on a set of experiences that were atypical of the Rwandan genocide. Rusesabagina may well have succeeded in saving all of the refugees at the Milles Collines Hotel but we can’t ignore that about 80 per cent of the internal Tutsi population succumbed in the genocide.

This is also not in the least to argue that the film is not justified in reinforcing the optimistic message that the actions of individuals of conscience can make a big difference, even in the face of overwhelming odds and the most abominable evils imaginable. After all, like its most obvious parallel, Schindler’s List, Hotel Rwanda is based on a true story and the real-life Rusesabagina deserves to be lauded for his bravery, his integrity and his altruism.

But to communicate this message as ineptly as Hotel Rwanda does, represents a missed opportunity to disseminate a cogent understanding of the Rwandan genocide to an expectant world-wide viewership which has had little opportunity of grappling with the meaning of this atrocity through the popular media.

Given its box-office strategy it should not come as any surprise that Hotel Rwanda deliberately shies away from realistic representations of the violence perpetrated during the Rwandan genocide. In an interview in Johannesburg to promote the movie Terry George answered critics of his evasion of graphic violence by making clear that; ‘… there was no way I was going to shoot a bloodfest film with people being hacked to death with machetes... I set out to create a political entertainment story rather than a pornographic depiction of the terror and violence’ (Sunday Times, 2005).

So the only actual killing one sees is a short, indistinct sequence of people being hacked by machete, filmed at a distance and replayed on a tiny television screen by members of the news crew stationed at the Milles Collines.

For the rest, the slaughter is presented indirectly. For example, a few corpses are strewn about the front gardens of houses and Rusesabagina’s blood spattered son serves as evidence of the murder of one of his neighbours.

The high point of horror in the movie does not show actual killing. It occurs when Paul and Gregoire (Tony Kgoroge) encounter the victims of a massacre after being deliberately sent along the ‘river road’ by George Rutaganda. Driving along, their van suddenly seems to hit an exceptionally bumpy and deeply rutted stretch. Thinking that they had strayed from the road, Paul gets out of the vehicle only to fall onto mutilated bodies that had been left lying in their path. The camera then pans upwards to reveal corpses carpeting the outstretched thoroughfare in the gathering light.

Depicting mass violence in ways that do not diminish its reality for the viewer yet do not denigrate victims or trivialize the pain of survivors is one of the core challenges movie-makers of genocide face. Films about mass violence will always raise vexing questions about the ethics of creating entertainment out of mass murder, of appropriate ways of commercializing atrocity, of engaging viewers with visual representations of unspeakable cruelty without desensitizing or alienating them.

Finding a balance between these sorts of tensions lie at the heart of making feature films about genocide. The specific circumstances of the Rwandan genocide demands a degree of engagement with human depravity and mass violence that is lacking in Hotel Rwanda. Terry George gets the balance wrong. There is too much heroism and too little horror in Hotel Rwanda, too much romanticism and too little reality.

Hotel Rwanda has a decided tendency to understate the horrors of the Rwandan genocide and even to romanticize aspects of the story it tells. This is mostly due to a box-office strategy that seeks to make the genocide more tolerable to a mass audience. It is, however, also partly a result of trying to communicate an optimistic message about the ultimate triumph of human benevolence and partly a product of the decision to focus on a case that is unrepresentative of the Rwandan catastrophe.

The tendency for romanticism is nowhere more marked than in the clumsy wrapping up of the story at the end of the film. The improbable saving of the UN convoy from an Interahamwe mob through a fortuitous RPF ambush is inept and the subsequent depiction of an all too orderly refugee camp with its all too ample medical facilities is a good example of the movie’s tendency to underplay the wretchedness of the Rwandan situation. Most conspicuously, however, the film succumbs to a cloying sentimentality with its conventionally Hollywood ending.

Hotel Rwanda could, however, have done a far better job, given the constraints of the medium and the opportunities offered by the Rusesabagina story, of informing a receptive audience about the Rwandan holocaust and of raising consciousness about the scourge of genocide.

The feature film is an extremely powerful medium and the Rwandan genocide a potentially explosive issue but Hotel Rwanda comes nowhere close to fully exploiting their potential.

* Mohamed Adhikari, University of Cape Town

* * Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

African love stories

An anthology edited by Ama Ata Aidoo

Annie Quarcoopome

2007-03-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/40481

African love stories? Is that an anomaly? We are tempted to ask this with Ama Ata Aidoo of the book that she edits. As we ask, we wonder what will happen to us if we step into this world. Will we meet the people we expect to meet: the drunken, cheating husbands and the cowed, abused wives? The stereotypes?

Leave your expectations aside. Bring with you nothing but a healthy amount of curiosity. For stretching from Sudan to South Africa, with Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe and much of Africa in-between, we see love in the most diverse ways imaginable.

We meet the beautiful Sudanese bride-to-be of a Scottish man with whom she would love to ride off into the sunset. But she must first obtain a visa. We meet Mrs Mensah, whose marriage is threatened by her niece. We congratulate Moriyike, the defiant love child of a union that is never legitimised. We follow two Ugandan girls, Anyango and Sanyu, whose love for each other forces them apart.

From interracial unions and queer relationships to unrequited love and extra-marital affairs, we begin to see just how multi-faceted African love is. But if the themes are diverse, the authors and their writing styles are even more so.

Ama Ata Aidoo puts her own short story in her introduction to the anthology, giving this unconventional and surprising love story a deadpan tone in simple but effective language.

Chimamanda Adichie comes with her own combination of everyday actions accompanied by deep reflection. Sefi Atta brings to her own tale a slight obscurity that makes us have to work to figure out how it fits in with the overarching theme of love. Tomi Adeaga’s conversational style draws us in, Pidgin English, German and all.

And the superb cast of writers, some well known and others upcoming, give the reader different experiences until we get to Helen Oyeyemi’s 'The Telltale Heart', and here we must stop.

We stop, not because it’s the final story in the anthology, but because 'The Telltale Heart' is a most striking story. The anthology thus far leaves the reader happy to realise that African love stories are very real, unlike the usual perfect-protagonists, perfect-timing, ride-off-into-the-sunset tales we associate with love stories.

Oyeyemi’s piece is the closest we come to 'unreal', but not in the sense of fake. Instead her powerful imagery take us into a very different realm, that of the surrealist rendering of a story that leaves us wondering why we ever thought love was only about the mundane.

This piece carries us along and wraps us up in words that we have to read twice, three times over only to realise that we cannot form complete images of the characters or the places or the story even.

We cannot rely solely on our imaginations to visualise things, her words must be our crutch if we are to understand the young man born with eyes like a famine and the young woman who must leave her heart in a love shrine, for it is too heavy for her.

'The Telltale Heart' stands out as a strangely oppressive yet beautifully written story that leaves us floating in the abstract clouds of love and pain and death.

And then as we move on to Veronique Tadjo and Chike Unigwe, and eventually close the anthology with Wangui wa Goro, we realise that our notion of 'African love' as existing only in the harsh realities of life is in itself a stereotype.

* Annie Quarcoopome is a student of comparative literture at Williams College in the US.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Racism on the Victorian stage: Representation of slavery and the black character

Hazel Waters

2007-03-26

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/40476

While there are many studies of 19th century race theories and scientific racism, attitudes and stereotypes expressed in popular culture have rarely been examined; and only in the latter half of the century.

Theatre then was mass entertainment. These forgotten plays, hastily written, surviving only as hand-written manuscripts or cheap pamphlets, are a rich seam for the cultural historian. Mining them to discover how ‘race’ was viewed and how the stereotype of the black developed and degraded, sheds a fascinating light on the development of racism in English culture.

In the process, this book helps to explain how a certain flexibility in attitudes towards skin colour, observable at the end of the 18th century, changed into the hardened jingoism of the late 19th century.

Concentrating on the period 1830 to 1860, its detailed excavation of some 70 plays makes it invaluable to the theatre historian and black studies scholar.

Published by the Institute of Race Relations, London; ISBN-13: 9780521862622.

