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Kenya: Election violence against Kenyan women

2007-09-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/action/43291

It is election year in Kenya. Kenyan women running for electoral office face a barrage of tactics designed to intimidate and terrorize them into withdrawing. The tactics range from threats and verbal intimidation, to harassment and obstruction as they campaign, to brutal violence.
Dear Friends, Forgive my second mailing this month. This is an emergency.

It's election year in Kenya. Kenyan women running for electoral office face a barrage of tactics designed to intimidate and terrorize them into withdrawing. The tactics range from threats and verbal intimidation, to harassment and obstruction as they campaign, to brutal violence.

Last Friday, Flora Igoki Tera, Parliamentary Candidate for the North Imenti Constituency in the Meru district of Kenya, was attacked and tortured by a gang of 5 men, near her Meru home.

They choked her. Scored her wrists with thorns. Beat her with iron bars, dislodging a disc in her spine. Shaved and tore her hair from her head, mixed it with feces, stuffed it into her mouth, and forced her to swallow it.

All the while, they repeatedly warned her against running for the North Imenti seat in the forthcoming elections. Before this, Ms. Tera had suffered another assault, a few weeks ago, by unknown assailants who burned her knuckles with cigarettes.

Of 222 Members of Parliament in Kenya, only 18 are women.

WHAT YOU CAN DO RIGHT NOW (1)

Send just ONE EMAIL. To Flora Tera, cc'd to the Electoral Commission of Kenya, whose job it is to ensure peaceful, free and fair elections.

Here's how:

A) Press REPLY.

B) In the cc box, type, or copy and paste:
eck@nbnet.co.ke This is the email address of the Electoral Commission of Kenya.

Your email [SUGGESTED TEXT BELOW] will come to me. I will print it out and personally deliver it to Flora Tera, at the Gender Violence Recovery Unit of Nairobi Women's Hospital. These messages will be vital fuel for her healing and her courage, as she continues her campaign.

Your email will also go to the Electoral Commission of Kenya, putting international heat on them to take action.

Finally, I will forward the emails to John Michuki, Minister of Internal Security, here.
http://www.provincialadministration.go.ke/contact_us.php You can also post further messages at this site. The greater the volume of response, the better.

C) SUGGESTED TEXT [Feel free to substitute your own words, and add whatever else you'd like. But please include the info about groups cc'd and about the Electoral Commission of Kenya]:

Dear Ms. Tera, I want to express my deep outrage and sadness at the terrible attack you have suffered. Please know that you are not alone, and this atrocity will not go unchallenged. People around the world are sending you their support. [ADD YOUR OWN WORDS] I am a member of the following groups / international listserves / online communities / networks, to whom I have circulated this information, and appeal for justice. [LIST GROUPS] I have copied this email to the Electoral Commission of Kenya. We call upon Mr. Samuel Kiviutu, chair of the Commission, to allocate resources IMMEDIATELY to security for women candidates in the run-up to the elections.

We salute your courage, your political vision, and your determination to make a difference for the people of Kenya.

With heartfelt wishes for your recovery, Signed:
Organization or Affiliation:
City and Country:

(2)

Post this mailing on all groups / listserves / online communities you belong to, that are concerned with global human rights, peace and justice.

Thank you for listening. For being out there.

In community, Shailja
www.shailja.com

Vote for Pambazuka news

2007-09-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/43317

For the third year running, Pambazuka News has been selected as one of 25 finalists for the Top 10 Who Are Changing the World of Internet and Politics.

Pambazuka News is produced by a pan-African community of some 300 citizens and organisations – academics, policy makers, social activists, women’s organisations, civil society organisations, writers, artists, poets, bloggers, and commentators.

Winning this award would be a tribute to all the many contributors who have made Pambazuka News essential reading for all concerned with the cause of justice and freedom in Africa.

With your help, we could win this award. Please vote for us at:

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Pambazuka News – Changing the World of Internet and Politics

Pan Africanism and the Zimbabwe crisis

Why all Africans must stand up for universal equality, human rights and social justice

Rotimi Sankore

2007-09-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/43255

First, a statement of principles; Every African is obliged to stand up for equality, democracy, human rights and social justice - not just for ourselves as individuals or only in our villages, cities, countries and regions - but for all Africans across Africa regardless of gender, ethnicity, race, political or religious beliefs. These must be the bedrock of genuine Pan-Africanism. All of Africa's anti slavery, anti colonial and liberation struggles regardless of their shortcomings [and yes they had shortcomings] were based on these very principles and the concept of an Africa United for social and economic development is nothing but empty rhetoric if it is not based on them.

Consequently for any body genuinely concerned about the future of Africa there can be no politics of convenience. To be sure, the Zimbabwean crisis is not the only crisis in Africa, and this writer believes that all African's must engage any crisis that endangers the social and economic development of Africa on the basis of the above stated principles - be it in Darfur, DRC - or Zimbabwe.

However, the Zimbabwean crisis is arguably the only ongoing crisis in which one side (the incumbent government) and its supporters have mobilised African support and silenced many by asserting more or less that its critics are sympathisers, supporters or agents of foreign interests and former colonial masters. This has wrongly narrowed the framework of the debate on the Zimbabwean crisis into an oversimplified context of African nationalism and anti colonialism versus imperialism and colonialism. If the name of Africa is being invoked in justification of government policy then Africans must have a position on it. As we sometimes say, you can't call on your people, and not expect your people to call on you.

The above in turn underlines an outstanding feature of the crisis - that the current Zimbabwean government is based on the country's liberation movement - which was supported by the majority of Africans, people of African descent and anti colonialists universally against the undemocratic minority white Rhodesian regime of Ian Smith and its supporters. The Zimbabwean government has re-mobilised this historical support by positioning itself as continuing the liberation struggle to “reclaim our land”.

By framing issues in terms of: Are you for land reform or not? Are you for or against white farmers? Are you for or against colonialism? Are you for Africans or the colonialists? President Mugabe has posed in a more sophisticated way; the rhetorical statement so crudely articulated by George Bush that it eventually backfired - “you are either with us or with the enemy”.

Such “you are with us, or with the enemy” rhetoric regardless of the cause which claims to serve, its sophistication or crudeness is dangerous to human rights, to social justice and ultimately to Africa's development because it suggests that anything can be done in the name of defending 'us' against the alleged 'enemy' or even worse, that anything can be done to alleged 'enemies' in the name of defending 'us'. It also suggests that no wrong can be done in the name of fighting the alleged 'enemy' and ultimately that anything but unquestioning loyalty is betrayal.

The continuously evolving logic of such rhetoric is that the definition of enemy is elastic and 'they' [but not the government] can be held responsible for anything and everything that goes wrong. Any acceptance of such a political philosophy by either African citizens or leaders will stagnate intellectual progress in all fields and place Africa in a state of permanent backwardness.

We must make no mistake about it - all of human progress - in science, technology, the social sciences and politics, philosophy and the arts - is based on challenging and improving the status quo or building on previous 'standards'. Put simply, all of human progress is based on rigorous examination of existing conventional wisdoms and on dissent. Every African and in this case every Zimbabwean must therefore have, and exercise the rights to freedom of opinion, expression, association and assembly without fear of, or actually being beaten senseless, incarcerated or killed. A situation in which people face potential sanctions for not toeing the official line - are assaulted by 'law enforcement' agents merely for singing and dancing [to anti government songs], women are detained for peaceful protests, passports are seized and lawyers are beaten for representing clients is absolutely unacceptable. If it was wrong for minority white regimes to have such policy and practice, it is even more wrong for a black majority government based on a liberation movement to do the same.

Africans cannot accept any policies from people on whose behalf we protested when the same treatment was meted out to them. All Africans must therefore stand firm against any idea that being in 'opposition' means people are not human, or that they are human but don't have human rights. It's a question of principle. All political parties must be aware of the possibility that they will not always be in power - including ZANU-PF. Then they will expect their rights to be defended.

If the state of social and economic development is a key indicator of the state of affairs in a country, a no less important indicator lies in the possibility that all citizens can criticise their government and its policies, offer alternate opinions and ultimately change their government by civil means if that is the wish of the majority. No government - not even the governments of or leaders of liberation movements can arrogate to themselves perpetual wisdom and power.

People can debate indefinitely whether or not the Zimbabwean crisis is as a result of poor government policies, or has been provoked by sanctions and dirty tricks campaigns by 'colonialists' or both. What there is no debate about is that there is a political crisis linked to the apparently indefinite stay in power of President Mugabe. There is absolutely nothing anti Mugabe about anyone wondering if after 20 years as President another Zimbabwean out of its over 12 million citizens - whether from his party or any opposition party - cannot be elected to lead the country.

In Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia and other countries leaders of liberation or anti-colonial movement governments have stepped down and are still living - Mandela, Kaunda, Chissano, Nujoma, Mkapa and the list is growing. In Ghana and Zambia where the last African Union and SADC summits respectively held and the Mugabe government made it a point to mobilise its supporters there have been successful changes of the party of government in 2000 and 1991 respectively without the roof caving in on those countries. 20 years is enough for any President to make contributions to the progress of his or her country. Nobody needs foreign governments to tell us that. On the whole African democracy is not perfect but on the balance it is heading in the right direction. Zimbabwe cannot be an exception to this progressive trend.

The African Union under the stewardship of Chairperson Konaré (himself a former leader of Mali that also led by example) has come a long way from the OAU and it must underline this point. It is a sign of progress that the AU leadership and many member governments have so far agreed with African rights campaigners that leaders of countries with unresolved rights and governance issues cannot Chair the AU unlike the days when even the worst of despots like Idi Amin could Chair the former OAU with impunity. The AU and SADC must continue in the spirit of the AU constitutive Acts, SADC Declaration and other key principles and discourage the idea that African leaders must stay in power indefinitely so as to avoid defeat by colonialists. The colonialists have essentially been defeated. That is why the country is called Zimbabwe not Rhodesia, and President Mugabe not Ian Smith has been President for 20 years.

Yes some foreign interests will continue to meddle in Africa, whether directly or through proxies - this happens in almost all parts of the world. But the future of Africa is now in the hands of Africans. Our governments can therefore not adopt the same repressive policies of the colonialists in the name of continuing the fight against them. It is important to emphasise that democracy is imperfect universally and also that the pendulum of power often swings from one end to the other between ideologies, parties, and factions within parties. Parties also evolve and change and what they stand for today may not be what they stood for yesterday or will stand for tomorrow. For example, the world watched in disbelief during the 2000 Bush versus Gore election fiasco in the United States which were it to have happened in Africa under the same circumstances would have been described as “typically African”.

