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Featured this week

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/highlights/42259

FEATURES: Owen Alik Shahadah describes how history is written to deny agency to Africa and its peoples
COMMENTS & ANALYSIS
- Abdul Raufu Mustapha assesses the impact on Nigeria’s recent fraudulent elections
- South Africa’s involvement in Nigeria is not about Pan Africanism Shawn
Hattingh but about exploitation
- Corruption scandal hits Kenya
- Joseph Yav argues that poverty alleviation requires a holistic approach
LETTERS
- Amnesty International and CSOs call on human rights to be at the centre of the dialogue between government and MDC
- Operation Murambatsvina comes to KwaZulu Natal
PAN AFRICAN POSTCARD: we are blessed with two contributions from Tajudeen this week: the killing of John Garang and the call for a Union Government of Africa
BOOKS & ARTS: More from the Poetess of the People

AU MONITOR: with Pambazuka News staff in Accra, there is plenty to report from the African Union
PODCAST: Interview with Madaraka Nyerere on the relaunch of the Arusha Declaration
WOMEN AND GENDER: Mauritian budget to target women
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Can the Ouagadougou agreement bring peace?
HUMAN RIGHTS: Human trafficking on the rise in East Africa
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: Zimbabwe government lifts ban on rallies
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Damning report on Uganda war crimes
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Disorder mars Congo’s elections
AFRICA AND CHINA: AU to help Africa benefit from trade with China
CORRUPTION: Liberian graft watchdog threatened
DEVELOPMENT: Initiation to bring jobs to Sierra Leone’s rural youth
HEALTH AND HIV/Aids: Taking stock of the AIDS response
EDUCATION: Africa moves to achieve Education For All
ENVIRONMENT: A difficult trade-off to save Rwanda’s Lake Kivu
LAND & LAND RIGHTS: Mozambique’s first land confiscations
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Lesotho journalist charged with treason
NEWS FROM THE DIASPORA: The UK’s child slaves
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: World Information Society 2007 report
PLUS: e-newsletters and mailings lists; courses, seminars and workshops and jobs

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The removal of agency from Africa

Owen Alik Shahadah

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/42249

When history is reduced from all the pages and pages to the underlining conclusion, we find regardless of if the author is British liberal, American conservative, or Australian the conclusion is the same. Africa has fostered nothing the Western World considers artifacts of civilization. With few exceptions, this is the underlying summarization on Africa, the pathology of discrediting and take-away, writes Owen Alik Shahadah.


To understand the entire discourse on Africa and African people is to indulge in a vivid exercise in the removal of agency. The primary purpose of this study, new and old is the continuous reassertion of Conrad's “Heart of Darkness.” This is the tradition in anti-African scholarship that provides the moral-academic justification for the slave trade: the most successful commercial venture in the history of humanity. In Europe's bid to protect their trade interest, the marriage between racist academia and the exploitation of Africa had to be made. The need for the continuation of this tradition is not lost in today's markets, which are heavily dependent on sustaining the impoverishment of Africa. Africa today continues to be the primary testing bed for new drugs, social experiments, cheap labor and raw material. A wealthy Africa would create stronger corruption-free government, which in turn would be an antigen to Western imperialist designs. The reality of Africa on-the-ground is a continent locked into a blind subservient orbit. Africa is the junk-yard of the Western World, the sole purpose of the continent is not for the native African, but for the harvesting of materials to construct Western civilization.

People speak from their cultural perspective; this in itself is not a problem. It is a natural aspect of human behavior. When Americans speak of tragedy, they reference their 9/11. However, 9/11 is a date in world history and may have significance to another culture. In Iraq, they have much reason to identify with other incidence in their recent history to reference tragedy, like 11/23. [1] The problem comes when the localized experience of one culture or nation is imposed on the reality of others directly outside of this experience.

Denial of agency

When African history is reduced the underlining conclusion we find, regardless of if the author is British liberal, American conservative, or Australian is the same: Africa has fostered nothing the Western World considers artifacts of civilization. With few exceptions, this is the underlying summarization on Africa, the pathology of discrediting and take-away:

* Ethiopia – Not of African Origin
* Egypt – Not of African origin
* Sudan – Not of African origin
* Mali – Not of African origin
* The Moorish Empire – Not African
* Ancient Zimbabwe – Not of African origin

There is nothing glorious in Africa that has not been reassigned to “White” ownership. And some are confused about terms like Arab, but Arabs from the perspective of Eurocentric history are a “Middle-Eastern Caucasoid,” so quite happily will they reassign Ancient Egypt or Islamic Spain to Arab people. The question for the discerning student of history is; why do all the conclusions always serve to empower Europeans and disempower Africans. It does not matter if they use archeology or genetics, linguistics; the conclusions always make a deposit towards the greatness of Europe, and a deduction from the glory of Africa.

• Who ended the slave trade- Europe
• Who stopped the Arab trade – Europe
• Who was the greatest Abolitionist – A European
• The greatest scientist, thinker, architect, composers, inventors – Europeans
• Who invented modern civilization – Europe
• Who invented everything good – Europe
• Who is the most civilized - Europe

The question that should is left hanging is “What has indigenous Africa contributed to the world?” Because the history of take-away has reduced Africa to nothing, thus validating the old statement “Africa is of no historical significance.” So how are today’s scholars any different from David Hume and Kant? If all their conclusions reduced all the nobility of Africa to given, borrowed or stolen. The ultimate hero in every single story is the European; it is the most inescapable imposed reality the world is forced to accept.

Making a slave

In the analysis of the paradigm “the making of a slave” the removal of agency from Africa was the first instruction needed in the creation of a “cooperative work-force.” Africans taken to the New World had no authority over their life; they were not even allowed to commit suicide. And the reason for adversity to African suicide was not religious or commercially motivated. It was not the fear of losing “merchandise” but moreover the mental domination and removal of all forms of self-ownership from the psyche of the African captives. The re-labeling and amalgamation of the Mandika, Fulani, Igbo, Asante, into one bland color label- black, was part of the greater process of absolute reduction of African identity: A color epithet that Europe believed to be the lowest color on Earth, thus reflecting the social designation of African people in European psyche. But for slavery to work this reality had to be transferred from the European mind to the African mind. Africans had to believe what Europe believed about Africa and Africans. Cultures, ethnicity, legacy, royalty, lineage was now melted down to a single entity—slave. The slave had no past and certainly no future, save for after death when they were allowed to service a white god in an abstract heaven.

When we traverse the globe today and look at oppressed people, we see that despite their oppression, they are fully conscious of self, they have religion and culture, which they proudly use to, distinguishes themselves from their oppressors. The Jews in Hitler's death camps knew they were Jewish, they had their Torah, they had the Talmud and they had their history, which was reinforced by a Jewish culture. No amount of “special treatment” could alter the Jewish religion or their historical legacy. However, Africans by a process of the most hideous system in humanity were removed and later denied access to their history. Africans could not be attached to greatness as this would then beg the question, if these people were capable of science, engineering, social structure and kingdoms, how can their function be as beast-of-burden? How can a people who forged Timbuktu, Aksum, Kanem-Bornu, Egypt, Nubia, Great Zimbabwe, Ancient Ghana, Songhay, Sokoto Caliphate, Monomotapa be now mere labor units, movable chattel, branded like cattle, confined, de-robed, whipped, and reduced?

It was essential to institutionalize the myth of a dark and savage Africa occupied by heathen cannibals who were saved by Europeans from absolute misery at the hands of their countrymen and marauding Arabs. History narrates that the European in their mercy did Africans a tremendous favor by bringing them to work in well-nurtured plantations in the West, allowing their lives to be touched by a white god, delivering them from savagery to culture, civilization and industrialization. And today this core racism is dressed with roses and resold in the form of the likes of John Reader et al.

Academic racism and agency

The legacy of the African Holocaust has made a profound affect on African academics: It puts the African at a chessboard where all the pieces are white. And because of the profound disinheritance in areas of social-economic, there has been a natural disinheritance in areas of academics. Africans do not have access to research aspects of their history, and even if they do they are trapped in scholarships programs from European institutions. And even if they survive this ‘killing field’ they need to return their work to European controlled publishing houses, if by divine intervention they escape this, there is the distribution issue to deal with. With the volumes of publish works by the “Hitler's of the African Holocaust” it is impossible for Africans to gain any authoritative stance in their own history. Year after year, the bookshelves are filled with one opinion, that of the most perjorative ideas on Africa. Just take a look in the African history section of ‘Barnes and Noble’ or ‘Books, etc.’ And if an African author is to be found it is likely those singing the loudest from this Eurocentric music score.

Oxford academic [[J.R. Baker]] listed that a civilization is comprised of 21 basic components which where critical to demarcate the degree of civilization of a race. His conclusion was that Caucasians met all 21 criteria in Iraq, Crete, India, and in Egypt, and the Asians met them all in China. The Africans and Australian aborigines met virtually none of the 21 criteria. ‘’Race’’. J.R. Baker’’, 1974, p 507-508

Baker, in his book, argues that a society originates a “civilization” if, prior to influence from outsiders, (FN1) most of its members meet most of these 21 requirements (), where “Africans” means sub-Saharan African

The self-referencing of the “old boys” like Hume and Kant is valid today because it is old, white, and used many, many times. We often hear “so and so is acknowledged by everyone to be one of the most prominent scholars of …” so and so is always white. Final authority is white, the accepted standard in academics is the white verdict on Ancient Egypt, Axsum etc. Scholarship is a white only seat, academic apartheid with no room for debate. They say with one breath that some of these old academics were “men of their time” but they still keep saying these people were the ‘definitive guide to Africa.’ How can you say something is wrong but keep using it as a definitive source? The complete dismantlement (deconstruction) of the academic paradigm of authority needs to be a first step in a pure analysis, and it is for Africans to adopt this approach as bases for articulating and imposing a new academic identify on Africa.

African history on an African schedule in an African format for an African agenda. Africans must determine the placement and the process by which African history and culture is taught, disseminated, absorbed and weighted. The agenda setting and permission slips from Europe are the legacy of mental enslavement. The agency of Africa means just that African people as agents of all aspects of their history, politics and culture. This is not a statement of supremacy but mere equality. And for this reason the Maafa studies is a key sign of the Pan-African paradigm-shift where the legacy of the African Holocaust on African people globally is studied within the framework of the natural history in which the Maafa occurred. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents.

Europe solution for Africa

“Begging the fox to save you from the wolf.”

The premises behind much of the solutions for Africa are in the ideal that a hurting Africa needs a humanist hand from Europe. This is like appealing to the fox to save you from the wolf. An agreement in the United Nations’ Security Council or other diabolical agencies such as the World Bank is like an agreement among a choir, and such agreements are not meant to provide any relief to the problems of Africa. NEPAD insist that a richer Africa is in the interest of the entire world, true or false, this assumption will not appeal to the morality of a world system that never in its legacy acted along a moral compass. From “Feed Africa” to “Make Poverty History” which are mere sloganeering programs with no genuine effect to the teeming population of the continent. These campaigns are industries unto themselves that create billions of dollars and generate millions of jobs for Europeans. Entire European not African business exists that sustain their product line entirely from the poverty of Africa. We are naïve and childish to believe a richer Africa is in the interest of Europe. Poor people do not have the luxury of liberalism and freedom of speech. Poor people have no point of view other than “feed me”, Poor people are absent from the luxury of agency. And a poor Africa will always be a slave to a richer Europe.

Today at every major anti-slavery or save Africa project is lead by a European deciding and inviting personalities from the African world to sit at “THEIR” table, to discuss Africa’s problems. The frontline for Make Poverty History is a “museum of rock star” beyond their performance years, probably seeking redemption and revival; Gedolf is the expert on famine, Bono the authority on AIDS. Bob Geldof, the Jesus and Tarzan character all rolled into one. The first name that comes to mind when abolition is whispered is William Wilberforce and Granville Sharpe. Walking in the legacy of Dr. Livingston, I presume: A man who single-handedly ended the ENTIRE Arab Slave trade. Again, the agency in African liberation is Europe. None of these ‘saviors’ of Africa even deal with how Africa found itself in the endless cycle of horror. What kind of world do we live in when the views of the oppressed are expressed at the convenience of the rich?

Language of racism

To highlight the academic dilemma against Africans it is necessarily to just site one of Europe’s key historians on slavery. The age of the work and the period it was written in seem to make little impression in universities today, who seem to neglect the social status of Africans in the time these so-called scholarly books were being written in. It also neglects to highlight the mindset of the authors of these works and their contribution to the obscuring and footnoting of African history and African contributions to civilization. Men who would be labeled by a self-determined African today are referenced and cited with little challenge. Despite all the new research and development, this dead racist scholarship is still held high as the authentic source on Africa. Almost as if the more you reference a bad source the more authentic it becomes. The foundation of history of Africa cannot be studied outside of the dynamics of race and racism in the writings of African conquers. This is not to dismiss their entire work, but surely to raise the red flag of sincerity, and subsequently expose the agendas behind these scribbling. J.D. Fage sits high on this throne of Anti-African rhetoric [2].

“Today, however, some scholars assert that slavery did not have a wholly disastrous effect on those left behind in Africa.” [3]

We must assume there is again some degree of salvation in the actions of the Europeans enslaving Africans. It is like saying the Jewish Holocaust was not entirely beneficial because some Jews got senior position in the Nazi army, or slavery was good because Africans got free Caribbean cruises.

“At its peak, the Atlantic slave trade took about 90,000 slaves per year out of a total population of around 25 million in just Guinea, where the vast majority originated. This number was significant, yet only a moderate annual growth rate in population was enough to sustain it by replacement. Therefore, the slave trade is unlikely to have caused a decrease in the population of West Africa, though it may have reduced or even halted population growth in some regions.” [4]

Again, we see the apology and denial of the consequences of enslavement [5]. What this is saying is the harvesting of African people was done sustainable and that it had no demographic consequences on birth rate, it would be worth mentioning that the most viral and healthiest members where been exported overseas so it is inconceivable that it would not affect population demographics not to mention settlement patterns and human social potential.

The Nok civilization is argued by some to prove that Africa had a civilization prior to the arrival of Europe.

This kind of tone appears to vindicate Africa but it actually introduces reasonable doubt. Its references again the false notion of a primitive Africa as a half-valid hypothesis for it shows by implication that anything or everything in Africa has to be articulated by juxtaposition. African civilization does not require any proof or revolutionary rethink. This kind of reasoning follows from “he seems very educated for a black” or “you see they are not all savages.” What needs to be done is exposed the motives behind those removing African agency from the annals of world cultural contributions.

“For those left behind in Africa the standard of living increased substantially and the region became divided into highly centralized and powerful nation states, such as Dahomey and the Ashanti Confederacy. It also created a class of very wealthy and highly Europeanized traders who began to send their children to European Universities. [6]

The contempt in Eurocentrism is so self-evident it almost needs no commentary to identify either intention or fallacies. It is be restated the source of this material comes from a respected seminal academic and authority on Africa. Before Europe, we know the Kanka Musa had gold reserves that made Ancient Mali one of the riches economies in the Ancient world. It is also a fact that Sankore was an African university so notable that Arabs and others came to study there. All of these non-direct facts retort the claims that contact with Europe brought power and education. Also the statement about Europeanized traders is intended by the author as a compliment a kind of accession of the African from savage beast to Europeanized. Fage trips and stabs himself with his own pen and exposes and implements himself as one of the historical agents of academic racism that has distorted the African historical timeline.

Conclusion

It is the responsibility of the next generation of academics to re-interpret the works of their predecessors. This is not a duty exclusive to the victims of Eurocentric academic racism but rather to all. The plurality and multicultural world is far safer if we all exist in an environment of balance and fairness overriding the miss-motives of the past. We must sail the ship of truth on the sea of lies, against the tide of repetition, for this is the only way to erase the pre-assumed notion that washes and perverts the greatest human science--history.

REFERENCES

1. On November 23, 2006, a savage string of bombing attacks erupted on the capital's Shi'ite Sadr City slum to kill at least 215 people and wound 257.
2. The reclaimed history Man http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/cameron_duodu/2006/06/the_eurocentric_view_of_africa.html
3. A History of Africa: J.D. Fage pg. 261
4. A History of Africa: J.D. Fage pg. 260
5. Maulana Karenga 500 YEARS LATER, Film
6 History of Africa: J.D. Fage pg. 274

* Owen 'Alik Shahadah is a director, African academic , writer, musician, photographer and music producer. He is best known for authoring works, which deal with African history, social justice, environmental issues, education and world peace. Born in Hanover, Germany and educated in both England and the Caribbean, Shahadah is of a new generation of African Diaspora filmmakers inspired by the likes of Ousmane Sembène and Haile Gerima. He produces work that articulates a multidimensional African world perspective. Testimony to this is 500 Years Later.











* Owen 'Alik Shahadah is a director, African academic , writer, musician, photographer and music producer. He is best known for authoring works, which deal with African history, social justice, environmental issues, education and world peace. Born in Hanover, Germany and educated in both England and the Caribbean, Shahadah is of a new generation of African Diaspora filmmakers inspired by the likes of Ousmane Sembène and Haile Gerima. He produces work that articulates a multidimensional African world perspective. Testimony to this is 500 Years Later.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Nigerian after the April 2007 elections: What next?