Review of African blogs

Sokari Ekine

2007-03-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/40484

Under the Acacias reports on a return to traditional building materials and methods in the Sahel region of Burkina Faso. The sad thing is that these methods were lost in the first place as obviously people built using local materials and in a way that suited the environment and climate.

Politics ZA From South Africa, Durban, another housing story but this time affluent property owners furious at the local Department of Housing’s plan to build low cost housing for poor black people take the law into their hands. Complaining about what the banks would say they demolished one of the houses. In case you are thinking that the demolishers where white – well no wrong they are black!

'That’s pretty harsh words and the destruction of the constructed house shows they’re willing to act on them…Of course if I had linked to the article reporting on this earlier you would have known that the residents who did the demolition were in fact black…Which just goes to show, NIMBYism crosses all colour lines.'

AfroMusing reports that the “gift” of oil to Kenya by China turns out to be well eh not a gift at all but a sale on the open market.

'Now now now, there is an interesting, pertinent and unanswered question in that article, same question we had last year:
"What does the Kenya government gain in this transaction?” asked a representative of a European oil-prospecting firm that has put an application for exploration acreage.
The answer I reckon would be the good fuzzy gooey touchy feely collective altruistic feelings that will wash over us when we realise that China will get… “cash”. How does that make you feel? huh? does it affirm your belief that nations have an underlying sense of caring and exhibit random acts of extreme kindness, preferably dispensing with oil exploration rights to later be sold off? Makes you feel all nice and happy doesn’t it.'

Looks to me like the only thing Kenya has got out of this is the rug pulled from under their feet or possibly they have been taken for a ride along the Great Wall of China.

Bankelele has a rant about bad driving in Nairobi and comes up with the 'bad driver index'.

'While the most aggressive drivers appear to be matatus, taxis, citi hoppas, we are all to blame as regular motorists because we are equally bad drivers. Driving along the roadside, changing or creating extra lanes, doing u-turns etc.'

Apparently you can report matatus (kombi taxi) by sending an SMS to the Ministry of Transport – a great idea – but you cannot do that for regular motorists. Imagine the chaos if there was a sms number to report bad motorists in Nairobi, Cairo, Lagos, Joburg etc – the whole scheme would probably combust in a day from sheer overload of complaints!

Wordsbody writes about the 'Ugly Betty' series which she is watching only to see a blast from the past in the form of 'Funmi Desalu's on Ugly Betty!!!' and even managed to catch a screen shot of her momentary passing. Apparently Wordsbody (Molara Wood) and Funmi were part of a London set known as the 'North West Set' – a glamorous group of Nigerians in London!

'In this episode of Ugly Betty (starring producer Salma Hayek and Vanessa Williams, who is astonishing as Wilhemina Slater), Funmi is credited for a non-speaking role, playing an assistant in a conference scene with Ugly Betty star America Ferrara. And in the following week's episode, it was a game of 'Spot Funmi' as she could be seen as one of the extras in the elaborate choreography of background office workers walking back and forth behind the main players. My curiousity piqued, I googled Funmi only to find that she's credited for a string of small roles as "Fumi Desalu" (somebody please put the 'n' back into that name! At least Ugly Betty got the spelling right). As a result, I'm now paying better attention to episodes of 'How I Met Your Mother' in case my old friend turns up one day as a 'bar waitress'.'

So if you get the chance to see any Ugly Betty repeats look out for Funmi Desalu.

Koranteng’s Toli is one of the few blogs I love to read but never quite understand what exactly he is trying to say. In this post he writes about what must be one of the most undesirable areas of London anyone has the misfortune to live in (I await a blasting from Catford livers) – Catford Bridge. Just the mere name leaves me with a murky grey run down feeling. I used to drive through it years ago on the way to well down South. Koli has a nasty experience on his arrival in Catford…

'The fight that I stepped into right as I walked out of Catford Bridge station… As I took my first 3 steps into Catford, this was the scene… On the left: 15 or so drunk black (Jamaican?) youths. To my right: 20 white guys (football yobs?) - Liverpool had won the Champions Cup the day before beating AC Milan. I can't believe I missed that match, but that's what happens when you leave your packing and shopping to the last minute. In the middle: 10 or so policemen trying to calm things down and keep things from spiraling out of control… The dozen or so women standing outside the pub egging the fight on.

As I looked up, I saw the first punch being thrown. Thus I walked straight into a melee of about 30 people yelling at each other and exchanging furious blows… A bunch of them almost knocked my suitcase off as they fell on me in one of those pub brawl tangled scuffles. Exciting introduction to South London. 6 or so police cars began streaming into the place. Flashing lights, sirens, tangled limbs, dirty streets. Screams of women. The fighters were more methodical and mostly kept quiet as they went about inflicting damage on each other.'

I do concede that this experience could have happened anyway in the big city – nonetheless the whole thing is made worse by the sheer nonentity of Catford. One of those 'nowhere' kind of places. Someone recently told me that it was in fact the cheapest place to buy a property in London – well that explains a lot – no one wants to live there.

Black Looks Rethabile writing on Black Looks asks if there should be reparations for slavery.

'It comes as a bit of a surprise to some that an organisation as benign as the Church of England might have to consider such a question…But its leader, the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, thinks it must.' So, what do you think? What kind of apology should slave drivers make? Should there be reparations? Financial reparations? If so, why?…

Based on the comments (only 5) 4 say yes and 1 comes up with all sorts of deflective reasons why there shouldn’t be? My response to his comment:

'Ryan@ you completely side step the question posed by Rethablile. Your deflection of his point to that of modern day slavery and slavery that existed in traditional African societies pre the Trans Atlantic slave trade is typical of those who wish to negate the Trans Atlantic Slavery as merely a continuation of something that had been taking place around the world since ad infinitum. Your reference to Arab slavery is another method of deflecting the role played by England (a primary role I might add) in the slave trade and speaks of childish reasoning “well we weren’t the only ones” which is not what is being discussed here. These are typical examples of selective reality whereby white people cannot see Black people, because they cannot see themselves in relationship to Black people and are incapable of reflecting upon their own racist realities.'

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, and is Online News Editor of Pambazuka News.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Zimbabwe youth protest in London

Heidi Bachram

2007-03-29

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/broadcasts/podcasts.php

Free Zim-Youth, a group of young Zimbabweans living in the UK, demonstrated outside the South African embassy in central London in protest at the ANC's silence over the Mugabe regime. Commemorating the anniversary of the Sharpeville Day massacre during apartheid rule, the youth group accuse the ANC of betraying the people of Zimbabwe. In this podcast, hear the voices of the protesters and the sounds of the demonstration. To contact Free Zim-Youth email them at freezim6@yahoo.co.uk

Zambia: Is China sneaking in deals through the back door?

2007-03-29

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=37107

The recent state visit by Chinese president Hu Jintao has sparked renewed debates among Zambians about whether their country is receiving real benefits from its close economic relations with the Asian giant.

Africa: South Africa to host World Congress of Rural Women

2007-03-30

http://english.people.com.cn/200703/30/eng20070330_362294.html

Illiteracy, hunger, abuse and other challenges confronting rural women around the world will become focal issues at an international conference late next month in South Africa, a South African official said on Thursday.

Ethiopia: Acid Victim shows women still at risk of violence

2007-03-30

http://www.bruneitimes.com.bn/details.php?shape_ID=25401

Kamilat Mehdi was walking home after dark with her two sisters when a man stepped out of the shadows and threw sulphuric acid in her face. The acid hit the 21-year-old's eyes, nose, mouth, forehead and chest, splashing onto the faces and backs of her sisters beside her, burning flesh wherever it touched.

Lesotho: Local elections may hold key to national success for women

2007-03-29

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=37092

As Lesotho's newly-elected legislators settle down to the task of governing, activists are expressing disappointment at the low representation of women in the country's parliament.

Morocco: Human rights council discusses situation of Moroccan women abroad

2007-03-29

http://www.magharebia.com/cocoon/awi/xhtml1/en_GB/features/awi/features/2007/03/26/feature-01

More Moroccan women are living abroad than ever before. Officials in the country organized a seminar to discuss the challenges these women face and to discuss a new council to work actively in response to their unique needs.

