Back Issues

An African call for a moratorium on agrofuels

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/action/44726

The aggressive push for agrofuel developments in Africa (known to many as "biofuels") is a massive new threat to our farmers, food, forests, water resources and land rights. The aggressive push for agrofuel developments in Africa (known to many as "biofuels") is a massive new threat to our farmers, food, forests, water resources and land rights. We now invite organisations from across Africa and the rest of the world to sign up to this moratorium call, and to forward this to all your friends and colleagues. If you are working with local farmers groups and CBOs, please help them to sign on too. To sign up, please send your name, organisation and country to:<agrofuelsafrica@gmail.com>
Dear Friends and Colleagues,

The aggressive push for agrofuel developments in Africa (known to many as "biofuels") is a massive new threat to our farmers, food, forests, water resources and land rights. 2007 has already seen a series of disastrous impacts across the continent, including rising food prices, large-scale land evictions and deforestation. (Please see the African Biodiversity Network's report "Agrofuels in Africa: the impact on land, food and forests.") Sadly, this is just the beginning of a very big trend that is set to expand massively in 2008 and beyond.

Our governments are apparently in thrall to the multinational corporations leading this "green gold rush", and fail to see that this give-away of our land and food will only lead to more poverty and hunger.

At a recent meeting in Ethiopia, 30 NGOs from across Africa agreed on their urgent concern about the new push for Agrofuels on our continent.

We therefore jointly launched a call for a Moratorium on Agrofuels in Africa.

We now invite organisations from across Africa and the rest of the world to sign up to this moratorium call, and to forward this to all your friends and colleagues. If you are working with local farmers groups and CBOs, please help them to sign on too.

To sign up, please send your name, organisation and country to:<agrofuelsafrica@gmail.com> Agrofuels are a false solution to climate change, and will only worsen the problems of climate change and food security already facing Africa. For the sake of our continent's future, we urge you to take up and pass on this urgent message.
Sincerely, Gathuru Mburu (Co-ordinator, African Biodiversity Network)

New staff at Pambazuka News

2007-11-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/44702

Sokari Ekine has been part-time online news editor for Pambazuka News since the beginning of 2007. This week is, sadly, her last week in this post. During her period as online news editor Sokari has developed Pambazuka News to ever greater heights, establishing its reach well beyond what we had previously managed. The quality of authors and articles that she brought to Pambazuka News has been extraordinary. Sokari leaves the position of online news editor at the end of November, but she will continue to write for Pambazuka News in her regular blogs round-up column. We espect that Sokari will continue to be involved in many other ways with Fahamu and Pambazuka News. We are sure that we speak for all our readers in saying ‘thank you for all you have done and best wishes for the future’.

Meanwhile, we are pleased to announce that Mukoma wa Ngugi has joined the Pambazuka News team as Co-Editor. Mukoma Wa Ngugi is the author of Hurling Words at Consciousness (AWP, 2006) and Conversing with Africa: Politics of Change (KPH, 2003). A political columnist for the BBC Focus on Africa Magazine, his essays and articles have appeared in the LA Times, Mail and Guardian, Business Daily Africa and the Sunday Nation amongst other places, as well as in Pambazuka News. In addition to his editorial duties at Pambazuka News, his current projects are: editing an anthology of New Kenyan Writing for Ishmael Reed Publications (forthcoming in 2008) and co-organizing a Pan African Youth Peace Caravan – Cape to Cairo in 2010.

Finally, we are pleased to announce that Joshua Ogada, who has worked heroically as part time editor of the Links and Resources section of Pambazuka News will now be working with us full-time as Assistant Editor. Tidiane Kasse continues as Editor of the French edition, and Hakima Abbas as editor of AU-Monitor.

African women and domestic violence

Takyiwaa Manuh

2007-11-28

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/44706

The experience of using law to address the issue of domestic violence in Africa contains both positive and negative lessons for gender-equality campaigners, says Takyiwaa Manuh.

The annual mobilisation of women around the world around the theme of "16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence" from 25 November - 10 December 2007 represents a tremendous global effort to increase awareness of violence against women in all its forms. In light of the 2007 theme - demanding implementation, challenging obstacles - this article looks at the issue of domestic violence from the perspective of African experience, and examines the impact of attempts to address it by legal means. It poses three questions:

This article is the first in a series on openDemocracy marking the "16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence" from 25 November - 10 December, an annual mobilisation aimed at heightening global awareness of violence against women

Also in openDemocracy on the 16 Days theme, part of our overall 50:50 coverage, a multi-voiced blog where women around the world contribute

* what are the similarities and differences in the experiences of African countries that have attempted to pass domestic-violence legislation?

* what lessons have been learned in the process?

* how do attempts to pass such laws connect to the lived realities of ordinary women?

A new agenda

The past two decades have witnessed heightened activity by women's organisations and movements in several African countries to promote women's rights by redressing a range of discriminatory practices against women and unequal gender relations in public and domestic life, which work to prevent women from exercising their full rights as citizens. The link between the public and domestic arenas is important here, for (as Amina Salihu and her colleagues noted in a 2002 memorandum on women's citizenship rights in Nigeria), women's experience of citizenship is multilayered and interconnected: what happens at the level of the domestic arena is in turn carried over to what is generally called the public space.

The phenomenon of violence is only one aspect of the discriminatory practices and unequal relations women in Africa face, but it is a significant and widespread one. This is most shockingly on display in conditions of war, where (as in the current conflict in North Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, for example) women have been subjected to systematic assault and abuse. It is also apparent in more "normal" circumstances, such as the campaign for the presidential elections in Kenya in December 2007, where several women candidates have been targeted in an effort to prevent their campaigns from penetratating the largely male spaces of decision-making and national life.

Also on openDemocracy, listen to a podcast interview with Faustina Fynn Nyame, a midwife carrying out inspiring work in Ghana to help women gain access to safe abortion.

The African Platform for Action (Dakar declaration) of 1994 was a landmark document in highlighting the problem of violence against women on the continent. Before and since, however, such violence has often gone unreported, and until recently there were across Africa few supporting pieces of legislation or official practice that could be used to challenge it. True, several states had signed and/or ratified international conventions and treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw) of 1979 or the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, but these had not been incorporated into domestic law.

The protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa was ratified by the required fifteen member-states, and came into force on 26 November 2005. It places an obligation on state-parties to take measures to address not only violence against women but also other aspects of women's rights: in public or private life, in peacetime and during periods of war or conflict. It also explicitly includes marital rape and other forms of forced or unwanted sex.

Women activists have been emboldened by these developments to push states as far apart as Mauritania and Rwanda to enact legislation addressing gender-based violence; Sierra Leone is the latest country to have successfully enacted legislation (although the practice of female genital mutilation has not yet been outlawed). Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria and Ghana have also attempted to pass domestic-violence laws; here, however, the experience has been disparate.

Four countries, four experiences

In Nigeria, a draft domestic-violence bill prepared by the Legislative Advocacy Coalition on Violence against Women has been lodged in the house of representatives (the lower house of parliament) since 2003, but has not even been listed in the order paper for hearing. The provision on marital rape, which some view as "western" and "against the culture of Nigeria" has been invoked to explain the slow progress of the bill; settling it would, it is claimed, allow the bill to be passed into law. The contradiction here is that Nigeria has already ratified the protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, which prohibits marital rape without any reservations.

The Kenyan experience highlights a different face of misogyny. A sexual-offences bill that seeks harsher penalties for perpetrators of sexual violence became mired in controversy when a legislator (male, as were 204 of the 222 expected to vote on the bill) alleged that some provisions would criminalise men's advances towards women. Civil-society groups demanded that their votes should be transparent; when gun-toting policemen blocked activists from entering parliament to press this demand, they chanted anti-rape songs and chanted at the police: "Kill us today so that we do not get raped tomorrow!"

The Ugandan situation represents a further interesting contrast. In December 2003, a domestic-relations bill was tabled before parliament, containing a host of provisions to deal with discriminatory laws and practices in marriage, divorce, inheritance, property ownership, and violence and equality within marriage and the family. Sylvia Tamale charts what happened next: the bill reached the committee stage in early 2005, only to generate massive controversy that stretched beyond parliament to the media and the streets (see "The Right to Culture and the Culture of Rights: A Critical Perspective on Sexual Rights in Africa", Feminist Legal Studies [forthcoming]). A scathing attack on the bill's contents by the legal and parliamentary affairs committee was echoed in a demonstration on 29 March 2005 by hundreds of women (the majority of them wearing the hijab) in the streets of Kampala. They described the bill as a "coup against family decency", and swore to oppose its passage. A few weeks later, parliament shelved the bill for "more extensive consultations." When President Yoweri Museveni declared during the election campaign in February 2006 that "it (the domestic-relations bill) was not urgently needed", the debate was effectively closed. It was a severe setback for Uganda's women's movement.

A more positive legislative outcome was witnessed in Ghana. Here, a domestic-violence bill was subject to more than three years of extensive national consultations led by the government ministry of women's and children's affairs; the Domestic Violence Coalition, formed to support the passage of the bill, also played a key role in the process. There was early resistance from a surprising source, the then minister of women's affairs (who argued that the law would "destroy families"); and the coalition's demand for the repeal of S42(g) of the criminal code (the so-called "marital-rape exemption" also caused bitter acrimony. Those opposed to the bill portrayed it and its gender-activist supporters as purveying "foreign" ideas that threatened Ghanaian cultural beliefs and practices - in particular, the sanctity of marriage and men's rights within it.

This reaction highlighted the lack of understanding of gender-based violence as an equality issue that surrounded the debate over the proposed legislation in Ghana. Even within the state and among the general public, fixed and regressive attitudes remained prevalent - that women in social life and within marriage had an inferior status, and that women were to blame for provoking acts of violence by the way they dressed or for being unfaithful.

In the event, the Domestic Violence Act was passed on 21 February 2007, without the express repeal of S42(g), although with the provision that "(the) use of violence in the domestic setting is not justified on the basis of consent." However, within a few weeks of the passage of the law, the statute law commissioner, acting on his own initiative, removed the offending S42(g) from the statute-book.

This new legislation has been hailed as a triumph, but much work remains to be done to ensure that it is fully implemented. This will require - so activists and human-rights advocates in Ghana argue - a comprehensive, nationwide domestic action plan and the provision of necessary human and budgetary resources (partly in light of the fact governments have in practice relied on donors to fund gender work in Ghana). Some aspects of the social environment - in which most Ghanaian women still live in poverty, depend on men, and are surrounded by attitudes and codes that tolerate oppressive behaviour or allow serious violations of women's rights to be "settled" without justice or accountability - reinforce the argument that implementation mechanisms are vital.

The next stage

Violence, including domestic violence, deprives women of their ability to achieve their full potential by threatening their safety, freedom and autonomy. This variety of African experiences shows that the formulation of laws is an important instrument in countering this threat; but it is not enough to eliminate gender-based violence or (as in the Ugandan case) to ensure its general acceptability, even among women. Rather, multiple strategies and approaches are needed that recognise the differing interests, lived realities and contradictions among women of different class, religious and cultural backgrounds; and to find ways to express proposed changes in language and practices that better approximate women's lived realities and experiences.