Abdul Raufu Mustapha

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/42250

Since 1999 there has been a consistent deterioration in the conduct of Nigerian elections. Abdul Raufu Mustapha assesses the impact on Nigeria’s recent fraudulent elections on the future political and economic development of Nigeria.


Nigerians have not forgotten the June 12th 1993 Presidential elections which were annulled under controversial circumstances by General Babangida, plunging the country into political crises. Similarly, Nigerians are unlikely to forget the state and national elections of April 2007. There was much hype in anticipation of the 2007 elections: US National Security Adviser, Negroponte testified before Congress that these were the most important elections in Africa in 2007, while Nigerians themselves trumpeted the fact that this was going to be the first time that a civilian-to-civilian transition took place in the country.

The elections have come and gone, trailed by near universal condemnation. But we need to pause and ask, what do the elections mean for Nigeria’s future? The problems with the elections can be classified into three broad categories: incompetence and deliberate bungling by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC); widespread use of thugs and the security forces against voters; and the flagrant abuse of the powers of incumbency.

The Electoral Commission’s catalogue of illegalities included the flouting of court orders; illegal/unconstitutional disqualification of candidates; refusal to include the names and pictures of major opposition candidates for the gubernatorial elections in Anambra State in spite of subsisting court rulings; the late arrival or non-arrival of voting materials in many places followed often by no voting, yet results were announced; in some states, the INEC headquarters announced a result when the Resident Electoral Commissioner in situ said there was no result; declaration of results while collation and counting of votes were still going on; and a month after the April polls ended, three INEC staff were caught thumb-printing ballot papers meant for the election at Igarra, Edo State, in a bid to manufacture supporting evidence for their already declared result. These can hardly be said to be the actions of a competent and fair arbiter in an electoral contest.

INEC’s commissions and omissions were compounded by the widespread use of violence in the party primaries and during the actual elections. Patterns of the systematic use of violence included the use of thugs, bombings and assassinations during the party primaries to select party candidates; the use of the police and soldiers to intimidate voters and in many places they were also observed to have participated in the seizure of ballot boxes; the use of thugs to perpetrate violence with impunity, leading to the killing of 260 people on April 14, according to Amnesty International; the assassination in a Kano Mosque on April 13th Sheik Jafar Adam, an act possibly aimed at provoking ethno-religious rioting; the attack by the so-called ‘Taliban’ on April 17th on the police in Kano and the subsequent killing of 21 policemen; and post election political assassinations in Ondo state.

Finally, there was the blatant abuse of incumbency particularly by the PDP-controlled Federal government, including the sudden declaration of a two-day public holiday to frustrate the judicial process involving opposition candidates; the unannounced closure of Kaduna airport the day before an opposition party was to hold its congress there; the block booking of hotels in Abuja to frustrate another opposition party from holding its convention; the use of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) to announce controversial results, such as in Jigawa State where the NTA reported that the opposition ANPP had won and two minutes later, reversed itself and awarded victory to the PDP; and finally, the physical assault on the Abia State Resident Electoral Commissioner by PDP party leaders.

Weeks before the presidential election on 21 April 2007, local and international pollsters predicted a tight race, all putting the opposition ANPP candidate Mohammadu Buhari slightly in front. In the end, INEC announced the victory of the Obasanjo protégé and PDP candidate Umaru Yar’ Adua with 24.3 million votes, with Buhari garnering 6.6 million votes and Action Congress candidate and Obasanjo antagonist, Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, trailing with 2.6 million votes.

These elections have been roundly condemned by local and foreign observers, with the exception of Baroness Linda Chalker. Condemnations and strong reservations have come from the Nigerian Bar Association, Nigeria Labour Congress, Trade Union Congress, Nigeria Union of Journalists, Academic Staff Union of the Universities, and a host of local NGOs and religious organizations. Similar condemnations have come from international bodies, including the National Democratic Institute, National Republican Institute, European Union, Economic Community of West African States, the Commonwealth, COSATU, International Crisis Group, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the committee of 48 Nobel Laureates, the Canadian parliament, and even Hilary Clinton. The EU observer delegation reflected generally held opinion when it concluded that the elections:

"were marred by poor organisation, lack of essential transparency, widespread procedural irregularities, significant evidence of fraud, particularly during the result collation process, voters' disenchantment at different stages of the process, lack of equal conditions for contestants and numerous incidents of violence."

Implications of the Elections: Perils of Succession Politics

Some have argued that all elections in Nigeria have been rigged. 2007 is therefore not any different. While it may be true that rigging has been a recurring feature of Nigerian politics with all parties guilty of different degrees of undemocratic conduct, 2007 nevertheless represent a qualitative difference in election rigging in Nigeria. To miss this point is to miss the danger that the 2007 elections represent.

In previous elections, you needed a minimum level of social support and acceptance to rig; there was a sociological foundation to rigging. Where rigging took place without the necessary social support, as in the Western Region in 1965 and Ondo State in 1983, widespread violence often followed. Scholars of African elections like Staffan Lindberg have argued that were repeated elections are held, they tend to entrench democratic norms. Repeated contestation between parties is seen as leading to the gradual sedimentation of democratic norms and practices. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s experience of elections since the return to civil democratic rule in 1999 contradicts this observation.

Between 1999 and 2007, Nigeria has held three elections, and there has been a systematic and persistent deterioration in the quality of the elections; 1999 was not problem-free, but it was better than 2003 which was itself better than the 2007 elections. These observations are supported by a comparison of election monitors’ reports from 1999. In 1999, there were some complaints of old-style ‘competitive’ rigging as the different parties sought to press home their advantages in different constituencies across the country. Most observers remarked that the 1999 elections were peaceful, and that despite the perceived problems the announced outcome was roughly consistent with the wishes of the Nigerian electorate, even if the margins of victory had been inflated. In 2003, however, we begin to see the systematic deployment of organized thuggery, violence and the brazen manipulation of party congresses and the actual elections in few states, particularly in the Niger Delta and the South East. In 2007, this violence and brazen manipulation was broadcast across much of the country. In 2007, Nigeria decisively moved from ‘competitive rigging’ to ‘coercive rigging’; from elections, no matter how flawed, to brazen ‘selection’.

Under ‘competitive rigging’, your supporters simply stuffed some more ballot papers for their preferred candidate and party thugs sought to intimidate the opposition. But the law enforcement agencies generally tried to stop the thugs and maintain a semblance of public order. In some instances, the sanitary inspector, the local authority police, or the Emir’s courts were used to harass opponents of the ruling party. Under ‘coercive rigging’, there is the outright resort to state-sponsored violence, the blatant abuse of the electoral machinery, and the deliberate undermining of the courts. Cudgels, guns and administrative subterfuge have replaced the microphone as the preferred instrument of political communication. When Obasanjo said the elections were going to be a ‘do-or-die’ affair, most Nigerians missed the import of that statement for he must have meant exactly that. It is therefore not surprising that guns and ammunitions were imported for the election even when basic electoral material had not been provided!

It is little wonder that the declared winner, Yar’ Adua, claimed that he won ‘fair & square’, rather than ‘free & fair’. God he said gives power to whosoever He wants! I thought elections were about citizens’ choice? Between 1999 and 2007, there has been the gradual constriction of democratic space, as ‘selection’ of candidates replaced ‘elections’. If this trend is not corrected, future elections in Nigeria have the potential of degenerating into widespread social conflict as the opposition will quickly learn that ‘preparing for elections’ means training your own vigilante groups and thugs as counter-terror confronts state-sponsored terror. Yar Adua has rightly promised electoral reforms in tacit acknowledgement of the gravely flawed process that brought him to power. Without these promised reforms, democracy, or even the continued existence of the country, will be severely put at risk. Nigerians are lucky in that the current sharp political divisions do not correspond to the entrenched cleavages of ethnicity, region and religion. The country may not be so lucky in future, if it continues with the culture of shambolic elections and impunity. The simple message is that there can be no democracy without respect for voters’ choice; if this basic fact is not quickly grasped, Nigeria faces the peril of succession politics in subsequent elections.

After 2007, What Next?

There has been some suggestion that once the transition to another administration takes place, things will quieten down and the much-trumpeted economic reforms of the Obasanjo presidency will resume. This desire for reform continuity in the West is often exacerbated by the politics of oil supplies. Let no one have any illusions: 2007 has sown the seed of insecurity and instability and things will not get back to normal until that ghost, like the ghost of the 1993 election, is addressed.

Such has been the enormity of the assault of the 2007 elections on the collective psyche of the nation that it could easily have provided the pretext for military opportunists to begin plotting to seize power. The National Party of Nigeria’s rigged ‘landslide victory’ in 1983 provoked the Buhari/Idiagbon military regime. In earlier times, therefore, we could safely assume that some factions within the military are already planning some mischief. I doubt though that a military coup is a possibility today for various intra-military and extra-military reasons. And if, out of national misfortune, one were to happen, it is likely to cause more problems than it will solve. It is therefore gratifying that the opposition Action Congress recently slapped down a military chief who hinted that in the post April election situation, the military will not fold its arms if there is widespread breakdown of law and order. All Nigerians must resist the temptation of seeing the military as a solution to the current political crisis.

If we remove the military from the equation, then we have three other factors to ponder: the response of the opposition and Civil Society groups to Yar Adua’s ‘(s)election’; ex-president Obasanjo’s intentions and his real ‘exit strategy’; and the likely trajectories of Yar Adua’s administration.

Opposition & Civil Society
When the opposition failed to get the proposed mass action going on May 1st 2007, many felt that Nigerians had accepted the fait accompli of the enthronement of the new administration. In the face of belligerent threats from the police, many activists felt that they could not put themselves at risk for the benefit of unreliable opposition politicians. Ordinary Nigerians probably wanted to get on with their struggle to eek out a living. It would be wrong, however, based on the inaction of May 1st, to conclude that Nigerians have now accepted the Yar Adua administration. Importantly, a number of significant actions continue to signify widespread displeasure. For instance, the Nigerian Bar Association conducted a successful boycott of courts in protest at the elections and has suggested the likelihood of conducting a judicial review of the elections to document what happened; the Nigeria Labour Congress carried out a partially successful 2-day sit-at-home protest, and refused to serve on the presidential inauguration committee; there was also the unprecedented demonstration by the ‘Women in Black’ in Abuja and similar demonstrations against the elections have been held in London and 10 American cities. Nigerians United for Democracy (NUD), an umbrella group of prominent pro-democracy activists and politicians has given Yar Adua an ultimatum to quit office, while prominent opposition figures like Wole Soyinka have testified before a committee of the American Congress and demanded that Yar Adua set up a panel to investigate the failed elections which he blamed on the ‘criminal quartet’ of Obasanjo, INEC chair Iwu, former Police chief Ehindero, and PDP chair, Ahmadu Ali. Meanwhile, the legal challenge by opposition politicians in 11 states and the federal level continue at various election tribunals.

These actions may not be as dramatic of mass action, but collectively, they cast a dark shadow of illegitimacy on the Yar Adua administration. It is this obvious lack of legitimacy that made it difficult for ex-president Obasanjo to pay a proposed farewell visit to Washington just before his departure from office. Both Britain and the US sent relatively lower ranking officers to Yar Adua’s inauguration; for the inauguration of the President of Liberia, the US sent a delegation led by Laura Bush and included Secretary of State Rice. For Yar Adua’s inauguration, it was left to the State Department, not the White House, to send a low-key delegation led by Jendayi Frazer. It is speculated that Obasanjo might loose his membership of the club of ex-presidents and Prime ministers, Interaction, and his invitation to serve on Tony Blair’s Africa Panel has been publicly challenged in the British media. Blighted by its heritage and lacking both domestic and international legitimacy, the Yar Adua administration is vulnerable.

Obasanjo’s Intentions
A second important piece of our jig-saw is ex-president Obasanjo’s real intentions in foisting Yar Adua first on the PDP, and then on Nigeria as a whole. Under Obasanjo, the PDP changed its rules so that only he can be the leader and ‘conscience’ of the party. Candidates on the party’s platform were also compelled to sign contracts of ‘obedience’ to the party, and the rules have been changed so that the party is said to be supreme to its elected members in public office. Ladipo Adamolekun recently pointed what he called the ‘dangerous doctrine of party supremacy’ that now pervades the PDP as Obasanjo’s presidential term came to an end. Central to this syndrome was the equation of loyalty to the PDP to loyalty to the Nigerian nation, and a division of labour by which the party under Obasanjo’s control decided policy, while the elected governments under the party’s platform, including the Yar Adua administration, are given the role of policy implementation. There is no doubt that Obasanjo is seeking to entrench his influence in the new administration. But to what ends? One reason may be to defend his back as he moves off the centre stage of presidential power? Or to tele-guide Yar Adua from behind and consolidate his alleged status as the ‘founder of modern Nigeria’? Obasanjo’s real intentions will influence the stability of the Yar Adua administration for while Yar Adua is likely to be willing to defend him, it is not clear if Yar Adua is willing, or can afford, to be a tele-guided robot.

Yar Adua
The final piece of our jig-saw is Yar Adua himself. He has so far given contradictory signals with regard to his intentions. Will he be an Obasanjo robot? Or will he unfold an independent agenda once he consolidates his hold on power? On the one hand, he promised to only marginally tinker with the personnel and policies of Obasanjo’s government. On the other, he has promised a ‘servant-leadership’ style, which can only be taken as an oblique criticism of Obasanjo’s proverbial high-handedness; he has also promised a programme of national ‘restoration’, another Freudian acknowledgement of his tarnished inheritance.

Much of what we have heard about Yar Adua is that he is taciturn, ascetic and relatively incorrupt. These are good leadership qualities by Nigerian standards. We should also remember, however, that he is equally capable of political ruthlessness. For examples, he forced out all the five leading members of the Katsina State PDP after he became governor in 1999; he successfully frustrated Aminu Masari, influential Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives from running for Katsina governor under the PDP in 2007; force and violence were freely used against the opposition in Katsina and Daura in the 2007 elections. We are clearly not dealing with a bumbling saint, but it remains to be seen if he has the will and determination to resist being turned into a puppet.

The stability and security of post-election Nigeria will therefore depend on three critical factors: what the opposition and civil society do; what Obasanjo’s real intentions are; and Yar Adua’s capabilities and response to both. If out of vulnerability, Yar Adua sticks with Obasanjo and the PDP, he is likely to face increasing civil protest and rely more on the coercive apparatus set up under the Obasanjo presidency. If, on the other hand, he decides to be independent of Obasanjo, then he is likely to confront opposition from entrenched forces from within the PDP. Significantly, two people are already on record as saying that Yar’ Adua will ‘deal with’ Obasanjo: General TY Danjuma and Alhaji Makama, PDP Kaduna State Chairman. Whichever direction Yar Adua turns, he is likely to be confronted with stiff resistance, at least in the next 12 to 15 months. Those who think that reforms will continue once the transition to a new administration has taken place may well be mistaken. Nigerians live in the proverbial interesting times.

The Future of Democracy.

It is understandable that most Nigerians are disappointed and traumatized by the 2007 elections. There is no doubt that INEC’s conduct has brought dishonor to the country.

This current disappointment is coming on top of a long-run decline in support for the democratic administration since 1999. According to Afrobarometer surveys between 2000 and 2005, support for democracy in Nigeria has gone down from 81% of those surveyed in 2000, to 65% in 2005. Over the same period, ex-president Obasanjo’s approval rating plummeted from 84% to 32%. The ‘(s)election’ of April 2007 further aggravates this growing disillusionment. Under the circumstances, it is easy to understand the air of despair that pervades the country.

Nigerians however need to remind themselves of some of the positive things that came out of the 2007 experience. Firstly, Yar Adua was not Obasanjo’s first choice; Obasanjo’s first choice through term elongation was Obasanjo himself. The political will that defeated the sit-tight design under the ‘third term’ can also be mustered to defeat ‘the son of third term’. Secondly the judiciary and the media have largely been beacons of hope. In the Ararume and Atiku cases that went to the Supreme and Federal Appeal courts, we see a judiciary committed to the rule of law and worthy of respect and support. This was certainly not the case in the electoral debacle of June 12th 1993. Thirdly, important organs and personalities of civil society have shown that they remain unbowed in the face of authoritarianism. Fourthly, General Buhari, in his statesman-like conduct, and Atiku, through his dogged reliance on the courts, have shown that they can still make useful contributions to the entrenchment of democratic norms in Nigeria. Finally, it should also be borne in mind that this was also the election in which the middle classes came out in post-colonial Nigeria to stand for something new and refreshing: Utomi, Agbaje, Oshiomole, Bugaje, and Fayemi.

It will be important for the opposition and civil society to use the courts, the media, and all peaceful avenues to force Yar Adua to redeem his promise of electoral reform. Nigerian democracy, or even the country itself, will not survive without serious and urgent electoral/constitutional reforms. Logically, it would seem that the correct strategy would be to put enough pressure on Yar Adua to make him sit up and redeem his pledge, but not so much that his only source of succour is the bosom of the Obasanjo-controlled PDP. Only Nigerians can save their country from the scourge of impunity which the sham elections of 2007 represent.