Senegal: Senegal guarantees gender balance in legislative polls

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24891

The Senegalese parliament has overwhelmingly voted in favour of a bill that introduced gender parity on the lists of proportional representation that political parties should present for legislative polls in the country. Initiated by President Abdoulaye Wade, the passing of the bill means increase in the number of female members of parliament in Senegal's future parliament.

Africa: Never forget the "Holocaust of Africa", churches declare

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/40488

The transatlantic slave trade was an "African holocaust" that should never be forgotten, says a coalition of global ecumenical church bodies working to commemorate the 200th anniversary of its abolition this year.
World Alliance of Reformed Churches News Release
22 March 2007

Never forget the "holocaust of Africa," churches declare

The transatlantic slave trade was an "African holocaust" that should never be forgotten, says a coalition of global ecumenical church bodies working to commemorate the 200th anniversary of its abolition this year.

"Two hundred years after the abolition, the dungeons along the coast of Africa tell the story of human degradation and indignity," say delegates representing the World Council of Churches (WCC), the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) and the Council for World Mission (CWM) who met in Geneva 15 to 17 March.

While the dungeons are a reminder of this horrible stain on the history of humanity, the legacy of the slave trade remains today in the racism, economic exploitation and psychological damage done to millions of Africans and their descendants and millions of the world's poor, the church groups say.

"The global slave trade removed some of the most productive peoples in Africa, resulting in the African holocaust. Global trade now continues the degradation in the form of child labour, sex workers, human trafficking, incarceration of young people and institutional racism.

"The ecumenical community calls upon people and governments to rise up to their historical duty to recover and reclaim the divinity in all humanity so that economic and racial justice prevails," the church groups state.

"We further call upon churches, governments and businesses who were unjustly enriched by the slave trade not only to repent but to demonstrate fruits of that repentance."

The message was issued by the project coordinators marking the 200th anniversary of the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act of the British House of Commons on 25 March 1807, though the trade continued for some time and survivors and their families maintain that abolition was actually achieved through resistance and revolt by the enslaved and not primarily through the altruistic endeavours of British abolitionists.

Representatives of the global church groups met recently to map out plans to mark the passing of the bill and document the slave trade's legacies through statements, education programmes, international consultations and a transatlantic boat trip to re-enact the journey of the slaves.

Samuel Kobia, general secretary of the WCC, said in a 16 March letter to the British Prime Minister Tony Blair that European nations should begin a process of "truth-telling, repentance and reconciliation" concerning the slavery trade and the colonial legacy.

"People of African descent in diaspora and in Africa await an unambiguous apology and clear sign from European nations that acknowledges their participation in this terrible part of colonial history," said Kobia, a Kenyan.

"We boldly declare 'never again' but we must also use this historic occasion to commit ourselves to working for a world without any kind of enslavement that keeps God's people from enjoying fullness of life," said Setri Nyomi, a Ghanaian and WARC's general secretary.

"We pay tribute to the brave women and men and their descendants who bore the burden of slavery. Millions of Africans were captured, brutalized and murdered in the name of economic gain; let us commit ourselves to making that kind of enslavement a thing of the past."

Roderick Hewitt of Jamaica, moderator of CWM, who travelled to the slave dungeons in Ghana in 2004, calling them a "a dark epiphany," said the slave trade was a structure that brought about the "unjust enrichment of the few through the exploitation of the vulnerable.

"This global economic structure is mirrored today in the neoliberal economic framework and needs to be so identified and addressed." The church groups insist there is much to be done by all kinds of organizations to help place memory of the "holocaust of Africa" permanently in the minds and hearts of the people around the world.

Said Fatma M. Alloo, a consultant to the ecumenical planning team from Zanzibar, Tanzania, "The world is still tearing Africa apart and we need to take drastic measures using various forms of communication to take the continent forward.

"There is a growing need to collect resources for documentation purposes and research on the issues and eliminate the spirit of soulless humanity that existed."

The delegates concluded: "After 200 years, the time for talk is over; the poor of the world await urgent and just action."
***

The World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) brings together 75 million Reformed Christians in 216 churches in 107 countries - united in their commitment to making a difference in a troubled world. The WARC general secretary is Rev. Dr. Setri Nyomi of the Evangelical Presbyterian Church, Ghana. WARC's secretariat is based in Geneva, Switzerland.

Contact:
John P. Asling Executive Secretary, Communications World Alliance of Reformed Churches
150 Route de Ferney P.O. Box 2100
1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland tel. +41.22 791 6243 fax: +41.22 791 6505 web: www.warc.ch

Egypt: Police break up referendum protest

2007-03-29

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=302956

Egyptian security forces broke up an opposition protest in Cairo on Sunday, on the eve of a referendum on constitutional changes which opponents fear will strengthen the ruling party's grip on power.

Zimbabwe: Africa leaders mull Zimbabwe amid new rights charges

2007-03-29

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L29499733.htm

African leaders sought to hammer out a fresh approach to Zimbabwe's crisis on Thursday as President Robert Mugabe's government was hit with new charges of widespread human rights abuses.

Zimbabwe: Zim police 'beating people up in their homes'

2007-03-29

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=303334

Violence conducted by Zimbabwe's security forces is spreading as they randomly beat up members of the public while swooping through neighbourhoods on the lookout for opposition supporters, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on Thursday.

Africa: UNHCR marks end of Angolan repatriation

2007-03-29

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/460a98c84.html

UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres has underlined the next challenge UNHCR faces in Angola, celebrating the end of organised repatriation of Angolan refugees from abroad while discussing how to find a solution for Congolese refugees who have been in Angola for decades.

Angola: Repatriated refugees barely coping

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71068

The people of Angola, the government and the international community must pull together to ensure that returning refugees are able to reintegrate and have a sustainable future in their country, a top United Nations (UN) official has said.

Somali: 35 migrants dead, 113 missing

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=70960

At least 35 migrants were confirmed dead and 113 others missing and presumed dead after making a perilous sea voyage from Somalia to Yemen, a Somali community leader told IRIN on Monday.

Sudan: UNHCR resumes repatriation of Sudanese refugees from Uganda's West Nile region

2007-03-29

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/460a87eb4.html

The UN refugee agency has recently resumed the repatriation of southern Sudanese refugees from the West Nile region of Uganda some six weeks after the programme was suspended due to an outbreak of meningitis.

Angola: SADC team says government grip on electoral process too tight

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71030

A team of parliamentarians from the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (SADC-PF) has expressed concern about the extent of political and ministerial control in Angola's electoral process.

Guinea: Unity cabinet named

2007-03-30

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24910

At last, Guinea's consensus Premier, Lansana Kouyaté, appointed a new cabinet on Wednesday. Interestingly, the new line-up is without a single minister from the former regime headed by the bed-ridden Guinean President, indicating Mr Kouyaté had great freedom in forming his cabinet.

Mauritania: First democratically elected president in Mauritania

2007-03-29

http://www.magharebia.com/cocoon/awi/xhtml1/en_GB/features/awi/features/2007/03/27/feature-01

The Mauritanian interior ministry officially announced the victory of independent candidate Sidi Mohamed Ould Cheikh Abdellahi in the second round of presidential elections held Sunday (March 25th) throughout the country.

Nigeria: As elections near democracy flounders

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71071

Many voters in Nigeria’s general elections in April say that little appears to have changed from previous elections that were characterised by massive fraud and violence followed by military takeovers.

Nigeria: Nigeria "needs credible polls to avoid violence"

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24898

Political analysts say Nigeria's democracy faces a crucial test. Presidential, parliamentary and state gubernatorial and assembly elections scheduled for 14 and 21 April 2007 "must be transparent and credible" if the country and the region are to make progress and to avoid instability and violence.

Nigeria: Nigerian Elections - Avoiding a political crisis

2007-03-29

http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/africa/west_africa/123_nigeria_s_elections_avoiding_a_political_crisis.pdf

The latest report from the International Crisis Group, analyses the approaching vote, which is one of the most important challenges the country has ever faced. Success would offer Nigeria the first opportunity to achieve a genuine constitutional succession from one civilian administration to another since independence in 1960, thus consolidating democracy.