In the spirit of parliamentary democracy with no term limits, former Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher whom presided over the last days of the Rhodesian regime and whom regarded the ANC in South Africa as a 'terrorists' was tempted to go on indefinitely after 11 years as UK Prime Minister until hounded out in tears by anti poll tax mass protests and her own party. Most recently former Labour leader Tony Blair under pressure from his own party and the public barely managed to negotiate a dignified exit after 10 years in office.

In Latin America where some governments would consider themselves as liberation type governments, Daniel Ortega and the Sandinistas for instance lost elections in 1990 to openly foreign backed Contra's after coming to power in 1979 on the back of a popular rebellion that overthrew the Somoza dynasty. By the 2006 the Sandinistas had been voted back into power. How may people looking at US politics today would realise that founders of the Republican party in 1854 included anti-slavery activists and that the Democrats now heavily supported by African Americans once benefited handsomely from slave owners. The point here is that majority of African countries have been independent for only between 13 and 50 years and Africans must take a longer-term view of political history.

If despite obviously democratic imperfections many African and non African countries have managed to change leaders and parties of governments without the world coming to an end, there is no reason why it is impossible for Zimbabwe to have a future without President Mugabe in power, or for President Mugabe to live without being in power. Even Ian Smith leader of the Rhodesian government that committed countless atrocities against Africans and swore that Black majority rule would never happen has lived in post colonial Zimbabwe - and is now a grand old man of 88.

There is nothing personal about upholding democracy; the interests of the citizens of a country must always come before that of the leadership of any government. The above underlines the fact that people can also debate without end about whether the Zimbabwean economy is collapsing, has already collapsed, or will never collapse. The fact is that an estimated three million [undoubtedly very Black] Zimbabweans have fled the country with many living as refugees in neighbouring countries. They must be running from something. We now face the debacle of armed racist farmers on the South African Zimbabwe border fulfilling their racist fantasy by being presented with opportunities to hunt down and round up Zimbabweans fleeing across the border in the name of defending South Africa from invading “illegal foreign criminals”. Even if the present Zimbabwean government claims it bears absolutely no responsibility and that drought, withdrawal of credit lines, sanctions or even the cycle of boom and bust that has caused recessions even in advanced industrial economies is responsible for the economic misery, the fact is that it is almost impossible to offer alternatives without being “bashed”.

No one but the government can be blamed for the rash of legislation that has no other role than to contain, intimidate or suppress criticism and peaceful opposition. The laws and policies speak for themselves “Public Order and Security Act”, “Interception of Communications Act” and so forth. How many people demanding uncritical loyalty for the Zimbabwean government would happily live under laws which its just a question of a matter of time before anyone becomes an arbitrarily victim. It makes no difference if the foot in the boot kicking you and your rights into a dungeon is Black or White. A kick is a kick.

'Sanctions' cannot be blamed for everything. By way of comparison Cuba a country of similar population and even greater anti-imperialist zeal has faced well-documented and comprehensive blockades, sanctions and invasions [not to mention numerous assassination attempts against its leadership] by “foreign interests” over a greater 40-year period and on a scale far surpassing anything Zimbabwe will ever experience. Despite obvious democratic deficits, the Cuban government has won grudging admiration of even its critics because healthy life expectancy in Cuba - at 67 and 70 years respectively for men and women respectively - has risen and been sustained at a level equivalent to and in some cases higher than in the most advanced industrial countries. In Zimbabwe current healthy life expectancy has sunk to 34 years and 33 years respectively for men and women, also making Zimbabwe one of the countries in the world where men are expected to live longer than women.

This is not an endorsement of any section of, or all of the opposition, or even of hypocritical foreign policy from some countries - but rather of the right of all citizens including the political opposition to exist without fear of repression. Just as we know that being a liberation fighter does not guarantee that anyone will be the best possible leader in government, we all know that being an 'opposition' movement or leader is not a guarantee that anybody will do better than those they seek to replace. Regardless, one of the indisputable conditions for the development of Africa is that the principles and culture of democracy must be institutionalised. No one should insult the memory of countless Africans murdered by colonial settlers to facilitate stealing of their land by suggesting repressive laws are necessary to implement or defend land reform. Without doubt land reform is a necessary part of social justice for Africans, but it must be judicious, equitable and transparent land reform based on respect for human rights and the rule of law - not land reform used as a political cudgel to 'bash' all critical voices.

I have heard some people argue that the 'enemies' of Africa now crying about human rights did not burden their conscience with such luxuries when benefiting from 400 years of industrial scale slavery, colonialism and brutal exploitation of Africa and its peoples. In other words, that 'white farmers' deserve some of their own medicine. Not only does such thinking reduce African's to the moral bankruptcy of colonialists, it also fails to understand that it risks granting unlimited and indefinite power to Africa's actual and imaginary liberators such that we may all end up be shackled by them. Africa's liberation movements drew their moral strength from the fact that on the balance, they fought for social justice, human rights, equality and democracy - for all - not for card-carrying members of ruling parties.

The philosophical algebra of this equation is that there should be no expectations that these principles can be discarded as inconvenient while still counting on the unwavering support of all Africans. Africans must therefore unite for social justice and human rights across Africa - including in Zimbabwe. Some people also think that because of either real or imagined 'western' hypocrisy we must always give unconditional loyalty to the Mugabe or any government that claims to be defending Africa against 'imperialism'.

The hypocrisy may be real but our primary concern must be the welfare of Africans, not whether President Bush as part of his politics of convenience - supports the Musharraf military regime in Pakistan which was suspended from the Commonwealth in 1999 for overthrowing an elected government (while simultaneously passing the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Act), or even whether some of the western media engage in 'colonial mentality' reporting which fulfils negative stereotypes of Africa. Our health care system, education, food and overall social justice and development must come first. It is impossible to build on development achievements if everyone must agree with official policy. Regardless of party affiliation nobody's stomach is neutral on the question of hunger. No disease asks for your party card.

While all Africans with any dignity must remain firmly anti-colonial and anti-racist, we must also view with scepticism any blanket anti-western and anti-white rhetoric. Not withstanding that some foreign governments described the ANC and other liberation movements as “communists” and “terrorists” or both, while simultaneously supporting bandit governments such as the Mobutu regime, Africa's anti colonial and liberation movements were supported by millions across the world including from the West. Even some governments such as the Swedish were proud supporters of liberation movements and post independence governments long before it became fashionable to do so.

President Mugabe is a former teacher and one of Africa's most educated and experienced leaders. After over 2 decades in power, he does not really need anyone to tell him that it is not only possible to be in office without being in power; it is also possible to be in power without moral authority. Once any leader anywhere gets to that point it is irrelevant what you claim to stand for. What will become relevant is that you did not stand down when you should have done so - of your own free will - and in the best interests of your people.

*Sankore is a Pan-Africanist and Human Rights Campaigner.

*Comments and responses to editor@pambazuka.org <mailto:editor@pambazuka.org>, or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>

Agrofuels - ‘New Revolution’ or another scramble for Africa?

Trusha Reddy

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/43272

Africa appears to plunge from one corporate nightmare to another. Just as we begin to come to terms with the colonially-sponsored corporate conquest of our oil resources, along comes a new wave of 'green' companies turning fertile African lands to Northern 'gold'. Senegalese president and agrofuel promoter Abdoulaye Wade has called this 'a new revolution in Africa'. Others have likened it to 'the new scramble for Africa'.

The first impression of the global agrofuel movement was that of a 'win-win' scenario. The rationale offered by the global North was the reasonable sounding desire to minimize dependence on traditional fuel sources such as oil and coal by investing in renewable energy source from plants. This, the argument continued, will ensure that carbon contained in fossil fuels remains safely stored in the earth, thereby reducing the impact to the earth's climate. Furthermore, fuel crops grown are supposed to provide a 'carbon sink' by capturing and storing carbon dioxide and assisting with balancing concentrations of the gas in the atmosphere. The global South was promised that agrofuel would lead to climate-related benefits and an increase in revenue derived from selling the crops to growing green markets. New evidence has, however, challenged each of these presumptions. In the face of reckless new targets, large-scale land conversion for energy crops, increasing food prices and damning scientific reports, government's actions are increasingly being labeled by environmentalists as fraudulent.

A recent study published by the Africa Biodiversity Network (ABN) provides compelling evidence from Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Benin that the misguided scramble for projects could lead to an environmental and humanitarian disaster on the continent. For instance, Timothy Byakola reports that a plan is underway to convert a third of Uganda's prime rainforest reserve, Mabira Forest, into agricultural land on which sugarcane will be planted for ethanol production. According to Byakola, President Yoweri Museveni has vociferously supported this controversial project, ignoring community opposition to it. The consequences of the deforestation of 7,100 hectares of one of the key water catchment sources for the Nile River and Lake Victoria, and the implications for the communities around Mabira which depend on the forest as a source of livelihood, are potentially enormous.

All the other countries in the study report similar situations in which large tracts of arable land are being sold off to the highest bidders with little regard for the repercussions on local populations livelihoods and food security. Furthermore, an environmentalist from Ethiopia reports that there are plans to introduce the new 'wonder' plant, Jatropha, which will be grown as an agrofuel in fertile lands. Apart from emerging criticism about use of the plant as an agrofuel, this is controversial because Jatropha was promoted precisely because it is a hardy plant that could grow in drier lands and minimize use of the arable land that is needed by local populations.

The ABN report also indicates that there is a lack of engagement within the countries studied on the potential impact on rural communities and on food security. In South Africa, however, the draft strategy on biofuels/agrofuels has been vigorously opposed by a variety of stakeholders who fear that rural communities will be compelled to bequeath their lands over to industrial producers of oilseed rape, maize and soy. The government is currently revising the strategy and it is due for comment again in June next year.

As with carbon trading, the agrofuels issue brings climate justice questions to the fore. In 2004 climate change activist George Monbiot warned that rising demand for biofuels will result in competition for food between cars and people. 'The people would necessarily lose: those who can afford to drive are, by definition, richer than those who are in danger of starvation.' He goes on to argue that the reason Northern governments are enthusiastic is because they don't want to upset car drivers. He argues that biofuels 'appear to reduce the amount of carbon from our cars, without requiring new taxes. It's an illusion sustained by the fact that only the emissions produced at home count towards our national total.' In the latest UK budget announced in June, the tax rebate on biofuels was extended. From March 2008 all suppliers in the UK will have to ensure that 2.5% of the fuel they sell is derived from plants. Failure to do so will result in the imposition of a penalty of 15p (USD.30) per litre sold. The quota is set to increase to 5% in 2010 and by 2050 the government hopes that 33% of fuel will come from crops. The US is setting similar targets. In response to such moves, both Monbiot and the organization Friends of the Earth have called on governments to halt support of agrofuels. In a recent press release Friends of the Earth argue that 'more attention should be focused on reducing energy demand and improving vehicle efficiency, as this will cost less than subsidizing inefficient new sources of supply like agrofuels.' But this will be difficult to achieve with the market growing as it is. According to US research consultancy Clean Edge, the global market for agrofuels is set to grow from $20.5 billion in 2006 to $80.9 billion by 2016. Recent media reports in the South African press suggest that investors in Africa have already pledged billions of dollars for production plants that will derive bioethanol and biodiesel from crops like sugar, maize and soy in Africa. Talk in the North is already focusing on imposing guidelines to mitigate the problems that arise from agrofuels. Ultimately, the challenge for Africa will be to map its own path for sustainable development and not to be swept away by the current wave of potentially ill-conceived 'green' schemes.