* This article was originally published in the independent online magazine www.opendemocracy.net, as part of their coverage of 16 Days Against Gender Violence. It is republished by kind permission of the author, and openDemocracy. You can view the blog at http://opendemocracy.net/blog/5050

* Takyiwaa Manuh has been the Director of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon since 2002 and is an Associate Professor at the University of Ghana.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

International Day against violence against women

Elizabeth Mataka

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44715

Elizabeth Mataka says the needs and the rights of women need to move from the empty discussions in the margins and given the necessary resources, attention and action the urgency requires

In the days leading up to the International Day Against Violence Against Women I have been reflecting on exactly what ‘violence’ in the violence against women means. The more I thought about the subject, the more I realized that violence now has many shapes and colours, it has transcended the violence of physical, sexual and psychological assault, touched down on political and economic harm and now moved into the space of complicity by silence.

We need not look further than the recent epidemiological data released this week by UNAIDS, it illustrates that approximately 60% of HIV infected adults in sub-Saharan Africa are women. This information, I am aware, is not new – women in our region have for many years been what has been coined ‘the face of the epidemic’ - but what this new data has done is brought home the realization that nothing, nothing has changed for women.

The HIV estimates in Africa have shown a leveling off and in some instances, a decline and this is hopeful news. But the situation of women has not changed.
And so I ask, when it comes to women, why are we so slow to act?
With statistics such as these, we are facing a critical emergency, we are rapidly moving towards an Africa without women. Allowing this to happen is violence against women. You may not conduct a physical assault, but being silent is being complicit and non-action is now a violent act.

I have made a personal stand not to be complicit or be a silent aid to any form of violence against women. Strengthening the rights of women and girls is a priority area for me during my tenure as the UN Special Envoy on AIDS in Africa. I have decided to move beyond the lip service of discussions on the empowerment of women and work closely with governments and legal groups, lobbying them, to make sure that legislation and policy is reformed to actually support the empowerment of women.

However, as we know, we can change policy and legislation, but nothing will change unless we change our cultural practices and our personal attitudes that support this violence against women.

For example, am I wrong to say that in some of our cultures here in Africa, a well brought up daughter is one who is submissive and obedient? Doesn’t this well mannered daughter reflect well on her family? But doesn’t this very same education in submissiveness and obedience create a dependency, which in turn disempowers our daughters?

Another example, am I wrong in saying that some of our cultures here in Africa condemn divorce; and our societies are quick to denounce marriage separation, even a marriage with high risk and abuse? Evidence shows that a massive number of new infections in women here occur in the context of marriage or long term relationships. With this kind of information, it is a violent act to hide behind ‘culture’ to justify leading our women to an early grave.

This is why in my tenure as the UN Special Envoy on AIDS, I will talk publicly and honestly about the cultural practices that are harmful to women. We need to break the silence on this. We need to ask ourselves about the kind of legacy we will leave for our daughters and granddaughters, unless we stand-up to some of these harmful practices, all they will inherit is a certain death before they have actually lived.

Again I ask, when it comes to women, why are we so slow to act?

It is still astounding that over 25 years into the HIV epidemic, and in the context of sexual relations, for the most part a woman is still made dependent on her male sexual partner to protect herself. The statistics show that time has run out, women need products, now, that they can control – without negotiation and with discretion - to protect themselves against HIV. More political commitment and resources need to go to the research agenda around women controlled HIV prevention products, like microbicides.

The needs and the rights of women need to move from the empty discussions in the margins and given the necessary resources, attention and action the urgency requires. However, absolutely nothing will change for women unless men and boys are involved and educated towards an understanding of equality – this will help them understand, better, the advantages of true gender equality.

Today, the International Day Against Violence Against Women and the first day of the 16 days of activism against gender violence, I ask that non-action is included as a definition of violence. It is our collective responsibility to take a stand against violence against women, if we remain silent, we become complicit, we become an obstacle.

I conclude by asking again, when it comes to women, why are we so slow to act?


* Elizabeth Mataka is the UN Special Envoy for AIDS in Africa

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Demanding implementation, challenging obstacles

Irene Sithole

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44709

Irene Sithole writes that Zimbabwe's women suffer violence in all environments including work place, the home and the political arena.

In Zimbabwe, violence against women continues to be a challenge with hardly a day passing without at least one case reported in the media. Women suffer violence in all environments including work place, the home and the political arena. Domestic Violence is the most common and pervasive form of violence against women in Zimbabwe. The problem is exacerbated by the culture of silence around the issue coupled with religious and cultural practices that condone violence particularly domestic violence. The magnitude of the problem of domestic violence spurred women’s rights defenders to advocate for a law to address domestic violence. The result of the advocacy was the enactment of the Domestic Violence Act (Chapter 5:16) (hereinafter referred to as the Act), which came into force on 25 October 2007.

The question, which should be uppermost in everyone’s mind, is now that the Act is in place what is next? For this reason the theme for this year’s 16 days of activism against gender based violence could not have been more relevant for Zimbabwe. The Act has to be implemented effectively and this can only be done by challenging all the obstacles that may hinder effectiveness. The objective of this paper is to analyse these obstacles and suggest some ways of overcoming the obstacles. The writer has been involved in information dissemination and development of implementation plans for the Act hence the analysis will draw a lot on this experience. The writer has identified three main challenges or obstacles to the effective implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. These are

i) Resources both human and financial
ii) Knowledge of the law and
iii) Negative attitudes towards the law

Resources

Effective implementation of the domestic violence law will require a lot of resources. Awareness programmes have already started and resource materials are required for the programme. In disseminating information on the Act, people need the actual Act for further reference. Others need simplified versions and versions translated into their vernacular languages. Beyond information dissemination, resources are also needed to put in place certain structures that are provided for in the Act. Some of the structures are domestic violence sections at all police stations and safe houses for complainants of domestic violence.

Besides financial and material resources, effective implementation of the law will require manpower. The various government departments who have the mandate to implement the law such as the police, the courts and health officials should have adequate staff for complainants to be assisted expeditiously. Zimbabwe as a nation is currently experiencing the challenge of skilled manpower with most people living the country in search of greener pastures. This means that new people have to be trained to fill in the gap.

Overcoming the obstacles of resources seems like an insurmountable task considering the economic crisis that the nation is going through. However, the obstacle can be overcome by prioritizing and applying a multisectoral approach to resource mobilization. Given the high incidence of domestic violence in Zimbabwe, it is argued that the issue deserves priority in the national budget. The 2008 national budgets are currently being prepared and this is an opportunity to factor in funding for the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act. The state needs to show its commitment to the elimination of domestic violence by providing funds for the Act’s implementation. However, one needs to appreciate that the state alone does not have sufficient funds hence the need for all stakeholders to combine resources to fight the scourge of domestic violence. This means that the government, civil society and the private sector all have to mobilize resources and make a meaningful contribution in funding the implementation programme. The resources mobilized can be used for information, education and communication materials development setting up of safe houses and training and capacity development of personnel.

Knowledge of the law

Whilst sharing the provisions of the Act with various stakeholders, the writer has been amazed by the things which are said to be in the Act which are not there. Unfortunately this lack of knowledge is not only found in the receivers of information but even among resource persons and facilitators disseminating the information. The distortion of information could have arisen from the fact that when the law was still in Bill form, all women’s rights activists took it upon themselves to raise awareness on the law among the public. While this was good when one considers the area covered and the speed with which the information travelled, the problem was that some of the information disseminators had not seen the Bill. They just passed on information, which they had heard from those who had the Bill. Further to that, others who are without a legal background did not interpret the provisions of the law correctly. The Bill also underwent some amendments in Parliament. Some people continued to disseminate the information in the original Bill without noting the changes that had been effected in Parliament.

Since people cannot utilize a law, which they do not know, it is imperative that the advocates for this law and the implementers join hands in conducting an intensive national awareness programmes. In carrying out this awareness programme, those who have no legal expertise must ensure that they involve legal experts so that beneficiaries receive correct information. The implementers themselves i.e. court officials and police officers ought to be trained so that they know what they are supposed to do and how they are supposed to do it.

Negative attitudes towards the law

The introduction of this law has sent shock waves among cultural and religious circles where it is viewed as usurping of husbands’ marital power by women. Some opponents even went further to attack the women who were advocating for the law labeling them as divorcees and singles seeking to destroy other people’s marriages. The gatekeepers argue that the family is sacred and the law should not interfere in family matters. They contend that if there are any disputes between husbands and wives, they should be solved through the cultural or religious structures because the private should be separated from the public.

Attitudes are the greatest obstacles to the implementation of this Act because usually they cannot be changed overnight. One has to keep pushing and lobbying until change occurs. Some of the resistance stems from ignorance of the law and therefore the religious and cultural leaders need to be targeted with information in order for them to understand that the law protects both men and women. However, involvement of the cultural and religious leaders has to go beyond information dissemination to a level where the leaders appreciate the benefits of the law so that they can also influence acceptance among their followers.

Conclusion

Despite these obstacles this year’s commemoration of 16 days of activism against gender based violence is a time of celebration for Zimbabwe. It has been a long road to have a domestic violence law in place. The struggle went on for more than ten years but now the Act is operational. We celebrate this achievement and we celebrate the lives of those women who have put their reputation at stake to ensure that the law becomes a reality.

* Irene Sithole is the Gender Based Violence Programme Officer for Women's
Action Group, an NGO which advocates for women's rights in Zimbabwe.
She can be contacted by email at renesithole@yahoo.com or
irene@wag.org.zw

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Abuse after disclosing status hinders HIV care

Gloria Ganyani

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44710

Along with partners and husbands, families also often shun women who disclose their status, placing the blame squarely on the woman’s shoulders, writes Gloria Ganyani.


24-year old Ruth Sibanda* was pregnant and could not wait to have her first baby. On one of her visits to the antenatal clinic, they gave her an HIV test.

No one really explained to Sibanda much about the test. She received no pre-test counseling to mentally and psychologically prepare her for the action she is about to take. All they said was that she must get the test done, so that if she tests positive she can get assistance so that she does not infect her unborn child.

As fate would have it, Sibanda tested positive and her world was never the same. When she arrived home and broke the news to her husband, she met with blows and insults. The most terrible thing for her was that, though she had only slept with one man, her husband, he accused her of infidelity and of infecting him with HIV.

More than 25 years into the struggle with HIV and AIDS, and this is just one among many stories of women who have experienced violent behaviour and abuse by their partners after disclosing their HIV status.

“We receive a number of complaints from women who are abused by their partners after disclosing their status,” says Sara Murera, the Programme Assistant, Gender Violence and HIV and AIDS at Musasa Project in Zimbabwe.

“It is women who usually get to know their HIV status first and if they discuss the results with their partners, they are blamed, shamed, threatened and in some cases this can lead to divorce, stigma and discrimination,” she said.

Along with partners and husbands, families also often shun women who disclose their status, placing the blame squarely on the woman’s shoulders. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), among women who disclose their HIV status in sub-Saharan Africa, between three and 15 percent report violent reactions to revealing their status.

“Even in instances where there was no form of violence in the home before, disclosure can ignite violent acts by the partner,” says Murera. “The husband can refuse to share a bed with the wife, even if he does not know who infected who. The blame is always heaped on the wife.”

Murera’s organisation runs support groups for women. Because there are many women who have been in such situations, it is easy to find some willing to come and share their experiences with affected women. “They try to show them that their problem is not unique. They have survived it and have moved on with life.”

Abusing women who disclose their HIV status encourages people to keep their status a secret and fear of testing and its consequences increases the spread of HIV and AIDS.

The WHO estimates that in Sub-Saharan Africa only 17 – 32 percent of women who test positive for HIV reveal their status. Fear of violence and reprisals prevents many women from accessing information on HIV and AIDS, being tested, disclosing their status, accessing services for the prevention of HIV transmission to infants, and receiving treatment, care and support.