East Africa: Djibouti to host first African Horn intellectuals' conference

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24828

In an attempt to activate the role of intellectuals in the conflict-ridden Horn of African region, Djibouti will offer a forum to the region's intellectuals to debate and start a dialogue on the region's economic, political and social problems in a conference due to be held in the second half of November 2007.

Global: Bill Gates urges fast-tracking of immigrants with skills

2007-03-29

http://www.canada.com/nationalpost/story.html?id=d0b68ad2-42f9-49f0-8f13-e018a5dafe97

Bill Gates is pushing harder than ever for immigration reform that would allow the United States, the richest country on the planet, to skim off the cream of the few educated workers in developing nations.

Global: Report on Southern solutions to the global water crisis

2007-03-29

http://www.wdm.org.uk/resources/reports/water/goingpublic14032007.pdf

A new report by the World Development Movement features public water experts from Brazil, Cambodia, India and Uganda, describing in their own words the successes they have had in connecting the poor to clean water.

Mauritania: New president elect starts to look ahead

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=70977

Speaking at his first press conference after becoming president elect, Sidi ould Cheikh Abdalahi said he would do all he could to transform his vast, desert nation. “[I plan to] build a country that conforms to the norms of justice and economic development” said the 69 year old.

Zambia: Thirsty for basic services

2007-03-29

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=303008

On a typical weekday in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, a group of women sits chatting under the shade of a tree a few metres away from a long, winding queue of 20-litre plastic containers and buckets. At the head of the queue, a barefooted boy pulls a half-cut container with a rope from a handmade well and pours the water into one container after the other.

Africa: The Dilemma of Health Care Reform

Joshua Ogada

2007-03-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/40548

World TB Day on March 24 has passed with much fanfare about drug regimes and increases in treatment. But little has been said about the broader health issues that continue to go unaddressed. The symptoms of the health crisis that faces the continent are only partially dealt with.

Health status is influenced by socioeconomic factors as well as health delivery services. In Africa, declining economies and growing poverty levels have led to a drop in the health status of the population. The HIV pandemic, as well as the persistent ravages of diseases such as malaria, has been exacerbated by poverty-associated malnutrition and unhealthy life-styles.

Experiences in Africa thus far continue to manifest the impact of structural adjustment programmes of the past, which failed and were largely discarded, but whose rationale continues to underpin policy-making.

The economic decline, occasioned by these programmes and other systemic factors, has also reduced the resources available for public spending. Along with social services and education, health care has born the brunt of the cut-backs instituted by governments Shrinking budgets, coupled with increased demand for health services and the rising cost of health care have plunged African health care regimes into chaos, necessitating urgent reforms. Sekwat (2003) adds that the inadequate resource mobilization is further complicated by the inefficient use of the existent resources.

The process of privatisation as a means of cutting public spending has an exclusionary effect that runs counter to the drive for equity and social justice. By privatising health services, elements thereof in effect exclude those who are not able to pay for it, and in most instances need it most. Public-private partnerships have met with limited success because of structural incompatibilities between the sectors.

A feature of health care reform in Africa has been the introduction of user fees for services. In this scenario, the cost of health care is shared between the state and the public. The reality is that whereas this has succeeded in raising revenue for the sector, it has placed an even greater burden on the meagre resources of the poor, and completely excluded those without the resources. The fallacy of the approach is evident in studies that have shown an increase in efficiency in health care delivery by measuring the level of waiting lists at health facilities. The reality is that those who cannot afford health care are simply not getting it.

There has been a recent move away from cost-sharing in the form of user fees, which have tended to prevent the poor from accessing health services. Sekwat (2003) points out that user fees have a particularly negative effect on adherence to mid and long-term treatment regimes. This is especially dangerous when dealing with diseases like tuberculosis.

Although a study of health policies in Africa reveals an emphasis on social justice and equity, the realities of implementation have tended to militate against this. Budgetary efficiency has often meant doing only what is possible within budgetary allocations. Health care has frequently received allocations well below the requirements, although countries like South Africa are making positive steps towards improving this. The drive for efficiency in resource utilization has met with limited success because most of the inefficiencies tend to be systemic rather than unique to the health sector.

One noble effort has been to shift more resources to broader basic health-care, with the view to early detection and treatment of health problems before they become more dangerous and costly to treat. However, the problem has been that doing this has necessitated redeploying resources from the secondary and tertiary systems. This problem has recently come up in South Africa where the Western Cape finance department has proposed cutting allocations to two major referral hospitals in order to increase capacity in secondary facilities. Whereas the secondary facilities are better able to serve the community, it substantially strains the tertiary system.

Examples such as the foregoing tend to call into question the ideological underpinnings of health policy. Whereas the provision of basic health care to benefit the poor is beyond reproach as a policy, should it mean that the poor only have access to primary health care? Rather the system should be designed to accommodate all people at all levels. Stierle et al point out the provision of health care to the poor is further hampered by lack of clear definitions of who is 'poor' or 'indigent' and therefore eligible for free health care. These are issues that need urgent attention if the health system is to serve in an equitable manner.

The lack of skilled personnel continues to be a problem in reforming the health sector. Furthermore the ability of the public health sector to retain these personnel is still a major challenge, which can only be overcome through better remuneration and working conditions. Needless to say, this is not achievable unless there is more budgetary allocation to health services.

The process of health care reform requires a multi-sectoral approach and a firm grounding in the broader principles of social justice and equity. Any process of reform needs to be sensitive to the most vulnerable, without creating structural imbalances that negatively impact sustainability.

Futher Reading:

Africa Action position paper: Hazardous to Health
http://www.africaaction.org/action/sap0204.htm

Ambrose,S. 2006. Preserving disorder: IMF policies and Kenya's health care crisis http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/34800

Sekwat A. Health financing reform in sub-Saharan Africa: major constraints, goals, and strategies. J Health Care Finance. 2003 spring; 29(3):67-78.

Stierle F., et al. Indigence and access to health care in sub-Saharan Africa. IJHPM 1999 Apr-Jun; 14(2):81-105.

World Health Organization – Report on Health Care Reform
http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/rdonlyres/B2E65CFE-C098-4281-9FF4-967DFEB22069/0/RC53_INFDoc1.pdf

Africa: WHO & UNAIDS recommend circumcision as HIV prevention tool in Africa

2007-03-29

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/5CB1DACF-6D08-48DD-A3C9-A10CBB6A5EED.asp

The World Health Organization and UNAIDS are to recommend that circumcision programmes should become part of HIV prevention programmes in countries seriously affected by HIV, following an expert consultation earlier this month.

Kenya: 13 people lost to TB every hour

2007-03-29

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=302916

About 13 Kenyans die of tuberculosis every hour and there is little immediate prospect of improvement, the head of a leading national health organisation said on Saturday which is World Tuberculosis Day.

Malawi: Time to Talk - HIV Resource

2007-03-27

http://www.talcuk.org

The Strategies for Hope Trust announces the launch of 'Time to Talk: a guide to family life in the age of AIDS'. 'Time to Talk' is intended for use with church groups by pastors, lay preachers, religious Sisters, catechists, trainers, leaders of Christian men's and women's organisations and other lay church leaders. It is based on a series of workshops for local church leaders and their spouses, run by the Anglican Diocese of Southern Malawi.

Tanzania: AIDS killed 193 Tanzanian teachers

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24888

Tanzanian authorities are disturbed by the increasing number of teachers killed by HIV/AIDS. According to the latest report, between 1996 and 2006, 193 teachers died of HIV and AIDS-related diseases in the country's south-western district of Mbeya alone.

Uganda: New tuberculosis cases 'alarming'

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71029

Uganda records an estimated 80,000 new cases of tuberculosis every year, half of them among people infected with the HIV virus that causes AIDS, health officials said.