* Abdul Raufu Mustapha is a University Lecturer in African Politics & Kirk-Greene Fellow, University of Oxford.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

South Africa’s, role in Nigeria and the Nigerian elections

Shawn Hattingh

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/42251

South Africa has played an intimate role in the recent Nigerian elections. Despite what the ANC government claims, South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa is not based on Pan-Africanism or anti-imperialism; it is rather based on promoting South Africa’s expanding business interests on the continent. In reality, the South African state’s interests, in both the domestic and African arena, have become fused with those South Africa’s capitalist elite. The ruling party in Nigeria has served the South African capital and the state’s interests well. It has facilitated the process whereby South Africa has become a major economic player in Nigeria in only 8 years, writes Shawn Hattingh.


From the very start, the recent Nigerian elections, which saw Olusegun Obasanjo placing his hand picked successor, Umaru Yar’ Adua, into the Presidential palace, were mired in controversy. The ballot papers for the election, which were printed in South Africa, contained no counter foils or serial numbers – features which would have made vote rigging difficult. In fact, only 40 million ballot papers were even printed; this for an election where over 65 million people had registered to vote [1]. To make matters worse, only 30% of these ballot papers were ever sent to Nigeria; the rest remained lying in a warehouse in Johannesburg on day of the elections [2]. Of the ballot papers that were sent to Nigeria, most were rushed off to areas that were and are strongholds of Obasanjo’s and Yar’ Adua’s ruling party, the People’s Democratic Party. In contrast, areas where there was strong opposition to the government, such as the Niger Delta, did not receive enough ballot papers. On the day of the election, independent observers noted that vote rigging and fraud were rife. Yar’ Adua supporters were even seen stuffing fraudulent ballot papers into ballot boxes at voter stations across the county [3]. Intimidation of opposition supporters was also widespread. In fact, over 200 people, mainly members of the opposition parties, were murdered in the run up to the elections [4]. This situation that led most independent observers to declare the elections deeply flawed.

The South African government, however, had a very different view of the elections. Spearheaded by Thabo Mbeki, it came out and said the elections had been free and fair. Indeed, South Africa was the first country to congratulate and offer support to the ruling party’s candidate, Yar’ Adua, on ‘winning’ the elections [5]. Immediately following this, he was invited to Tshwane to have a personal congratulatory meeting with Thabo Mbeki. The question is: why would the South African government fall over itself to congratulate Yar’ Adua on ‘winning’ an election that was so clearly rigged? The answer to this question lies in South Africa’s policy towards Africa, in the form of New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), the relationship that it has with the ruling party in Nigeria, and the expansionist agenda that South African corporations and parastatals have in Nigeria.

South Africa’s policy towards Africa: neo-liberalism and NEPAD

Despite what the ANC government claims, South Africa’s foreign policy towards Africa is not based on Pan-Africanism or anti-imperialism; it is rather based on promoting South Africa’s expanding business interests on the continent. In reality, the South African state’s interests, in both the domestic and African arena, have become fused with those South Africa’s capitalist elite.

In Africa, South Africa has used it hegemonic position, based on leadership by consent and at times coercion, to develop a neo-liberal policy – NEPAD - for the entire continent. The close relationship that exists between the South African state and South African capital is the main reason why NEPAD emerged [6]. Representatives of South Africa’s capitalist class, along with other neo-liberal government advisors, played a central role in developing NEPAD. In true hegemonic fashion, however, South Africa also brought junior partners on board, such as ex-president Obasanjo of Nigeria, so that it could pass its own initiative off as an African initiative.

Nonetheless, South Africa’s control over NEPAD is underpinned by the fact that NEPAD’s headquarters are situated in South Africa. It is also no mere coincidence that Thabo Mbeki’s main economic advisor, Professor Wisemen Nkuhlu, is the executive head of NEPAD.

NEPAD itself is based on some of the classic pillars of neo-liberal economic fundamentalism. It views the private sector as the main driving force of the African economy. As such, NEPAD states that all barriers to companies making profits in African countries, such as Nigeria, should be removed. It explicitly promotes the development of the private sector; privatisation; free trade; financial liberalisation; labour flexibility; and foreign direct investment in Africa [7]. Indeed, NEPAD states that foreign direct investment is its most important pillar. Considering that South African corporations and parastatals are already responsible for the vast majority of foreign direct investment in Africa, it is very clear who stands to benefit. In fact, all of NEPAD’s neo-liberal pillars are creating a climate that facilitates the expansion and profiteering of South African companies in Africa. The reality is that NEPAD aims to further entrench the neo-liberal policies that the IMF and World Bank imposed on Africa, only this time the South African government hopes it will be to the advantage of South African multinationals [8]. Wisemen Nkuhlu stated as much in 2003, when he said:

“South Africa’s self interest in the socio-economic development of the continent is well understood by business. South Africa needs markets for her products and access to raw materials that are not produced in South Africa. Countries like Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea and many other countries have resources that are of economic interest to South Africa…. Supporting and sponsoring NEPAD, places South Africa in a strong position to become the preferred development partner by a number of African countries”[9] .

The South African state has not only opened up Nigeria’s economy to South African investments and exports through NEPAD, it has also done so through bi-lateral agreements and a Bi-national Commission.

South Africa’s bi-lateral interventions in Nigeria

Prior to 1999, South Africa had a poor political relationship with Nigeria. At the time, Nigeria was ruled by a military junta that was politically hostile towards South Africa. This, however, dramatically changed with the end of the military government and the election of the People’s Democratic Party’s leader, Obasanjo, as the Nigerian president in 1999. From that point on, the South African state built a strong, but unequal relationship with the People’s Democratic Party government under the leadership of Obasanjo and Yar’ Adua. This relationship was also helped by the fact that Thabo Mbeki had formed a strong friendship with Obasanjo and Yar’ Adua when he was in exile in Nigeria from 1976 to 1979 [10].

In 1999, the South African and Nigerian governments signed bi-lateral agreements on trade and investment. These agreements, amongst other things, aimed to increase the amount of trade and investments between South Africa and Nigeria [11]. Along with this, the agreement on investments specifically protected South African companies’ investments in Nigeria, which included protection from any possible future nationalisation [12]. Indeed, the agreement on investments was highly favourable for prospective South African investors in Nigeria. Added to this, the two governments also signed an agreement on eradicating double taxation. This meant that South African companies that paid tax in Nigeria would not have to pay tax again on profits that were, and are, repatriated to South Africa [13]. Such measures were aimed at increasing the attractiveness of Nigeria for South African investors.

In October 1999, a South Africa-Nigeria Bi-National Commission was also established by the South African and Nigerian governments. The Bi-National Commission has been meeting twice a year ever since, and aims to increase the amount of trade and investment between South Africa and Nigeria. The Deputy Presidents of South Africa and Nigeria head up the commission. Representatives from all government departments attend the meetings along with top South African business people. At the meetings, trade and investment opportunities in Nigeria are identified and plans are put in place so that they can be realised. In this way, many deals that have proved very lucrative for South African companies and parastatals have been facilitated through the Bi-National Commission.

The South Africa-Nigeria Chamber of Commerce also arose out of the Bi-National Commission. Some of the largest South African companies that have investments in Nigeria are members of the Chamber, such as MTN, Standard Bank, First Rand, Imperial, Johncom, Massmart, Nampak and Sun International [14]. The main goal of the South African-Nigerian Chamber of Commerce is to identify investment opportunities in Nigeria for South African corporations [15]. Added to this, the South African-Nigerian Chamber of Commerce also provides information on Nigerian government policies and how to do business in Nigeria. It also conducts market research for South African companies wanting to invest Nigeria. The Chamber receives strong support from the

South African government. On many occasions the President, Deputy President and other government officials have addressed and offered support to members of the Chamber. Linked to this, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) launched the South African-Nigeria Business Investment Forum to assist South African companies wanting to invest in Nigeria [16].

The South African High Commission in Nigeria also provides massive assistance to South African companies investing, or wishing to invest in Nigeria. In fact, it works closely with the South Africa-Nigeria Chamber of Commerce and the DTI to further South African business interests in Nigeria. It also provides various services to prospective South African investors in Nigeria, including providing contacts and information on Nigeria’s business climate.

All of the above measures have been extremely valuable in furthering South Africa’s business interests in Nigeria. Indeed, the South African state has used its diplomatic power and the relationship that it has with the Nigerian government to assist South African corporations and parastatals to become big players in the Nigerian economy.

South African corporations and parastatals have become big players in Nigeria

Prior to 1999, there were only 4 South African companies operating in Nigeria [17]. This situation has dramatically changed with the assistance of the South African state, and the signing of bi-lateral agreements and the establishment of a Bi-National Commission. Today there are now over 100 South African companies doing business in Nigeria [18]. Within a mere 8 years, South African companies have become major players in almost every sector of Nigerian economy.

The biggest investment by South African companies in Nigeria has been in the telecommunications sector. In 2001, MTN was awarded a license by the Nigerian government to operate a cell phone network in the country. In return, MTN had to pay licensing fees of over US $ 285 million. Added to this, MTN has spent a further US $ 1 billion on setting up its operations in Nigeria [19]. Currently, MTN is the largest cellular network company in Nigeria and has over 10 million subscribers [20]. This has seen MTN making massive profits in the country. In 2004 alone, MTN recorded an after tax profit of over R 2.4 billion in Nigeria [21]. Such profits have led other South African telecommunications companies to also set up shop in Nigeria in a bid to get a piece of the very lucrative pie. This year, Telkom announced that it was buying Multilinks, which operates a wireless network in Nigeria, for US $ 200 million [22].

South African companies have also become dominant in Nigeria’s construction sector. Entech, a Stellenbosch based engineering company, headed a consortium of South African companies that were awarded a tender worth R 2.1 billion from the Lagos State government to redevelop the Bar Beach and Victoria Island area outside of Lagos. The idea is to turn the area into a complex akin to the V&A Waterfront [23]. Another South African construction firm, Group Five, was awarded a R 585 million deal to build a power station in Nigeria for the Ibom Power company [24].

Many large South African companies have also invaded the tourism and leisure sector in Nigeria. Under NEPAD, the South African parastatal, the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) has become one of the largest investors in Nigeria’s tourist sector. To date it has invested over US $ 1.4 billion in tourism and telecommunications ventures in Nigeria [25]. Another major player in the tourism sector is the South African company Bidvest. Through its subsidiary, Tourvest, it has purchased one of the biggest tourism companies in Nigeria, Touchdown Travel. The biggest development in the Nigerian tourism sector, however, is the massive Tinapa Project in the Cross River State. This project falls under the auspices of NEPAD and has the full backing of the South African and Nigerian governments. The project entails the construction of a massive entertainment complex, consisting of 4 shopping centres, 5 bulk warehouses, 4 hotels, and a casino, and is set to cost over US $ 300 million [26]. The major stakeholders in this development are South African companies, such as the Standard Bank, Tsogo Sun, Broll, Johncom and Southern Sun. Indeed, the centre pieces of this development will be a 300 room hotel owned by Southern Sun and a casino owned by Tsogo Sun. Another South African company, Broll, will be the leasing agents of the complex. The South African state has provided direct assistance to these companies so that they can carry out this project. Indeed, the state owned IDC has provided finance, and has underwritten these companies’ investments in this project.

In the Nigerian retail sector, South African companies also loom large. Massmart and Shoprite have opened a number of stores in Nigeria. Added to this, Johncom has established a number of stores selling books, CDs and DVDs in Nigeria [27]. A number of South African companies have also entered into the fast food business, including Famous Brands, St Elmo’s and Nandos. In fact, South African companies control almost 50% of the international fast food franchising industry in Nigeria, and have out competed companies from both the European Union and the United States. Considering that the fast food industry in Nigeria is worth over US $ 2.5 billion a year, this control over the fast food franchising business in Nigeria has meant that South African companies have made super profits 28]. The South African property management group, Broll, has also landed a deal to manage 594 retail fuel stations across Nigeria [29]. This deal too is worth millions of dollars.

South African companies are also heavily involved in Nigeria’s media and entertainment sector. DSTV is a major force in the television industry and accounts for 90% of the viewers that watch satellite TV in Nigeria [30]. This has seen DSTV growing into the sixth largest company listed on the Lagos Stock Exchange. Johncom has also eagerly entered into the Nigerian entertainment sector. It has established cinema complexes throughout Nigeria. One of these cinema complexes, in Lagos, cost US $ 40 million dollars to develop [31]. Along with this, Johncom has purchased one of the largest daily newspapers in Nigeria, Business Day [32]. South Africa’s parastatals have also ventured into the entertainment industry. For example, Arivia.com was provided with a contract worth R 140 million by the Nigerian government to assist with the running of that country’s lottery.

Since adopting NEPAD, the Nigerian state has been accelerating the privatisation process in the country. South African parastatals have been one of the major beneficiaries of this process. Indeed, through its parastatals, the South African state has become directly involved in accumulating capital in Nigeria. For example, as part of the move towards privatisation, the Nigerian government provided Umgeni Water with R 350 million contract to manage Port Harcourt’s water services for 3 years. At the moment, this contract could possibly be extended to 20 years [33]. If it is extended, it would be a massive money-spinner for Umgeni Water and the South African state.

As part of the privatisation of the energy sector, the Nigerian government allowed the state owned ESKOM to buy a 51% stake in the Nigerian Electric Power Authority (NEPA). With this, ESKOM received contracts worth US $ 165 million from the Nigerian government. Eskom has also entered into a partnership with Shell in Nigeria to upgrade and operate gas powered power stations. The Nigerian government has granted Eskom and Shell a US $ 540 million contract to operate power stations in Port Harcourt [34]. It is very interesting that ESKOM, a company owned by the South African state, wished to enter into a partnership with Shell considering Shell’s appalling human rights and environmental record in Nigeria. Indeed, Shell has destroyed the environment of the Niger Delta and has been directly responsible for over 3 000 oil spills in that area since 1976. Added to this, Shell, along with the Nigerian government, has been implicated in the murder of over 2 000 activists in the Niger Delta since the 1980s [35]. Clearly, the South African government and ESKOM are not interested in this; what they are interested in, however, is profit.

Prior to 1999, the Nigerian government awarded all of the oil concessions in the country to companies from the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Italy. As a result, companies from the Northern imperial powers dominated Nigeria’s oil sector. After 1999, this situation began to change, in part because of the close relationship that the new Nigerian government had, and has, with the South African government. Companies from the Northern imperial powers, although still dominant, no longer have a complete monopoly over the oil concessions in Nigeria; companies from South Africa, China and India have also got a piece of the action. One of the first actions of Obasanjo’s government in 1999 was to award the South African state the right to market 50 000 barrels of Nigerian oil a day. In 2003, Thabo Mbeki intervened to ensure that this was increased to 120 000 barrels of oil a day. However, the South African government has selected to pass on the rights to market this oil to a shadowy company, the South African Oil Company, which is registered in the Cayman Islands. The South African Oil Company in the Cayman Islands is 70% owned by a Nigerian-American businessman, Jakes Lawal. Who owns the other 30%, however, is a mystery [36]. Indeed, the Cayman Island law system protects the identity of the shareholders that own the other 30%. Lawal, however, has close connections with leading ANC figures. In fact, the Mail and Guardian, reported that rumours have been circulating that the ANC directly benefited from this deal. Indeed, it is interesting that the Cayman Island’s South African Oil Company also has a sister company registered in South Africa. It is perhaps no co-incidence that some of the shareholders in this sister company happen to be leading ANC figures. These shareholders are:

• Nomusa Mufamadi, wife of Sydney Mufamadi
• Hintsa Siwisa, brother-in-law of the Eastern Cape Premier
• Miles Nzama, leading figure in the ANC Fundraising Trust
• and Brian Casey, a confidant of Penuell Maduna [37]

Other, more genuine South African companies have also enjoyed receiving oil concessions from the Nigerian government. Ophir Energy, owned by Tokyo Sexwale’s Mvelephanda Resources, has been given the right to drill for oil in several blocks in Nigeria. This is bound to add to Ophir’s current value of over R 14 billion [38]. The parastatal PetroSA has also been given the right to drill in a number of oil blocks. Added to this, PetroSA owns Brass Exploration Unlimited in Nigeria. Through this company, PetroSA and the South African state have a 40% interest in the Abana oilfield off the Nigerian coast. Currently, the Abana oilfield is producing 22 000 barrels of oil a day [39]. Some South African companies have also entered into partnerships with well established multinational oil companies operating in Nigeria. For example, SASOL has entered into a 50/50 partnership with Chevron to develop a gas to fuel plant at Chevron’s Escravos oil terminal [40]. This plant will cost US $ 1.3 billion and is planned to come on line this year [41]. It will initially produce 33 000 barrels of fuel a day, but this will be increased to as much as 120 000 barrels a day over the next 10 years [42]. A number of South African firms have also become involved in providing services to the oil multinationals in Nigeria. Most notably, Grinaker established an oil-rig fabrication yard in Port Harcourt in 2000. It assembles and services the oil rigs that multinational oil companies use in the Niger Delta at that facility [43].