The main reason health service providers test women for HIV during pregnancy is to prevent mother-to-child transmission. According to UNICEF, if a woman living with HIV becomes pregnant, there is a 35 percent chance that she will transmit the virus to her child, if there is no preventative action. Some 15 to 20 percent of children become infected during pregnancy while 50 percent are infected during delivery and 33 per cent through breastfeeding.

Yet in pursuing this worthy cause, as in Sibanda’s case, there are times when there are no supportive measures in place to help the woman deal with their newfound knowledge and to ensure that they return for follow up, or even to make them aware of treatment options or positive living messages. Ignoring women’s needs for the sake of the child’s defeats the purpose.
Men who have tested positive for HIV also have fears about disclosing their HIV status. An Ethiopian man who discovered that he was HIV positive started taking antiretroviral drugs, but kept it a secret from his wife. The man told his wife that his anti-retroviral drugs were vitamin tablets and that the doctor had prescribed him a “vitamin” to boost his energy levels because he was always overloaded with work.

He told his wife that the tablets were not good for women’s health. “My husband confessed that he knew his status for three years and did not tell me, fearing that our family and neighbours would discriminate against us. The fact that the virus is sexually transmitted shamed him,” said the 35-year-old woman whose husband died shortly after his confession.

Couples should be encouraged to go for testing and counseling together and to be supportive of each other whatever the results. They should also try to avoid the blame game and instead focus on the way forward and living positively. In the case of women especially, there needs to be more work done to ensure that revealing one’s status is a healthy life choice, and not a catalyst for increased violence and discrimination.

Recognising that underlying gender norms are at the heart of some of the barriers women face in sharing HIV test results with their partners, and in the type of treatment they experience after revealing their status, is key to making headway in preventing and caring for women when it comes to HIV and AIDS.

* Not her real name.

* Gloria Ganyani works with Southern Africa HIV and AIDS Information Dissemination Service (SAfAIDS) Media Unit in Zimbabwe.

* This article is part of a series produced by the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service for the Sixteen Days of Activism on Gender Violence.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Human trafficking concern for 2010

Tonya Graham

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44711

In the run up to World Cup 2010, organisations around the world are seriously concerned about the problem of human trafficking into the Southern African region, says Tonya Graham.

In the run up to World Cup 2010, organisations around the world are seriously concerned about the problem of human trafficking into the Southern African region. At a mid-November conference held by the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) in Bangkok, Thailand, the need to adequately prepare for the upcoming world event taking place in South Africa was one of the topics on the agenda

In Southern Africa as well, gender and women’s rights activists are increasing recognising human trafficking as a human rights and gender violence issue. Though still not well understood, trafficking in women is an emerging problem, which will increase substantially as the South Africa, and the entire region, moves towards the 2010 mass influx of tourists.

Human trafficking is a pervasive global problem, and strong laws are vital to preventing and prosecuting it, as well as caring for survivors. Take the case of Mary Jiang* who left her home in Vietnam to go and work in Taiwan, anticipating a good job with a salary that would give her the chance to improve her life and that of her family.

However, when she arrived she found the promises were false, and she suffered inhuman treatment by her employers who forced her to work gruelling 16-hour days. When one of the 20 machines she worked on at once caught Jiang’s hand, she waited 45 minutes before her hand was freed, suffering sever injuries.

After two days in hospital her employers told her to sign some forms, they were taking her to a better hospital. Once signed, they took her back to a company building and locked her in a small, dirty room. Jiang is just one of the thousands of women across the worlds that are trafficked into forced labour, domestic servitude and sex slavery every year.

The United Nations (UN) Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children defines human trafficking as, “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, or abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments of benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”

This Protocol entered into force in 2003, and resulted in new or bolstered anti-trafficking laws in many countries, laws intended to support trafficked people like Jiang and arrest and prosecute traffickers. Jiang managed to escape her captors, and fortunately, Taiwanese law was on her side. She was able to access proper treatment for her injury, and is now back in Vietnam studying law, with partial support from the Taiwanese legal centre that first assisted her.

However, Jiang’s case is a rare success story. Taiwanese law, the legal facilities available there for migrant workers and trafficked people, as well as Mary’s ability to gather hard evidence such as hospital bills and photographs of both her injury and company buildings, enabled her to successfully seek justice.

Unfortunately, for the majority of trafficked people, despite new laws and protocols, access to justice is still far out of reach. This is especially the case in Africa, where many countries have been slow to react to the problem, and where legislation exists at all, it is inadequate or poorly implemented. Mozambique, for example, is a major source country for trafficking to South Africa, but has yet to adopt a proposed anti-trafficking bill.

A new report by the GAATW, Collateral Damages, examines anti-trafficking measures and their impact on the human rights of trafficked people from 8 countries across the globe. Nigeria, a major source country for women trafficked to Europe, is the African country included in the report.

The Nigerian government passed an anti-trafficking Act shortly after the UN Trafficking Protocol came into force. Victoria Nwogu, author of the Nigeria chapter, says that while the Act is definitely a step in the right direction, it has many loopholes and shortfalls, the result of acting too quick.

The Act, she says, essentially reproduces the UN Trafficking Protocol, without effectively adapting it to the local context. Some of the points of the Protocol are inappropriate for Nigeria and so the Act, in some places, misses its mark.

However, the Act and other anti-trafficking measures are important steps taken toward ending human trafficking, and their successes and positive activities are important to consider. In addition to the Act, Nigeria established a specialised anti-trafficking agency (NAPTIP), introduced severe penalties for offences related to human trafficking, successfully prosecuted offenders, and launched a massive awareness campaign.

The Nigerian Police Force has specialised Anti-Trafficking Units, and works together with NAPTIP and immigration services in detecting, investigating and prosecuting traffickers. According to Nwogu’s report, from, “2003 to date, NAPTIP has successfully prosecuted nine cases resulting in 11 convictions, while 35 more cases are ongoing.”

Despite all this, trafficking in the country is not really decreasing, something that Nwogu attributes to the fact that Nigeria is not properly addressing the issues that cause people to migrate, issues that become the root causes of human trafficking, and that impact women specifically, such as poverty, human rights violations, social exclusion, etc.

“If these factors are ignored, people will continue to explore unsafe migration channels and ultimately find their way into the arms of traffickers,” she says.

One of the major problems with current anti-trafficking laws in Nigeria and elsewhere is that they focus more on arresting traffickers than they do on protecting or supporting trafficked women, children and men. Assistance to trafficked people is often conditional on their agreeing to cooperate with law enforcement.

Non-cooperation can lead to unnecessary detention or deportation. In many ways, current measures deal with trafficking from a national security perspective. The Collateral Damages report gives 10 recommendations that aim change that to a human security perspective, putting the rights and needs of trafficked people at the forefront.

Many of the recommendations simply sound like common sense: base policies on evidence collected from trafficked people; inform people who have been trafficked from other countries about how they can get assistance in their home country upon return; monitor the impact of anti-trafficking measures and make changes accordingly.

Many nations in Africa, because of their slow response to human trafficking, have actually been given a unique opportunity to learn from the mistakes of countries, which may have responded too quickly to the UN Trafficking Protocol. They have the opportunity to create evidence-based legislation that is country-specific, to institute measures that take the rights of trafficked people and other migrants into account, and to respond in ways that also address the root causes of migration.

With it porous borders, high rates of poverty, and pervasive gender inequalities, Southern Africa is ripe ground for human trafficking. The region has the opportunity to recognise and act pro-actively, with the lessons learned elsewhere, to deal with the problem before it escalates even further.

* Not her real name.

* Tonya Graham is a projects coordinator working with CMFD (Community Media for Development) Productions, currently working on media to raise awareness about human trafficking.

* This article is part of a series produced by the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service for the Sixteen Days of Activism on Gender Violence.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Gender approach to violence, labour rights and discrimination

Aboubacry Mbodji

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44712

Aboubacry Mbodji proposes a gender approach in regard to violence, labour rights and discriminations against women in Senegalese working environment.

In the Senegal, issues relating to violence, to right to work and to discriminations against women in working environment, cannot be understood without a detailed analysis of multi-secular historical context, which have founded the economic, social and political status of women yesterday and today. It is not of our intention to exhaust a so vast subject in the economy of a presentation. Our purpose will especially try hard to ask fundamental questions by hoping that a more deepened study will be able to be carried out to enable a more exhaustive analysis of the subject.

What is the role of the traditional institutions and religious practices in the promotion of the right of the woman to work? By traditional institutions, it is not only necessary to hear the formal institutions, but also modes of organizations or the forms of practices codified by tradition and by religion. The influence of tradition and religion on the life of the individuals appears to be obvious, but this one hides the worst forms of discrimination against women on the one hand, and obstacles in promotion and protection of their right to work on the other hand.

What are the traditional institutions and the religious practices with harmful effects on the right of women to work? What are the worst forms of discrimination which follow from it? Are there good recommendable practices? How to change status quo? What have to be the actors or the institutions of such change? From which actions and strategies can we lead such a desired social change?

In fact these are the fundamental questions in which our presentation will try to bring answers.

I. Traditional institutions or customary practices

In spite of the importance of its contribution and its role in the traditional society, the position of the Senegalese woman seems to challenge yesterday as today the human dignity, as much discriminations are numerous, structural as inhuman. Traditional institutions and customary practices seem to have sealed the position of the woman as insignificant citizen, or anyway, been born to be dominated by the man.

1.1. The matriarchal system

Following the example of the African traditional societies, the Senegalese society seems at first glance to idealize the woman with regard to its position, with its social status, with its instructive and economic role. She is honoured and seems to occupy an important place in the matriarchal system. However, this situation following from the functioning of the matriarchal system of the society, which would have been able to lay the foundations of an egalitarian and no-discriminating society, hides to a certain extent the influence of the traditional institutions and the customary practices with tendency to relegate the woman in the background in the distribution of its economic, social and political functions.

If the political institution of matriarchy put the woman in a privileged position which could enable her to play entirely her economic, social and political role within the society, one can realize obviously with the analysis of this system that this role was generally figurative: it was not indeed a real exercise of power. Certainly, there were exceptions, particularly in certain ethnic groups of the Senegalese society (to Wolof, Fulani, Soninke, Bambara, Diola, etc), where one noted the existence of queens who occupied at the same time economic, social and political functions (example: Ndete Yalla Mbodj who was queen of the Walo until 1853, Alin Sitoye Diatta, queen of Kabrousse who was deported of her natal Casamance in Gabon by the French colonists).

Apart from these rare exceptions, the status of the woman in the Senegalese traditional society in comparison with the possession and in the transmission of power seldom gave her possibility to achieve high political functions to the men.

1.2. Patriarchal system

As social practice, the custom appears in all respects in the Senegalese traditional society as the symbol of the submission of the woman to the man. It forces the woman to dedicate an almost complete submission to the man: spouse, father or brother. This structural presentation profoundly anchored in tradition and customs constitutes the main discriminating factor for the access of the woman to the public and political sphere. If this situation is based on a patriarchal organization of the family and the society, it is necessary to emphasize that the passage of matriarchy in patriarchy was historically long and laboured.

Reasons advanced in the course of history are numerous, even if the motherhood (matrilinéarité) could be considered to be the consequence of motherhood, owing to « mystery of conception » which engenders the unification of the child with its mother and, by way of consequence, to the maternal family, due to the power of life which it detains and from which the man is excluded by ignorance of his role in the process of delivery. This situation is transformed in fatherhood (patrilinéarité) when at least two elements converge:

* the realization of the role of the father in the conception of the child and the progressive transformation of the economy of survival into a trader economy, requiring the knowledge of its descendant in order to enable the transmission of treasures collected which only man has found it, at a given time, loaded

* The recognition of the role of the mother which has moved it away during a moment of the conception and tasks of reproduction.