* This article first appeared in ISS Today on 13th September 2007. <http://www.issafrica.org/index.php?link_id=5&slink_id=4976&link_type=12&slink_type=5&tmpl_id=3>

* Trusha Reddy, Researcher: Corruption and Governance Programme, ISS Cape Town

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org <mailto:editor@pambazuka.org> or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>

Biofuels and Africa

Mark J. Sorbara

2007-09-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/43257

Like the I-phone of the consumer telecommunications industry, Biofuels are the most talked about and most anticipated development in the energy sector. The increased attention on the production and development of Biofuels can be attributed to an international convergence of ecological, political, economic and social factors. Biofuels are not new, they have been used since World War II, but the recent biofuel-convergence has led to a boom in investment; over the past three years alone venture capital investment in Biofuels increased 800%. Moreover, the International Energy Agency predicts that biofuel production would double by 2011.

Biofuels help reduce carbon monoxide emissions, can replace the lead addictives used to increase the octane levels of gasoline and are sulfur free. The two most widely used Biofuels today are ethanol and biodeisel. Ethanol is basically an alcohol derived from the fermentation sugarcane or maize and can be used by itself or blended with petroleum. Biodiesel on the other hand is derived from rapeseed, soybean, jatropha, palm oil and other vegetable oils and can be used directly in diesel engines or blended as well.

Africa is usually last on the list of receiving cutting edge technological investments but in the case of Biofuels, Africa is leading the charge.

Africa

Africa increased ethanol production from 100 million gallons in 2006 to already over 160 million gallons in 2007. The Mozambique Petroleum Company (Petromoc) is partnering with Brazil based INM International to raise over $400 million to invest in biofuel production. In October, fuel stations in Addis Ababa will begin to sell blended fuel, of which 5% will be ethanol. British based Sun Biofuels Plc has invested $20 million in a 9,000 hectare jatropha biofuel project in Tanzania. In Zambia BP is keen to invest in the emerging Biofuels industry and two other companies have already invested 200 million in the sector, according to the Government. The Indian Government has given $250 million to the West African Development Bank for investment in biofuel production and Nigeria plans to build over two dozen ethanol plants with assistance from Brazil by 2010. As Rachel Slater of the Overseas Development Institute has suggested “Africa's biomass production potential is five times higher then that of the UK” and “massive potential is coming out of South Africa”.

South Africa

South Africa's gasoline consumption accounts for 80% of the entire southern Africa region hence is will be a key entrepôt for the development of Biofuels in Africa. South Africa's Biofuels strategy hopes to achieve a market penetration of 4.5% of liquid road transport fuels by 2013.

Ethanol Africa planes to open eight maize supplied ethanol plants in South Africa; the first has already been commissioned in Bothaville and the last will be commissioned in 2012. According to Ethanol Africa, the typical Bothaville style plant “will displace 987,500 barrels of oil. At a price of $70/bb, this equates to about R500 million and of wealth that will not leave the country”. South Africa has great potential for energy crop production such as maize because of the large tracks of arable land and suitable climate, but it is not all good news.

According to Mathabo Le Roux writing in Business Day; in South Africa only 10% of the land is irrigated yet it takes up 65% of total water use, so any increase in large scale maize production would affect South Africa's water supply. Moreover, the head of South Africa's Central Bank Tito Mboweni, questioned the wisdom of using maize as the main feedstock for ethanol production in South Africa “That's a doubt in our case because we suddenly have a shortage of maize … also pushing the food prices because or production of ethanol from maize.” There is an overall fear that the increased use of maize based ethanol feedstock will cause a price increase; putting maize beyond the reach of Sub-Saharan Africa's poor, but as Slater suggests “the world maize price does not correlate well with local prices especially in SSA”. For example, according to the United Nations Integrated regional Information Network “South African maize prices have stayed near R600 ($85) per tonne, but in March 2007 increased to R2,000 ($285), still less then the world price of R2,500 ($352).” Although there is a difference between international and South African maize prices, this does not discount the food price inflation.

The Regional Hunger and Vulnerability Program suggested that “In the 12 months between January 2006 and January 2007, the food costs of very poor rural dwellers rose by 9.6% and the very poor urban dwellers by 8.3%. Foodstuffs linked to biofuel production rose by 10.7% (grain), 11.8% (oils) and 12.8% (sugar) in rural areas.” Africa is not alone in dealing with the affects of increase biofuel production.

United States

The US government wants to reduce gasoline demand by 20% by 2010 and biofuel use is a key strategy for achieving the goal. Since 2001 the amount of maize used to produce ethanol has increase 300%. According to the Regional Hunger and Vulnerability Program there are presently 78 biofuel refineries under construction; but biofuel production is not the panacea for an environmentally friendly energy consumption strategy for future.

Professor M.A Altieri estimates that dedicating all USA corn and soybean production to biofuel production would only meet 12% of gasoline and 6% of US diesel demand. Moreover, Cornell University professor in the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences David Pimentel, states that “The average U.S. automobile, traveling 10,000 miles a year on pure ethanol (not a gasoline-ethanol mix) would need about 852 gallons of the corn-based fuel. This would take 11 acres to grow, based on net ethanol production. This is the same amount of cropland required to feed seven Americans.” The Other Factors There are other factors at play in the debate about Biofuels such as the refining process. Ethanol attracts water much easier then petroleum therefore the same infrastructure used by petrol refineries cannot be used. Hence Biofuels are usually blended near the end of the supply chain. This means that for Biofuels to become widely available a well developed and efficient downstream petroleum sector must exist which may not be the case in many Sub-Saharan African countries.

The environmental questions cannot be ignores either. Although Biofuels produce less carbon monoxide emissions, replace the lead addictives and are sulfur free, there is a loss in fuel economy. According to F. William Engdahl, ethanol contains at least 30% less energy per gallon then normal gasoline translating into a fuel economy loss of 25% per gallon. Food security is the most controversial issue in the biofuel development debate. In short it is the idea of “food versus fuel” or the competition between the world's one billion drivers and the world's two billion poor. As Slater suggests “filling a petrol tank of a Range Rover will require enough grain to feed one person for one year”.

As the cost per barrel of oil increases the demand for alternative energy source will increase; and biofuel development from crops such as maize, soybeans and sugar are seen as a viable solution. Hence a situation is rapidly developing whereby the price inflation of the world's key food crops will be pegged to the price of oil, and because Biofuels will continue to be an insignificant source of energy when compare to diesel or gasoline we can expect a continue increase in food prices for the foreseeable future, as biofuel refineries absorb the world's surplus grain production.

This year increased maize demand for ethanol was partly to blame for the increase in price of Mexico's basic food: corn flour. In February 2007 thousands of Mexicans marched in Mexico City to protest the 400% increase in Tortilla prices. The key cost in ethanol production is the price of feedstock such as maize and sugar; hence there will be a move towards economies of scale to improve margins and yields which will favour large scale farmers over small growers, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Moreover, large scale maize and sugar farming will lead increased use of water, fertilizer, chemical, pesticides and petroleum which may adversely impact production systems, fertility and biodiversity. Hence what really needs to happen is that we must find a cheap, non-food crop or waste product that is easier to turn into biofuel and blends well with petroleum or diesel.

Conclusion

There remains ample room for debate on the future of Biofuels, especially in relation to Africa. If we look at what is happening in Africa with a historical understanding it is clear that Africa is entering yet another cash crop boom, except this time it is not tea, coffee or cocoa, but maize - food! If selling tea, coffee and Cocoa for the past 50 years has not lifted Africa out of the development quagmire how will placing her food at mercy of commodity traders in Chicago, New York and London be any different?

* Mark J. Sorbara is a freelance writer and researcher on Africa issue. www.marksorbara.com
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org <mailto:editor@pambazuka.org> or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>

To realize Pan Africanism in Uganda, the Elite have to lead the Struggle

Doreen Lwanga

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/43264

Mukoma Wa Ngugi's Article on Political activism (Pambazuka News, Thursday 2 August 2007), which I very much enjoyed reading, reminded me to put my fingers down and share observations from my recent visit to Uganda. In fact it fits very well into Wa Ngugi's observations about the struggle to communicate and realize Pan Africanism for peoples of Africa. I agree for the most part with his argument, that Pan Africanism cannot be left to the elites but should be a people's struggle. However, the case he cites of Cuba and another not mentioned of Tanzania, shows that the elite took the high road of forging national unity among their people higher success. Therefore, I believe the same strategy should be adopted for most of Africa and particularly, my country-Uganda.

First, my disclaimer is that not all African political leaders and elites are doing enough to promote the spirit of Pan Africanism and national unity similar to Fidel Castro or Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Many of our leaders are in political leadership for their own ideology or their satisfaction, and that partly explains why none of the 53 heads of states could agree to United States of Africa at the recent Accra Summit. However, nor are Africa “people organizations” and ordinary people doing a lot to realize the dream of African unity. In fact there are more Afro-pessimists about African unity than are Afro-optimists, as if this is a new invention. Many Africans move further away from Pan Africanism once they become richer and more exposed to the world outside their own.