Global: UNESCO releases global monitoring report

2007-03-29

http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001477/147794E.pdf

UNESCO's first progress report since the 2000 World Education Forum reveals that more than 70 countries will not be able to attain the goals set at Dakar for 2015, which include acceptable primary schooling for all children, eliminating gender disparities in school, and cutting adult illiteracy by fifty percent.

Nigeria: Native languages to promote science application

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24845

Nigeria's traditional rulers have launched a new initiative to encourage the development of science and technology by using local languages. Using Nigeria's three main native languages in science aims at making science results more easily applied by the country's regional and local administrations.

Global: Application of HR to sexual orientation

2007-03-29

http://www.blacklooks.org/2007/03/application_of_hr_to_sexual_orientation.html

In an exciting development the Yogyakarta Principles on the application of international human rights law in relation to sexual orientation and gender identity was due to be formally launched on 26th March. In addition, parallel events held during the Council were to enable discussion and analysis of the Principles and their application to issues of sexual orientation and gender identity around the world.

Africa: African governments urged to ban plastics

2007-03-30

http://www.eastandard.net/hm_news/news_s.php?articleid=1143966671

Africa has no option but to use biodegradable material to save the environment, says Nobel Laureate Prof Wangari Maathai. “The warning on climate change is so definite that it can no longer be ignored. The leadership in Africa needs to address issues concerning the environment,” she said.

Mali: Forests in decline

2007-03-29

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=37129

The figures tell the story. In 1990, forests in Mali extended over more than 14 million hectares. But by 2000 they covered 13,117,643 hectares, according to a national report on the state of the environment made public in 2005. This marked a reduction of about seven percent in the West African country's forests, in just a decade.

Morocco: Struggling to fight deforestation

2007-03-29

http://www.magharebia.com/cocoon/awi/xhtml1/en_GB/features/awi/features/2007/03/25/feature-02

Human activities are largely responsible for a loss of forest cover in Morocco. The government is taking steps to combat deforestation, but more remains to be done. In recent years ecologists and officials have raised the alarm that without sufficient awareness campaigns and government action, Morocco may lose its forests.

Mozambique: Mozambique aims to lead "green revolution"

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24899

Mozambique aims to lead a green revolution in sub-Saharan Africa by using science to improve crop varieties, and by boosting innovation. Government budgets are ready to meet new investments.

Kenya: More people at risk as land clashes persist

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71076

Clashes caused by a dispute over land rights in the western Kenyan district of Mount Elgon have continued, exacerbating the plight of about 45,000 displaced people, the Kenya Red Cross Society (KRCS) said.

Algeria: Heavy sentence sought on appeal in defamation case against two journalists

2007-03-30

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/82082/

On 21 March 2007, the prosecutor at the Algiers appeal court called for a one-year prison sentence and a 500,000 dinar (approx. 5,300 euros) fine against the two journalists along with a one-year ban on the newspaper. The libel suit against the two journalists was taken out in the name of the Libyan leader at the start of October 2006 by the Libyan representative in Algiers.

DRC: Bemba-owned media ransacked, broadcasts suspended, staff gone into hiding

2007-03-29

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=21469

Around 10 journalists and technicians working for three TV and radio stations owned by Sen. Jean-Pierre Bemba - Canal Kin Télévision (CKTV), Canal Congo Television (CCTV) and Radio Liberté Kinshasa (Ralik) - have had to go into hiding after the three stations were forced to close on 21 March.

Gambia: Free Press exterminated one year ago

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24889

For one year now, Gambians have been denied the right to read and hear alternative views in their national media. On 28 March last year, the country's leading independent voice, 'The Independent', was closed down by security forces and its editors were arrested and tortured. Since then, all news is censored in The Gambia.

Liberia: Court nullifies ban on newspaper

2007-03-30

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/82079/

"The Independent" newspaper, which was banned by the government for publishing a sex photo of former presidential affairs minister, Willie Knuckles, has been ordered by the Supreme Court of Liberia to return to "status quo ante." The court's latest ruling is a result of a challenge by "The Independent" through its legal counsel, Attorney-at-Law Syema Syrenius Cephus, protesting the government of Liberia's order through the court's system.

Zimbabwe: State broadcast journalists face criminal charges

2007-03-30

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/82095/

Two journalists with Zimbabwe's state broadcaster have been criminally charged in connection with footage of diamond trafficking in the eastern Manicaland province, according to Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) and news reports.

France: 900,000 Africans prepare for French polls

2007-03-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/24883

Will Africans choose Ségolène Royal as France's first female President? Since the 19th century, many African voters have influenced French polls, but in this year's presidential elections, only inhabitants of the Indian Ocean islands Réunion and Mayotte are to cast their vote. Campaigning is already fierce.

Chad: International community "underestimating" crisis

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71072

John Holmes, the United Nations’ Emergency Relief Coordinator, has warned that the international community is dragging its feet on funding for humanitarian operations in Chad and is “underestimating” the scale of the crisis there.

DRC: Opposition militias join army in Equateur province

2007-03-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=71075

Militias loyal to opposition leader Jean-Pierre Bemba have been integrated into the national army in Equateur province, in the northern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), United Nations officials said. Two hundred soldiers were signed up on Tuesday in Gbadolite, a spokesperson for the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC), Lt Col Didier Rancher, said on Wednesday. Another 140 are expected to lay down their weapons soon.

Somalia: Fresh fighting swells exodus figures to 57,000

2007-03-29

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/460a7f1a4.html

An estimated 57,000 people have fled violence in the Somali capital Mogadishu since the beginning of February, including more than 12,000 in the last week when escalated fighting left at least 24 people dead. The figures were compiled by UNHCR based on information provided by non-governmental organisations in Somalia.

Sudan: Latest Sudan Darfur pledge raises "partial" hopes

2007-03-29

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/117516108692.htm

The Khartoum government's latest promise of better cooperation with aid groups struggling in war-ravaged Darfur has eased the anxieties of the top U.N. humanitarian official in Sudan.

Sudan: New report on resolving the crisis

2007-03-29

http://enoughproject.org/reports/pdf/answer_to_darfur.pdf

"The Answer to Darfur", the first in a series of strategy papers to be released by ENOUGH, a joint initiative of the International Crisis Group and the Center for American Progress, presents a comprehensive plan for resolving the ongoing crisis in Darfur.

Kenya: E-learning may be a pipe-dream

2007-03-29

http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/nmgcontententry.asp?category_id=25&newsid=94117

Information communication technologies cannot be wished away in the current globalised economy. With the advent of the computing technology which has been able to provide a digital platform for managing text, imaging and voice into one is a great achievement for the present generation. This is according to Brown Onguko, lecturer at the Aga Khan University-Institute for Educational development, Eastern Africa in Tanzania

Nigeria: Network for Success

2007-03-27

http://www.gbengasesan.com/blog/?p=160

Technology Mentoring Opportunity for Young Nigerian Women Community Activists – The Networking for Success Project is part of the Blogs for African Women (BAWo) initiative, a technology mentoring initiative working to encourage African women to become more active users of technology. BAWo is supported by Fahamu, an organisation using information and communication technologies (ICTs) to serve the needs of organisations that aspire to progressive social change.

For further information: please send a paragraph describing your organisation’s work to oreblogging [at] yahoo.com by Friday, March 31, 2007.

Zambia: New national ICT Policy

2007-03-30

http://hana.ru.ac.za/article.cfm?articleID=1344

The Government of Zambia has called for the mainstreaming of Internet Governance in the implementation plan of the National Information and Communications technology (ICT) Policy and immediate formation of the National Internet Governance Forum (NIGF) to enable Zambia's full participation in internet governance issues.
Highway Africa News Agency

The Government of Zambia has called for the mainstreaming of Internet Governance in the implementation plan of the National Information and Communications Technology (ICT) Policy and immediate formation of the National Internet Governance Forum (NIGF) to enable Zambia's full participation in internet governance issues.

The call was made on March 28, 2007 at a Grand Launch of the National ICT Policy which sets the framework for Zambia's participation in the global economy and global village.

The government has since reminded all stakeholders of the need to develop an ICT infrastructure in rural and under-served areas to provide access to as many people as possible and directed the Ministry of Communication to see to it that the above aspect was embraced in all activities related to the ICT policy implementation.