This postulate of economist origin of the patriarchy which consecrated the economic, social and political domination of the woman seems to be of a key importance. It has enable to understand that the economic and conditions to reach it could be a way to drive to social change.

1.3. The institution of polygamy

From all institutions or traditional practices, polygamy appears to be the one which is in the centre of debates, in the fact that it is holder of numerous forms of violation of the rights of the woman. It draws its legitimacy at the same time in the custom and in religion, particularly Islamic. The practices of the lévirat (after the death of the husband, the woman must marry a member of the family of the deceased, most often one of the brothers of the husband), or of the sororat (practice of remarriage of a widower with the sister of his spouse, particularly when this late has small children), are common practices in the Senegalese society which violate systematically rights and fundamental freedom of the woman.

1.4. Slave state practices and their after-effects

The institution of slavery was and is another pain and social tragedy in the African countries. Even if it has been eradicated in all ethnic groups of the Senegalese society, it still remains some after-effects which constitute the worst social forms of discrimination in a way to keep the woman in a situation of extreme domination as long as she will exist.

1.5. The harmful traditional practices violating the woman dignity

In the Senegalese yesteryear society as that of today, there are several types of harmful practices such as female genital mutilations. These have a negative effect on the health of the mother and the child. The most frequent female genital mutilations in certain ethnic groups of the Senegalese society such as Fulani, Soninké, Bambara and Diola are the following:

* the incision or "Sunna" according to the Muslim religion which seems to leave undamaged the female sexual organs and that consists of taking away a small end of the clitoris or in proceeding to the injection or boring of the organ

* the removal which consists of severing the hood of the clitoris or in proceeding to the excision of a part or the half of the small lips of the organ

* The infibulation which consists of cutting entirely the small lips, the clitoris and sewing the big lips together by leaving only a small orifice which allows the passage of urines and menstrual flux.

In the Senegal, the realisations of inquiries on these practices reveal that excision represents 85 % of female genital mutilations, for reasons related to nutritional taboos and to force-feeding.

1.6. The worst forms of discrimination and their consequences on woman’s rights

From the medical point of view, traditional practices such as excision and infibulation cause, in short, medium and long-term, serious consequences to the physical and mental health of the woman. On physical and psychological plan, the state of shock of the little girl, owed to bleeding but also to high-pitched pain, to the suffering and to the fright, can cause disturbances of behaviour which later lead to the lack of trust regarding the others, to neuroses or even of psychoses according to the experts of the Worldwide Health Organization (WHO).

Immediate physical complications (bleeding, infections, tetanus, sexually transmitted diseases, AIDS, death), legions of the neighbouring organs (urethra, vagina, lapsed or rectum) can happen immediately after operation. In the long term, other complications can also happen: repeated bleedings, blockage and chronic infection of the urinary and genital ways, forming of cheloids, cysts, neurinomes and vésico-vaginal fistulas.

Such complications cause painful sexual intercourses, menstrual frequent riot as the dysménorrhée. They can also lead to incontinence and to sterility of the woman by putting her in a critical social situation (Report of the WHO, 1994). Problems related to pregnancy and to delivery are also numerous: complications of delivery plunged or extended which are dangerous for the life of the mother and the child who can suffer from neonatal cerebral legions.

1.7. Ideological foundations of harmful traditional practices

In the Senegalese society, families justify these dreadful practices by the necessity to find a husband to the little girl. In fact it is to transform her according to the desire of the men: cutting the organs of pleasure of the little girl to attenuate her sexual appetite or force-feed her to make a «soft mattress» for the future husband. The pinches which accompany force-feeding participate in a process of torment which must lead these little girls to become crushed women, and therefore, subjected to the men.

Female genital mutilations are an integrant part of the patriarchal system through which, in a relationship of power, the men appropriate and control the women. They are the form the most finished by the management of sexuality by the men in the African and Senegalese society, in particular.

II. Institutions or religious practices

Between institutions or religious practices and those considered as traditional, the border is not always airtight, considering the long history of interlocking or coexistence of both universes. Very often, it is allocated in the religion of the practices which are not it responsibility, and vice versa: religious practices are though and are lived as emanating from custom or traditions. This amalgam is source of a lot of confusions in daily practice. This poses problems, seen from the angle of the freedom of choice and the respect of rules. In addition to the numerous and various interpretations or even contradictory of the religious texts, particularly the Koran.

Here, the debates have been always the contradictory, or even enthralled. Even if one has often recalled the progressive nature of the Koran, hadiths and sharia in terms of respect or promotion of the rights of the woman, as a rule, practices related to the laws of the family in Muslim religion, both institutions of polygamy and inheritance are those which pose most problems.

III. How to change the status quo?

On one hand the modernization, the universality of human rights on the other hand, are changing in a positively and in a substantial way but yet in a non-radical manner the women position. Reforms following from political mutations and from the democratization of the Senegalese society however face up ideological, cultural and religious problems. The statuses of the family appropriate to traditions and to religions remain in a great extent the cornerstone of the resistance to change.

3.1. Right at work and discriminations against women in Senegalese environment

How to change the status quo? It will be to passing by the pedagogy of the change of mentality and behaviour which requires:

* The destruction of the wall of indifference: the struggle must continue seeing the significant progress which enable us to have hope.

* The fight against all forms of discrimination against women: it is a means which enables women to free themselves from the system of domination by men which, as that of apartheid, is not irremovable and can therefore be eradicated.

* We all should, together work to change this system, because it was rooted for a long time so profoundly in almost all cultures. Seen from this angle, the requested effort to dismantle all the social structures which tolerate it or that secrete it, or that deny themselves apparently even to see it or to consider it to be as such (as discriminating), demand the imagination and lasting actions to be led on several fronts in a holistic and systematic perspective which must take into account all areas of life and all the actors.

* The struggle against all forms of discrimination against women does not limit only to punish the individual acts. It is necessary to work in a way to change deeply the beliefs so profoundly anchored in the mentalities which seem unconscious and which consider that basically, the women and the girls do not have value as much as men and boys. It is only when women and girls will have their place in the society in a quality of strong and equal members that discriminations against them in the Senegalese society will appear as a horrifying aberration rather than an invisible norm.

The immensity of obstacles and stakes related to tradition and to religion is likely to discourage more than an actor, but it will always be necessary to fight individually and collectively, in spite of difficulties which pose the fight for the liberation of the woman from the domination of the man.

By basing on what precedes, we can say that the first step consists of the implementation of the national and international juridical instruments relating to human rights in general, to the rights women particularly. In this title, it is possible to imagine appropriate strategies, smart and progressive reforms holders of change on the ground of the fight against all forms of discrimination against women.

At the international level, the Convention of United Nations against all forms of discrimination against women of 1979 (CEDAW), lays the foundations of a social change and successive legal reforms, but which the effectiveness demands method in the sense that they cannot change by the magic of the texts of beliefs and multi-secular practices, that are so profoundly anchored in the unthinking collective of communities.

Another supplementary instrument to the CEDAW in the fight against all forms discrimination against women is the Convention of United Nations on the rights of the child. From these two legal instruments of universal range are added other pacts or treaties including the African Charter for Human and the People’s rights of 1981 and the additional Protocol relating to the rights of the woman of 2002. It is through the education of children (girls as well as boys) that we can forge the weapon of social change.

Certainly, the children face in some extent the same otherwise worse forms of discrimination than women, but our purpose is elsewhere. In fact, the woman was educated to occupy her present status. One must therefore change this status through education so that she acquires a different status. As has mentioned the famous philosopher Simone de Beauvoir : « one does not born woman, we become it». We should derive the weapon of liberation of the woman from the domination of the man through the education of the girls in the same capacity as the boys who must be educated to look in another way at their sister, at their partner or at their colleague.

Besides, it is what encouraged certain African States in the implementation of programs favouring the education of girls in order to correct the inequality between them and boys. The inequality in the access to education is one of the most serious forms of discrimination against girls. It perpetuates their inferiority or weak position with regard to boys and makes them vulnerable in different despoiling such as harassment in working environment where the majority of women still do not have access to the authorities of decisions. On the other hand, because of illiteracy and growing pauperization, the most part of girls or women devote themselves to harmful practices to their health, or even to behaviours which reduce the value their status and their role in the society (prostitution, narcotic, for instance).

Education to human rights gives to girls to have confidence in themselves in order to better reinforce their capacities in school and university environment. In this way, it constitutes a precondition in progress struggle against all forms of discrimination directed to them. The access of girls, therefore future mothers of family to school has been very late and remains still very slow in the most part of the African countries. The happiness of the woman being in the conjugal home, even the rare promoted among the girls, were and still continue to be very precociously. They are pulled from the benches of the school by precocious marriage and motherhood which sometimes cause disastrous consequences (death after having their first sexual intercourse, complications during the pregnancy and during delivery).

Besides, the education to human rights also constitutes a means through which girls and boys can learn to consider themselves equal in relation to the social institutions and to promote equity in all forms of collaboration. In this respect, the actions of sensitization of girls and women on their rights constitute supplementary benefits in the pedagogy of labour legislative reforms. It would be necessary to lose of view that reforms on theoretical and legislative plan will have effect and can be led to a real social change only if we all want it and work out to create the favourable conditions to its realization.

It is then imperiously necessary to integrate the education to human rights in the programs of education from the primary school, by passing through secondary schools up to universities. Besides these programs of education it important to implement actions in the field to supplement in a pedagogic way legal and legislative reforms. In this title, three types of actions on the ground need to be implemented in field:

* Legal and judicial assistance to the victims of abuses.

* Sensitization for the popularization of the national and international legal instruments relating to the human rights in general, and to the rights of women and the child particularly.

* The strengthening of the capacities of women and children by qualifying training for their social status and to empower their economic and political powers which were subjected for a long time to the domination of men and boys.

3.2. What are the agents for change?

These are at the same time the social institutions, men and women, boys and girls. It is then necessary to reinforce the capacities of these institutions, its actors and actresses by trying to reconcile tradition and modernity. It passes necessarily by a pedagogic approach which takes into account the importance of civil and political rights of women and girls on the one hand, as well as their economic, social and cultural rights on the other hand.

To conclude, we shall say that the Gender approach in regard to violence, right to work and discriminations against women in working environment, constitute a pedagogic means enabling the involvement of all concerned actors among which:

* The religious and traditional or customary leaders

* The political authorities and decentralized local powers

* The technical directly or indirectly concerned ministries (ministries of the women or the family, justice, national education, social development or national solidarity, etc)

* The institutions of the republic (presidency of the republic, National Assembly, government, Constitutional Council or Supreme Court, State advice, supreme court of appeal, national audit office and courts)

* The organs of support of democracy such as the national commissions for human rights (CNDH), national autonomous electoral commission (CENA), the national council of broadcasting regulation (CNRA)

* The Economic and Social Council, the council of territorial communities

* The civil society organizations and those of private sector (trade-unions, employers, non governmental organizations, women or youths associations, old or handicapped) who have to participate in education and in popularization of the human rights, in the strengthening of the economic capacities of the women, to the struggle against impunity and injustice

* Populations themselves

* Private and public mass media.


* Aboubacry Mbodji is a Medical Anthropologist who is a Public Relations Officer of the African Assembly for the Protection of Human Rights (Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme - RADDHO), an NGO for Human Rights whish is a panafrican Orgaization based in Dakar, Senegal

* This paper was presented at the West Arica regional workshop on fair trial and criminal justice, 7th – 8th november 2007, Nairobi, Kenya

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Government leaders passive in the face of lesbian murders

Melanie Judge

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44713

Melanie Judge writes about the apparent passivity of government leaders in the face of lesbian attacks and murders in South Africa.