In Uganda where I am from, success is measured in terms of who has the most exposure to foreign (read western) culture, material goods or lifestyle. Value is placed on who can purchase the latest Germany Mercedes Benz, the latest Swedish Nokia phone, American jeans, Japanese electronic or who speaks with an American, British accent or French. It is not uncommon to listen to newsreaders imitating a “British Accent” on Uganda airwaves. Little is celebrated of those people in the local manufacturing industries who produce cooking ware, car engines, household equipment, storage containers and farm tools. Little is celebrated of national sports, as most Ugandans associate with European sports clubs. For instance, there are more supporters of England's Manchester United football team in Uganda than are supporters of the national football team, the Uganda Cranes. In fact many Ugandans are quick to purchase Manchester United T-shirts but would not donate a shilling to promote national sports. If you quickly surveyed the Uganda public on their favourite football team, very few people would claim the Uganda Cranes as their favourite team. Ugandans love to consume what they do not produce, and despair what they produce. I returned to Uganda recently after seven years when I left to work and study in South Africa and the United States. Throughout this time, people have told me of the changes in Kampala, and many said I would not recognize the city when I returned. That was partly true because there were more new and celebrated Ugandan musicians, actors and fashion designers than seven years ago. I was amazed that Uganda music has replaced Congolese music as the dominant entertainment on national airwaves, clubs and discotheques. I saw more shops selling African fabric and more Ugandans (particularly women) wearing African clothes, as opposed to the pre-dominant European attire. Of course the European suit and tie is still very popular among men and European skirt and jacket for young professional women. Indeed, there were more designers of African fashion, more enterprising young people in business and more positive outlook on life. However, many of these new developments lack an element of originality or indigeneity and/or are carbon copies of foreign products. For instance, many of the Uganda musicians tend to copy the dressing, dancing and singing style of African American. I am not saying there is anything wrong with African Americans. I am wondering why Ugandans musicians do not promote a “Uganda brand” as a national identity, and strategy for global marketing and competition? It is more likely to find Ugandan entrepreneurs branding their businesses with Europeans names or Europeans cities. For instances, there is an enterprising Ugandan who is one of the pioneers of world-class private boarding secondary schools in the country. His school has branches established across the central region with names such as London College and Paris Campus. One wonders why he didn't continue with the initial naming of branches based on location, such as Kabaka's Lake Campus? Of course the other concern that comes to mind is the kind of identity this school principal is trying to create in these students. Is high-class education only comparable to London or Paris not Uganda? Should these students look toward further education in London or Paris, instead of investing in a higher education in Uganda and participate in national building?

Even Uganda fashion designers feel that tagging western labels onto their products would increase their sales? I went into a store owned by one of the most celebrated Uganda fashion designer to see her “Ugandan brand”. Instead, what I saw were clothes familiar to me from New York City stores and on European fashion runways. I wondered if the 'designer' had not sewed on her own logo on clothes purchased in New York? If not, why did she have to copy New York and European fashion? I am being too hard on her, when it is possible that New York and Europe copied her creations? It was hard for me to buy that reasoning because when I went to another store selling African prints with my mother to buy an African print shirt for my brother, the tailor had sewed on “Calvin Klein” labels. I asked her if Calvin Klein would sew on his clothes “Ugandan” or “Nalwoga” (a random name for a Muganda). She felt that I was insulting her while my mother said I was so “Westernized” in my behaviour. Personally, I thought that I was carrying my Pan African torch by questioning the mentality in Uganda that tends to assume that everything Europeans (read white) is what sells.

Around the same time, I attended another event that made me mad about Ugandans obsessions with the Western hemisphere. It was the unveiling of contestants for the 2007 Miss Uganda beauty pageant contestants at the Kampala Serena International Conference Centre. Contestants were asked questions regarding their dreams, hobbies and their role models. Out of the 27 girls, only two or three mentioned Uganda role models. The rest mentioned personalities mainly in the United States, such as Oprah Winfrey, Bill Clinton and Michael Jackson. One contestant went as far to state that her dream was to become that first female president of the United States! Did she know it was Ms. Uganda beauty pageant!

Then again, one cannot blame the entrepreneurs, artists or beauty queens from despising the Uganda brand when the heads of state do not serve by example. When our President's family wants to give birth, a presidential jet flies her to Germany because they do not trust Uganda hospitals. The President does not trust Uganda doctors, even though Uganda-trained medical professionals are sought after the world over. The rich send their children Europe or North America for higher education, instead of investing in Uganda's cheaper and world-class public universities. These destinations are also favoured for shopping and vacation by many “well-to-do” Ugandans, even before they visit a neighbouring African country. Now there is a new trend of Ugandan women flying to the United States to have their babies, so that their children become US Citizens and benefit of the riches of this world”! This behaviour does not convince me that our first priority as Ugandans and Africans is pan-Africanism. We do not invest in the beauty of ourselves, exploring our own surroundings and building our continent before we enrich those economies that we worked so hard to build as slaves. We cannot put our roads, garbage disposal and utilities to proper public consumption yet we are quick to feed the pockets of European and American markets. Uganda's President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is a highly known public proponent of regionalism, yet the main trade route between Uganda and Kenya via Busia border is full of potholes on either side. In the US, which we Ugandans love to imitate so much, “the-haves” rich do not make a name by consuming Ugandan products. They donate to their Alma meters or to non-profit institutions where they can have their names erected on building and held in memorabilia. Conversely, Ugandans prefer to make a name by spending holidays in the west (even in winter), imitating western accents or clamouring for US passports. Should I be surprised that I am despised at most African immigration points I go through with my Ugandan passport while holders of Europeans or North Americans passports go through with ease, most often without visa? So, Wa Ngugi needs to convince me that surely, the people will lead the Pan African struggle and we do not need strong political leaders to steer the wheel.

* Doreen Lwanga is African Scholar, Researcher and Activist working in the areas of Pan-Africanism, African security, and Higher education in Africa.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org <mailto:editor@pambazuka.org> or comment online at <http://www.pambazuka.org/>

What's up, Namibia?

Henning Melber

2007-09-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/43256

The internationally renowned African scholar Mahmood Mamdani is said to hold the view that the only feature of post-colonialism he is aware of is the post office. He tries to suggest that true Independence as liberation from the structures, contents and ideologies of the colonial era remains a remote goal.

Decolonisation was more so a hand-over of formal political power, while social structures and hierarchies - as well as mindsets - remained largely intact.

Little has changed in terms of a shift in power relations or alternative concepts of power. This includes the political sphere with regard to the character of political dominance. Looking back at the 17 years since Namibia's formal Independence one is tempted to agree with Mamdani's sobering conclusion.
As if to make a point, the current political culture is a far cry from the liberating gospel originally preached. Not that there was - realistically and in retrospective - much to be expected (although we did). After all, more than a century of colonial occupation took its toll. Apartheid was anything but a fertile ground to socialize democrats and to allow for the internalization of fundamental respect for human rights and differing opinions. Nor was the authoritarian organization of the exile situation under the liberation movement Swapo an alternative to repressive control.

The movement's recognition as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people by the General Assembly of the United Nations in the mid-1970s was a celebrated diplomatic victory in our ranks and within the supporting solidarity movement. What we then did not realize: it was also a very undemocratic notion, based on exclusion. It handed over the sole power of definition of legitimate Namibian identity to the leadership of one (admittedly by far most relevant) among several organizations. Those not members or followers of Swapo were not entitled to any representation to shape the guiding principles leading into Namibian nationhood.

Despite a constitutional framework, which laid the foundation for a pluralist, human rights oriented and democratic society (as a result also of the international - meaning Western - desire to control and limit social change), Namibia since then became neither more tolerant nor more democratic. Nor did the majority of the formerly colonized population reap any meaningful material benefits from the shift in political power (forget about the fat cats). Poverty remained chronic, so did other forms of destitution. Violence against women and children has abhorrent dimensions, and the self-enrichment by members of the new elite seems to have no limit. Educational services and health provisions deteriorate, and Namibia's rank in international standardized surveys (as problematic and dubious as some of these might be) did not improve. Instead, we are campaigning for a status as an “as if Least Developed Country (LDC)”. What a shame.

Namibia started under a United Nations supervised transition to a sovereign state as the darling of the international community. In the meantime it has become - in the words of Joe Diescho - just another African country; which, of course, it is. The way Diescho uses the image, plays with the existing Eurocentric stereotypes, that this is nothing to be proud of. But did we not have the opportunity to build a society offering reasons for pride, self-respect and confidence as an African country, which used its opportunity to present evidence that this is nothing to be ashamed of or associated with negative stereotypes?

The honeymoon is long over. Hardly noticed, all Nordic states - once the pioneers among the Western countries, which supported Swapo and the Namibian people for the right to self-determination - have reduced diplomatic representation below the rank of ambassadors or even closed their embassies. Their bilateral development cooperation is shrinking continuously. Norway has withdrawn years ago, and Sweden will be closing its offices next year. Finland's ambassador - who dared to publicly share criticism over the government's dubious priorities to engage in a war in the Congo instead of reducing poverty at home - was requested a decade into Independence not to return from his annual leave at home. He was never replaced on an ambassadorial level, nor was the Swedish ambassador whose term ended shortly afterwards. The government seemed not to be bothered by such visible loss of legitimacy among these good friends. Instead, other alliances were consolidated with countries such as Zimbabwe, China, North Korea, Russia and other states hardly known as welfare societies or for their democratic achievements.

Looking at the hype of the last few weeks and months, one has no reasons for optimism. John Makumbe, who was denied to deliver his lecture on Zimbabwe as originally announced on the campus of UNAM, sees the writing on the wall. Let's hope he is wrong. Students only a few weeks earlier felt a need to demonstrate in support of the University's chancellor and Founding Father of the Republic in a political and legal dispute not related to the university at all. Sadly enough, they did not come out as forcefully to defend academic freedom, which was so blatantly violated by the same person, when intervening to prevent the internationally well known Zimbabwean academic from presenting his lecture, thereby making a mockery of the country's highest research and teaching institution's autonomy.

Interesting too is that almost everyone - despite controversial views - seems to accept that the NSHR submission to the ICC touches upon the (undefined) notion of national reconciliation. It does not. It seeks to hold high-ranking office bearers in the former liberation movement accountable for human rights violations within its own ranks. This addresses issues of internal oppression against own members, including rape, torture, execution and murder by neglect. That some among the many victims were suspected to be spies is not the point.

The point is, that many were not, and that the treatment as such violated any minimum standards of a human rights based culture, as the kind of injustice practiced under the Apartheid regime against which we were actually fighting.

Those few hundred who survived the ordeal (while most others did not) have ever since their return in mid-1989 asked for an admission that Swapo did wrong and should deal with the issue instead of sweeping it under the carpet. Seeking to enforce such demands after painful 18 years of denial by trying to use international legal options at hand (even though the effort is doomed to fail for formal reasons) is declared an act of national betrayal and heresy. This merely confirms the misperception among the political rulers that their party organization is in their eyes identical with the nation and the state. They are untouchable and above the law. - Instead of hiding behind such a misleading smokescreen, they should regain legitimacy and moral commanding heights by dealing with the failures if not within the national judicial system then by an honest and fact seeking investigation initiated by themselves. Otherwise the rule of law will soon end as law of the rulers.

Instead, once again, it's the old game of blaming and accusing the messenger for disclosing the worrying moral decay when it comes to the state of the nation. The so-called misguided elements allegedly seeking to orchestrate a vendetta for merely personal frustrations (which these victims undoubtedly and understandably also have) are singled out and blamed. So are those media, which dare to make it a public affair and provide a platform for the dissenting voices in civil society. Far from dealing with the matter, it is dealt with those who dare to join the demands for transparency and accountability through efforts to limit their rights to do so. It is about getting rid of inconvenient truths and their advocates, not about addressing the root causes of the affairs.