Vice President Rupiah Banda delivered President Levy Mwanawasa SC?s speech where he said that the National ICT Policy was developed to accelerate the social and economic development of Zambia.

Mwanawasa indicated that the government intends to bridge the digital divide amongst Zambians, and outlined activities that the National ICT Policy must address to contribute to national development. According to Mwanawasa, the creation of an innovative, market responsive, highly competitive, coordinated and well regulated ICT industry was a necessity if Zambia was to be globally competitive.

Mwanawasa also observed that although the country has made some significant strides in the development of the ICT sector, there are some specific challenges that require the country?s urgent attention.

He explained that the current regulatory framework in the ICT sector was fragmented in that there are at present three bodies regulating the sector. The communications Authority regulates the Telecommunications sector, the Ministry of Communications and Transport regulates the postal and courier services and the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting regulates Broadcasting.

Mwanawasa observed that there was a need to harmonise the regulatory framework to eliminate duplication and called on the Ministries of Communication and Transport and Information Broadcasting services to harmonise the regulatory framework in the sector.

Government also feels that the need for a quick implementation of e-governance which Mr Banda said was being piloted in a number of institutions emphasising that it should spread to all Government institutions.

Government directed the Ministry of Communications and Transport to expedite the adopting of e-governance in all Ministries and Government institutions. Government also indicated that the need to fast track the enactment of the ICT Act and other pieces of legislation to provide an enabling environment for the implementation of the policy.

There is also a need for the facilitation of Joint venture initiatives for local entrepreneurs with international private inventors in the provision of public ICT goods and services.

Furthermore, the creation of a favourable business environment to promote Zambia as an attractive destination for ICT related investments within the region and on the international market targeting manufacturing and local products assembly, research and development, human resource development components and restructuring of the ICT market with a view to making the ICT sector a significant contributor to the social and economic development of the country, was necessary.

Meanwhile, the Minister of Communications and Transport Mr Peter Daka has called on the Communciation's Authority of Zambia (CAZ) to use its mandate to deal with misuse of ICT and also develop a system where it will be able to regulate misuse of ICTs.

Daka also emphasised the need for companies to be regulated by CAZ and that they must have competition behind the curtains and not in public.

He added that ICTs should be affordable to rural areas noting that previously people in villages used to use mail messengers to carry the messages but this time the sending of messages has been quickened by the use of ICTs such as the mobile phone sms facility, etc.

Global: Alcan Prize for Sustainability

2007-03-29

http://www.alcanprizeforsustainability.com/intro.php

The Alcan Prize for Sustainability is a US$1 million Prize that recognizes organizations demonstrating a comprehensive approach to addressing, achieving and further advancing economic, environmental and/or social sustainability. The closing date is 12 April 2007.

Global: Changemakers "Ending Corruption: Honesty Instituted" Collaborative Competition

2007-03-29

http://www.changemakers.net/en-us/competition/endcorruption

Changemakers' tenth Collaborative Competition is seeking innovative, high-impact strategies to end the corrosive impact of corruption. To enter this competition, participants should document their solution on the Changemakers site. Deadline for entries is May 16, 2007.

Southern Africa: Southern Africa Drivers of Change Award

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/40498

The Southern Africa Trust is pleased to announce that nominations are now open for the 2007 Drivers of Change award. Officially opened on 8 March, 2007 at the Johannesburg Country Club, the award is expected to attract entries from individuals and organisations in the southern Africa region who in their work to overcome poverty, are making a real and lasting difference in the lives of the poor.
Nominations Now Open for the Southern Africa Drivers of Change Award

The Southern Africa Trust is pleased to announce that nominations are now open for the 2007 Drivers of Change award. Officially opened on 8 March, 2007 at the Johannesburg Country Club, the award is expected to attract entries from individuals and organisations in the southern Africa region who in their work to overcome poverty, are making a real and lasting difference in the lives of the poor. The award is in three categories, namely; civil society, government and business. Recipients in each of the categories will demonstrate innovation in the strategies used to develop and implement better public policy and significance for ending poverty and inequality in southern Africa as a whole. Other criteria are inclusion of diverse voices, especially voices of the poor, and policy work that has a real impact on poverty.
"Fast becoming the region's premier award that recognises innovation in anti-poverty work, the Drivers of Change Award provides a great opportunity to organisations and individuals to gain visibility and recognition in their approach to overcoming poverty. They stand to be acknowledged as leaders in innovation and best practices" says Petronilla Ndebele, the Communications and Partnerships Manager for the Southern Africa Trust. The Drivers of Change award was established as part of the Mail and Guardian's Investing in the future awards.
Nominations for the 2007 Drivers of Change close on 6 July, 2007 and the winners will be announced in October 2007 at a gala event in Johannesburg, South Africa. For more information and comments, contact Caroline Nenguke on email: info@southernafricatrust.org

Egypt: International and Refugees' Human Rights Law

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/40487

This course will introduce participants to the primary elements of the refugee definition and its application and to the rights guaranteed to refugees by International law. The course will take place from Monday June 25- Saturday June 30 (excluding Friday) everyday from 9 am to 5 pm. Deadline for applications is May 11th, 2007.
THE FORCED MIGRATION AND REFUGEE STUDIES PROGRAM

International Refugee and Human Rights Law

25-30 June 2007 Course description:

This course will introduce participants to the primary elements of the refugee definition and its application and to the rights guaranteed to refugees by International law. Consideration will be given to the interaction between the 1951 Geneva Convention and the 1969 OAU Convention, as well as the current debates and challenges in contemporary refugee law.
Topics will include the standard of proof in refugee claims, the role of international human rights law in expanding the scope of protection, violations of socio-economic rights as the basis for refugee claims, and the application of the exclusion clauses to war crimes and “terrorism”. The course will be delivered through a combination of lectures and interactive, small group exercises. Participants will have an opportunity to apply legal norms to refugee case studies and build skills in country-of-origin research, interviewing and advocacy.

Instructor: Michael Kagan, Adjunct Faculty at the American University in Cairo and consulting attorney to the Africa Middle East Refugee Assistance (AMERA)

Michael Kagan, Juris Doctor, is an American lawyer who has worked since 1998 to develop refugee legal aid programs throughout the Middle East. He is the fonder of the website RSDWatch.org, which promotes fairness in the UN's refugee status determination procedures. He is the author of FMRS working paper no.1 "Assessment of Refugee Status Determination Procedure at UNHCR's office 2001-2002”. He is also the author of many articles on refugee-related topics, including UNHCR policies, legal aid, United Nations reform, Palestinian property rights in Israel, and the role of international law in shaping the Arab-Israeli conflict. Kagan is also teaching one of the FMRS Diploma elective courses MEST 430 "Palestinian Refugee Issues".

Maximum Enrollment: 30 Participants

Tuition

The tuition fee for each course is US $100 for international participants and LE 200 for Egyptians and Residents of Egypt. A limited number of tuition waivers are available upon request (based on need only).

Application procedures

Please send a letter of application stating:

a) Interest in the Summer School b) The course(s) you are applying for.

c) Why the course(s) is/are important to your work or academic interest.

d) State if you are applying for a tuition waiver, and why.

And include your updated curriculum vitae.

Addressed to:

Ms. Maysa Ayoub
Email:fmrs@aucegypt.edu
Assistant to Director
Tel: (202)7976626
Forced Migration and Refugee Studies
Fax (202) 7956681
American University in Cairo FMRS/AUC,
113 Kasr El Aini Street,
PO Box 25000,
Cairo 11511,
Egypt
Deadline for applications is May 11th, 2007 For further information regarding accommodation in Cairo and further updates on FMRS up-coming events access: www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs (under Outreach).