The Nigerian people have not benefited from South Africa’s expanding investment

Despite all this investment, the people of Nigeria have not benefited. This is partly because South African corporations operating in Nigeria are allowed to repatriate the profits that they make out of Nigeria. Added to this, many of Nigeria’s economic sectors have become completely foreign owned, which has had negative implications for the country’s sovereignty. The majority of South African corporations also source most of the products that they use or sell in Nigeria through South Africa and not locally. This means they operate in an enclave and do not promote the creation of up stream or down stream industries in Nigeria. South African companies operating in Nigeria have also created very few jobs. The jobs that they have created have tended to be casual. At many South African owned companies in Nigeria, workers have been denied the right to join trade unions [44]. For example, despite its massive profits, MTN has only created 500 permanent jobs. Most of its employees are casual or temporary workers, and it has denied all of its workers the right to join a trade union [45].

South African companies have also been involved in blatant profiteering and looting in Nigeria. Indeed, MTN charges the highest rates in the world for cellular phone calls in Nigeria [46]. Along with this, some South African companies have implemented heavy handed tactics to recover revenue owed to them by Nigerian consumers [47]. In fact, ESKOM/NEPA has hired 10 South African companies to collect the debt that it was, and is, owed by Nigerian consumers . Some South African companies have even been involved in, or were complacent in, human rights abuses in Nigeria. For example, in 2005 there was a community protest outside of the Escravos oil terminal where Chevron and SASOL are establishing their gas to fuel plant. Representatives of these companies at the Escravos oil terminal called in Nigerian security forces to break up the demonstration. On arrival, the Nigerian forces opened fire on the crowd, killing one person and injuring a further 30. Some of the protesters were then severely beaten with rifle butts and other weapons. Added to this, access to the healthcare facilities at the Escravos terminal was denied to the injured protesters. The result was that it took several hours for the injured protesters to find their way to a hospital [48].

Conclusion

From the above, it is clear that the ruling party in Nigeria has served the South African capital and the state’s interests well. It has facilitated the process whereby South Africa has become a major economic player in Nigeria in only 8 years. Indeed, South Africa has joined the older imperial powers in looting Nigeria’s resources and dominating its economy. It is, therefore, no wonder that the South African government immediately offered its congratulations to Obasanjo’s hand picked successor, Yar’ Adua’ directly after the elections. Indeed, Yar’ Adua has vowed to continue with the Obasanjo’s policies, and inevitably this will include serving South Africa’s interests well in Nigeria; even to the detriment of the Nigerian people. For as long as Yar’ Adua carries out policies that favour South African capital and the state, he can count on the backing of the Africa’s own imperial power, South Africa.

For references, see link below.

* Shawn Hattingh Works for ILRIG in Cape Town

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/
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41 Pahad, A. 2002. Briefing on the incoming Nigerian state visit, Union Buildings, 5 May 2002.
42 www.sasolchevron.com
43 Hill, M. Plans progress for new Cape oil-rig fabrication yard
44 ------. The options for the Nigerian working masses. Workers Alternative. 17 May 2006.
45 Ahiuma, V. & Odeyemi, M. Global unions tackle unfair labour practices in telecom industry and others.
46 ------. The options for the Nigerian working masses. Workers Alternative. 17 May 2006.
47 Omojola, B. The sky is the limit. Africa Today 30 September 2006.
48 Amnesty International. New evidence of human rights violations in the oil-rich Niger Delta. Press Release 11 March 2005.

New corruption scandal in Kenya

Junk helicopters to cost $12 million to overhaul

Mwalimu Mati

2007-06-28

http://www.marskenya.org/pages/stories/HELICOPTER-2007/index.php

Something is brewing at the Kenya Police Airwing and it’s not smelling too good, writes Mwalimu Mati Documents have come to light regarding the award of a US$12.8 million (Ksh 840 million) contract to overhaul 4 Russian built helicopters operated by the Kenya Police Airwing.


It would appear that 9 years after they were bought in 1998, these 4 helicopters have consumed close to US$ 15 million each and Kenyans are now being asked to spend an additional US$ 12.8 million to overhaul them. This calls for an immediate explanation from the Government of Kenya as to why we are throwing good money after bad, servicing these second hand helicopters which have done nothing to improve either our debt or security situation.

Kenyans are also entitled to know what action is contemplated against the public officers (Ministers, Permanent Secretaries and Police Commissioners) over the years who have charged our collective account with what is clearly a bad deal worth over US$ 60 million or Ksh 4.2 billion.

Until these documents surfaced, as far as we knew, the matter of the junk helicopters was at a rest. The position, as we knew it to be, was that as of June 30th 2006, the outstanding debt related to the helicopters remained at just under Ksh 350 million and that this debt was recorded as being owed to J.S. Schroder Bank. It was our hope that the investigations by Kenya Anti Corruption Commission and the special assignment of Price Water House Coopers would eventually reveal the truth about these expensive helicopters, and which public officers and their associates we would be demanding to see punished for the misadventure.

What we could never have imagined is that in 2007, the helicopters would still be used to appropriate even more tax money (actually Ksh 840 million) in what is a dubious contract to overhaul them.

No poverty reduction without human rights, democratic governance, peace and security

Joseph Yav Katshung

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/42254

Joseph Yav argues that poverty alleviation requires a holistic approach with cooperation and collaboration between all stakeholders including governments.


In light of the enormous challenges facing the global community to eradicate poverty, the international development community in 2000 adopted specific targets for poverty reduction, now known as the MDGs. The eight MDGs seek to achieve a number of goals: eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; fight HIV/Aids, malaria and other diseases; increase environmental sustainability; and forge a global partnership for development. The overarching goal is to halve income poverty worldwide by 2015.

Despite the commitments contained in the MDGs, poverty and hunger is on the increase resulting in an ever-growing disparity between rich and poor, between and within nations. Africa exemplifies these particular challenges: the challenge of peace, the struggle against poverty and the struggle for development. It is not enough merely to recognise the fact that there are problems and challenges. The bigger issue is what can be done to respond to all of these challenges.

As many critiques have noted, among the shortcomings of the MDGs, it is always emphasized their insufficient coverage of human rights, gender and employment issues. This paper will address a shared commitment to promoting the interconnected goals of development, peace and security, and respect for human rights.

Human rights and poverty

Despite the international mandate for a human rights approach to poverty eradication, such an approach, though based on venerable antecedents, has tended to be neglected in justifications for the eradication of poverty.

From the human rights point of view, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can be achieved only if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his or her economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his or her civil and political rights. In this regard, article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that:

Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, … or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.

Therefore, the eradication of widespread poverty, including its most persistent forms, and the full enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights remain interrelated goals. Human rights may not only be used as an approach to attaining the goods entailed in the MDGs. They are entailed in the goals set by the MDGs themselves in so far as they seek the attainment of a certain minimum way of life for people.

Democratic Governance

Democratic governance is central to the achievement of the MDGs, as it provides the ‘enabling environment' for the realisation of the MDGs and, in particular, the elimination of poverty. The critical importance of democratic governance in the developing world was highlighted at the Millennium Summit of 2000, where the world's leaders made a solemn resolution – “[to] spare no effort to promote democracy and strengthen the rule of law, as well as respect for all internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the right to development." A consensus was reached which recognised that improving the quality of democratic institutions and processes, and managing the changing roles of the state and civil society in an increasingly globalised world must underpin national efforts to reduce poverty, sustain the environment, and promote human development.

Since then, more countries than ever before are working to build democratic governance. Their challenge however, is to develop institutions and processes that are more responsive to the needs of ordinary citizens, including the poor. African leaders should develop a greater capacity to deliver basic services to those most in need. CSOs should assist in doing this process.

Links between development, Peace and security

Peace and security are a prerequisite of poverty elimination. In fact, without peace and security there can be no lasting development and poverty reduction. The lack of, and failures in development can be seen as contributing to instability and the eruption of conflict. Experience demonstrates that poverty, hopelessness, inequity and marginalisation are often among the root causes of devastating conflict. In crisis situations, and in societies emerging from conflict, human rights are often violated. International support for governance mechanisms leading to the restoration of the rule of law is important for the protection of human rights.

Development and security are inextricably linked. A more secure world is only possible if poor countries are given a real chance to develop. In one hand, extreme poverty and infectious diseases threaten many people directly, but they also provide a fertile breeding-ground for other threats, including civil conflict. Even people in rich countries will be more secure if their governments help poor countries to defeat poverty and disease by meeting the Millennium Development Goals. If completed, it will half global poverty by 2015. Consequently, the international community should not only view ‘soft’ threats as part of the development agenda but also be an important component of the peace and security agenda.

On the other hand, with the “blood diamond” effect, one can say that "war has become profitable". People, who are making money out of war, have a financial interest to ensure that conflict continues. Such phenomena are not unique to Africa. Conflict prevention and resolution and people centred development therefore demands a striving for good governance, inter alia, respect for human rights and rule of law, promotion of transparency and accountability in government and enhancing of administrative and institutional capacity.

What is needed is a holistic approach to the peace and security agenda. The root causes for conflict – poverty, human rights abuses, lack of democracy – must be tackled. There is a need for enhancing focus on conflict prevention, which includes both sustainable social and economic development to prevent conflicts in the first place and post-conflict efforts to prevent them from reigniting. While it is often more easy to raise money for humanitarian efforts than longer-term development assistance, it could in fact be cheaper to prevent conflict than to pay for the damage done afterwards.

Conflict after conflict demonstrates the importance of good governance and viable government institutions. Unequal distribution of economic and political power causes conflict, and governance deficits make conflicts unmanageable. The development cooperation should now consciously gear towards contributing to peace building and conflict prevention.

Conclusion

Alleviating poverty is too daunting a task to be just left to government. It needs an integrated and holistic approach of all stakeholders to harmonise their activities at national and State levels for all the peoples of the world. In developing countries, implementation of the Millennium Goals must focus on mobilizing domestic resources, prioritising budget expenditure on the MDGs, and strengthening human rights, democracy and good governance as specified in the Millennium Declaration

We need to link the agenda of development, human rights and extreme poverty, as well as efforts to empower people living in poverty to participate in decision-making processes on policies that affect them.. We cannot have security amidst starvation and we cannot build peace without alleviating poverty and we cannot have either without a better environment. Only a peaceful society can work its way up to creating the institutions ripe for development and free itself from injustices and human rights abuses.

Suffice is to say, every year around the world millions of families' lives and livelihoods are endangered, and entire communities are displaced due to conflicts - over resources like land, water or oil, between ethnic or religious groups, or over political and social control. In many places, addressing issues of hunger, poverty, and suffering cannot begin until conflicts are resolved and peace established. At the same time, peace building efforts must be tied to the very causes of conflict itself – inequities – and result in improvements in people's everyday needs.

* Joseph Yav is a senior researcher at the Institute for Security Studies based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He works with a network of African research institutes in support of the African peace and security agenda.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

Union government of Africa: it's now or never

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/42257

July 1-3 African Heads of state and governments will be assembling in Accra for the 9th ordinary session of the African Union. There is only one item on the agenda: the formation of a government for union of Africa, writes Tajudeen Abdul Raheem.


The official title says this is a Grand Debate on a United States of Africa. This is unfortunate because even those of us enthusiastic about the unity of Africa would wish that the leaders are a bit more creative than just wanting to create another USA. Given what one USA is doing to the world and its previous record it would be a disservice to humanity to want to inflict another USA on the world.

Our values is certainly made of better ethics and love for humanity and affirmation of life with dignity than to be copying the United state of America whose unity is based on genocide against indigenous Indians, slavery of people of African origin and continuing plunder of the rest of the world.

The agenda has pitched leaders against leaders and different sectors of our informed and ill- informed publics against one another. But basically there are two broad positions neither of which disagrees about the need for Africa to unite. So if there is no disagreement about the goal what is the debate about?

Calling it a Grand Debate about USA is a misnomer and misleading characterization that has diverted people's attention from the proposal on the table and invited acrimonious 'debates' about form instead of content.

So delegitimised are many governments on this continent, in spite of the fact that an overwhelming majority are now 'elected' that when Africans hear United States of Africa or an African Union government they run. They instinctively think that what is being said is a transferring of the tyrannical, insensitive anti-people state and government that many of us have experienced and in some cases continue to suffer, even in the guise of democracy, to a continental level. What a disaster that would be! However it is a baseless fear.

Even if the leaders all voted for a Union government in Accra it does not mean that it will be formed immediately and all these states as we know them will disappear and many of the presidents may return as ministers or district commissioners or be consigned to the dust bin where they belong. Were this possible I am not sure many Africans will mourn their passing since quite a number of them already willingly act as agents of imperialism and shop keepers for foreign interests against their peoples anyway!

From the inception of Pan Africanism by Africans in the Diaspora in the latter years of the 19 th century but gaining more prominence and political legitimacy in the first half of the 20th century through the first five Pan African Congresses (1900 -1945, all held outside Africa) and subsequently brought home to Africa (through the All African people's conferences of 1958, and much later the 6th and 7th Pan African Congresses held in Africa in Dar 1974 and 1994, Kampala) the destination has always been total unification of Africa under a common government, common citizenship, a common market, from Cape town to Cairo and full participation for Africans in the Diaspora.

This ambition inspired the anti colonial movement in Africa and got expression in the formation of the OAU. Even though the OAU compromise was to respect the colonially imposed borders they were not meant to be permanent detention centers or garrisons on our way to total liberation and unification. But this is what they became under the multiple pressures of neocolonialism, cold war authoritarianism, militarism and opportunistic elites. The formation of the AU was meant to correct some of the weaknesses of the OAU especially in the areas of state sovereignty that operated as 'sovereignty of dictators that induced official indifference to the suffering of other Africans including Genocide; collective security instead of regime security; people-driven or at least people friendly union instead of a leader-centric OAU; and finally coordination of African responses to global developments and building of African consensus instead of allowing ourselves to be picked up individually to the slaughter house.

But after five years of the AU we have made progress in some areas but ARE STILL STRUGGLING IN MANY AREAS AND THE FULL POSITIVE AND DEMOCRATIC IMPACT OF THE UNUION are still not being felt.

The Grand Debate is therefore about what more needs to be done to accelerate the process of unity which we have all agreed on. It is not a debate about the desirability of a Union government because by signing up to the ideals of Pan Africanism, the OAU and AU all our states already agreed to that goal.

The reason why the Au may not have performed to the highest expectation has to do with the lack of political authority, enforcement powers and adequate resources to discharge its responsibility. IF unity is our goal therefore the leaders have to decide on a few key areas. One, the Study group on Union government for Africa identified 16 strategic areas (including aspects of foreign policy, defense, security, finance, global negotiations, etc) in which the leaders have to agree to cede some powers to the Au to effectively act in our collective interest. There is no point in us having a Union while many states still deal with the world individually. It undermines the AU and undermines the states themselves. Two, for too long the Au has talked about rationalizing regional economic communities but they keep proliferating even if most of them are struggling. Yet they are supposed to be '; the building blocks' of the AU. How many blocs do we need for the foundation? In Banjul they put a moratorium on forming new ones but the existing or limping ones are still too many. The suggestion is to cut them down to the five regions recognized by the AU charter (the Diaspora is Sixth region but has not regional Economic Community). Africa of five main blocks will be better coordinated. Three, many decisions are made at the Au level but there is no proper mechanism for implementation at the local and national level and do not even have enforcement capacities. If there is agreement on the 16 priority areas then the confusion at the national level; can be eliminated and AU decisions become mandatory. Four, the big issue of funding, the overall budget of the AU is not more than 1 billion Dollars annual. It is an insult that 53 states in a continent so rich in human and material resources cannot raise this money and more. Just imagine if JUST 5% of all our national budgets automatically go into the Union budget. That can only come with political authority being given to the union through an accountable government.

Which leads me to my final point about the cynicism of many Africans about the political will and commitment of Africa's current leaders. A genuine worry but these leaders are produced from amongst us therefore we can and should change them where necessary . In addition we need to make sure that the potentially democratic and democratic institutions of the AU like the ECOSOCC and the Pan African Parliament have real power to over see the work of the executive. It means actively taking part in the ECOSOCC at your national level AND ALSO CAMPAIGNING FOR the Pap to be elected on a universal African suffrage and the parliament to have full legislative powers. That way we will become active African citizens instead of the vocal or passive cynics that many are turning to.

* Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the deputy director of the UN Millennium Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his personal capacity as a concerned pan-Africanist.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Killing of John Garang: Who did it?

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/42258

“When my husband died, I did not come out openly and say he was killed because I knew the consequences. At the back of my mind, I knew my husband had been assassinated”

Those were the chilling words of Mrs. Rebecca Garang, the widow of the late Liberation fighter, Dr (Col) John Garang de Mabior, leader of the SPLA/M who was killed on July 30 2005 in a helicopter crash on the borders of Uganda, Kenya and Sudan. The helicopter he was traveling in belonged to President Yoweri Museveni, Dr Garang’s closest ally and comrade.