Just as with John Makumbe and the likes: prevent them from speaking out, as if this would allow ignoring what is going on. At the end, we might indeed end in a similar state of affairs as his home country, in which so many dedicated citizens were forced into exile once again. This time by those who claimed to have liberated the people. So far, differences do however still remain: Namibia's head of state generously offers one-way tickets to unwanted dissenting voices. They are neither arrested nor killed. Not yet. But his softer approach is already another form of liquidation.

Namibia lacks civility defined as an agreement to disagree agreeably. But Independence is something to fight for, daily and always. Solidarity should be with them, who dare to do so and challenge the sell-outs to individual privilege, who are occupying state power and shy away from taking responsibility in the public interest. Their duty would instead require acting not only in their own interest, but in the interest of all they claim to have liberated. Like in so many other societies, however, those will ultimately have to accept and execute such responsibility themselves, guided by their own convictions and values, against all odds. The fight for ownership over the definition of what is supposed to be acceptable and what not is far from over. It has just started.


* Henning Melber joined Swapo as a son of German immigrants in 1974. He was director of The Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit (NEPRU) between 1992 and 2000 and is currently the executive director of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation in Uppsala/Sweden.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org <mailto:editor@pambazuka.org> or comment online at
<http://www.pambazuka.org/>

Stephen Bantu Biko: Do not rest!

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/43277

On 12 September 1977 we were on long vacation in preparation for going into our final year as students of government secondary school, Funtua (then part of the north Central State of Nigeria but now in Katsina state), when news broke that Stephen Bantu Biko, the militant charismatic leader of the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA) had been murdered by the apartheid security forces.

We were heart broken and angry. Steve had come to prominence and became our idol as a result of the Soweto protests of 1976 that thrust a new generation of militant youths into the leadership of the liberation war in South Africa. A popular musician, Sonny Okosun had ingrained that struggle in our popular consciousness in his album ‘Fire in Soweto’ just as Peter Tosh did with ‘Get Up Stand Up’ or Bob Marley’s ‘Exodus’, ‘Africa Unite’ and other songs.

Nigeria, though under a military regime (the charismatic Murtala Mohammed later succeeded by Olushegun Obasanjo) was in its most radical and assertive Pan-Africanist foreign policy regime in those days. Nigeria chaired the UN Anti-Apartheid Committee, even though it did not share borders with the apartheid state of South Africa. But by virtue of its readiness to put its money, diplomatic and political resources where its mouth was, it became a very active member of the frontline states.

Murtala Mohammed had been decisive in resolving the Angola impasse that pitched MPLA and many African states against UNITA and its Western masters - principally the USA. There was a celebrated public exchange of words with President Gerald Ford (who had taken over from disgraced Nixon as US President) just before the OAU Special Summit in Kampala on 11 January1976. Ford had written to all African leaders basically instructing them not to recognize the MPLA. The decision to recognise MPLA hung on a balance with a number of states dithering or just too cowardly to resist America’s pressures. On his way to the summit, Murtala took the unusual step of publishing not just Ford’s offensive letter but also his own brand of diplomatic response to it that basically meant: SHUT UP FORD! In Kampala he gave a powerful speech that is still remembered by many of my generation today: AFRICA HAS COME OF AGE. To crown it all the Nigerian Government refused to allow the haughty US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger from visiting Nigeria pleading they could not ‘guarantee his personal security’!

We used to follow these events and read the speeches in the media. As secondary school students we used to be impatient to enter the university so that we could be joining in the protests, marches and public demonstrations organised by university students.

The media in Nigeria - especially the newspapers and the radios (more accessible at the time than the TV) were full of stories on Southern Africa, the racism faced by Africans on their own soil, the duplicities of the west in aiding and abetting the criminal system simply because the lure of gold and other minerals blinded them to their own professed religion and pretences to loving humanity.

Oscar Wilde’s prayers of ‘praying to live in interesting times’ could not have been better answered. We grew up in that anti-imperialist and pro-liberation and unapologetically Pan-Africanist era with popular support for the struggles in South Africa, Angola, Mozambique and southern Rhodesia (later Zimbabwe). It was a period when even the old OAU was most united on the liberation agenda. There was concrete solidarity in most of the countries except reactionary ones like Banda's Malawi or Mobutu's Zaire, (who openly collaborated with apartheid) and later on states like Moi's Kenya, Houphoet Boigny's Ivory Coast (that were allowing their countries to be used as conduits for breaking trade sanctions).

You can imagine the outrage, public and private grief of many when the sad news broke about Steve Biko's assassination. There were mass protests, public outpourings of grief and declaration of continued support for the struggle for liberation in Southern Africa. Some of us were even young and certain enough to demand that the Nigerian government should allow us to enlist in a volunteer army to go and fight in South Africa!

No one was deceived by the official line then that he had hung himself in his cell. A white Journalist, Donald Woods, who was a close friend of Biko’s, was one of the bravest people to have exposed the lies about Biko's death right from the start. He had to go into exile but he did not relent turning the tragedy into a mass selling book and even more widely seen movie ‘Cry Freedom’. Subsequent revelations during the truth-and-no-reconciliation (reconciliation without truth) hearings confirmed the more gruesome aspects of the evil act against humanity by the apartheid state.

Biko was young, passionate, fearless and visionary. In less than a decade he led a whole generation of young South Africans to reject Bantu education, to be proud of their African heritage and to refuse to be second class citizens in their own country.

While the older generation of liberation fighters in the older organisations were mostly ‘gentle men’, anxious to prove that they are or could be as educated and 'civilized' as the whites, the Biko generation not only asserted their equality but believed that they are better than whites in many areas especially culturally, spiritually and morally. It was South Afrioca’s moment of SAY IT LOUD , I AM BLACK AND PROUD. For a people that have been made to feel inferior through deliberate miseducation and religious manipulation, the arrival of Steve Biko changed things both psychologically and philosophically.

Only recently I was watching the film, Good Bye Bafana, about Mandela and his jailer in Robben Island. In it you hear white prison warders and their immaculately dressed island trophy wives in their officers’ parties reaffirming their fate that apartheid was god's way of things. Biko helped many Black youth to reject such gods and helped opened the eyes of many whites too, even as he frightened the apartheid powers that be.

He and his colleagues did not just hope and pray for freedom one day. Deep in their burning hearts it was not overcoming their oppression one day: they believed in freedom and wanted it there and then. Biko's vision and courage resonated with the young, the most critical social category in any project of social transformation. They are the ones with much to gain and much to lose. The movement inspired doomsday scenario in the Boers and the apartheid state that their future was no longer as secured as their propaganda made them believe.

In killing Biko and doing so in the most fiendish way, they sought to kill the hope and aspirations of the youth of South Africa. However, you cannot murder the future. Instead they martyred him, making him an icon of the liberation struggle. Biko's life and example again proves that to make a lasting difference it is not how long one lived but how well one served. His was a very short life but one that is continuously remembered and revered for his dedication and commitment to freedom. Not just in Africa, but also among all strugglers for justice and human dignity.

I remember going to Belfast in the 'trouble days' in Northern Ireland as a guest (part of an all black delegation from mainland Britain) of Sinn Fein students (terrorists in those days!). The Irish take very seriously the tragedy of dying and martyrdom. They tend to gravesides with the same passion of their sectarian divide. They also have beautiful murals all over the place celebrating their mostly young dead partisans. I was stuck by the number of Steve Biko murals I saw along with those of Bobby Sands (the IRA prisoner whom Margaret Thatcher allowed to die on hunger strike in the infamous Maze Prison).

There was another part of the many experiences of that trip. I became very popular (in republican circles) during the two weeks we spent there because many of our hosts thought that I was Steve Biko's brother and would never allow me pay for anything! Maybe it was because in those days I was a bonafide revolutionary perpetually in jeans and beret with huge beards to match! Thank God there were not many BOSS (apartheid's intelligence) operatives around in Belfast. However come to think of it our Irish hosts did not make mistakes because Steve Biko was indeed one of the greatest brothers in the struggle.

On the 30th anniversary of his assassination we say to him, as he stands by the ancestors, that his soul should not rest, because it is not yet Uhuru in Azania though some 'comrades' have been privatised as Rand multibillionnaires.

The silences in NGO discourse

Japhet Makongo

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/43266

I am reading with delight the article by Issa Shivji on the Silences in NGO discourse and it is a brilliant pieces of work.

However, I feel that we tend to be caught in the same web of silence through our communication. Reading this document I strongly get convince that we are not talking to the people who matter in making things change. We continue talking to the CSO bureaucrats, government, academicians and the same donors who want to perpetuate the silence in the NGO discourse..... (OOPS! I am even doing it now!)

We need to communicate our views to the people and in a language they understand....We need to translate these articles haraka sana in Kiswahili and make them accessible to the wider public in East Africa. I know Issa may have written some in the Kiswahili papers in Tanzania, but we need to move beyond and make people interested in our analysis.

Unbroken agony

Jacques Depelchin

2007-09-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/43230

I have just read the account by Sokari about Randall Robinson's book: Unbroken Agony and I cannot help but wonder how does one collectively keep walking away from one of the most exemplary rupture with dehumanization. The Africans who had been enslaved simply said: NO MORE. Yet, 200 years later, it seems easier to find excuses about why one keeps treating the people of Haiti as if they were not worth anything. Peter Hallward wrote an essay about how the media decide who counts and who does not: almost on the same night Maddie (the child who disappeared while her parents were having dinner) disappeared, a boatload of Haitians on its way to the Turks and Caicos Island capsized. Close to 100 people lost their lives, but, for the international media which decide what is news worthy and what is not, it was as if those lives never even existed. That was at the beginning of May this year. As Peter Hallward points out, quoting from survivors, the boat did not capsize on its own: a coast guard boat did everything to prevent it from getting on shore. I do not think ev en Pbn carried that story at the time. I hope a correction will be made.

I am not saying here that the life of a 3 year old white English child is not as precious as the life of Haitians trying to find a way of making a living in a world context which is dictating that they do not count. In fact, it now turns out, that Maddie may have been the victim of one or both of her parents. One should stop speculations on this particular case right here for the time being, since examples of how uncaring the system has become can be seen everywhere, every day. The tragedy is the extent to which people who see themselves as good people keep acting against their own conscience, whether in relation to one Maddie or to one Haitian.