It is hard not to feel pessimistic when it comes to 16 Days of Activism. The killers of Sizakele Sigasa and Salome Masooa, two lesbian activists murdered in Soweto in July, have still to be brought to book. The murder of Thokozane Qwabe in Ladysmith remains unresolved. And, as I write this, another two lesbian women have been targeted for attack at a township gay bar, followed, and then shot: one of them fatally.

These recent violent attacks and murders have left many of us deeply saddened and enraged. Many more are non-plussed. Yet, these attacks on lesbian women are nothing new. For each of these women, there are hundreds more who are raped, to prove a point by men and communities who do not approve of their sexuality.

To compound matters, government leaders remain silent about such incidents of extreme prejudice. Whilst South Africa boasts a myriad of laws that protect against discrimination based on gender and sexual orientation, which leaders often trot out with great aplomb during the 16 days of Activism, such laws are meaningless in the face of ongoing gender-based killings. As women, and as lesbians, our bodies and our sexualities are quite literally under attack.

In the midst of trying to make sense of the brutality meted out to women every day, through rape, murder and sexual assault, the question arises: How do we deal with hate? Firstly, we need to acknowledge that as South Africans, we are steeped in hate – arguably the most pernicious survivor of the apartheid era.

Such hatred forms part of why we rape and kill each other. Women are frequently the target of displaced anger and disempowerment as expressed through violence. Lesbian women in particular seem to be increasingly singled out for attack in actively homophobic communities. The level of violence against women in South Africa is perhaps the truest barometer of our progress, or lack thereof, to healing and reconciliation, as a society.

Our relatively new social commitment to our Constitution, which enshrines the core, values of equality, dignity and freedom, demands of us to address the matter of hatred head on. Why should we have to tolerate the killing and the raping, and be silenced by the promise/veneer of the Constitution?

What is done in our homes, on our streets and in the heart our communities is the very antithesis of these values. There is neither celebration nor justice in that.

People hate along a continuum. “Sticks and stones may break my bones but words can never harm me” is all but a nursery-rhyme lie. It is the attitudes, beliefs and words that provide the impetus for the sticks and stones. For hatred that is acted out in turn establishes and reestablishes particular forms of social power, through the means of abuse and violence.

We know the discourse only too well: It’s the lesbian that “needs” raping to “sort her out”, the wife that “needs a klap” to “keep her in line”, and the gay man that gets bashed for letting the team down. No coincidence that these manifestations of prejudice are directed at groups which are not exactly at the top of the social hierarchy. The point is that there are social systems that shape the nature and form of South Africa’s violence and gendered power is central to this.

Laws that promote equality and protect against discrimination, do not even shelter the most powerful. Why, after over a decade of democracy, do we not have one politician in the ruling party who is publicly out as gay or lesbian? One can only surmise that the fear of marginalisation, if not outright victimization, is just too great.

And despite the laws, there is little justice for women who suffer the consequences of systemic oppression. The handling of various cases of sexual harassment against senior male government leaders, despite policy and legislation designed to protect women from gender abuse, are a case in point.

And the afore-mentioned lesbian murders remain nameless statistics in the bowels of an unresponsive criminal justice system. The insidious thing about systemic oppression is that it pretends that it’s not there. It’s the elephant in the room. And we turn a blind eye as the trampling continues.

What we need are less policymakers pontificating and more unequivocal voices that say “this is not acceptable.” We need less rhetoric and more action in communities, not in the hallowed walls of conferences and imbizos. When does hate become a crime? Unfortunately only when our legislature and political leaders decide it should. Until then, the prejudice that underpins gender-based violence is kept invisible, and the transformation required to build a non-discriminatory and rights-based culture is thwarted.

Instead of the preoccupation with the spurious notion of “moral regeneration,” our religious and traditional leaders should take a proactive position against all forms of hate-fuelled violence. This would require bold positions on bigotry and discriminatory rhetoric, in contradiction to the hate speech that is often shaped through religious and cultural narratives.

“Homosexuality is unAfrican”, taken to its logical conclusion, may be used to “justify’” victimisation. “Homosexuality is a sin,” may also be evoked to the same end. There’s nothing cultural or religious about beating your wife or about driving your lesbian child out of home. That’s called oppressive power, and it happens through patriarchy – often under the guise of “culture.”

During this year’s 16 days of activism I challenge our leaders say and do something about the rapes and murders of lesbian women, the many women who are killed by their male partners, everyday, and those women who continue to be harassed, even by male political leadership. Or are we headed for another 336 days of silent passivity?


* Melanie Judge works with OUT LGBT Well-being.

* This article is part of a series produced by the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service for the Sixteen Days of Activism on Gender Violence.)

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The raging debate over women's reproductive autonomy

Salma Maoulidi

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44717

Salma Maoulidi examines the link between abortion and women's reproductive autonomy

The first ever Safe Abortion Conference was held in late October 2007 at the Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre in London bringing together about 800 people from different parts of the world working in different capacities on the issue. The conference was jointly organized by Marie Stopes International, Ipas and Abortion Rights.

Impetus behind the agenda

40years of legal abortion in the UK provided a suitable opportunity to revisit the abortion debate in view of its policy relevance to women's reproductive and sexual health. Indeed in spite of advances in reproductive health sciences and technologies about eighty women, mostly of reproductive age, die every hour from unsafe abortions in countries where it is illegal. One in three women will undergo an abortion at some stage in her life. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 1 in every 16 women in sub-Saharan Africa will die from unsafe abortion as opposed to 1 in 2400 in Europe. Most deaths arise from post abortion complications, deaths that could be prevented if medical abortion were legal.

Deaths resulting from unsafe abortions account for over half of all cases of maternal mortality in most African countries. The continued toll unsafe abortion poses to women's lives worries reproductive health activists and providers. They warn should the current trend continue it will be impossible for most countries in Africa to reach goals 3 and 5 of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The struggle for practitioners and activists is to eliminate unsafe abortions a feat that is complicated by the undue influence the US, backed by conservative quarters, exerts on women's sexual and reproductive health and rights in national and international policy contexts.

Globally the abortion debate is masked in moral and religious terms where the right of the unborn child is put against the right of the woman to choose to bear or abort the child. The public health dimension is rarely underlined and the millions of women who die, or are maimed from unsafe abortions hardly come under scrutiny. Rather, it is the agency of women that is questioned. The purist discourse on the right to life and the guilt of committing a cardinal sin effectively polarizes women and men from engaging with the issue from a political lens where abortion is not only seen to affect some 'immoral' women but is an issue for all women.

The realities on the ground

Abortion politics hold women's reproductive capacity ransom at huge costs to their individual freedom and health. As the Safe Abortion Conference was closing in London, the Morogoro Resident Magistrates Court passed a prison sentence to a 21 year old woman in Tanzania, Faima Hassan, for aborting an eight month old fetus. This case is not a rare occurrence. In recent times abortion has become topical and a major topic for women bashing by parliamentarians in the national legislature. Leading this bashing is the President of Tanzania who, symbolically on the Day of the African Child on June 16, 2007, is reported by the Daily News to have called all women, who opt for an abortion, murderers, a view echoed by the deputy Minister for Health, Hon. Ayisha Kigoda during several Parliamentary sessions. Surely such utterances can be construed to reflect the official position towards women's right to make decisions over their bodies, a position that is in direct conflict to article 14(2) (c) of the Maputo Protocol that recognized a right to medical abortion which Tanzania signed and ratified!

Regrettably it is mostly poor women who cannot afford safe abortion services that will encounter legal and medical problems mainly because they lack resources to benefit from available abortion options that are legal and safe. The bottom line is that back street abortions provide women with an essential service in a context where birth control is not widely and regularly available or where the sexual relationship is unequal and often coerced. Denouncing those who perform illegal abortions could put their lives at risk or make them targets of public and moral recrimination. Faima's double tragedy of carrying a fetus almost to term and being prosecuted is a near impossibility for a woman who is well to do. They can either fly to destinations like South Africa where abortion is available on demand; or solicit the aide of friends in the medical establishment where, in spite of the ban, abortion services continue to be available for a fee.

Significantly the ban on abortion denies women the ability to assert their reproductive autonomy. Prof. Fred Sai, an adviser to the Ghanaian President and a respected personality in women's health in Africa, argues that it is unacceptable that women cannot have a choice in such a personal matter.

What informs my interest in the debate?

While at high school I watched a form two student fight death after a back street abortion. She stank after becoming septic and was delirious. Her state paralyzed anyone from seeking medical attention because either way it spelt trouble incriminating not only the girl but also others who supposedly harboured her: Pregnancy continues to disqualify female students, in most African countries, from enjoying their right to an education. Even if the procedure was successful, it is sufficient grounds to expel a girl from school. In this instance, however, taking her to medical authorities for attention would incriminate her for partaking in a criminal act. In the end, her colleagues smuggled out of the school to undergo another clandestine intervention to save her life.

Alas this is not the only abortion incident I would encounter. During my undergrad years at the University of Dar es Salaam, a dorm mate died after attempting to end a pregnancy her boyfriend refused to acknowledge. She swallowed a handful of pills. Her family found her and sought medical attention but the process attracted delays such that by the time doctors attended to her she was already cold. Also in the course of my work I have met young and older couples pushed by economic considerations to end unintended pregnancies: In view of the harsh economic realities they cannot afford another child since, in a cost sharing set up, the question is not just about an extra mouth to feed but also about an extra body to shelter, dress, treat and to educate. Women also end a pregnancy because it was forced; or there is a bigger threat militating against having the baby such as marital discordance or a health risk like seropositivity. Rarely is the intent to pursue a hobby of killing fetuses or as alternative a FP method.




Origins of the prohibition

Abortion is challenged on a number of grounds chief being preserving the sanctity of (all forms of) life. Religious scriptures are often cited to challenge the practice. In addition to religious arguments human rights arguments are deployed to delegitimize any moral basis to the practice, similar to those employed to oppose the death penalty. Yet abortion laws, per se, are not indigenous to local cultures and prior to their adoption there existed practices in local communities to get rid of unwanted fetuses or children.

The prohibition against abortion came as a result of British laws and missionary interventions in African colonies. The context such a law came to be is underemphasized. Prof. Said explains that when abortion was criminalized in Victorian England it was to protect women from "barber surgeons" whom, women frequented to end unintended pregnancies. Abortion services at that period were not safe and more women died undergoing abortions than during child birth, requiring urgent measures to safeguard women lives and health.

Lord Steel, the Architect of the UK 1967 Abortion Act notes the tremendous advances in the sciences since the passage of the Act necessitating a fresh look at the 1967 Act which working within the confines of possibilities of science at the time mainly confined it self to surgical abortions. But today medical technology is so advanced women can induce abortions at home by taking a pill requiring minimal medical intervention as was the case four decades ago.

How then is it that while imperialist forces that abortion law have adapted to the progress made in reproductive technologies the law is fervently retained in most former colonies? Surely abortion legislation reflecting an antiquated approach to safeguarding women's health and lives, can only be understood as a remnant of the imperialist project in Africa, a project increasingly manifested through the undue control of women via criminal and personal laws while all else on which livelihood depends is liberalized.


What is implicit in the anti-abortion debate?

All types of women have abortions and they do so for various reasons. Few women make the decision to have an abortion lightly (or while emotionally possessed) as is suggested by those who question women's state of mind and motives for wanting an abortion. In most cases an abortion is a desperate act to control one's fertility where that ability to do so has been denied. And while undue attention is on the woman and her 'immoral' and 'criminal' rarely is the behaviour of men who impregnate women against their will, either by force or deceit, brought under scrutiny.