I was one of many people who refused to accept the immediate conclusion then that it was an accident. Not because we missed Garang too much and found it impossible to let go which we did but because the explanation was too obvious.

If anyone wanted to kill Garang (and there were many forces) there was no better cover for an almost perfect crime than for him to be traveling unofficially in the helicopter of his closest ally. Since Khartoum did not officially know that he was leaving the capital anyone of the many vested interests who felt threatened by Garang’s messianic entry into Khartoum early in July that trip provided your best opportunity.

Mrs. Garang has now thrown open widely what many had been suspecting. All the inquiries so far have ‘concluded’ that it is pilot error, bad weather, and other technical conclusions but the dearth was political.

So who could have done it?

My first suspect was and remains the extremist wing of the government and Northern hegemonists in the security and intelligence of the country. Their heart must have shook and their desperation further heightened by the tumultuous welcome from all Sudanese commitment to creating a New Sudan when he arrived in Khartoum to be sworn in July 9 2005. They must have seen their world collapsing before their eyes. A Black prophet arising from the South must seem like end of the world for them. Garang was not the first Black Sudanese to have been made Vice President. Khartoum has had a succession of Black poodles willing to be tools of misrule against their people and the whole of Sudan. But in John Garang, a formidable personality who had distinguished himself both militarily and politically the hegemonists shook at what would happen to their rule were Garang to have the opportunity to reshape the country because Garang could be no one’s errand boy. For Sudanese democrats he was a bridge of hope with the potential of turning the country into a genuinely democratic environment where Sudanese might, in the Martin Luther King hope , ‘ be judged not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character ‘ . The enemies of hope had to act and act quickly before goodness broke out in a country that has been in conflict for most of its post independence (1956) existence.

Khartoum is not the only suspect in Garang’s death. Chief amongst other suspects could be extremist wing of Southern Nationalists whose agenda was to secede from Sudan and may have great fears that Dr John’s commitment to creating a New Sudan uniting the North and the South was a betrayal. Plausible but not probable. They needed Garang and backed him in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) which gave them the option of full independence by referendum in the course of the 6 year term of the agreement.

Mrs. Garang is herself a believer in Southern Sudan Independence, and between her and her husband they agree to disagree on this issue therefore it is highly unlikely that Southern nationalists killed Dr John.

Mrs. Garang made her public disclosure at an award ceremony by the Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Foundation (JOOF) in Nairobi, Kenya. The late John Garang had been honored with a posthumous Uhuru Award for his contribution to the liberation struggles of Africa. Prof. Dani Wadada Nabudere was the guest speaker on the theme of CONFLICT AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE.

It was not just about her husband’s death that Mrs. Garang spoke. Her speech also touched on a number of sensitive issues across Africa. One of them is how we treat. Partners of our heroes. Often they are not seen as persons in their own right. They may have been married to heroes but some of them have a place in the struggle in their own rights. Mrs. Garang spoke from the heart but not as a grieving widow rather as a combatant. She disclosed the embarrassing fact that that award by the JOOF was the first time that Dr John was being honored by an African organization. What doe this tells us about the way in which we treat our heroes and heroines. Garang was the recipient of many awards from all kinds of people in Europe ands North America but his first ward from Africa is posthumous and even then from an Independent foundation. Is this yet another case of a prophet having honor but not in his village or not in his life time?

* Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the deputy director of the UN Millennium Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his personal capacity as a concerned pan-Africanist.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Human rights must be at heart of discussions between Zimbabwe government and MDC

A joint statement from Amnesty International, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/42255

Three months after the extra-ordinary Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), which took place on 29 March 2007 in Dar es Salaam, the United Republic of Tanzania, over one hundred international human rights and civil society organisations have come together to call on SADC leaders to urge the government of Zimbabwe to end human rights violations in Zimbabwe. In particular, we call on President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, in his capacity as the SADC-appointed mediator, to ensure that human rights issues are prioritised in any settlement to be agreed by the government of Zimbabwe and the political opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Further details: follow links below.
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

Public Statement

AI Index: AFR 46/021/2007 (Public)
News Service No: 123
28 June 2007


Human rights issues must be at the centre of any dialogue between the government of Zimbabwe and the Movement for Democratic Change


A joint statement from Amnesty International, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

Three months after the extra-ordinary Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), which took place on 29 March 2007 in Dar es Salaam, the United Republic of Tanzania, over one hundred international human rights and civil society organisations have come together to call on SADC leaders to urge the government of Zimbabwe to end human rights violations in Zimbabwe. In particular, we call on President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, in his capacity as the SADC-appointed mediator, to ensure that human rights issues are prioritised in any settlement to be agreed by the government of Zimbabwe and the political opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Attacks on members of the political opposition and civil society organisations are taking place in the context of a severely declining economy as well as an increasingly repressive environment in Zimbabwe, in which the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly are regularly suppressed by the government and incidents of state-sponsored organised violence and torture are increasing.

President Mbeki was mandated to facilitate a dialogue between the government of Zimbabwe and the MDC, following the torture and ill-treatment of a number of leaders and members of the MDC and other civil society organisations by the Zimbabwe Republic Police on 11 March 2007. The MDC and human rights activists were arrested for attempting to attend a prayer meeting organised to protest a three month ban of rallies and demonstrations imposed by police in parts of Harare under section 27 of the Public Order and Security Act.

We are concerned that since the SADC meeting, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and organised violence have been on the increase in Zimbabwe.

At least 30 political detainees arrested on 28 March 2007, including MDC Member of Parliament Paul Madzore and MDC Director of Elections Dennis Murira, spent over two months in custody awaiting trial, and 18 have since had the charges dropped.

The detainees’ lawyers, Alec Muchadehama and Andrew Makoni, were also arrested outside the High Court on 4 May 2007 after submitting court papers on behalf of Amos Musekiwa, one of the political detainees. The lawyers were only released on bail on 7 May.

On 8 May police in Harare beat lawyers who had gathered outside the High Court to protest the unlawful arrest of Alec Muchadehama and Andrew Makoni. Police forced some of the lawyers including Beatrice Mtetwa, President of the Zimbabwe Law Society, into a police truck before driving to a secluded area and reportedly beating them. They were then released.

The Zimbabwean government has justified arbitrary arrest, detention, torture and ill-treatment as a response to attacks on police by alleged opposition supporters. As with all alleged criminal acts, we urge the government of Zimbabwe to immediately and impartially investigate these attacks, respecting the rights of the suspected perpetrators, including the right to a fair trial. However, incidents of violence by protestors by no means justify excessive use of force, torture or ill-treatment by the police.

We are also concerned that two years after an estimated 700,000 people lost their home or livelihood or both when the government embarked on a programme of mass forced evictions codenamed Operation Murambatsvina (Restore Order), the government has failed to provide an effective remedy to the victims. Most of the victims are still in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The SADC initiative should not forget these victims of human rights violations.

These human rights concerns have been well documented, including in the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ report of its 2002 fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe. However, the government of Zimbabwe has failed to implement key recommendations contained in the African Commission’s report and its resolution adopted at the 38th Ordinary Session in November 2005.

The human rights situation in Zimbabwe requires immediate action by SADC leaders. President Mbeki and other leaders of SADC should send a clear and unequivocal signal to the government of Zimbabwe that they will not remain silent about the violations of human rights perpetrated in Zimbabwe and should ensure that the government of Zimbabwe takes immediate steps to respect and protect human rights of all people in Zimbabwe, including ending the use of excessive force, torture and ill-treatment. Central to resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe is the need to ensure that perpetrators of human rights violations are held accountable and that the victims have access to justice. Any attempt to circumvent the needs of victims will not bring a lasting solution.

In their mediation efforts, President Mbeki and the other member states of SADC should not be limited to finding a short-term political solution between the government of Zimbabwe and the MDC, but should aim to find a long-term solution to the human rights crisis in Zimbabwe. This can be achieved by consulting widely among civil society organisations in Zimbabwe and ensuring that all stakeholders are able to contribute to the process.

Through their mediation efforts, we urge President Mbeki and the other member states of SADC to ensure the following:

all parties involved in the mediation process agree to clear timelines and bench marks, including the respect and protection of human rights for all, an end to organised violence, and fulfilment of Zimbabwe’s obligations under the African Union and UN human rights frameworks.
the government of Zimbabwe immediately ends its campaign of intimidation and harassment of human rights activists, civil society leaders, members of the political opposition parties and other critics of government policies;
the government of Zimbabwe fully respects the right to freedom of association, peaceful assembly and expression and repeal or amend its national laws to bring them into line with regional and international human rights standards, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights to which Zimbabwe is a state party;
the government of Zimbabwe takes immediate steps to end torture, other ill-treatment and serious human rights violations by the police and other security forces. Relevant authorities in Zimbabwe should investigate and hold the perpetrators of violations of human rights accountable; and
all those who are currently homeless as a result of the mass forced evictions have access to humanitarian assistance, including emergency shelter, food, water and medical care. The victims of forced evictions should be given an effective remedy.
Supporting organisations:
The Southern Africa Documentation and Co-operation Centre (SADOCC) Austria
DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights Botswana
The Botswana Council of Churches (BCC) Botswana
The Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO) Botswana
The Botswana Secondary Teachers Union (BOSETU) Botswana
DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights Botswana
The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Botswana Chapter Botswana
The Botswana Congress Party (BCP) Botswana
The Botswana Community Based Organisations Network)(BOCOBONET) Botswana
Botswana Network on Ethics, Law and HIV/AIDS,(BONELA) Botswana
The Botswana Unified Local Government Service Association(BULGASA) Botswana
Cooperation for Research, Development and Education (CORDE) Botswana
Kagisano Society Women's Shelter Botswana
Kgolagano Theological College Botswana
Transparency International Botswana Botswana
Mouvement Ivoirien des Droits Humains (M.I.D.H.) Côte-d'Ivoire
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights Egypt
Collectif des Associations Contre l’Impunité au Togo (CACIT) France
Kunst für Menschenrechte (Art for Human Rights) Germany
The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative India
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation International
Coalition on Violence Against Women (COVAW-K) Kenya
Kenya Land Alliance Kenya
Citizens for Constitutional Change-4Cs Kenya
Fida Kenya Kenya
Chemichemi ya Ukweli Kenya
Independent Medical Legal Unit-UMLU Kenya
Habiba International Women and Youth affairs. Kenya
Constitutional Reform Education Consortium (CRECO) Kenya
Center for Democratic Empowerment (CEDE) Liberia
Institute for Policy Interaction Malawi
Associação Moçambicana para o Desenvolvimento e Democracia Mozambique
The Rainbow Project Namibia
The Legal Assistance Centre Namibia
Namibia Development Trust Namibia
Namibia NGO Forum Namibia
Nyae Nyae Development Foundation of Namibia Namibia
!Nara Training Centre Namibia
Zimbabwe Watch Netherlands
National Forum for Human Rights Sierra Leone
National Advocacy Coalition on Extractives Sierra Leone
Defence for Children International Sierra Leone
Action for Community Task Sierra Leone
Movement of Concerned Kono Youths Sierra Leone
Affected Mining Landowners Association - Kono Sierra Leone
Community Advocacy and Development Movement Sierra Leone
Rural Development and Productive Workers Union Sierra Leone
Mining and Allied Union Sierra Leone
Peace and Conflict Society FBC Sierra Leone
Centre for Human Rights - Tongolici Sierra Leone
Black Hall Road Youth Organisation Sierra Leone
Network Movement for Youth and Children Sierra Leone
Network for Community Development and Human Rights Sierra Leone
Society for Democratic Initiatives - Sierra Leone Sierra Leone
Civil Society Alternative Process of Sierra Leone Sierra Leone
Treatment Action Campaign South Africa
Southern Africa Litigation Centre(SALC) South Africa
Lawyers for Human Rights- South Africa South Africa
Media Institute of Southern Africa - South Africa South Africa
Solidarity Peace Trust South Africa
Zimbabwe Exiles Forum South Africa
South African NGO Coalition (SANGOCO)
Land Access Movement of South Africa South Africa
South Africa
Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT) Sudan
African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies The Gambia
West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (Togo) Togo
La Commission Episcopale Nationale JUSTICE ET PAIX Togo
Association togolaise pour la défense et la promotion des droits de l'homme (ATDPDH) Togo
Fahamu - Networks for Social Justice. UK
Redress UK
Review of African Political Economy UK
International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute UK
Human Rights Watch United States
Legal Resources Foundation-Zambia Zambia
Southern Africa Legal Assistance Network-SALAN Zambia
Media Institute of Southern Africa - Zambia Zambia
Catholic Commission for Justice, Development and Peace (CCJDP) Zambia
Civil Sodiety MDG Campaign Zambia Zambia
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights Zimbabwe
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA) Zimbabwe
Justice for Agriculture Trust (JAG) Zimbabwe
Justice for Agriculture Membership Association (JAGMA) Zimbabwe
Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe Zimbabwe
Transparency International Zimbabwe Zimbabwe
Bulawayo Agenda Zimbabwe
Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Zimbabwe
Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe Zimbabwe
Legal Resources Foundation Zimbabwe
Media Institute of Southern Africa Zimbabwe
National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations Zimbabwe
National Constitutional Assembly Zimbabwe
Non-violent Action and Strategies for Social Change Zimbabwe
Radio Dialogue Zimbabwe
Southern Africa Human Rights Trust Zimbabwe
Transparency International (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Peace Project Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association Zimbabwe
Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) Zimbabwe
Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) Zimbabwe

Operation Murambatsvina comes to KZN

The Notorious Elimination & Prevention of Re-emergence of Slums Bill

2007-06-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/42252

Today [Thursday 21 June 2007] the KwaZulu-Natal Elimination & Prevention of Re-emergence of Slums Bill will be discussed in the provincial parliament. Abahlali baseMjondolo have discussed this Bill very carefully in many meetings. We have heard Housing MEC Mike Mabuyakulu say that we must not worry because it is aimed at slumlords and shack farming. We have heard Ranjith Purshotum from the Legal Resources Centre say that "Instead of saying that people will be evicted from slums after permanent accommodation is secured, we have a situation where people are being removed from a slum, and sent to another slum. Only this time it is a government-approved slum and is called a transit area. This is the twisted logic of the drafters of the legislation". We have heard Marie Huchzermeyer from Wits University say that this Bill uses the language of apartheid, is anti-poor and is in direct contradiction with the national housing policy Breaking New Ground. Lawyers have told us that this Bill is unconstitutional.

It is very clear to us that this Bill is an attempt to mount a legal attack on the poor. Already the poor, shack dwellers and street traders, are under illegal and violent attack by Municipalities. This Bill is an attempt to legalize the attacks on the poor. We know about Operation Murambatsvia. Last year one of our members visited Harare and last week we hosted two people from Harare. This Bill is an attempt to legalize a KZN Operation Murambatsvina before the World Cup in 2010. We will fight it all the way.

We will fight this Bill in the courts. We will fight this Bill in the streets. We will fight this Bill in the way we live our ordinary lives everyday. We will not be driven out of our cities as if we were rubbish.
http://abahlali.org/node/1629

Thursday, 21 June 2007
Abahlali baseMjondolo Press Statement

Operation Murambatsvina comes to KZN
The Notorious Elimination & Prevention of Re-emergence of Slums Bill

Today [Thursday 21 June 2007] the KwaZulu-Natal Elimination & Prevention of Re-emergence of Slums Bill will be discussed in the provincial parliament. Abahlali baseMjondolo have discussed this Bill very carefully in many meetings. We have heard Housing MEC Mike Mabuyakulu say that we must not worry because it is aimed at slumlords and shack farming. We have heard Ranjith Purshotum from the Legal Resources Centre say that "Instead of saying that people will be evicted from slums after permanent accommodation is secured, we have a situation where people are being removed from a slum, and sent to another slum. Only this time it is a government-approved slum and is called a transit area. This is the twisted logic of the drafters of the legislation". We have heard Marie Huchzermeyer from Wits University say that this Bill uses the language of apartheid, is anti-poor and is in direct contradiction with the national housing policy Breaking New Ground. Lawyers have told us that this Bill is unconstitutional.

It is very clear to us that this Bill is an attempt to mount a legal attack on the poor. Already the poor, shack dwellers and street traders, are under illegal and violent attack by Municipalities. This Bill is an attempt to legalize the attacks on the poor. We know about Operation Murambatsvia. Last year one of our members visited Harare and last week we hosted two people from Harare. This Bill is an attempt to legalize a KZN Operation Murambatsvina before the World Cup in 2010. We will fight it all the way.

1. AIM OF THE BILL

The Bill says that its main aims are to:

· Eliminate 'slums' in KwaZulu-Natal

· Prevent new 'slums' from developing

· Upgrade and control existing 'slums'

· Monitor the performance of departments and municipalities in the elimination of 'slums' and the prevention of new 'slums' from developing.

It has detailed plans to make sure that all of this really happens. The Bill also says that it aims to 'improve the living conditions of communities' but it has no detailed plans to make sure that this really happens. It is therefore clear that its real purpose is to get rid of 'slums' rather than to improve the conditions in which people live. Mabuyakulu says that we shouldn't worry because the real targets are slum lords and shack farming but this is not what the Bill says and, anyway, there are no slum lords in Abahlali settlements. Abahlali members have been to Nairobi. We have seen how the slum lords rule the Nairobi settlements and we are strongly against slum lordism. But we do not live in Nairobi. All Abahlali settlements are democratic communities and many other settlements in KZN are also not run by slum lords.