The way Aristide has been denounced is not unlike the way Lumumba was denounced in the DRCongo, back in 1960-61. Then, too, it was easy, given the media context. In fact, the so-called elite of the Congo did its best NOT to save Lumumba's life, but to make sure that even his body leaves no trace. Today, with Aristide, the denunciation was as virulent and vicious. Someone (from the group of 184) going as far as saying that he is not a Mandela. To which one should say: and a good thing too. There has been one Lumumba, there has been one Mandela, one Aristide. Each one has and is carrying the torch of emancipation as far as he could/can. Isn't the collective task one of making sure that the torch stays alive? Isn't the task one of never letting go of the objective of complete emancipation? What would be the ethical equivalent, in today's world, of what the Africans did in Haiti, from 1791 through 1804? Shouldn't one ask oneself if what kept Aristide going beyond the formalities of being a catholic priest, was a call which has continued to vibrate in Haiti to this day, namely to bring to an end a mentality which continues to rationalize, with impunity, that some lives do not count as much as others.

Thank you Sokari for bringing attention to this unbroken agony.

Global: George Monbiot on the history of direct action

2007-09-13

http://www.worlddevelopmentmovement.org/podcasts/podcast1georgemonbiot64.mp3

This World Development Movement podcast features George Monbiot, writer, broadcaster and academic, talking about the history of direct action – particularly relevant given the recent coverage of the climate change protestors near Heathrow this summer.

Musicians against xenophobia

2007-09-13

http://www.cmfd.org/cmfdprojects/musiciansagainstxenophobia.html

Musicians from Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe are putting xenophobia on the cultural agenda in a musical initiative to get people talking about discrimination. South Africa, especially Johannesburg, is home to thousands of foreign Africans. Some are refugees, fleeing persecution and seeking asylum; others are looking for work and a better life. Many find that life is not what they expected. They face discrimination from government services, harassment by police and degrading treatment from people, whether in the taxis, schools, shops or streets.

Africa: Friendly Giant? China's evolving Africa Policy

2007-09-14

http://tinyurl.com/2dm4j2

This paper by Jonathan Holslag evaluates the extent to which China adapted its Africa policy to external criticism and expectations. It is found that policy modifications mainly occurred when long-term interests were at risk, with regard to issues of limited importance and non-binding initiatives. The article departs from the vast literature on adaptation and tests this concept on several aspects of China’s engagement in Africa

Global: China, Africa build media links

2007-09-13

http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2007-09/12/content_6098867.htm

Delegates at the China-Africa Media Conference of the Fourth Press Seminar for African Officials in Chengdu have proposed setting up a network to facilitate the exchange of information between China and African countries. The relationship between China and African countries has developed significantly in recent years, marked by the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation held last year.

Cameroon: Cameroonian perceptions of the Chinese invasion

2007-09-13

http://www.africafiles.org/atissueezine.asp#art1

The influx of Chinese citizens, goods and money to Africa has been greeted with a lot of consternation and suspicion in most African countries. Cameroon has not been an exception. This article is based on a recent survey conducted in 10 Cameroonian cities concerning the flow of Chinese citizens and their goods into this peaceful West African country and the implication of this state of affairs on the country’s economy and the living standards of her people.

Weekly Roundup

Issue 103, 2007

2007-09-12

http://www.aumonitor.org

As the parties to the conflict in Darfur meet in Libya for peace talks, the Peace and Security Council of the African Union issues a communiqué on the implementation process of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed between the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army. The communiqué encourages the African Union Ministerial Committee on the Post-Conflict Reconstruction of the Sudan to intensify its efforts by, without delay, visiting the Sudan, issue recommendations on how African Union member States could contribute more significantly to the post-conflict reconstruction and to convene a conference on African involvement in the reconstruction. The communiqué also requests the Commission to appoint a new Special Envoy and to open an African Union Liaison Office in Khartoum, with an office in Juba.

Also in peace and security news, experts have suggested that ECOWAS amend existing instruments for promoting peace and security in West Africa so that they address the realities of the region. Further in regional news, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is developing a food reserve facility to address the food emergencies of the region. Further in SADC news, Munetsi Madakufamba writes about the SADC Free Trade Area (FTA) which is to be launched next year with the hope of removing barriers on all intra-regional trade. The target is to ensure that 85 percent of most intraregional trade is at zero tariffs by 2008. The programme aims to create the FTA in 2008, a customs union by 2010, a common market by 2015 and a Monetary Union by 2018. The author highlights the impetus and challenges of the programme including multiple membership of some States to Regional Economic Communities that are working towards creating, or already have, customs unions.

Moreover in financial news, the African Development Bank (AfDB) approved a US $25 million equity investment to create a fund to develop local currency products. This Currency Exchange (TCX) will be established with a transaction capacity of US $ 1.2 billion. According to the Bank, they will be able to use it as a funding alternative to finance its projects in local currencies and will provide local entrepreneurs with funding in local currency, thereby eliminating the currency mismatches that are typically created between local-currency revenues and foreign-currency liabilities.

In civil society news, the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights, together with the Coalition on Violence Against Women, Kenya, organized a public forum in Nairobi titled “Politically and Powerfully Participating in Elections: Women’s Strategies for change in Kenya, South Africa and Liberia”. Faith Kasiva, the Coordinator for the Coalition of Violence Against Women (COVAW), noted that this public forum comes at an opportune time in Kenya as the elections near and in the wake of a defeated constitutional amendment bill that proposed 50 special seats for women in parliament. Kenya has also not ratified the protocol to the African charter of Human and people’s rights on the rights of women. Commenting on the South African experience, Delphine Serumaga noted that the increased participation by women in decision-making during apartheid forced the government to take the decision on proportional representation. It was observed that women in South Africa are more aware of their rights partly because of the struggle against apartheid where women played an equal role as men. Sharing the Liberia experience, Una Thompson noted that the role of women in the election of the 1st female president in Africa began during the turbulence of the war. Despite the strong party alliances in Liberia, there was national solidarity and more specifically women solidarity and responsibility with an increased percentage of women voting which led to the election of the 1st woman candidate, who is now the president of Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Speaking on Kenya, Jane Onyango, noted that Kenya has struggled with the affirmative action bill since the early 1990s after the Beijing Women’s conference. The affirmative action bill was shot down in parliament, then came the constitutional amendment bill that proposed 50 special seats for women in parliament and was recently shot down by a male dominated parliament. The bill received opposition from both sides of the house.

As AfriMAP launches reports on the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) in Ghana and Mauritius, Gawaya Tegulle writes that the APRM “is a way of having African leaders compare notes and ensure that they are steering their nations according to a set standard, whose aim is to ensure a democratic, free, prosperous and peaceful continent”, but, argues that the mechanism comes at the wrong time. With African leaders who are intent on consolidating power funding and controlling the process and the review’s methodology being so dense that “by the time a review is completed and implemented, so much water would have passed under the bridge”, the author argues that only a new breed of African leaders will create a successful review.

Lastly, Joan Gathoni writes of the launch of the African Union of Broadcasting (AUB) held in Nairobi during which Chief Executives from media companies across Africa deliberated on common issues and ways of addressing them. The President of the new Broadcasting Union, Ben Egbuna, says the organization “project the true image of Africa”.

The AU Monitor also brings you the agenda of the sixth session of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights as well as the African Union web page on Economic Partnership Agreements.

Burundi: Burundians say peace must include tough rape laws

2007-09-14

http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/3312

As postwar Burundi prepares for a reconciliation process based on South Africa's, women's rights advocates say the first step must be bringing the perpetrators of sexual violence to justice. Second in a series on African women and the rule of law.

Africa: MPs must push for women's access to health services

2007-09-14

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74262

African parliamentarians need to push public policy to focus more on women's health issues, delegates attending a regional workshop organised by the Parliamentarians for Women's Health (PWH) [www.womens-healthcare.org] in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, heard this week. "MPs [members of parliament] have the potential to drive the political will to support women's health issues," said Elizabeth Aroka, East Africa regional coordinator of PWH.

Angola: Police operating 'above the law'

2007-09-13

http://web.amnesty.org/pages/ago-120907-feature-eng

Police in Angola are responsible for persistent human rights violations, with few perpetrators ever brought to justice, Says Amnesty International. A climate of arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention, torture and ill-treatment, deaths in police custody and extrajudicial executions is exposed in a new report. Officers that commit such abuses have almost total impunity.

Ethiopia: Arbitrary detention of several individuals and risk of torture

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/43279

Since July 18, 2007, several individuals have been reportedly arbitrary arrested and detained by the police in Nekemte town, Eastern Wellega Zone in Oromia Region for their alleged links with the armed opposition group Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).
ETHIOPIA: Arbitrary detention of several individuals and risk of torture Geneva-Paris,
September 13, 2007.

The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) express their deep concern regarding the arbitrary detention in Nekemte Town of several individuals including three members of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), their affiliated organisation in Ethiopia, and the risk of torture they may face.

Since July 18, 2007, several individuals have been reportedly arbitrary arrested and detained by the police in Nekemte town, Eastern Wellega Zone in Oromia Region for their alleged links with the armed opposition group Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). While some of them were released, eleven remained detained in the Nekemte police station, including three members of EHRCO, namely Mr Tesfa Burayu (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and teacher), Mr Ibsa Wake (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and lawyer), and Mr Fekadu Negeri (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and teacher). The remaining eight are Mr Abraham Likasa, private employee, Mr Workneh Dinsa, teacher, Mr Asefa Gemechu, accountant, Mr Jeregna Kaba, student, Mr Tamirat Tadesse, student, Mr Osman Dawer, student, Mr Kebede Nemera, teacher, and Mr Tekalign Alemayehu, teacher.[1] According to the information received, the police presented a search warrant stating that the individuals were suspected of “hiding arms, collaboration with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and hiding papers calling for violence”. Although the search of their homes resulted in no proof of those allegations, the police reportedly arrested the individuals and detained them.

The three EHRCO members, as well as Mr Workneh Dinsa and Mr Asefa Gemechu, reportedly appeared in court on September 3, 2007. They were remanded in custody until September 13, 2007 for investigation into suspected links with the OLF.
Mr Abraham Likasa was reportedly transferred to Addis Ababa Central Criminal Investigation Department for further investigation. He reportedly appeared in court but the outcome of the hearing is still unknown and he is currently detained incommunicado.
According to the information, the detainees who were brought before the court were represented by a pro bono lawyer.

As of issuing this press release, no information was given as to why three detainees - Mr Jeregna Kaba, Mr Tamirat Tadesse and Mr Osman Dawer have not been brought to court with the others.

OMCT and FIDH express their deepest concern regarding these events, and calls upon the Ethiopian authorities to guarantee in all circumstances the physical and psychological integrity of all above-mentioned persons and to release them immediately and unconditionally in the absence of valid legal charges, and if such charges exist, ensure that they are given a prompt and fair trial, in which their procedural rights are guaranteed at all times.

OMCT and FIDH recall that the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which states in article 9 that “[n]o one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention”.

More generally, OMCT and FIDH call upon the Ethiopian authorities to ensure in all circumstances respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international human rights standards and international instruments ratified by Ethiopia.