Is the ban on abortion about the sanctity of life or about patriarchy and the obsession to control women via the womb? Indeed the most effective way to control women has historically been via her reproductive function. Also some arguments against abortion express conservative notions about the sexual hierarchy. In many ways family planning technologies revolutionized power in the sexual relationship. Anti choice arguments imply that a woman cannot make decisions over her own person and body and further the assumption that women are not rational beings and impliedly cannot make decisions over their own bodies let alone over others.

Possibly the high abortion death rates are tolerated because women are deemed replaceable should they die; become maimed; or rendered infertile as a result of unsafe abortion. In contrast the same jurisdictions place few prohibitions on men's sexual and reproductive practices (or the consequences thereof) as are placed on women. While the law and pro-life opinion compel the woman to have the child, few laws oblige a father to look after issues fathered; the responsibility largely rests with the mother. Presently the official maintenance rate in Tanzania is 100 shillings (about 8 cents US) nor is there a mechanism to enforce maintenance awards. A mother knows what carrying a pregnancy to term will mean. Yet, those opposing women's right to choose are not willing to offer women the institutional support to raise an unintended child; or to advocate the necessary reforms that would put women in a more egalitarian footing in the sexual and reproductive relationship.

The abortion debate reflects a desire to perpetuate gender dominance at one level and power inequalities in development prescriptions on the other. The control of poor women's reproduction features prominently in development strategies but no where is the intent as contentious as in the case of abortion. Indeed long before the Gag Rule abortion was high in the US development agenda leading the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) to have an abortion branch. A few years later the priorities have changed impacting significantly on local reproductive health politics where the services are most crucial to reduce unnecessary deaths.

Medical dimensions of the debate

In view of the advances in reproductive heath technologies abortion deaths should be history in the 21st century not a public health issue. Sadly this is far from the reality such that women are forced to adopt extreme measures to get rid of pregnancies they had not planned. This may involve taking toxic potions and drugs; inserting crude objects in the uterus; and subjecting themselves to falls or blows to induce abortion.

Surely, confining the abortion debate to the 'appropriateness' of ending the life of an unborn child fails to take into account the circumstances in which the child came to be.
WHO estimates that one in every three pregnancies is unintended. Questions should therefore be posed about how women became pregnant and not why they want to rid themselves of a pregnancy they do not want.

There is a strong link between abortion and women's reproductive autonomy. Many women have sex in circumstances that are equal to forced sex or rape putting her at risk of becoming pregnant and becoming infected with sexually transmitted diseases. It is, therefore, important to vigorously link the public health aspects in the ongoing debate. Likewise, advocacy initiatives should emphasize facts with regards conceptions. Indeed about a quarter of all conceptions (about 240 million annually) will lead to early pregnancy wastage a figure twice higher than that pertaining to induced abortions estimated at 42 million, only 20 million of which are illegal. Perhaps such truths will mitigate residues of ambivalence abortion evokes especially among conscientious women and men.

Opportunities for decriminalization

Increasingly abortion is not solely seen as a feminist agenda but as an agenda that is embraced by a wider spectrum of actors from the reproductive health sector and medical professionals. For instance the medical community in India made safe abortion a health agenda and actively lobbied the government under the banner 'Safe abortion saves lives'. While doctors elsewhere are spearheading safe abortion, one wonders why the medical community in Tanzania and in other Africa countries remains silent lest the status quo benefits individual practice.

Decriminalization is easier when safe abortion is part of national population or health policies as is the case in India and China. Even so in societies where women feel compelled to produce male heirs there is a risk of abuse to facilitate sex selection. In any case safe abortion is more cost effective since more money is spent treating complications arising from illegal and unsafe abortions. In a context where health services are severely constrained and fewer allocations in the health budget are made to reproductive health services, liberalizing medical abortion and post abortion services may be the logical policy intervention.

Some activists believe the Maputo Protocol has a potential to advance African women's sexual and reproductive rights via test in line with regional and international instruments. Alas, courts on the continent, continue fail women, willingly preserving the status quo while stifling any attempt towards a progressive appreciation of women's human rights. Moreover although new judicial regimes like the East African Court present a huge potential in furthering existing human rights interpretation, their mandate is confined to issuing opinions effectively limiting their influence in obliging states to reform. Surely this is an area for future advocacy.

Is there strong policy commitment to safe abortion?

Presently there is a deep realization within the activist community that legalizing abortion may not be enough. Abortion activists in the US express concern with the April 2007 Supreme Court decision which though on later term is interpreted as dispensing with the requirement to protect women's health asserted in the 1973 landmark Roe v. Wade that explicitly recognized a woman's right to choose.

Thus while abortion remains legal in the US conservative forces have used sophisticated means to ensure that a woman's right to choose is thwarted by raising legal challenges and placing procedural restrictions, at the state level, all designed to limit a woman's ability to access abortion on demand e.g. mandatory waiting periods. Moreover as fewer clinics in the US provide the services, women are forced to go further distances, at times out of state, to obtain an abortion placing undue economic and social burdens.

The Dutch Minister for Development Cooperation, Bert Koenders, offered an optimistic assessment of donor practice with regard development assistance in the area of maternal health including reducing deaths from unsafe abortions. The assertion while laudable must be evaluated against current practice with regard development funding where increasing partnership with governments to the exclusion of civil society organizations may limit meaningful interventions in sexual and reproductive health and rights. Moreover greater activism in countries where abortion is not legal may further restrict the mandate of civil society organizations supposedly for engaging in illegal activities.

The conference came to a realization that civil society organizations and health practitioners in Africa can agitate for the politicization of the abortion issue e.g. as part of Peer Review Mechanism to monitor progress of national and regional instruments. Sadly there remains in Africa a reluctance to approach abortion as a policy issue it is therefore not surprising that maternal health dominates different forums on women's health instead of reproductive health, the latter recognizing more forthrightly the biological role women play in conception but also her agency in the sexual relationship.


Towards meeting key policy commitments on sexual and reproductive health rights.

WHO and ICPD define health and wellbeing to include the right to decide one's fertility; and to enjoy a satisfying sexual life free from violence and risk of disease. The MDGs reiterate the centrality of maternal and reproductive health and rights to the development agenda. Health Ministers acknowledge the link between unsafe abortion and maternal deaths and the African Union (AU) has sought to address this aspect in article 14 of the Maputo Protocol and Plan of Action.

How can the legal framework and reproductive health services locally reflect the accepted global standard? Undoubtedly the ideal is a situation where women don't have to resort to abortion as a way to get rid of unwanted pregnancies; or to regulate births. This implies empowering women to exercise sexual and reproductive choices. Clearly it makes no sense denying a service that is medically and economically efficient. Rather than moralizing on the issue policy makers ought to engage more effectively with evidence gathered by different actors including the WHO to guide policy interventions with respect to curbing maternal deaths.

* Salma Maoulidi is an Activist/Executive Director of the Sahiba Sisters Foundation in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Zimbabwean women forced to give sexual favours to survive

Miriam Madziwa

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44716

Miriam Madziwa writes that each time the Zimbabwe dollar tumbles, women's survival chances take a corresponding knock, as it means more sexual favours to seal deals with men, who by virtue of their jobs or connections are able to make or break women's survival attempts

With her unkempt hair tucked into a woolen hat, a faded T-shirt, skirt and a pair of torn canvas shoes, Nokhuthula Tshuma* does not fit the stereotypical profile of a commercial sex worker. As an informal trader earning a living selling agricultural produce from rural areas to urban residents, it is difficult to link her to sex work and its inherent dangers.

Yet, the mother of three, like thousands of impoverished Zimbabwean women struggling to feed, clothe and educate their children in a hyperinflationary environment, is at great risk of infection. Each time they embark on a business trip, the women expose themselves to vulnerable situations.

As the Zimbabwean economy crumbles, shortages of basic goods have presented numerous opportunities for enterprising women to make money. The same shortages of goods and essential services such as transport coupled with endemic corruption mean the women traders have to operate according to business rules defined by men.

One such rule is to offer a “favour,” really a bribe, to secure scarce commodities and free passage by police officers. For these impoverished and desperate women, the bribes take the form of offering "a little bit extra" to male service providers and suppliers in order to remain in business. These extra favours are invariably sexual.

For the cash-strapped women, sex offers an easy and cheap, albeit risky, means of supporting their families. In return, they are able to secure scarce goods as well as discounts on transport and accommodation and their businesses flourish.

A few experiences gleaned from a cross section of informal Zimbabwean women traders illustrate the magnitude of the dilemma these women contend with in trying to meet economic needs and safeguarding their health.

Tshuma lives in the southern half of Zimbabwe in the coal-mining town of Hwange. Twice a month, she makes a 400 kilometer round trip to Lusulu in Binga district. Lusulu is a thriving agricultural area where Tshuma barters basic goods such as soap, sugar and salt, which have disappeared from shop shelves, with maize. Normally she is away from home for a week.

If she were to pay for all her transport, food and accommodation expenses when she is away from home, she would make very little profit. So to boost her profit margins, she pays using what is known as "bottom currency," to pay off bus crews to secure seats on overcrowded buses, truck drivers to ferry bags of maize back to Hwange, and lodge owners to discount her accommodation costs.

Beauty Phiri started selling dried fish six months ago soon after government's clampdown on prices saw butchers' refrigerators going empty. An astute entrepreneur, Phiri saw a viable business opportunity selling dried fish to protein-starved Bulawayo residents. She sources her fish fresh from the Zambezi River in Binga from both Zimbabwean and Zambian fishermen.

She points out that it did not take her long to figure out that she had to sleep with the fishermen for her to get in order to meet her requirements quickly. Women fishmongers openly admit that fishermen prefer to deal with "generous women."

On the extreme end of the age scale are poor girl pupils in remote rural schools, such as Lusulu High School. Pupils walk an average of 20 kilometers to get to school from their homes, so many become “bush borders.” Bush boarding is an informal set-up where pupils build their own huts and have to find their own food and other basic requirements.

Many pupils come from poor families who are unable to send regular supplies of cash and food to the borders. In desperation, female students resort to illicit affairs with teachers, police officers and other rich villagers. Statistics from Lusulu indicate that annually, an average of 50 female students drop out of school after falling pregnant.

Thanks to HIV and AIDS awareness campaigns, most women who find themselves in such situations are aware of the inherent dangers of their survival tactics. The women know that HIV and AIDS have reduced the life expectancy of women in the country to 34 years, and that the pandemic is decimating families and drastically reducing mortality rates.

The sad reality though, is that the poverty forces these women to engage in risky behaviour in order to survive anyways. Some women still are not making the connection between granting sexual favours and the increased risk of infection.

Another worrying fact is that when women travel a lot, their partners are likely to turn to mistresses called “small houses” in Zimbabwe, during their absence. These "small house" occupants in turn often have numerous partners in an attempt to balance their ever-increasing monthly expenses with their incomes.

These bleak scenarios aptly portray how Zimbabwe's economic meltdown, characterised by hyperinflation now at almost 15 000 percent, is fuelling the vulnerability of women to HIV infection and erasing the gains of concerted HIV and AIDS awareness and behaviour change campaigns. The black market, a phenomenon triggered by acute shortages of basic goods and services, is forcing desperate women to forget lessons learnt from these campaigns.

The instinct to meet basic needs has erased survival skills painstakingly acquired over the years. Each time the Zimbabwe dollar tumbles, women's survival chances take a corresponding knock, as it means more sexual favours to seal deals with men, who by virtue of their jobs or connections are able to make or break women's survival attempts.
Even more disheartening is the realisation that efforts to break the vicious circle will come to nought until the economic free fall stops.