The Bill does not aim to:

· Force local and provincial government to deal with the conditions that force people to leave their homes and move to shack settlements

· Force local and provincial government to immediately provide basic services to shack settlements like toilets, electricity, water, drainage, paths and speed bumps while they wait for upgrades or relocations

· Force local and provincial government to follow the laws that prevent evictions without a court order, the laws that prevent people from being made homeless in an eviction or to follow the Breaking New Ground Policy that aims to upgrade settlements in situ (where people are already living) instead of relocating people so far from work and schools that they have to leave their low cost houses and come straight back to shacks.

· Force local and provincial government to make their plans for shack dwellers with shack dwellers to avoid the bad planning that undermines development (such relocating people so far away from work that they have to move back to shacks)

We do not need this Bill. The first thing that we need is for government (local, provincial and national) to begin to follow the existing laws and polices that protect against evictions, forced relocations and which recommend in situ upgrades instead of relocations. After that we need laws that break the power that the very rich have over land in the cities and we need laws to compel municipalities to provide services to shack settlements while people wait for houses to be built.

This Bill is not for shack dwellers. It is to protect the rich, by protecting their property prices.

2. DEFINITION OF IMIJONDOLO

In the Bill the word 'slum' is defined as an overcrowded piece of land or building where poor people live and where there is poor or no infrastructure or toilets.

The Bill uses the word 'slum' in a way that makes it sound like the places where poor people live are a problem that must be cleared away because there is something wrong with poor people. But it does not admit that the poor have been made poor but the same history of theft and exploitation that made the rich to be rich and it does not admit that places where poor people live often lack infrastructure and toilets because of the failure of landlords or the government to provide these things. The solution to the fact that we often don't have toilets in our communities is to provide toilets where we live and not to destroy our communities and move us out of the city. In this Bill the word 'slum' is used to make it sound like the poor and the places where they live are the problem rather than the rich and the way in which they have made the poor to be poor and to be kept poor by a lack of development. In America black community organizations have opposed the use of the word 'slum' to describe their communities because they say it makes it sound like there is something wrong with them and their places rather than the system that makes them poor and fails to develop their places. They also say that once a place is called a 'slum' it is easy to for the rich and governments to say that it must be 'cleared' or 'eliminated' but if a place is called a community then it is easier to say that it must be supported and developed.

There is also a problem with calling imijondolo 'informal settlements' because once a place is called 'informal' it is easy for people to say that it shouldn't get any of the 'formal' services that people need for a proper life like electricity, toilets, refuse collection and so on. But many of us have lived our whole lives in 'informal settlements'. We can't wait until we live in 'formal' houses to get electricity to stop the fires, water, toilets, drainage, refuse collection and so on. We are living our lives now. We can't wait to start living only when and if the government puts us in a 'formal' one roomed 'house' far out of town.

And we don't like the word 'eliminate'. This is a word that is violent and threatening, not respectful and caring. Our communities should be nurtured, not eliminated.

The people who live in the imijondolo must decide for themselves what they want their communities to be called. We must be allowed to define ourselves and to speak for ourselves.

3. SUPPORTING THE RICH AGAINST THE POOR

· The Bill makes it criminal to occupy a building or land without permission from the owner of the building or the land.

· It forces municipalities to force landowners to evict people on their land (or in their buildings).

· It forces municipalities to seek evictions if landowners fail to do so.

· It forces municipalities to make a plan to eliminate all the 'slums' in its area within six months of this Bill becoming law.

· It forces municipalities to give an annual report on its progress towards eliminating all 'slums'.

· It forces the provincial Department of Housing to closely watch Municipalities and to support them to make sure that they evict people from land that they have occupied.

· It forces the Provincial Department of Housing to support 'any project adopted by a municipality' to 'relocate' people from imijondolo.

· It says that Municipalities may evict people when evictions are in the public interest.

· It forces landowners to protect their land against the poor with fences and security guards. Landowners who do not protect their land against the poor will be guilty of a criminal offence.

· It forces landowners to evict people from their land.

This Bill does not provide any protection for people who have been made poor by the same history and economy that made the rich to be rich and who have decided to occupy land or buildings that are owned by the rich but are not being used by them. In many countries the poor have a legal right to use vacant land or buildings that are owned by the rich but are not being used by them. It is like this in Turkey. There is no reason why South Africa can not also give this right to the poor.

The need of the very poor for housing in the cities near work and education should come before the needs of the very rich to have their property prices protected.

4. TRANSIT AREAS

The Bill allows Municipalities to buy or take land to accommodate people that have been evicted while they are waiting for new developments. These are called 'transit areas'. The Bill does not give any guaranties as to where these 'transit areas' will be located, what services will be provided there, if communities will be kept together or broken up when people are taken to these places or how long they will have to live in these places.

We know that all through history and in many countries governments have put their political opponents, the very poor, people who were seen as ethnically, cultural and racially different and people without I.D. books in camps. These camps are always supposed to be temporary – a 'transit' between one place and another. But very often these camps have become places of long and terrible suffering. That is why in the Mail & Guardian it was written that this Bill reminds people of Nazi Germany. We know that in India shackdwellers who were taken to transit camps in the 1960s are still there now.

5. EXPROPRIATION OF LAND

The Bill gives Municipalities the right to expropriate land. This means that they have the right to take land from landowners. This could be a very good thing for the poor if land was taken in the cities so that the poor could live safely and legally next to work, schools and clinics. But the Bill says nothing about which land should be taken. It only says that land can be taken to set up a 'transit area' or for people 'removed or evicted from a slum'. Therefore it seems that the right to expropriate land will most be likely be used to evict the poor from the cities and to dump them in rural areas and not to defend their right to live in the cities against the interests of very rich land speculators and developers. Already shack dwellers are being taken out of Durban and dumped in 'formal' low cost houses in places like Park Gate. There is no guarantee that this will not continue.

6. CRIMINALISING THE POOR

This Bill makes any one who tries to stop an eviction a criminal who can be fined R20 000 or sent to prison for 5 years. Any normal person would try to stop an eviction. Which mother would stand by while her home and community is destroyed? If this law is passed it will make us all criminals. But this law says nothing about stopping the illegal and unconstitutional evictions that are perpetrated against shackdwellers all the time by the eThekwini Municipality. The Municipality breaks the law every time that it evicts us without a court order and every time it leaves people homeless but Municipal officials are never arrested. If the laws that exist now are now are not used fairly we have no guarantee that this law will be used fairly

7. WHO SHOULD PLAN THE FUTURE OF OUR CITIES?

Durban and Pinetown and Pietermaritzburg and all the cities in this province, this country and in the world were built by the work of the poor. But poor people didn't only build our cities. They have also done a lot of the planning of the development of our cities. It was the poor who decided that black and white and rich and poor shouldn't live separately and who took unused land so that everyone could live together in our cities. Our cities look the way that they do because of both the planning of the rich, the planning of various governments and the planning or ordinary poor people. For example it was Biko Zulu who decided to start a settlement in Jadhu Place near to the schools in Overport and the jobs in Springfield Park and not any government.

A democratic government should allow the poor to continue to be able to participate in planning the future of our cities. Planning should not only be a right for governments and the rich.

On Friday 4th May 2007 the Provincial Legislature came to the Kennedy Road community hall to introduce the " KZN Elimination and Prevention of Re-Emergence of Slums Bill, 2006". The hall was overflowing with people from affiliating settlements of the Abahlali BaseMjondolo Movement. We clearly said "No land, No House - No Vote, No Bill!" We clearly told the Provincial Legislature about the illegal demolitions and evictions undertaken by the eThekwini Municipality, the failure to provide basic services to shack dwellers and the brutal criminalization of the politics of the poor by people like Supt. Glen Nayager of the Sydenham Police Station. They said that they do not know about any of this. If they do not know what is happening to shack dwellers in their own province then they must listen to shack dwellers before making laws. Listening and talking must come before deciding.

A World Class city is not a city where the poor are pushed out of the city. A World Class city is a city where the poor are treated with dignity and respect and money is spent on real needs like houses and toilets and clean water and electricity and schools and libraries rather than fancy things for the rich like stadiums and casinos that our cities can just not afford.

We will fight this Bill in the courts. We will fight this Bill in the streets. We will fight this Bill in the way we live our ordinary lives everyday. We will not be driven out of our cities as if we were rubbish.

For comment please contact:


1. Ms. Zandile Sithole, 0762270653

2. Ms. Zodwa Nsibande, 0828302707

3. Mr. Mnikelo Ndabankulu, 0735656241

4. Mr. S'bu Zikode, 0835470474

Global: UCanDanc' African Healing Arts

2007-06-28

http://www.ucandanc.org/index.html

UCanDanc' African Healing Arts! Masankho Banda, a native of Malawi is an International PeaceBuilder, Educator, InterPlay Leader and Healer who resides in Oakland, California. The Mission of UcanDanc' is to build Peace, inspire Diversity and Inclusion and foster Healing using dance, music, drums and stories. Masankho is available locally, nationally and Internationally for:
African Dance Classes and Performances, InterPlay Retreats, Workshops and Classes, Storytelling Performances, Inspirational Keynote Speeches on a variety of Topics, PeaceBuilding, Diversity and Spiritual Workshops & Retreats.

Through a boy's eyes

Poetess of the people

2007-06-28

http://www.poetessofthepeople.blogspot.com

He was my world
His armour shone
Glittering like diamonds in my eyes

He said I was his best friend
In my eyes, he was the world's strongest man
His words, always to be obeyed

I made excuses for his absences
Hid my disappointment
And tears in his broken promises
I would have died for him

His name was reverent on my lips
His friendship, I felt, was mine for keeps
He said we'd share all he had
His praise meant the world to me

I don't remember seeing much of him
Though I believed that words were meant
To be spoken in a slur
That stale breath, an angry voice and red eyes
Were a sign of male strength
And that the teetering walk was just his style

I was five
He was forty-two
He was my dad

PoP © 27 Jun. 07

Zarina Patel awarded Jaramogi Odinga award

2007-06-25

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/42170

The Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Foundation made two awards recently for the Jaramogi Uhuru Awards for 2007. The first to HE the late Dr John Garang, first Vice President of the Republic of Sudan, President of GOSS. The second award was to Zarina Patel, the publisher of AWAZ magazine (http://www.awaaz.co.ke), and author of a number of outstanding books, Unquiet: A tribute to the founder of Kenya’s trade union movement (for review, see http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/33101)

Interview with Madaraka Nyerere

Heidi Bachram & Adam Ma'anit

2007-06-29

http://www.ourmedia.org/node/324101

Madaraka Nyerere, son of former President of Tanzania Julius Nyerere talks to Adam Ma'anit from the New Internationalist magazine for Pambazuka News. In London to relaunch the Arusha Declaration with the Global Women's Strike, the document is the foundation of socialist principles practiced by Nyerere's government. In this interview Madaraka explores the reasons why Nyerere's policies have been demolished by capitalism and the relevance of the his father's work for modern Africa and the women's rights movement. See Global Women's Strike (http://www.globalwomenstrike.net/) for more on the publication of the Arusha Declaration. Music in this podcast is brought to you by Busi Ncube from Zimbabwe and kindly provided by Thulani Promotions (http://www.thulani.net).

Africa: AU to help Africa benefit from trade with China

2007-06-28

http://www.nationmedia.com/eastafrican/current/Business/Business2506071.htm

The African Union will help its member states to develop a strategy for engaging China and other emerging economic powers from the South as a bloc, a senior AU official has said. Tarana Loumabeka, co-ordination and liaison manager in the AU’s Department of Trade and Industry, said the continental organisation has been directed by its Summit to play a bigger role in the relations between Africa and China, India, Brazil and Turkey.

Africa: The Chinese aid system

2007-06-28

http://www.cgdev.org/content/publications/detail/13953/

China has become a major source of foreign aid in Asia, Latin America and especially in Africa. CGD's Carol Lancaster explores whether Chinese aid will discourage needed economic and political reforms in African countries.

Niger: Sahara uranium

2007-06-28

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L27794519.htm

Nomadic rebels who launched a string of attacks in northern Niger's Sahara desert have said they wanted greater control over uranium and oil reserves being sold off to Chinese and other foreign firms.

Africa: Africans want united Africa but many say 'too soon'

2007-06-27

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN756537.html

From Cape Town to Algiers, many Africans welcome Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi's plan for a United States of Africa with a strong voice on the global stage, but most say it simply comes too soon for a divided continent. Gaddafi, long regarded as a pariah in the West for his anti-colonial rhetoric, is touring West Africa to promote the long-standing plan for a pan-African government which will be put to a summit of the African Union on 1 July in Ghana.

Africa: Gadaffi calls for African army of two million soldiers

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312536

Libyan leader Moammar Gadaffi said on Wednesday his plan for a United States of Africa should include creating a two million-strong army to staunch recurrent conflicts that have ravaged many of the continent's nations.

Africa: Ghanaians embrace discourse on unified Africa

Lavinia Mahlangu

2007-06-29

http://www.buanews.gov.za/view.php?ID=07062611451001&coll=buanew07

As African Union ambassadors on Tuesday conclude the first of three high level meetings on Africa's proposed integration, ordinary Ghanaians are actively involved in discussions on the matter. Over 60 years ago, late Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah rallied his fellow African leaders, then members of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), to dissolve the artificial and in some cases, arbitrary borders demarcated by European colonial powers in 1884.

Launch of an African citizens passport

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/launch_of_an_african_citizens_passport/

Today, several civil society organisations issued an African citizens passport to the Ghanaian Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon Nana Akuffo Addo in a pre-summit Continental Conference organised by the AU Ghanaian Civil Society Coalition. The passport is a response to a growing demand by African citizens for an easing of restrictions on travel within Africa by African governments as a pre-condition for African citizenship.

'In the Interest of Our Destiny'

Interview with Professor Atukwei Okai

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/in_the_interest_of_our_destiny/

Interview with Professor Atukwei Okai conducted June 23, 2007 in Accra, Ghana following an address by the Professor to the 'Continental Conference on Accelerating Africa’s Integration and Development in the 21st century' organised by the Ghanaian Civil Society AU Coalition.

Professor Atukwei Okai is a widely published author and acclaimed poet. He is Secretary-General of the Pan African Writer’s Association (PAWA). This interview was conducted by Selome Araya for the AU-Monitor.

Beyond the presidential project to a public mandate

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/beyond_the_presidential_project_to_a_public_mandate/

Interview with Andiwo Obondoh, Christian Children’s Fund.

Andiwo Obondoh is the Regional Adviser for Christian Children’s Fund (CCF) Africa, based in South Africa. In March, Emily Mghanga interviewed him on the upcoming Grand Debate on the Continental Government during the next African Union Summit, June – July 2007. This interview is one of several interviews with African citizens and CSO leaders on the AU proposal for Continental Government. Emily Mghanga of th Pan Africa Programme Oxfam edited this interview.

SOAWR: Policy brief on the Grand Debate

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/soawr_policy_brief_on_the_grand_debate/

The 9th Assembly of the African Union Heads of States and Governments will convene from 1-3 July 2007 in Accra, Ghana under the theme, ‘The Grand Debate on the Union Government.’ It is significant that the debate takes place nearly two years since the ratification of the African Union Protocol to the Charter of African Women’s Rights, and three years since the adoption of the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa, which reaffirms the commitment of African states to advance the agenda of gender equality. Both instruments provide a critical framework to address the rights of women and girls in Africa. To date, 21 countries have ratified the protocol on Women’s Rights, leaving 32 yet to ratify. The delay in ratification of the protocol by member states of the union undermines the universal achievement of continental standards on women’s rights.

Civil society communiqué to the assembly of the heads of states

2007-06-25

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/42174

Today, June 23, civil society organisations from across Africa met during the Continental Conference organised by the AU Ghanaian Civil Society Coalition. A communique entitled 'From a “grand debate” to grand actions for a united Africa' was adopted and will be presented to the Assembly of Heads of States. The communique states: 'There is a clear consensus among us in favour of rapidly accelerating continental integration in order to respond to current and future economic, political and social challenges. Accordingly, we support the proposal for the establishment of a Union Government. We believe that the Union Government must be a People’s Union and must be built on values of participation and democracy in its construction and implementation at continental, regional and national level. The communique full text is available at www.aumonitor.org

Continental civil society conference

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/continental_civil_society_conference/

The continental civil society conference on the proposed African Union Government, organised by the Ghanaian Civil Society AU Coalition, was held in Accra Ghana, June 22-22, 2007. 100 civil society organisations from 50 countries across Africa participated in this conference entitled 'Accelerating Africa’s Integration and Development in the 21st Century: Prospects and Challenges of Union Government'. The intent of this conference was for civil society organisations (CSOs) to convene and develop a harmonised approach to ensuring that the citizens of Africa are included in the formation of a unified African government.