Egypt: Meeting the Psychosocial Needs of Refugees

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/40485

In this course, participants will increase their understanding of the psychosocial and mental health issues of refugees and learn how to implement effective interventions. The course will take place June 11- Saturday June 16 (excluding Friday) everyday from 9 am to 5 pm.
THE FORCED MIGRATION AND REFUGEE STUDIES PROGRAM

Meeting the Psychosocial Needs of Refugees
11 – 16 June, 2007

Course description:

In this course, participants will increase their understanding of the psychosocial and mental health issues of refugees and learn how to implement effective interventions. Topics will include: Review of international research about the psychosocial and mental health consequences of war and violence; Implications for working with various cultures and contexts; Skills for assessment of need; Culturally sensitive interviewing skills; Methods for working with translators; Introduction to individual, family, group and community interventions; Overview of methods for monitoring and evaluating the impact of intervention; and Specific mechanisms workers and organizations can use to minimize staff burnout and maximize organizational effectiveness.

Instructor: Nancy Baron, Director of Global Psychiatric and Psycho-Social Initiatives (GPSI)

Dr. Nancy Baron received her Doctorate in Education at the University of Massachusetts, U.S.A. with a concentration in Family Therapy and Counseling Psychology. While working in the U.S.A., she was a program director of home and community based programs for adolescents and families involved with the courts and private therapist specializing in marital and family counseling.
She taught courses in counseling and psychotherapy at various universities and helped to establish a graduate program in community mental health and an institute for family therapy. In 1989, she changed her context and specialization and since that time has lived and worked in numerous countries during and after wars and disasters including in Africa: Burundi, Guinea Conakry, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan and Uganda; in Asia: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan and Sri Lanka; in Eastern Europe: Kosovo and Albania and in the South Pacific:Solomon Islands.

Dr. Baron is presently the Director of Global Psychiatric and Psycho-Social Initiatives (GPSI). She provides consultation, assessment, training, program design and development, research and evaluation for UN organizations and international and local NGOs in community and family focused psycho-social, mental health and peace building initiatives for conflict and post-conflict countries. She is also the International Training Director for the International Trauma Studies Program, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, New York, USA and Consultant and Senior Trainer for the Psychosocial Training Institute of the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization of Uganda.

Maximum Enrollment: 26 Participants The course will take place in the 6th floor lounge, Hill House, Main Campus at the American University in Cairo from Monday June 11- Saturday June 16 (excluding Friday) everyday from 9 am to 5 pm.

Tuition

The tuition fee for each course is US $100 for international participants and LE 200 for Egyptians and Residents of Egypt. A limited number of tuition waivers are available upon request (based on need only).

Application procedures

Please send a letter of application stating:

a) Interest in the Summer School b) The course(s) you are applying for.

c) Why the course(s) is/are important to your work or academic interest.

d) State if you are applying for a tuition waiver, and why.

And include your updated curriculum vitae.

Addressed to:

Ms. Maysa Ayoub
Email:fmrs@aucegypt.edu
Assistant to Director
Tel: (202)7976626
Forced Migration and Refugee Studies
Fax (202) 7956681
American University in Cairo FMRS/AUC,
113 Kasr El Aini Street,
PO Box 25000,
Cairo 11511,
Egypt
Deadline for applications is May 11th, 2007 For further information regarding accommodation in Cairo and further updates on FMRS up-coming events access: www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs (under Outreach).

Egypt: Understanding Nationalism and Ethnicity

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/40486

The course will present an overview of different theoretical approaches to notions of “nationalism” and “ethnicity” from a sociological anthropological perspective. It will also consider questions regarding the relation between national and ethnic identity, and state formation, national consciousness and ethnic consciousness. The course will be held 18 - 23 June, 2007. the Deadline for applications is May 11, 2007
THE FORCED MIGRATION AND REFUGEE STUDIES PROGRAM

Understanding Nationalism and Ethnicity

18-23 June 2007
Course description:

The course will present an overview of different theoretical approaches to notions of “nationalism” and “ethnicity” from a sociological anthropological perspective. It will also consider questions regarding the relation between national and ethnic identity, and state formation, national consciousness and ethnic consciousness. Taking the end of the Cold War as a turning point in the affirmation of ‘new’ nations and nationalisms it will explore the relation between ‘old’ and ‘new’ nationalist phenomena with special reference to current developments in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Middle East.

Instructor: Eftihia Voutira, Associate Professor, Department of Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies, University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece.

Dr. Voutira is an anthropologist (Ph.D. University of Cambridge) with a background in philosophy (B.A. University of Chicago, MA., PhD Harvard University). She is the author of Conflict Resolution: A Cautionary Tale ( Uppsala, Sweden: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 1995), Improving Social and Gender Planning in Humanitarian Emergencies (Refugee Studies Programme, University of Oxford/ World Food Programme, Rome 1995) and Anthropology in International Humanitarian Emergencies (with Jean Benoist; European Commission, Brussels, Network on Humanitarian Assistance (NOHA) July 1994, 2nd edition, 1998) and numerous academic articles on diaspora and repatriation.

The course will take place in the 6th floor lounge, Hill House, Main Campus at the American University in Cairo from Monday June 18- Saturday June 23 (excluding Friday) everyday from 9 am to 5 pm.

Tuition

The tuition fee for each course is US $100 for international participants and LE 200 for Egyptians and Residents of Egypt. A limited number of tuition waivers are available upon request (based on need only).

Application procedures

Please send a letter of application stating:

a) Interest in the Summer School b) The course(s) you are applying for.

c) Why the course(s) is/are important to your work or academic interest.

d) State if you are applying for a tuition waiver, and why.

And include your updated curriculum vitae.

Addressed to:

Ms. Maysa Ayoub
Email:fmrs@aucegypt.edu
Assistant to Director
Tel: (202)7976626
Forced Migration and Refugee Studies
Fax (202) 7956681
American University in Cairo FMRS/AUC,
113 Kasr El Aini Street,
PO Box 25000,
Cairo 11511,
Egypt
Deadline for applications is May 11th, 2007 For further information regarding accommodation in Cairo and further updates on FMRS up-coming events access: www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs (under Outreach).

Zimbabwe: Gender Programmes Officer

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40490

A vacancy has arisen in one of the leading youth-based human rights non-governmental organization (NGO) for the position of Gender Programmes Officer. Deadline for applications is 5th April 2007.
Gender and Equal Rights (Programmes Officer)

Deadline: 5th April 2007

A vacancy has arisen in one of the leading youth-based human rights non-governmental organization (NGO) for the position of Gender Programmes Officer.
Reporting to: National Coordinator Main Functions
- Responsible for developing advocacy and lobby strategies on gender equality and human rights.
- Writing project proposals and reports.
- Co-ordinate efforts of students in tertiary institutions on gender equality.
- Alliance building/networking with agencies and institutions for the cause of gender equality.

Qualifications & Experience The ideal candidate must preferably hold a Diploma/Degree in Social Science from a reputable institution with at least 2 years experience in gender-related work.
If interested send a comprehensive C.V and copies of educational qualifications via email:
gender_officer@yahoo.com or post to: The Advertiser, "Gender Programmes Officer", PO Box CY 434, Causeway, Harare.

Zimbabwe: Field Officer

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40491

A network of NGOs working in the democracy and good governance field in Zimbabwe is looking for person to fill the field officer position based in Masvingo. The incumbent will be responsible for the provision of information to support the organisation 's education, research and advocacy programme. Deadline for Applications is 20 April, 2007.
Field Officer
Deadline: 20 April 2007

A network of NGOs working in the democracy and good governance field in Zimbabwe is looking for person to fill the field officer position based in Masvingo. The incumbent will be responsible for the provision of information to support the organisation 's education, research and advocacy programme.

Specific Duties:

Co-ordinating the organisation's core activities in the provinces Facilitating recruitment and training of volunteers for information dissemination Compiling reports and progress updates Communicating and strengthening links between provincial structures and volunteers through networking and visits Office management and administration Handling finances and reporting to Head Office Undertaking research, data collection and analysis Reporting on the implementation and activity plans to the Head Office.
Disseminate information. Time Frame and Conditions The contract is for 1 year, starting as soon as possible and may be renewed. The person will be based in Masvingo, but the work will involve field and travel to other provinces.