* Not her really name


* Miriam Madziwa is a freelance journalist based in Zimbabwe

* This article is part of a series produced by the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service for the Sixteen Days of Activism on Gender Violence

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Putting the teeth back in the SADC Gender Protocol

Pamela Mhlanga

2007-11-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/44714

The journey just got tougher for civil society activists who have been spearheading efforts to ensure that Southern African Development Community (SADC) governments are legally bound to achieve gender equality, writes Pamela Mhlanga

The SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, due to have been adopted by Heads of State at their meeting in Lusaka, Zambia, in August, has been deferred until the next annual summit to be held in South Africa in mid-2008. The latest draft of the Protocol has had huge chunks removed and concrete commitments softened.

Rising to the challenge, during 16 Days of Activism these activists will be picking up the pace in a campaign to see that a draft Protocol on Gender and Development has the needed commitment and detail necessary to make it a meaningful document in promoting true equality.

SADC is arguably one of the few regions that have done some groundbreaking policy work to institutionalise gender equality. Aside from adoption of a Declaration on Gender and Development in 1997 and an Addendum to address violence against women and children in 1998, all 14 SADC states have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

This positive gender equality policy scenario in SADC should lay the basis for a smooth transition from having non-binding SADC instruments to achieve gender equality, such as the 1997 Declaration, to a legally binding one, right? Wrong, as the most recent SADC Heads of State Summit demonstrated.

The baby was almost thrown out with the bath water, when the draft Protocol failed to be adopted, despite having been approved by SADC Gender Ministers, as well as Justice Ministers, the latter having reviewed it in an extraordinary meeting just weeks prior to the August Summit.

The essence of the proposed SADC Gender Protocol is to consolidate all the various commitments made by SADC governments to achieve gender equality and women’s empowerment, in an “omnibus” document. This document will legally bind member states, and provide a framework with time bound targets, for assessing progress and evaluating their performance.

If adopted it will be the first document of its kind in any sub-region. Technically, a lot of work went into the preparation of the pre-Summit draft, including input by an intergovernmental and civil society Task Force set up by the SADC Secretariat under the leadership of the SADC Gender Unit, as well as portfolio SADC Ministers.

Members of the Southern Africa Gender Protocol Alliance, a coalition of 16 organisations working on women’s empowerment at national and regional levels, also made expert input into the drafts. Coordinated by Gender Links, this Alliance includes a wide range of organisations from across the region, such as the Botswana Congress of NGOs (BOCONGO), the Federation of African Media Women (FAMW) – SADC, Gender and Media Southern Africa Network (GEMSA), Malawi Council of Churches, Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), and Women in Law in Southern Africa (WLSA).

What is worrying is that the revised draft that came out of the Summit is substantially different from the pre-Summit draft in many respects. Some of the core issues that will, if effectively tackled, result in considerable positive impact on (currently unequal) gender relations and women’s full equality have either been removed, or modified.

This significantly compromises the potential effectiveness of the proposed Protocol, and, interestingly, even limiting the potential to achieve other commitments already made by SADC governments. For example, the text of the new draft creates loopholes to the adherence by governments to time bound targets, in line with commitments already made in global development blue prints such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Words like “ensure” are changed to “endeavour”.

Examples of gaps in the new SADC Gender Protocol draft include excluding reference to groups that suffer marginalisation or exclusion and limiting constitutional review processes that will eradicate discrimination and marginalisation of women. The new draft is missing entire sections from areas such as health, HIV and AIDS, education and institutional arrangements.

Some sections, such as HIV and AIDS are cross-referenced with documents that are either not legally binding such as the Maseru Declaration on HIV and AIDS or do not take into consideration gender issues, such as the SADC Protocol on Education and Training.

The commitment to ensuring that where there is a contradiction between customary law and Constitutional provisions for gender equality the latter takes precedence have been removed. This leaves wide open the dual legal system that daily undermines the rights of women in the region, especially poor women in rural areas.

In preparation for the next SADC Heads of State Summit, the Gender Protocol Alliance, currently coordinated by Gender Links, is developing a position paper motivating for a redrafting of the text of the Protocol in order that it a meaningful document that is grounded in women’s rights, and in line also with already existing SADC gender equality commitments.

The Alliance met in Johannesburg on 9 November 2007 to review the status of the Gender Protocol adoption process. The meeting focused on action that civil society can take to facilitate an essentially government process that seems to have been drawn back sharply.

Alliance members realise that the adoption of the Protocol requires greater political engagement, particularly at national level, to influence the spheres of power with responsibility for committing governments to act. Further, engaging with different spheres of influence at national and regional level is priority on the agenda, including Ministers of Gender, Justice, and Foreign Affairs, parliamentarians, seniour government officials, and other strategic activists.

At the core of action by gender activists is also to mobilise from the grassroots, so that there is popular support and a critical mass that recognises the value of the Protocol and sees its adoption and implementation as a critical factor in achieving equality and positive transformation for all. Thus, engaging potentially powerful sectors such as faith based organisations, local government actors, and others with their fingers on the pulse of community action and change will make significant inroads in ensuring multi-layered support.

The sum total of these proposed actions should turn the tide towards adoption of a SADC Gender Protocol that we can all identify and work with to raise the bar in addressing women’s rights in this region. Once ending gender violence becomes a legal obligation, maybe then our countries and communities will be safer places for everyone.

* Pamela Mhlanga is the Deputy Director of Gender Links.

* This article is part of a series produced by the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service for the Sixteen Days of Activism on Gender Violence.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Ian Smith: We shall not mourn this racist

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem

2007-11-26

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/44677

Tajudeen reflects on the the life of the late former prime minister of Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and the injustices he committed against the people of Zimbabwe.


We shall not mourn this racist, and nobody should make us feel guilty for our freedom!

Ian Smith died in a South African hospital on Wednesday 21 November. He died a cantankerous old man, incorrigible racist with no redeeming features and no remorse for his atrocities against the Black people of Zimbabwe whom he ruled without their consent for 2 decades until popular resistance and liberation war defeated him. He was defeated in spite of the active support of the military machine of apartheid South Africa and the not so indirect collaboration of his British first cousins and his second cousins, many times removed, in Washington and other Western powers.

These facts are worth restating here because the World has changed so much in the past 2 decades that I would not be surprised even if many Zimbabwean Young People (not to talk of other Youth in Africa) do not have a memory of Ian Smith and what he stood for. For many Young people in Zimbabwe government means Mugabe/ZANU-PF. For those of us shaped by the struggles against apartheid and racist settler regimes in Southern Africa we know about Ian Smith and Rhodesia. It is only in Africa that such evil people benefit from lopsided National reconciliation and live till their old age with impunity. One day One day we will be strong enough and stable politically to demand accountability of all our leaders past and present as it is happening in Latin America and beginning to happen in Cambodia. Let all our oppressors live till old age (at the scene of their crimes) so that justice can catch up with them.

Whatever one thinks about the current situation in Zimbabwe we should not be fooled by the western Media into believing that Ian Smith was some kind of benevolent dictator under whom Southern Rhodesia (as it was then called) prospered. The BBC has been doing its usual best in balancing this evil racism represented by Smith with their opposition to Mugabe.
They are simulating nostalgia for this vile white supremacist. If there is a hell I hope Smith is roasting in it, in the most hellish section of it!

Africans are so alienated from our political leaders that many of us find it very hard to acknowledge any good in them. Even when they are doing the right things we often suspect them of doing them for the wrong reasons. And we are reluctant to praise them because of the many false prophets that we have suffered in the past. These erring on the side of caution make us even look at our many victories with cynicism post facto.

That’s why you will hear many Africans, not necessarily apologists of colonialism or imperialism, declaring that ‘things were better under colonialism’.
It is not that they want colonialism to return (with the exception of Some Sierra Leoneans!) but they are disheartened by the inability of the post colonial government and elite to sustain the initial popular legitimacy and live up to the expectations of Uhuru in a sustainable way.

Colonial apologists in the west interpret this disenchantment to mean Africans would be better served by a return to colonial rule. This way they wash their hands off their shame and guilt of their fore fathers.

Whatever Zimbabwe under ZANU-PF and President Mugabe may have turned into it will be most erroneous and deeply offensive to celebrate Ian Smith and White Minority rule. No mater how well a master treats his Slaves on his plantation they remain slaves with little or no dignity. That was why Sekou Toure made that famous nationalist declaration against colonialism when the French offered all their colonies a choice between freedom and remaining under French tutelage in the name of French Federation. He said:
‘We prefer Independence with dangers to prosperity on our Knees’. It is the same spirit of freedom that made that foremost Kenyan Nationalist, Dedan Kimathi at the height of Mau <Mau rebellion against British colonialists to declare: ‘We will rather die on our feet than live on our knees’.

The likes of Ian Smith preferred that we live on our knees. Even if some of the actions of our leaders like Mugabe may tempt us to draw the unpleasant parallels we should avoid this throwing away the baby with the birth water. We can resist them the way they resisted racist oppressors but lets us not be blinkered by racist propaganda that sees only perpetual conflict and collapse in Africa since we gained our freedom from them Without the enormous opportunities for public education, building of social infrastructure and expansion of the economy and its benefits brought about by independence I for one (the son of a Tailor and a petty trader) would never have had the chance to go to school and be able to write this article.

Just ask yourself how many Black Zimbabweans were graduates, medical Doctors, Lawyers, school teachers, academicians, civil servants, even bankers, business people , investors , diplomats and even farmers before independence in 1980. As a student in England in the
80s I recall how Zimbabwean Students were an elite group to themselves, with more allowances than Nigerians and their Oil bonanza.

It is in the nature of things that the middle class that is Mugabe regime’s creation that have now become his biggest critics and opponents. They have a right to take freedom as a starting point and to desire more their fathers’ generation. However they will be committing political suicide if opportunistic alliance with the West makes them throw away their rightful inheritance by saying that Mugabe is not better than or is even worse than Ian Smith and the Rhodesians.
That way they are giving all the credits for National liberation to Mugabe and denying the contribution of their own parents and the many generations of Zimbabweans who struggled, paid with their lives and suffer many degradations so that they can be free.
Memory is very important. Even if former enemies have become our new friends we should not forget the scars.

Ian smith was bad news all his life and even in death he remains that. I cannot in all honesty say May his soul rest in peace (in PIECES, yes, please God!). It will be hypocritical. May the spirit of those Zimbabweans murdered by his regime and its criminal killer squads, the Rhodesian army and allied fascist groups, be waiting to haunt him and hold him accountable for his crimes against their humanity.

* Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the deputy director of the UN Millennium Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his personal capacity as a concerned pan-Africanist.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

When a Pan-Africanist Library Burns: Kanyama Chiume, 1929-2007

Steve Sharra

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/44774

When in 2003 I wrote on the Malawi discussion listserv Nyasanet, asking if anybody knew the whereabouts of Kanyama Chiume, somebody responded and said Kanyama had sold his property around 1996 and left Malawi for good, announcing that he would never be back in Malawi again, unless “in a coffin.” This week Kanyama Chiume, a Pan-Africanist who was at the forefront of Malawi’s independence throughout the 1950s and 1960s, and was later forced into exile by Dr. Kamuzu Banda, will be returning to Malawi, “in a coffin.”