Open letter from CSOs to AU heads of state on Darfur

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/open_letter_darfur/

We, the representatives of the undersigned civil society organisations from Darfur, are honoured to address your august assembly on the occasion of its 9th Ordinary Session. This session comes at a historic moment when Africa celebrates the golden jubilee of Ghana’s independence as the first nation in sub-Saharan Africa to break its colonial shackles. However, despite Africa’s remarkable achievement in defeating colonialism, the continent still faces serious challenges that need to be addressed with the same resolve and vigour. An example in point is the catastrophic human rights and humanitarian situation in Darfur (Sudan). Africa is commendable for its ongoing efforts to end this unacceptable situation by African means and through the deployment of a joint AU and UN hybrid peacekeeping force in the region. In this regard we wish to pay homage to all African soldiers that have sacrificed their lives in an attempt to protect their brothers and sisters especially the most vulnerable women and children in Darfur.

Solidarity concert for Darfur

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/solidarity_concert_on_darfur/

Wednesday June 27, join Hugh Masekela - world acclaimed South African music legend in a Solidarity Concert on Darfur at the National Theatre, Accra. The event starts at 7pm.

This is an African civil society programme in connection with the African Union summit being hosted in Ghana.

United States of Africa papers launch

2007-06-25

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/42169

The Direct Conflict Prevention Programme (DCP) of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS)-Addis Ababa office would like to cordially invite you to the launch of seven research papers relating to the debate on the United States of Africa. The launch and buffet lunch will take place at the Alisa Hotel, in North Ridge, Accra, Ghana, on the 27 June 2007 at 12h00.

These papers – five in English and two in French - address issues pertaining to the forthcoming ‘Grand Debate on the Union Government’. They provide a critical analysis of the opportunities and challenges of a 'United Africa'. In the journey towards African unity it is necessary to ask at least three questions: 1) 'Where did the journey start?'; 2) 'Where are we now?' 3) 'Where do we go from here?'. Each of the papers will address these issues from different political, economic, and social perspectives.

For queries please contact: Dr Tim Murithi on (+233) 024 98 58 252

Civil society wants economic partnership agreement suspended

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/civil_society_wants_epa_agreement_suspended/

The African Union -Civil Society Organisations Pre-Summit in Accra has ended with a call on member countries to resist pressure from European Union towards the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) in December.

Participants called on African leaders to extend the deadline for conclusion of the negotiation on the EPA by at least year years. That they said would enable African governments to conduct independent impact assessment on the EPA policies.

Pan African movement joins union government debate

2007-06-25

http://www.pambazuka.org/aumonitor/index.php/AUMONITOR/comments/pan_african_movement_joins_union_government_debate/

In response to the African Union’s invitation to the public to contribute to the ‘Grand Debate' on the formation of a union government for the continent, the Pan African People’s Assembly intends to hold a conference on June 22 at the National Theatre, Accra, where participants will deliberate on the subject matter.

Over 1,400 Pan Africanists across the continent, civil society groups in Ghana and the general public are expected to partake in the grand debate.

Mauritius: Budget to target women

2007-06-28

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25889

Gender activists congratulate the Finance Minister of Mauritius, Rama Sithanen, for making moves in the right direction with the 2007/2008 budget. The budget makes provision to close the gender gap and challenge gender stereotypes. While Mauritius has reformed its legislation and awareness, the budgets to back them up have so far been lacking.

Uganda: Adultery law curbs effects of polygamy

2007-06-28

http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/3215/context/cover/

Uganda's Constitutional Court recently nullified a law that made adultery criminal for women, but not men. The case also strengthened women's rights on divorce and inheritance. In April, the Kampala-based group, Law and Advocacy for Women in Uganda, brought a separate case before the Ugandan Constitutional Court, arguing that the 1995 national constitution ensures equal protection under the law.

Horn of Africa: Somaliland now centre for illegal female cutting

2007-06-28

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25884

Hargeisa, the peaceful capital of the self-proclaimed state of Somaliland, has become a new centre for the Somali Diaspora wanting to perform female genital mutilation (FGM) on their daughters. Most live in countries where FGM is strictly forbidden, including when this is done abroad.

North Africa: Egypt bans all female circumcision

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312584

Egypt on Thursday finally banned all female circumcision, the widely practised removal of the clitoris that just days ago cost the life of a 12-year-old girl. Officially the practice - which affects both Muslim and Christian women in Egypt and goes back to the time of the pharaohs - was banned in 1997, but doctors were allowed to operate "in exceptional cases".

Sudan: Justice denied for Sudanese rape victims

2007-06-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25928

Sudan's laws governing rape expose rape victims to further abuse, shield perpetrators from prosecution, limit the ability for survivors to receive medical services and generally deny any access to justice, according to a new analysis. The Washington-based organisation Refugees International today has released a report - "Laws Without Justice: An assessment of Sudanese laws affecting survivors of rape" - looking into the Sudanese legislation.

Kenya: Protests cloud abortion debate

2007-06-29

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6246688.stm

Four Kenyan women, who were set to share their personal stories about undergoing abortion, had to pullout of a discussion forum at the last minute following threats and intimidation from anti-abortion activists.The forum, organised to initiate discussion on unsafe abortions, was disrupted by activists claiming to represent the rights of unborn children.

East Africa: Human trafficking 'on the rise'

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72856

Human trafficking is on the rise in eastern Africa and officials attending a meeting aimed at raising awareness of the problem called for concerted efforts by governments to curb it. "In the east African region, the statistical information is being gathered, but the crime is on the increase," Jeffrey Avina, director for operations at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), told the first regional anti-human trafficking conference in eastern Africa, under way in the Ugandan capital, Kampala, until 22 June.

Zimbabwe: Food a political tool?

2007-06-28

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=38300

Zimbabwe’s escalating food crisis comes amid resurgent accusations that food aid is being abused as a political tool. The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and the World Food Programme (WFP) have said that more than 2,1 million Zimbabweans in both rural and urban areas will be in dire need of food aid in the third quarter of this year.

Global: Protect rights of minorities to avoid conflict, NGO urges

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72951

The violation of minority rights is often a first sign of an approaching conflict, which could be prevented by protecting minority communities at an early stage, Minority Rights Group International (MRG) has stated in a new report. "There is no 'one-size-fits-all' model for conflict prevention but consideration of minority rights can help offer solutions," MRG said in Minority Rights: The Key to Conflict Prevention, issued on 26 June.

Liberia: Fair trial a must, even for Taylor

Abdul Lamin

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312279

Three weeks ago, when the trial of former Liberian president Charles Taylor opened in The Hague, the accused made headlines for failing to appear in court. In his former capacity as the president of Liberia, Taylor is accused of having presided over a criminal network of armed combatants, whose crimes in Sierra Leone between 1996 and 2002 amounted to violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.

Uganda: Victim 'left for dead'

2007-06-29

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6240734.stm

Twenty years since the UN convention against the use of torture came into force, a Ugandan victim of torture, who wishes to remain anonymous, tells the BBC how he was picked up in the capital, Kampala, by government security forces after being accused of robbery. He said he was tortured in a so-called "safe house" for about eight days before he passed out and woke up in a military hospital. He remained in custody for 11 months until the case against him collapsed about three years ago.

Uganda: Damning report on Uganda war crimes

2007-06-28

http://www.hrcberkeley.org/download/NUgandaReport2007.pdf

A report released recently by the University of California, Berkeley, and Tulane University provides hard data on forced conscription into the Lord's Resistance Army, a rebel group accused of kidnapping tens of thousands of women and children to serve as soldiers, servants or sex slaves in northern Uganda.

Somalia: Thousands flee Mogadishu amid renewed violence

2007-06-28

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/4682938a4.html

More than 3,500 people have fled the Somali capital Mogadishu this month amid an escalation of violence in the coastal city over the past few weeks. Meanwhile, only 123,000 of the estimated 401,000 civilians who fled the heavy fighting that raged in Mogadishu between February and May have returned to the capital, according to figures compiled by UNHCR and a network of partners.

West Africa: Liberian refugees return home in first airlift from Burkina Faso

2007-06-28

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/46828b624.html

An eclectic group of 53 refugees, including students, tailors, professional soccer players, musicians, artists and restaurant owners, returned home this week on the first UNHCR-organised voluntary repatriation of Liberians by air from Burkina Faso.

Sudan: Israeli government reverts to detention policy for Sudanese refugees

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72957

After a lull of several weeks, the Israeli military have once again begun to arrest Sudanese refugees illegally crossing the Egyptian border into Israel. In the past month the refugees were released onto the streets of Israel's southern towns and cities, where volunteers from charity organisations tried to help, directing them to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).

Zimbabwe: Government lifts ban on Harare rallies and protests

2007-06-29

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN945327.html

Zimbabwe has lifted a ban on political rallies and protests in Harare which the opposition had likened to a state of emergency, but police permits are still required for such gatherings. President Robert Mugabe's government imposed a three-month ban on rallies and demonstrations in February over fears of an opposition uprising in the face of a growing economic crisis, and had renewed the restrictions in the past two months.

Congo: 'Total disorder' in legislative elections

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312259

The first round of Congo's legislative elections was marked by chaos on Sunday, with long delays, protesters crying foul and about 40 smaller opposition parties boycotting the ballot. In neighbourhoods of the capital, Brazzaville, and the economic capital, Pointe-Noire, several polling stations had still not opened by noon, five hours after they were supposed to, officials and local reporters said.

Nigeria: Opposition agrees to join government

2007-06-27

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN750355.html

Nigeria's largest opposition party will join the new government after the two sides agreed to work together on electoral reform and reviewing last-minute privatisations by the previous administration. The rival parties announced the deal on Wednesday after two days of talks called by President Umaru Yar'Adua.

Southern Africa: AIDS leaves its mark at the ballot box

2007-06-28

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72382

Every year for the last 10 years, the Zambian government's reports to the World Bank have shrunk in both length and quality. From 100 pages they are down to 25 and vital statistics are missing. Why? Some experts suggest the reason is the untimely loss of experienced civil servants as a result of AIDS.

Zimbabwe: Government and opposition leave civil society out of talks

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72865

Zimbabwe's civic society organisations say they are being sidelined from negotiations in Pretoria, South Africa, between the divided opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and the ZANU-PF government.

Comoros: Political crisis overshadows smooth elections

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72917

The successful second round of presidential elections on two of the three islands in the Union of Comoros has been overshadowed by the continuing political crisis on the third island, Anjouan. The elections on Sunday 24 June on the islands of Grand Comore and Moheli went "very, very smoothly", the UN Resident Coordinator in the Comoros, Opia Mensah Kumah, told IRIN.

Liberia: Graft watchdog says official threatened him

2007-06-27

http://africa.reuters.com/wire/news/usnL27133218.html

Liberia's auditor general accused a senior economic adviser to President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of striking and threatening him in parliament after he denounced a phantom department in the presidency. Auditor General John Morlu said presidential adviser for economic affairs Morris Saytumah hit him after he told Liberian legislators he had discovered two departments in the national budget with identical roles.

Africa: Don't ignore the role of the rich countries in developing country corruption

2007-06-28

http://www.cgdev.org/content/general/detail/13938

Developing countries themselves must lead the fight against developing country corruption, says Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the former finance minister and minister of foreign affairs of Nigeria. But rich countries, too, must consider how they sometimes "aid and abet" corruption that hurts poor people and costs developing countries billions of dollars.

Gabon: President " guilty of corruption"

2007-06-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25875

A court in the French city of Bordeaux ordered the President of Gabon, Omar Bongo Ondiba, to compensate the son of a French citizen, René Cardona, who was jailed in Gabon in 1996. The court found Mr Bongo guilty of official corruption. The court portrayed Mr Cardona as an “accomplice of President Bongo and his family in arms and fishing equipment firm” when a judicial inquiry that led to his jailing in Libreville was launched.

Sierra Leone: Initiative to bring jobs to rural youth

2007-06-29

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=23050

The United Nations International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) has announced a new $10.9 million programme to bring small loans and jobs to the young people of rural Sierra Leone, benefiting 34,000 households in the West African country that saw the end of civil strife and the installation of an elected Government in 2002.

Global: UNFPA’s State of World Population 2007

2007-06-28

http://www.unfpa.org/swp/2007/presskit/pdf/sowp2007_eng.pdf

In 2008, the world reaches an invisible but momentous milestone: For the first time in history, more than half its human population, 3.3 billion people, will be living in urban areas. According to UNFPA’s State of World Population 2007 report, by 2030, this number is expected to swell to almost 5 billion. Many of the new urbanites will be poor. Their future, the future of cities in developing countries, the future of humanity itself, all depend very much on decisions made now in preparation for this growth.

West Africa: New plans for Niger Basin

2007-06-28

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=38318

New plans are being developed for the 4,100 km Niger River that passes through several West African countries. Regional leaders, with support from the World Bank and member states of the European Union, are now seeking to turn the Niger River's sprawling, churning expanse into a regional advantage, building up the region's economy and linking nations together in a shared vision of environmental preservation along the way.

Equatorial Guinea: Sky-high profits in oil sector now over

2007-06-29

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25906

While one US company this week announced a new oil discovery offshore Equatorial Guinea this week, other oil companies announced an internal dispute that will delay the exploitation of at least two offshore wells. With last year's new Equatoguinean Hydrocarbons Law, the "crazy years" of sky-high revenues have come to an end.

Côte d’Ivoire: Livelihoods affected by absence of banks, civil servants

2007-06-29

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72982

Residents of northwest Cote d’Ivoire have enjoyed cheap motorbikes and TVs from neighbouring countries thanks to the absence of customs controls since rebels chased out the government in 2002. On balance, however, the unrest has dealt a heavy blow to the region’s economy. Unprecedented violent crime, shuttered banks and the absence of state workers and their purchasing power mean residents are eager to see the government return.

Africa: African Bank to help African regional energy projects

2007-06-29

http://www.buanews.gov.za/view.php?ID=07062910451002&coll=buanew07

The Africa Development Bank (AfDB) is to help in the development of regional energy projects aimed at averting the southern African region's looming power shortage by 2008. AfDB Infrastructure Consortium Africa (ICA) Co-ordinator Alex Rugamba said the bank would work with other international financial institutions to support the development of regional energy projects in the southern Africa region.

Africa: Integration can be used to speed up MDGs

2007-06-29

http://www.buanews.gov.za/view.php?ID=07062815451002&coll=buanew07

Integrating the continent can be used as a means of speeding up Africa's achievement of the United Nations Millenium Development Goals (MDGs), a top UN official says. Speaking at the opening ceremony of the 11th session of the AU Executive Council in Accra Thursday, Abdoulie Janneh, UN under-secretary general highlighted economic integration as vital for Africa's successful unification.

Africa: Taking stock of the AIDS response

2007-06-29

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72939

When some of the world's largest donors to the global AIDS response organise a conference for "implementers", there is none of the chaos and rush of larger AIDS gatherings, or any of the free goods and gimmicks hawked by large pharmaceutical companies: no conference bags; no protests; no glittering opening ceremonies - it was all business last week when conference delegates met in Kigali, Rwanda, at the 2007 HIV Implementers' Meeting.

Southern Africa: AIDS and childhood in southern Africa

2007-06-28

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72958

The term 'AIDS orphan' is misleading. It suggests the child itself is HIV-positive, which invariably is not the case, and perpetuates the stigma and discrimination experienced by AIDS-affected children. The term 'orphans and vulnerable children' is now more commonly used to better express the devastating impact of the pandemic on households, even before parents die

Southern Africa: Aids-hit Mozambique looks to recruit more doctors

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312331

Mozambique hopes to recruit 8 000 doctors from other African nations to improve a healthcare system battered by one of the continent's worst Aids pandemics, the country's health minister said on Monday. There are about 650 doctors serving Mozambique's estimated 20-million people. That figure is about three times fewer doctors than recommended by international health authorities.

Uganda: Need for fresh prevention strategy to tackle 'evolving' epidemic

2007-06-29

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72890

As Uganda's AIDS epidemic matures, bringing altered behaviour patterns, prevention messages must be adjusted to reflect the new dynamics of the pandemic, senior health officials have said. "The landscape has changed; it's important to understand what is driving the epidemic," Dr David Apuuli Kihumuro, director-general of the Uganda AIDS Commission, told IRIN/PlusNews.

Mozambique: Injecting drug use - a shot in the arm for HIV prevalence

2007-06-29

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72938

In Maputo, Mozambique's capital, the neighbourhoods of Serrano and Mafalala are the most popular places for buying drugs. Users visit small, ordinary-looking houses there to buy and shoot up heroin, cocaine and amphetamines. "Addicts always leave syringes that others pick up and use," said Ezequiel, a former heroin and cocaine user, who did not wish to give his full name. "Buying a syringe costs money; addicts prefer to use their cash to buy more drugs."

Africa: Africa moves to achieve Education for All

2007-06-28

http://www.thisdayonline.com/nview.php?id=82078

Without universal access to Grade I or Primary 1 within the next two years, the goal of Education for All (EFA) by 2015 will not be achieved as school fees and sundry charges stand between school and no fewer than 100 million children worldwide, 77 million of them in sub-Saharan Africa.