For further information, please contact:
OMCT: Alexandra Kossin, + 00 41 22 809 49 39 / FIDH: Gaël Grilhot, + 00 33 1 43 55 25 18

[1] Mr Tesfa Burayu (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and teacher) and Mr Fekadu Negeri (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and teacher) were arrested on August 23, 2007 while Mr Ibsa Wake (EHRCO Nekemte Office Executive Committee Member and lawyer) was arrested on August 24, 2007. Mr Abraham Likasa was arrested on July 18, 2007 while Mr Workneh Dinsa, Mr Asefa Gemechu, Mr Jeregna Kaba, Mr Tamirat Tadesse, Mr Osman Dawer, Mr Kebede Nemera, and Mr Tekalign Alemayehu, were arrested on August 23, 2007.

Libya: UN Finds government responsible for torture

2007-09-13

http://www.omct.org/pdf/UNTB/2007/press_El_Alwani_revised28_Aug07.pdf

In a landmark decision, El Alwani v. Libya, Communication No. 1295/2004, the United Nations Human Rights Committee has found that Libya committed multiple serious human rights violations including torture, disappearance and arbitrary execution. The case was filed by Mr. Farag Mohammed El Alwani whose brother was disappeared by Libyan security forces in 1995. He is represented by the World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) and Human Rights Solidarity, two Geneva-based human rights organizations.

Zimbabwe: Murambatsvina victim dies in Mbare

2007-09-13

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news120907/muramvictim120907.htm

One of the millions of victims of Robert Mugabe’s chaotic campaign to forcibly clear slum areas across the country has been found dead at her make shift home, in Harare’s high-density suburb of Mbare. Sources in Zimbabwe’s capital said Wednesday that a middle-aged woman had been found dead by her neighbours in a wood-and-plastic shack she has been calling home since the Mugabe regime destroyed her’s in 2005. The cause of the death is not known.

Global: UN approves indigenous peoples declaration

2007-09-14

http://www.survival-international.org/news/2501

Indigenous peoples around the world are celebrating the UN General Assembly’s approval of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The declaration was approved by an overwhelming majority in an historic vote in New York on 13 September 2007. The vote is the climax of 22 years of intensive debate and negotiation. Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States voted against the declaration, whilst 143 nations voted in favour and eleven abstained.

Africa: African maids face abuse in Lebanon

2007-09-14

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=39245

Driven by poverty and conflict in their home countries, women from Africa travel to Lebanon only to find themselves hungry, abused, raped and subjected to conditions akin to slavery.

Global: Review of anti terrorism laws in the Commonwealth

2007-09-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/43319

The launch of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative’s (CHRI) 2007 Report to the Commonwealth Heads of Government, ‘Stamping Out Rights: The impact of anti-terrorism laws on policing’, focuses on the need for police and legislative reform in the Commonwealth in an age of terrorism. Due for release at CHRI’s twentieth anniversary conference in London, on 14 September 2007, the report highlights disturbing trends in counter-terrorism laws passed, and the resulting police abuses, on the basis of the preservation of national security.
Media Release, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 13 September, 2007

The launch of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative’s (CHRI) 2007 Report to the Commonwealth Heads of Government, ‘Stamping Out Rights: The impact of anti-terrorism laws on policing’, focuses on the need for police and legislative reform in the Commonwealth in an age of terrorism. Due for release at CHRI’s twentieth anniversary conference in London, on 14 September 2007, the report highlights disturbing trends in counter-terrorism laws passed, and the resulting police abuses, on the basis of the preservation of national security.

With terror-tactics changing and governments’ responses to them, many Commonwealth countries have strengthened existing security provisions or enacted new anti-terrorism legislation. Highlighting instances of enforced disappearance, torture and extra-judicial killings, the 2007 Report points out how human rights violations have often been the result of hastily enacted, ill-considered laws, coupled with bad policing, even as international consensus is still being sought for a clear definition of “terrorism”’ Providing practical solutions for how the state, police and civil society can work together for the improvement of security, the 2007 Report calls upon the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) to recognise that effective and practical solutions to terrorism lie in the real and not cosmetic adherence to universal standards of human rights. CHRI maintains that a compromise of these standards is counter-productive.

The CHRI 2007 Report presses for the reform of policing and laws in compliance with universally accepted human rights standards. To ensure effective responses to counter terrorism, state action must be distinguishable from terrorist activities. When states themselves use guerrilla tactics to achieve their own ends, so-called “legitimate” state action, or “legitimated violence”, becomes difficult to distinguish from terrorist activities.

For further details contact:

Manjiri Dube, Project Assistant CHOGM Team, CHRI Email: manjiri@humanrightsinitiative.org Tel: +91-11-2686 4678 Lucy Mathieson, Human Rights Advocacy Acting-Coordinator, CHRI Email: lucy@humanrightsinitiative.org Tel: +91-11-2686 4678 For more information on the CHRI 2007 Report, and its launch, refer to our website: www.humanrightsinitiative.org

DRC: Government urges Congolese refugees to return home

2007-09-14

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/46e801c14.html

Central and local government officials of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have called directly on Congolese refugees in Zambia to return and help rebuild their homeland. David Byaza Sanda, secretary general in the DRC ministry of home affairs, made the appeal during a visit to the Meheba settlement in north-west Zambia's Solwezi district on Tuesday by a tripartite commission on the voluntary repatriation of Congolese refugees living in this country.

Uganda: IDP camps start to close as peace takes hold

2007-09-14

http://www.unhcr.org/news/NEWS/46e6a68013.html

The first two of 40 camps for internally displace persons in Uganda's Lango region closed on Tuesday, a milestone in the return to peace after a war that at one point had driven more than 1.8 million Ugandans from their homes. Musa Ecweru, Uganda's Minister for Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees; and Stefano Severe, the UN refugee agency representative in Kampala, joined former IDPs in symbolically closing the deserted Otwal Railway and Agweng camps – where most IDPs had already returned home – by demolishing huts and planting trees.

USA: Illegal Liberians’ deportation contested

2007-09-14

http://www.afrol.com/articles/26529

Thousands of illegal Liberians in the United States will be forced to leave on 1 October after the Department of Home Security has ended their Temporary Protected Status (TPS). But a joint research report published by the law firm of Dorsey & Whitney and Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights said time is not ripe for US authorities to end TPS for Liberians.

Horn of Africa: More than 50 people die trying to reach Yemen

2007-09-14

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=319308

At least fifty-six people have died while trying to make the perilous Gulf of Aden crossing from Somalia to Yemen, the United Nations refugee agency said on Friday. UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) spokesperson Ron Redmond told journalists that a dozen boats carrying 925 Somalis, Ethiopians and others fleeing growing violence and insecurity in the region had arrived in Yemen since September 3.

Morocco: Elections bring victory for conservatives

2007-09-14

http://tinyurl.com/2z962p

The September 7th legislative elections in Morocco appear to have driven away left-wing parties and given an edge to the right and conservative parties that may enable them to form the next government within an alliance of 4 or 5 parties. In spite of the larger number of participating parties – 33, as compared to 26 parties in 2002 - only several of the seven major parties were able to bolster their position, and their share increased from 72% in 2002 to 80% of the next House.

Madagascar: EISA Technical team deployed to 2007 parliamentary elections

2007-09-13

http://www.eisa.org.za/EISA/pr20070910.htm

EISA is deploying a Technical Team for the upcoming Parliamentary Elections due to be held in Madagascar on 23 September 2007. The team will be composed of six members. The mission is expected to arrive in Antananarivo on September 16 in order to hold a series of meetings with election stakeholders, including the Madagascar Electoral Commission (CNE), political parties, CSOs and academics, ahead of election day.

Kenya: Pass information Bill, MPs told

2007-09-13

http://tinyurl.com/2rsr28

The civil society is piling pressure on Parliament to pass a law guaranteeing public access to official information, the Daily Nation has reported. Fifteen non-governmental organisations have started collecting signatures from the public to append on a petition to be presented to Parliament. They argue the Freedom of Information Bill 2007 had been pending in Parliament for too long and should be passed before President Kibaki dissolves the House.

Sierra Leone: A time for cautious optimism

2007-09-14

http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/09/12/opinion/ednorris03.php

For Sierra Leone, considered by many as the ultimate symbol of a failed state, nation building cannot come too soon. The election is widely seen as a test of the country's ability to stand on its own after UN peacekeepers withdrew two years ago. But Sierra Leone's steady stabilization since the civil war ended in 2002 and the still-to-be-concluded electoral process bring reasons for cautious optimism.

Sierra Leone: Presidential frontrunner vows war on graft

2007-09-14

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN443655.html

Sierra Leone's opposition leader Ernest Bai Koroma, who looks set to win the West African country's presidential election, says he will wage an implacable war on corruption and work to revive the war-scarred economy. With just over three-quarters of the votes counted from last week's run-off poll, Koroma of the All People's Congress (APC) has a commanding lead with 60 percent. His rival, Vice-President Solomon Berewa of the ruling Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP), trails by some 20 points.

Kenya: Parliament forgives looters of billions prior to 2003

2007-09-13

http://www.marsgroupkenya.org/users/?p=69

The final gambit has commenced. The Parliament of Kenya has given corruption perpetrators an amnesty for corruption committed prior to May 2003. In the Statute Law (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill 2007, approved by Parliament on Thursday 6th September 2007 and moved by the Attorney-General and the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, was an amnesty provision that hitherto had attracted almost no public comment.

South Africa: Anti-Corruption Forum inculcates whistle blowing in schools

2007-09-13

http://www.buanews.gov.za/view.php?ID=07083012451003&coll=buanew07

The National Anti-Corruption Forum (NACF), in a bid to combat corruption, has raised the importance of whistle blowing as part of the school curricula to create awareness amongst learners. Already a Whistle Blowing School Competition initiated by the civil society exists in schools where learners write essays about it. Civil society forming part of the Forum launched the competition in an attempt to promote a new understanding of whistle blowing with learners.

Liberia: Small steps on reform

2007-09-14

http://tinyurl.com/ywn72t

Liberia is appearing to have turned a real corner. President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf has shown impressive progress on reforms since she was elected in 2005. In the fight against endemic corruption, she has forced her ministers to follow her lead in disclosing their assets, and she is renegotiating sweetheart contracts in rubber, timber, and mining. To keep her government on the level, she has agreed to have international experts cosign with ministers before major expenditures are approved.

Ethiopia: High attrition cripples health sector

2007-09-14

http://www.afrol.com/articles/26673

A high attrition has been recorded in Ethiopia's health sector, as 80% of the country's medical graduates, including one of medical doctors left the country to chase greener pastures abroad annually, a study by a local non-governmental organisation, Unity for Development, disclosed. Ethiopia is described as the African country worst affected by brain drain. In fact, the study revealed that currently there are more working Ethiopian doctors in the United States than in Ethiopia. Many Ethiopian doctors also left for Botswana, South Africa and the Middle East in search of good pay.