Qualifications and skills The incumbent is required to be a strategic thinker with a first degree in Social Sciences or relevant diploma with at least 3 years experience in human rights, democracy and good governance work, be conversant with democracy and good governance, be computer literate, administration and accounting skills, have good analytical and social research skills, organisational, planning and written communication skills, ability to put together information and communication strategies, previous NGO experience is required. A Drivers' licence is a requirement.

Applications with detailed CVs and the names of three contactable referees must be submitted to: The Chairperson P.O. Box BE 630, Belvedere Harare.

Southern Africa: Regional Director - Pump Aid

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40492

A fast growing NGO is looking for a Regional Director for Southern Africa who would be based in Harare but with some time spent in Pump Aid's London office and some time overseeing expansion in Malawi. The applicant should have the enthusiasm and ability to help Pump Aid become a major organization in the field of international development. Deadline for applications is 7 April.
Pump Aid: Regional Director

Deadline: 7th April

A fast growing NGO is looking for a Regional Director for Southern Africa who would be based in Harare but with some time spent in Pump Aid's London office and some time overseeing expansion in Malawi. The applicant should have the enthusiasm and ability to help Pump Aid become a major organization in the field of international development.
The work will primarily be Harare based, reporting to the
International Director, but with trips to other countries e.g. UK and Malawi.

The successful candidate will need to be extremely flexible, with the ability to work independently focusing on the following areas:
- Reporting to and liaising with donors and partners
- Representing Pump Aid in the absence of the ID
- Overseeing the start of Pump Aid's operations in Malawi
- Oversight of all Pump Aid's field operations
- Developing publicity materials and other documentation
- Research into literature and the work of related organizations
- Supervision of and assigning tasks for other staff
- Developing funding proposals with oversight from the ID
- Identifying and developing new opportunities for Pump Aid

Qualifications and Experience: Masters or another Post-grad
qualification and at least three years' experience working in the aid/development sector in Zimbabwe is desirable. Experience applying for, securing, handling and reporting on large grants in the aid/development sector is essential.

Deadline and Application procedure:
1. Submit CV with photo plus covering letter to: director@pumpaid.org
2. Deadline: 7 April (short listed applicants may receive further questions)
3. Notification via email is only for short listed candidates - if
you are not contacted you are not on the shortlist. Promising
candidates may however have their CVs filed for consideration for
future positions
4. Work to commence as soon as possible

Starting Salary: Pump Aid pays competitive NGO forex-based rates. The
starting salary will depend on qualifications and experience.

"Pump Aid tackles poverty by working with local communities to
establish sustainable supplies of clean water for improved health and
increased agricultural production" www.pumpaid.org

Africa: Deputy Director - Afro Barometer

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40493

The successful candidate will, with other Deputy Directors, support the Executive Director to provide leadership to the Network, within the framework set by the Executive Management Committee. Deadline for applications is 6 April, 2007.
Afro Barometer: Deputy Director
Deadline: 6 April 2007
The successful candidate will, with other Deputy Directors, support the Executive Director to provide leadership to the Network, within the framework set by the Executive Management Committee.

The incumbent will be responsible for:
- Liaising with network partners, support units and standing committees to ensure high quality outputs from the network, according to agreed protocols.
- Raising the public profile of the Network, specifically though key dissemination and outreach events.
- Assisting the Executive Director with management tasks and participating in management committees as assigned.
- Making prominent contribution to the intellectual development of the project.
- Supervising and developing staff.
- Assisting in fundraising and overseeing the efficient management of grants according to their requirements.
- Providing technical assistance to national partners.
- Contributing to the production of briefings and reports and assisting in planning and facilitating network meetings.

Requirements:
A Doctorate in Social Science, preferably in Political Science; Quantitative research experience, preferably in Africa; Excellent analytical, writing and presentation skills; Sound administrative competence; Good interpersonal skills and the ability to work in a multinational environment with a wide range of stakeholders, including
donors, political leaders, policymakers and NGO and civil leaders; Flexibility and willingness to work on a wide range of tasks.

Note: This position may be taken up in Pretoria, South Africa or
Accra, Ghana, Applicants should specify their preference when
applying.
Email your application to: tsokutu@idasa.org.za

Africa: Africa Director

International Center for Transitional Justice

2007-03-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40494

The Africa Director, a newly created position, will be responsible for designing and expanding ICTJ's programmatic and strategic work in Africa. S/he will operate with a high degree of autonomy, overseeing ICTJ's entire programme in the region and will report directly to the Executive Vice President of ICTJ. Deadline for applications is 24 April 2007.
International Center For Transitional Justice: Africa Director

Deadline: 24 April 2007

The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) assists countries pursuing accountability for past mass atrocity or human rights abuse. The Center works in societies emerging from repressive rule or armed conflict, as well as in established democracies where historical injustices or systemic abuse remain unresolved. ICTJ builds
local capacity and strengthens the emerging field by working with partner organizations to develop integrated, comprehensive, and localized approaches to transitional justice comprising five key elements: prosecuting perpetrators, documenting and acknowledging violations through non-judicial means such as truth commissions,
reforming abusive institutions, providing reparations to victims, and facilitating reconciliation processes. Founded in 2001 with a mission to promote justice and econciliation, ICTJ is a dynamic international human rights organization. In less than six years, it has grown to a staff of more than 880 working in more than 30 countries. The Africa Director, a newly created position, will be responsible for designing
and expanding ICTJ's programmatic and strategic work in Africa. S/he will operate with a high degree of autonomy, overseeing ICTJ's entire programme in the region and will report directly to the Executive Vice President of ICTJ. The ideal candidate will have a relevant graduate degree in law, political science, international affairs, journalism, history or a related field. S/he will have 10-20 years experience in the field of international human rights, peace building, humanitarian work, transitional justice, conflict prevention, development, or other related fields, with programme and operational management experience
in an international setting.

To apply email a cover letter, a CV and three references to
hr@ictj.org Please ensure that you write 'Africa Director' in the subject line of your message. For more information and a detailed job description, as well application procedures, please visit our website at www.ictj.org

South Africa: Project Attorney - AIDS Law Project

2007-03-29

http://www.sangonet.org.za/portal/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6733&Itemid=433

The AIDS Law Project (ALP), a section 21 non-profit company and a registered law clinic, is formally associated with the School of Law at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. The ALP seeks to appoint an attorney from May 2007 or as soon as possible thereafter. Deadline for applications is 5 April, 2007.

Programme manager

Fahamu: Oxford

2007-03-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/40558

Fahamu is seeking an experienced programme manager in its Oxford office to take responsibility for managing its growing portfolio of projects.
Programme manager

Fahamu is seeking an experienced programme manager in its Oxford office to take responsibility for managing its growing portfolio of projects.

Reporting to the Director, you will be responsible for:

• Development and management of an effective project and budget monitoring system
• Ensuring timely submission of reports from the field or from partner organisations
• Maintaining close relationships with relevant field staff and project leaders and supporting staff in the planning and implementation of project activities
• Identification, hiring and management of consultants
• Preparation of financial and narrative reports to funders
• Liaison with funders in relation to project implementation
• Preparing monthly project management reports, including financial reports
• Assisting with the development and submission of proposals to relevant funders
• Contributing to the development of Fahamu’s international strategy
• Such other duties as may be required from time to time by mutual agreement

You must:
• Have at least three years experience in a similar position in an international organisation
• Have a degree in a relevant subject
• Have demonstrable project management sills
• Be highly organised and able to work under pressure and to tight deadlines
• Be experienced in analysis of project expenditures in multiple currencies and in the preparation of variance analyses
• Have an excellent knowledge of project budget preparation
• Have excellent writing and communications skills
• Be experienced in communicating with funders
• Be able to work with people from diverse backgrounds and who are located at a distance or in other countries
• Be proficient in the use of word processing and spreadsheet software
• Be familiar with the use of computers and the internet
• Be based in or near Oxford

Preferably, you should:
• Have experience of working in Africa
• Have a passion for social justice

Please send your CV and names of three referees to: fahamujobs@gmail.com
Applications close 5 May 2007.

This is initially a part-time position (3 days a week).

Fahamu