South Africa: Schools run out of money

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=311895

The South African government’s “no fee” policy has set alarm bells ringing at the country’s poorest schools, with some of them finding that they are now even poorer. Since the start of the school year in January, their mounting financial difficulties have affected the supply of textbooks and stationery, the repair of school property and security services.

Global: UNICEF condemns attacks on schoolchildren in conflict areas

2007-06-29

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=23082

The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has condemned continuing attacks on schoolchildren and educational facilities in conflict zones around the world, citing recent incidents in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. “Attacks on schoolchildren are unacceptable,” said UNICEF Executive Director Ann M. Veneman. “Schools must be safe environments for children to learn and thrive.”

Rwanda: A Difficult Trade-Off to Protect Lake Kivu

2007-06-28

http://www.africa-interactive.net/index.php?PageID=5023

Sylvestre Munyalibanje has been accustomed to farming in the Rwandan district of Rutsiro, on the shores of Lake Kivu. But now, he's facing the end of an era. The 40-year-old father of six has had almost all his land expropriated as part of a government initiative to clear the surrounds of the lake to protect it from pollution. In all, 364 families comprising some 1,800 people who had previously been living or farming on the banks of Kivu left the area earlier this month.

Sudan: Climate change - only one cause among many for Darfur conflict

2007-06-29

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72985

Climate change may be one of the causes of the Darfur crisis, but to consider it the single root cause would obscure other important factors and could hamper the search for solutions, climate and conflict analysts say. A number of commentators, journalists and analysts have recently focused on competition for natural resources, increasingly scarce due to global warming, as the trigger of the conflict in western Sudan.

Sahel: Flood season starts but not where it should

2007-06-29

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72869

As seasonal rains start to fall across the Sahel, climatologists warn that the region is entering a cycle of unpredictable heavy rains that could destroy crops and leave thousands of people homeless. “It’s raining more now in the Sahel than it was in the 30 years before,” said Sylwia Trzaska, a climatologist at Colombia University’s International Research Institute for Climate and Society in New York.

Senegal: Ambitious solar power project threatened by mismanagement

2007-06-29

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72963

Poor planning, maintenance and technical support are amongst the factors threatening to undermine an ambitious effort to electrify Senegal’s remote Sine Saloum Delta using solar energy. Another major problem is people’s lack of willingness or ability to pay the fees for the photovoltaic systems.

Mozambique: First land confiscations

2007-06-28

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25909

In Mozambique, land policies are now put higher up on the agenda as provincial authorities in Maputo have started implementing national land tenure legislation. Maputo authorities have now followed up on a longstanding threat to cancel the land tenure rights of investors who fail to use the land allocated to them.

South Africa: Churches, NGOs criticise land reform hold-ups

2007-06-28

http://www.businessday.co.za/Articles/TarkArticle.aspx?ID=2861975

Faith- and community-based organisations say they are disappointed with the lack of progress in land reform as mapped out at the government’s National Land Summit two years ago and have urged the government to halt the evictions of people living on farms.

South Africa: Use state land to help reform - opposition

2007-06-29

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312702

One solution to South Africa's land-reform problem is to make available some of the "huge tracts" of state-owned land around the country, says Democratic Alliance (DA) leader Helen Zille. "This land is currently unproductive, under-utilised and under-resourced," she said in her weekly newsletter, published on the DA's SA Today website on Friday.

Lesotho: Journalist charged with treason

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312430

A regional chairperson of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (Misa), Thabo Thakalekola, was on Monday night released from jail in Maseru on R1 000 bail, following his arrest last Friday by the Lesotho mounted police on charges of treason.

Zambia: Minister threatens radio station

2007-06-28

http://africa.oneworld.net/article/view/150750/1/

Zambia's Information and Broadcasting Services Minister Mike Mlongoti threatened to revoke an operating license for Petauke Explorers, a local commercial radio station in Petauke district in the eastern province of Zambia for featuring the president of one of the leading political parties in an on-air paid for interview.

Global: Radio for Peacebuilding, Africa projects

2007-06-28

http://www.radiopeaceafrica.org/index.cfm?lang=en&context_id=1&context=about

Search for Common Ground's Radio for Peacebuilding, Africa project aims: to help sub-Saharan African radio broadcasters' develop their potential to have a constructive impact on conflicts of all kinds, to build on other successes to share lessons learnt with other radio professionals across the continent.In order to measure properly the impact of the project, we are conducting a baseline, attitudinal survey among sub-Saharan African broadcasters. Throughout the project (2004-2006), we will monitor its impact on the radio professionals -specifically on how it changes what they produce and broadcast, and how they produce it.

Swaziland: Journalists barred from hospitals

2007-06-28

http://www.afrol.com/articles/25910

Swaziland's Health Minister has barred journalists from hospital and banned hospital staff from talking to media, after Swazi media had exposed negligence in state health institutions. The Swazi press already suffers from heavy regulation and self-censorship.

Eritrea: Woman journalist employed by state TV held in military camp

2007-06-28

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/84446/

Fathia Khaled, a presenter on state-owned Eri-TV's Arabic-language service, was arrested earlier in June 2007 and taken to one of the country's detention centres, Reporters Without Borders has learned from several Eritrean sources. One of the sources said she may have been taken to the Sawa military camp in the northwest after being in touch with one or more persons who had fled across the border into Sudan on foot.

Mauritania: ARTICLE 19 publishes report on the state of freedom of expression

2007-06-28

http://tinyurl.com/2h78sc

In June 2006 and March 2007 ARTICLE 19 jointly organised two workshops with its partner AMDH. The aim of the workshops was to inform Mauritanian civil society groups on the African and international mechanisms in place for the protection on freedom of expression. These workshops were also an opportunity to research and assess the state of freedom of expression in the country.

Global: Ireland elects first black mayor

2007-06-29

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6251094.stm

A Nigerian man who arrived in Ireland as an asylum seeker seven years ago has become the country's first black mayor. Rotimi Adebari has been elected as first citizen of Portlaoise in County Laois. The 43-year-old fled from Nigeria in 2000 because of religious persecution. After a few weeks, he and his family settled in the County Laois town.

Global: The UK's child slaves

2007-06-28

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=312293

Betty was nine when her mother told her she would have to leave Nigeria and live with a family friend in the United Kingdom. The girl was sad to leave her five sisters and two brothers, but the family was poor, living in one room, taking turns to sleep on the only bed. In Britain, it seemed, Betty's life would at least be easier.

USA: Town Hall meeting - "Why Media Diversity Matters"

2007-06-29

http://www.civilrights.org/issues/communication/telecom-webcast.html

Join author, commentator, and talk show host Tavis Smiley, Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper, FCC Commissioner Michael Copps, LCCR President and CEO Wade Henderson, and other distinguished speakers for a one-of-a-kind event on the importance of media diversity to be held on June 29, 2007 at the Jack Morton Auditorium, George Washington University, 805 21st Street, NW, Washington, DC.

Côte d’Ivoire: Can the Ouagadougou agreement bring peace?

2007-06-28

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=4916&l=1

The peace agreement signed in Ouagadougou by Laurent Gbagbo and Guillaume Soro on 4 March 2007 is a major turning point in resolving Côte d’Ivoire’s armed conflict but is only a first step in the right direction. It is now essential that all Ivorians who want long-term peace work together to ensure the transitional government effectively delivers identity documents to all citizens, collects all weapons still held by militias, embarks on comprehensive security sector reform and provides a credible election process, says a new report by the International Crisis Group.

Sudan: UN concerned as violence escalates in Darfur

2007-06-27

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN750432.html

Murder, rape and abductions are on the rise in West Darfur state, the United Nations said on Wednesday, noting with concern that increased violence in the lawless Sudanese region had driven more people into camps. U.N. spokeswoman Radhia Achouri detailed reports of tribal killings, and militia and aerial attacks on villages.

CAR: On the brink of collapse?

2007-06-28

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=38327

The lives and well-being of hundreds of thousands of civilians are threatened by a rising tide of violence and lawlessness in Central African Republic (CAR), according to Amnesty International, which called Tuesday for the immediate deployment of U.N. peacekeeping force there.

East Africa: Who’s sawing off the Horn of Africa?

2007-06-28

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=6138

Upon concluding an extensive tour of the Horn of Africa, the UN’s Under Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Mr. B. Lynn Pascoe, recently told a press conference in Addis Ababa that, “What many long time observers are telling me is that this is the best opportunity for peace that Somalia has had in the past 16 years.” At the same time Ethiopia’s President, Meles Zenawi, is calling on the United Nations to step up its support for AMISOM, the AU peacekeeping force, and to consider the deployment of UN peacekeepers in Somalia.

CAR: Rebel defections may boost aid work in northwest

2007-06-28

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=72946

Two months after the government of the Central African Republic (CAR) concluded a peace agreement with a rebel group in the northeast, some fighters belonging to another insurgent group in the northwest have abandoned rebellion, sources said. The move, observers said, could boost ongoing efforts to resume humanitarian work in the volatile region where the killing of a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) worker on 11 June prompted agencies to suspend operations.

Africa: Telkom SA buys Africa Online

2007-06-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/42302

Telkom SA has bought Africa Online (AFOL), an Internet service provider for 125 million rands from the African Lakes Corporation. AFOL which offers dial-up, lease lines, VSAT and broadband services to both retail and corporate entities operates in eight African countries namely Kenya, Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Swaziland and Cote D'Ivoire. The company however has active affiliates in South Africa, Mozambique, Mauritania, Nigeria, Malawi, Senegal, Angola and Cameroon.
Highway Africa News Agency

Telkom SA has bought Africa Online (AFOL), an internet service provider for 125 million rands from the African Lakes Corporation. AFOL which offers dial-up, lease lines, VSAT and broadband services to both retail and corporate entities operates in eight African countries namely Kenya, Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Swaziland and Cote D'Ivoire. The company however has active affiliates in South Africa, Mozambique, Mauritania, Nigeria, Malawi, Senegal, Angola and Cameroon.

Telkom acquired AFOL for 125 million rand (20.1 million dollars) but the name of the company remains the same and its investment into AFOL is estimated at 6.8 million dollars.

Telkom says the acquisition falls in line with its ambitious Pan-African growth strategy.

AFOL-Ghana established in 1996 has an internet subscription share of 25 per cent with a presence in five of the ten regional capitals in the country.

The company upgraded its services recently to provide iburst under the infinet brand name last year for clients within the Accra-Tema metropolis and hopes to cover its challenges with the acquisition and experience from Telkom.

AFOL has had to deal with fierce global competition on cost leadership strategies, infrastructure underdevelopment and expensive bandwidth, increasingly demanding global oriented stakeholders (consumers, shareholders, staff and media), ever changing regulatory environment and rapid technological advancements with broadband preference.

Telkom has vast infrastructure and IP network among other experiences. Managers expect to boost the services of AFOL by developing innovative pricing and bundling options, bundling of broadband access and improve customer experience and satisfaction.

Growth strategies for the AFOL in 2007/08 includes expansion of network infrastructure, establish additional affiliates to increase associate presence across the African continent to about 39 countries , expand product range and invest in systems to improve service levels through greater network management capabilities.

AFOL hopes the acquisition will create greater brand awareness through visibility, ensure that company retains critical skills, make quick network expansion to drive opportunities and topline revenue, encourage innovation and aggressiveness about business opportunity.

The newly appointed Chief Executive Officer of AFOL, Mr John Joseph said during a speech in Accra, Ghana said part of AFOL's strategy is to optimize its network use so that their customers can benefit from the vast experience, modern and technological advances at Telkom SA.

"In South Africa alone, Telkom SA is investing over 30 billion rand over the next five years in network upgrade. In due course, I will be able to tell you what level of investment we will make in AFOL but I can assure you it will be significant and will greatly transform the company?s technology platform."

Global: World Information Society Report 2007

2007-06-28

http://www.itu.int/osg/spu/publications/worldinformationsociety/2007/report.html

The second edition of the World Information Society Report was released recently, and includes some interesting findings. The Report finds, for instance, that the digital divide is shrinking in most technologies, especially mobile telephony, but that limitations in the availability and affordability of broadband remain a cause for concern.

Seychelles: A Promise Kept?

2007-06-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/42300

The government of Seychelles shows its commitment to the use of ICTs in education despite simmering opposition to its tendering procedures. The first consignment of subsidized laptops promised to Seychellois teachers earlier this year was delivered this week. The 1500 Inspiron 1501 and 6400 Dell laptop computers are selling at only 25% of the local market price in order to popularise the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in education.
Highway Africa News Agency

The government of Seychelles shows its commitment to the use of ICTs in education despite simmering opposition to its tendering procedures. The first consignment of subsidized laptops promised to Seychellois teachers earlier this year was delivered this week. The 1500 Inspiron 1501 and 6400 Dell laptop computers are selling at only 25% of the local market price in order to popularise the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in education.
The scheme initiated by President James Michel, during the recent parliamentary election campaign provoked controversies, with critics questioning its tender procedures, the implication of some high government officials behind the sale and the availability of foreign exchange to finance the purchase. The minister of Education Bernard Shamlaye defended the scheme saying the teachers' positive response is proof of its popularity. He added that he was happy with the teachers' response to make themselves available for an opportunity. "In making it possible and affordable for teachers to acquire personal computers, the government is acknowledging the important work that teachers do," says the minister. The Dell's Regional Manager for Africa and the Indian Ocean Islands, Philippe Cahez, who was in the country to attend the handing over ceremony, described his company's partnership with Seychelles as the "beginning of a story which will continue in the months to come."

Uganda: Eighty schools to connect to the Internet

2007-06-28

http://www.africa-interactive.net/index.php?PageID=5010

Uganda's Communications Commission (UCC) is to spend a total of one million dollars (USD$1 million) to connect eighty secondary schools to the Internet. "We have worked with the ministry of education and sports and have selected eighty schools that would be connected in the next financial year," said the commission?s executive director Eng. Patrick Masambu.

Global: General call for IFS Research Grants

2007-06-28

http://www.ifs.se/Programme/granting_programme.asp

Applications for IFS Research Grants are welcome from young scientists in developing countries to do research on the sustainable management, use or conservation of biological or water resources. This broad statement covers natural science and social science research on agriculture, soils, animal production, food science, forestry, agroforestry, aquatic resources, natural products, water resources, etc. Applications are accepted all year and are to be made on an IFS Application Form.

Global: Postdoctoral Fellowship - Columbia University CDTR

2007-06-28

http://www.humanityinaction.org/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=535

The Center for the Study of Democracy, Toleration and Religion (CDTR) at the School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA) of Columbia University invites applications for a two-year appointment of a Postdoctoral Scholar to participate in the research and activities of the Center.

Angola: Project Administrator and CBO Trainer - Malteser International

2007-06-28

http://tinyurl.com/2ltynu

Malteser International, a Maltese relief agency, is looking for a Project Administrator and CBO Trainer to be based in Menongue, Angola. Profession: Administrator, Accountant, or any other profession with background in economics, accountancy, administration within NGOs. Malteser International has been active in Angola since 2002, especially in the area of emergency assistance and strengthening health care facilities in neglected regions of the post war country. Deadline for applications is 1 July 2007.

Ethiopia: Peacebuilding Advisor, ZOA Refugee Care

2007-06-28

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/res.nsf/db900SID/OCHA-74JKD6?OpenDocument&rc=1

ZOA Refugee Care is an international NGO operating in more than 10 countries worldwide. The Peace Building Advisor advises and supports the Head of Programmes of ZOA Ethiopia on all aspects of its Peace Building programme. He may also provide general advisory support to ZOA Ethiopia as requested by the Country Director. Deadline for applications is 1 August 2007.

Global: Program Manager, American Conference on Diversity

2007-06-28

http://tinyurl.com/yr2p6d

The American Conference on diversity mission is to work with leaders to create and enhance a society that embraces social justice for us all. The Program Manager is responsible for the development, implementation, and coordination of the American Conference on Diversity educational training programs and events through the organization's Youth Leadership Institute, ShopRite Center for Workplace Diversity and Community and Government Initiatives. This is a professional position requiring multiple skill sets including presentation skills, program development, marketing, events planning, and organization. Last day to apply: August 1, 2007.

Global: Researcher on DRC - Amnesty International

2007-06-28

http://web.amnesty.org/jobs/index/12062007-AFR0709

You will be required to conduct and co-ordinate research activities, take a lead in developing, implementing and communicating a research programme of human rights work including thematic areas. You will have proven research skills and knowledge of Central Africa, and in particular the Democratic Republic of Congo. You will be a dynamic and team oriented person with first hand experience of the region with awareness and understanding of its cultures.

Global: Senior Policy Analyst - Institute for European Environmental Policy

2007-06-28

http://www.ieep.eu/aboutieep/job_vac_19_06_07.php

The Institute for European Environmental Policy (IEEP) is looking for a an experienced researcher to join our five person Agriculture and Rural Development policy team, managing and contributing to a variety of projects and advisory work in this field. Currently the team is working on the issues surrounding the transition to a more sustainable agricultural policy model running up to the expected reform of the CAP before 2013. Deadline for applications is July 6, 2007.

Fahamu