Southern Africa: Limited supplies, biofuel demand push maize prices up

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74286

Increased global demand for biofuel has pushed up the already buoyant price of maize in South Africa, forcing aid agencies to procure food from elsewhere to feed an expected more than six million food-insecure people in southern Africa. After a second consecutive poor maize harvest in South Africa, which usually meets food shortfalls in the region, prices have been high, according to the latest USAID-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS-NET).

Malawi: Torn between the lure and danger of uranium

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74166

A project to mine uranium in northern Malawi next year promises to spur economic development in the area, but fears of serious health hazards associated with the radioactive element have aroused the country's civil society. The Malawian government granted a mining licence in April 2007 to Paladin Africa Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of the Australian company, Paladin Resources Ltd, to develop the Kayelekera uranium deposit, 40km west of the town of Karonga on the shore of Lake Malawi.

Southern Africa: The effect of migration on HIV rates

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74260

Trying to measure the impact of the Zimbabwean exodus on HIV/AIDS rates in the region is so fraught with ifs, buts and maybes that the only reasonable assumption is that, like other migrants, economic migrants may run a higher risk of infection than they would have if they had not left their homes.

Kenya: Parliament to debate scrapping compulsory licensing powers

2007-09-14

http://www.ip-watch.org/weblog/index.php?p=737&res=1280_ff&print=0

Kenyan lawmakers are set to debate proposed amendments to a bill that, if passed, would prevent the government from issuing compulsory licenses to produce urgently needed medicines without seeking approval from the patent holder. The amendments, which involve deleting parts of Kenya’s Industrial Property Act of 2001, were first expected to be debated Thursday. But Peter Munyi, an intellectual property lawyer in Nairobi close to the issue, told Intellectual Property Watch that parliamentarians were meeting late Wednesday to discuss the proposed changes.

Uganda: Time to address love and sexuality among teens born with HIV

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74259

Paediatric HIV care is high on the agenda of most HIV programmes today, but less talked about are the social aspects of life as a child born with the virus, and later on, as an adolescent facing the challenges of relationships and sexuality. "The focus has been on the medical aspects of sexuality, but it goes beyond the physical," said Dr Harriet Birungi, an associate with FRONTIERS, a reproductive health programme of the US-based Population Council.

Zambia: Bibles and condoms

2007-09-14

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74285

It is mandatory that Zambia's hotels, lodges and guest houses stock at least two Bibles in each of their rooms, but it is rare to come across condoms or even condom-vending machines, despite many of these establishments being used by commercial sex workers and their clients. About one in five sexually active people, or 1.6 million of Zambia's population of 10 million, are infected with HIV/AIDS.

DRC: Outbreak in Kasai Occidental confirmed as Ebola

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74229

Health authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have identified a fever outbreak that has claimed at least 167 lives in the southern province of Kasai Occidental as Ebola. "The results from the referral laboratory in Franceville in Gabon and the CDC [Centers for Disease Control] in Atlanta in the United States confirmed the diagnosis of the haemorrhagic viral Ebola fever," health minister Victor Makwenge Kaput said on national television on 10 September.

Chad: Environmental crisis highlighted

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74240

During a visit to Chad last week, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon visited Lake Chad, one of the most striking symbols of Africa’s deteriorating environment. “I came here to visit the lake to see for myself the damage caused by desertification and global warming,” Ban said. In less than 30 years, Lake Chad has shrunk from 25,000km2 to 2,000km2 today. Some 25 million people still live around the basin, many looking out on grounded boats and barren land which was once under water.

Kenya: Livelihoods hit as water hyacinth takes over Lake Victoria

2007-09-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=74270

The water hyacinth, a free-floating perennial aquatic plant native to tropical South America, is suffocating Lake Victoria, the second-largest fresh-water lake in the world. The water hyacinth moves seasonally with the waves from bay to bay blocking water-ways and affecting aquatic life as it sucks oxygen from the water.

Egypt: Editors sentenced for defaming Mubarak

2007-09-14

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=319167

An Egyptian court sentenced four outspoken newspaper editors to one year in prison with labour on Thursday for defaming President Hosni Mubarak and his politician son Gamal, court sources said. The court also ordered Ibrahim Issa, Adel Hammouda, Wael el-Ebrashi and Abdel-Halim Qandil to pay fines of 20 000 Egyptian pounds each.

Zimbabwe: Government urged to stop 'choking' independent journalism

2007-09-13

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=361

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has urged the government of Zimbabwe to put and end to the ongoing crackdown on the media in the wake of increasing attacks on media professionals and the enactment of a draconian communication bill that could lead to monitoring of journalists' communications.

DRC: IFJ Calls on authorities to release detained journalist

2007-09-13

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=360

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has called on the authorities of the Democratic Republic of Congo to release Noëlla Mwambikwa, a journalist with Congolese National Radio and Television station (RTNC), who has been detained since her arrest by army intelligence on Tuesday for alleged links with a rebel leader.

Global: The Why Democracy? Project

2007-09-13

http://www.whydemocracy.net/home

Why Democracy? is a documentary project using film to start a global conversation about democracy. In October 2007, ten one-hour films focused on contemporary democracy will be broadcast in the world's largest ever factual media event. More than 40 broadcasters on all continents are participating, with an estimated audience of 300 million viewers. Each of the broadcasters - an A-Z which includes everyone from Al Arabiya to ZDF - will be producing a locally-based seasons of film, radio, debate and discussion to tie in with the global broadcast of the Why Democracy? films.

Rwanda: Independent media threatened in comments on state TV and radio

2007-09-14

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=23633

Reporters Without Borders has voiced deep concern about the future of press freedom and independent journalists in Rwanda after studying the very disturbing comments made by four government ministers, another senior official and two members of the security forces during a programme broadcast by the state-owned media on 9 September.

DRC: Exasperation over serious threats to media organisation in Kinshasa

2007-09-14

http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=23612

Reporters Without Borders has said it was “worried and exasperated” about the continuing threats against the members of Journalist in Danger (JED), its partner organisation in Democratic Republic of Congo, who have to endure a constant climate of fear and danger.

East Africa: Floods kill dozens

2007-09-14

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L14424480.htm

Floods from torrential rains have killed at least 41 people, displaced thousands more, and drowned livestock across east Africa, officials have said. Often prone to drought, the region also frequently suffers floods in August and September, the end of the rainy season. In the worst-hit nations, at least 17 people died in Ethiopia in recent days, 15 in Rwanda and nine in Uganda, governments and aid agencies said.

DRC: Escalating violence deepens risk of mass ethnic killings

2007-09-13

http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAFR620142007

In the wake of recent intense fighting in North-Kivu province between government forces and fighters loyal to renegade general Laurent Nkunda, Amnesty International has accused the DRC government and international community of having failed the people of eastern DRC.

Somalia: UNICEF warns of critical levels of malnutrition amongst Somali children

2007-09-13

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_40849.html

Following a recent nutrition survey, UNICEF and its partners estimate that 83,000 children in central and southern Somalia suffer from malnutrition - 13,500 of whom are severely malnourished and at risk of dying. “These children urgently require attention to ensure that they survive,” said UNICEF Representative to Somalia Christian Balslev-Olesen. “UNICEF is very concerned that their numbers might increase with continued civil strife, limited humanitarian access to these areas, food insecurity and a depressed economy,” he added.

East Africa: Northern Uganda peace process: The need to maintain momentum

2007-09-14

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5078&l=1

This briefing from the International Crisis Group examines the ongoing negotiations between the Ugandan government and the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the necessity for the international community to remain committed and ensure the parties reach an agreement that brings both peace and justice in northern Uganda.

Sudan: Sudan bombs north Darfur town

2007-09-14

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=318835

Sudanese government aircraft bombed a rebel-held town in Darfur on Monday, insurgent groups said, hours after the government said it was investigating a bloody rebel raid on one of its bases last month. Reports of the attack came seven weeks before rebel groups and the Khartoum government are set to meet for peace talks, and coincided with renewed calls from the United Nations for the two sides to cease hostilities and prepare for the arrival of a 26 000-strong force of UN and African Union peacekeepers.

Africa: Call for Papers - The New Path: African Forum for Intellectual Thought

2007-09-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/43278

The New Path: African Forum for Intellectual Thought is published quarterly by the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF) and provides a forum for innovative thinking about our common future and about how we need to tackle the most intractable problems facing Africa today – focusing on Eastern Africa. The editor invites your articles (opinion and analysis) for the October 2007 edition. Please send your articles of not more than five thousand (5,000) words to: admin@arrforum.orgby by 20th September 2007.
CALL FOR ARTICLES

The NEW PATH: AFRICAN FORUM FOR INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT is published quarterly by the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF) and provides a forum for innovative thinking about our common future and about how we need to tackle the most intractable problems facing Africa today – focusing on Eastern Africa. NEW PATH provides Eastern Africa with an opportunity to discuss African issues, aimed at a broad audience, from the perspective of rigorous intellectual thought and inquiry, so as to shed imaginative light on African affairs, both past and present. It is erected on the foundation of editorial independence, and the promotion of original and rigorous thinking on alternative paths for effecting fundamental change in Eastern African politics and governance, economic development capable of eliminating mass poverty, and contemporary trends in our arts, culture and humanities.

The editor invites your articles (opinion and analysis) for the October 2007 edition. This edition of ‘New Path’ will cover the following areas:

1. Peace and Development in Southern Sudan in the Post-Conflict period.
2. The Role of the Media in national Politics (special attention to the forthcoming general elections in Kenya) and regional integration in the context of the East African Community (EAC).
3. Linking Research and policy Uptake in Science and Technology.
4. Higher Education In eastern Africa.

Please send us your articles of not more than five thousand (5,000) words to: admin@arrforum.orgby 20th September 2007.

Honoraria: ARRF will pay modest honoraria for the published articles.

Leostho: Regional Conference: Lesotho's 2007 General Election

2007-09-13

http://www.eisa.org.za/events/les2007conf.htm

This regional conference organized by the EISA will be held from 25 - 27 September in Maseru, Lesotho. The primary goal of the conference is to promote regional dialogue on election related disputes and share experiences across countries in terms of best practice in managing them.

Mali: African Agroecological Alternatives to the Green Revolution

2007-09-14

http://www.foodfirst.org/node/1754

African farmer organizations will meet in Selingué, Mali on November 27-28, 2007 to discuss ecological alternatives to the Bill & Melinda Gates and Rockefeller Foundations' proposal for a new Green Revolution in Africa. The Gates/Rockefeller Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) will use a combined $150 million over five years to promote higher yields through hybrid seeds, fertilizers, and western-style crop management.

Fahamu