A very capitalist disaster: Naomi Klein's take on the neo-liberal saga

Walden Bello

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/2zmtfv

Naomi Klein's The Shock Doctrine: the Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2007) is very impressive indeed. This is, however, not immediately evident; a sense that is confirmed by Joseph Stiglitz' review of the book. Even before I read it, I was certain that the Nobel laureate would highlight Klein's attempt to make a connection between the electric shock experiments performed by the notorious McGill University psychologist Ewen Cameron who was on contract with the CIA and the economic shock approach developed by Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago.

The African Jihad

Bin Laden's quest for the Horn of Africa

2007-11-30

http://www.africaworldpressbooks.com/servlet/Detail?no=234

The African Jihad is a fascinating examination of the efforts by international jihadists to bring about their grand vision of Islamist hegemony in the greater Horn of Africa region.

I Stories

Gender Links

2007-11-29

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/broadcasts/podcasts.php

I Stories is a series of first hand accounts of gender violence from across Southern Africa produced by Gender Links for the Sixteen Days of Activism against Gender Violence.

EU told to change tack in Africa or lose to China

2007-11-30

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L30449413.htm

The European Union must abandon paternalism in Africa and strongly invest in the commodity-rich continent or risk being overtaken by China's "easy money", the bloc's development chief warned on Friday. "Forget it, Africa is not Europe's private hunting reserve. Europe is not alone in Africa, it will never be alone there anymore," Louis Michel said a week ahead of the Lisbon EU-Africa summit, the first in seven years, on Dec. 8-9.

MDC starts ‘period of defiance’ against repressive laws

2007-11-30

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news281107/mdc281107.htm

MDC activists in Manicaland have started what they called a ‘period of defiance’ against police brutality and government restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly. Concerned at the little time left for campaigning between now and elections next year, the MDC has vowed to wage a campaign aimed at forcing authorities in the country to let them address their supporters or repeal the laws altogether.

UK women’s groups organise conference to mobilise Diaspora

2007-11-30

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news291107/ukwomen291107.htm

A conference bringing together Zimbabwean women’s groups in the United Kingdom will kick off this weekend at the London School of Economics. Under the theme ‘Zimbabwe Diaspora Women Stand Up and be Counted,’ the speakers lined up include Yvonne Marimo (Zimbabwe Women’s Network UK), Lois Davis (WOZA Solidarity-UK) and Wiz Bishop from the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum.

Uganda to assume mediatory role between Mugabe and Britain

2007-11-30

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news271107/uganda271107.htm

President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda has accepted a mediatory role in the diplomatic impasse between Britain and Zimbabwe, his office has said. Museveni assumed the responsibility following a request from British Prime Minister Gordon Brown on Sunday. Brown reportedly made the request during a meeting on the sidelines of the just-ended Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Uganda’s capital, Kampala.

Zim vets in 'million-man' Mugabe march

2007-11-30

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=326438

Thousands of Zimbabwean war veterans gathered in Harare on Friday to lead a "million-man march" in support of President Robert Mugabe's bid to extend his rule despite a severe economic crisis blamed on his government. Mugabe (83) and in power since Zimbabwe's independence from Britain in 1980, is seeking re-election in presidential and parliamentary elections set for March 2008 after some senior officials in his Zanu-PF party failed to stop him from running.

AU Monitor Weekly Roundup

Issue 114, 2007

Hakima Abbas

2007-11-28

http://www.aumonitor.org

This week’s AU Monitor brings you news from the African Union where a meeting of the Ministerial Committee on the Union Government is taking place in Addis Ababa between the 27th and 28th of November. According to the Accra declaration adopted in June 2007, the committee is set up for the: “identification of the contents of the Union Government concept and its relations with national governments; identification of domains of competence and the impact of the establishment of the Union Government on the sovereignty of member states; definition of the relationship between the Union Government and the Regional Economic Communities (RECs); elaboration of the road map together with timeframes for establishing the Union Government; and identification of additional sources of financing the activities of the Union.”

In regard to regional integration, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held its annual coordination meeting with development partners’ where the Strategic Vision for 2020 was presented along with ECOWAS’ key strategic plans for the attainment of its objective to move from an ‘ECOWAS of states’ to an ‘ECOWAS of peoples’. The strategy aims at a borderless region “where people have access to and are able to harness its enormous resources through the creation of opportunities for sustainable production and environment”.

Whilst the Ministerial Committee meets to discuss continental integration, Joseph Coomson writes of the fragmentary effect of the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) on Africa despite the recently developed policy statement created by African, Caribbean and Pacific Ministers touted as the most comprehensive such position thus far in the negotiations. The statement not only underscores the differences among ACP country negotiations but outlines principles upon which the negotiations should be based.

Also in trade news, Xinhua reports that Sino-African trade is likely to grow faster than previously expected and will reach one hundred billion dollars before 2010. In addition, a China Africa Development Fund has been established and is expected to spend between $300 and 400 million in around twenty to thirty Chinese or Chinese-African joint ventures in 2008.

The AU Monitor also features an interview conducted by IPS with Dr. Tajudeen Abdul Raheem on the realisation of the Millennium Development Goals where he states that “one of the biggest scandals in the implementation of MDGs, and one that civil societies and the media really need to focus on, are the MDGs in relation to women. Indeed, all MDGs are about women because they are the majority, and therefore real development cannot take place without full participation and empowerment of women.” In regard to women’s rights, Faiza Mohamed introduces the special issue of Pambazuka News on the anniversary of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa while a Ministerial Council on Science and Technology meeting this week decided to hold a forum for African women in science and technology.

Also in relation to the MDGs, Mukundi Mutasa writes about the recently released report “Our Environment, Our Wealth”, which highlights the potential of African natural resources for development. While the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is urged by United Nations Special Envoy on AIDS in Africa, Elizabeth Mataka, to strengthen their collective response to HIV/AIDS.

Good governance becomes the focus of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) conference in Nigeria, where peer review was described as designed for and by Africans to encourage a culture of accountability on the Continent rather than for external benefactors. Yet it is to the “external benefactors” that Mohammed Ibrahim, who initiated a prize for good governance in Africa, directed criticism at an Africa Investor Conference. He claims that Western nations and businesses cannot be absolved for helping corrupt officials and for being conduits for stolen funds.

As the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights concludes in Congo Brazzaville, human rights defenders call on African States to prevent forced disappearances and the impunity that accompanies these crimes. This follows the launch of a Pambazuka News special issue on human and peoples’ rights reflecting on the challenges and accomplishments of the Commission as it celebrates its 20th year of existence.

Lastly, in peace and security news, the transition from the existing African Union peace keeping operation in Darfur to a strengthened hybrid United Nations-African Union force, known as UNAMID, continues as Chinese and Bangladeshi troops arrive in Sudan.

In Preparation for AU Summit

Hakima Abbas

2007-11-29

http://www.aumonitor.org/comments/525/

In Preparation for the AU Summit

In response to the overwhelming inquiries from our subscribers for more information on the themes, potential advocacy avenues and logistical details for the upcoming AU summit in Addis Ababa, the AU Monitor has put together a short summary with relevant information.

Uganda: Sexual abuse survivors in north denied justice - Amnesty

2007-11-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=75620

Amnesty International has accused Uganda's justice system of "tacitly condoning and protecting suspected perpetrators” of rape and other sexual abuses against women and girls in the north of the country. "The horrific violence committed during the many years of conflict in northern Uganda continues to aggravate discrimination against women and girls in the area today," Godfrey Odongo, a Kampala-based researcher for the human rights organisation said on 30 November during the launch of its latest report, Uganda: Justice System Fails Victims of Sexual Abuse.

Zambia: Government commits to reducing incidence of violence against women

2007-11-29

http://tinyurl.com/25pe8f

Addressing women and men who participated in the launch of 16 days of activism against gender violence in Lusaka, Dr Mwanawasa said the Government was wary of the negative effects gender violence had on society and the economy.

Global: UK pledges £100 Million to UNFPA to make childbirth safer

2007-11-29

http://brussels.cta.int/newsletter/newsletter_20071026_EN.html#12

The £100 million over five years was announced by Douglas Alexander, the United Kingdom's Secretary of State for International Development, who called on leaders of the world's poorest countries, especially in Africa, to make women's health a priority on the opening day of Women Deliver, a three-day global conference aimed to reduce maternal deaths. Maternal deaths remain high, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. A woman in Africa faces a 1 in 26 lifetime risk of maternal death compared to 1 in 8,200 in the United Kingdom.

Zambia: Transforming sex workers' lives

2007-11-30

http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/13543

With HIV/AIDS rates of 30.9 percent, Livingstone, one of Zambia' s main tourist areas, has the country's highest prevalence. The city borders three countries -- Zimbabwe, Botswana and Namibia - and, with a plethora of tourists, cross border traders and long-distance truck drivers, has become a hub of commercial sex. At one time, the city of 200,000, boasted more than 200 commercial sex workers.

Africa: The impact of ecotourism on indigenous rights

2007-11-30

http://www.eldis.org/go/country-profiles&id=34427&type=Document

Ecotourism has been heralded as a means to promote economic development while protecting wildlife regions. However, there has been minimal examination of its effect on indigenous people. This Minority Rights Group briefing argues that many indigenous communities who traditionally occupied current ecotourism destinations have been evicted in order to create these spaces, thus limiting their access to ancestral land and undermining their traditional livelihoods.

Kenya: Root causes of torture and other forms of violent - new OMCT report

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/29lghk

On 26 November 2007, the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) addressed the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights at the Committee’s Pre-Sessional Working Group at the UN Office of the High Commissioner in Geneva. In its presentation, OMCT drew particular attention to the fact that disrespect for economic, social and cultural rights is frequently the cause of other serious human rights abuses, including executions, torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

Algeria: Government seeks extradition of political refugee who denounced terror

2007-11-30

http://www.irr.org.uk/2007/november/ha000020.html

An Algerian exile, with refugee rights in Germany, has been arrested in Spain and now faces extradition to Algeria. In 2003, former Algerian colonel Mohammed Samraoui - at the time a political refugee in Germany - published the book Chronique des années de sang (Denoël, Paris).

Angola: Concerns raised over freedom of expression

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24836

Although the freedom of religion is enshrined in the Angolan constitution, an independent United Nations human rights expert has voiced concern that the right to practise religion or belief is infringed in the Southern African nation.

Rwanda: UN genocide tribunal reduces jail terms for three media executives

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24826

The United Nations tribunal dealing with the worst crimes committed during the 1994 Rwandan genocide has reduced the jail sentences of three former media executives convicted for inciting their compatriots to kill ethnic Tutsis. A five-member appeal panel at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which sits in Arusha, Tanzania, upheld the convictions of Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngez.

Global: UN declares 20 February as World Day of Social Justice

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24801

Recognizing the need to promote efforts to tackle issues such as poverty, exclusion and unemployment, the United Nations General Assembly has decided to observe 20 February annually – starting in 2009 – as the World Day of Social Justice. In a unanimously adopted resolution, the 192-member body also invited Member States to devote the Day to promoting activities at the national level in support of the objectives and goals of the 1995 World Summit for Social Development, held in Copenhagen.

Nigeria: In the creeks of the Niger Delta

2007-11-30

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=40252

Twelve years ago, over the protests of human rights groups worldwide, Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni minority and environmental rights activists in Nigeria's oil-rich Delta region were murdered by the military regime of the late General Sani Abacha. This year, the anniversary of their death was marked with a performance of "Tings Dey Happen", a one-man theatrical tour de force that takes a critical look at "oil politics" in Nigeria today, written and performed by the young U.S. playwright Dan Hoyle.

Global: What to do in the event of an asylum-seeker death

2007-11-30

http://www.irr.org.uk/2007/november/ak000022.html

A guide on what to do in the event of the death of an asylum seeker has been published by the Institute of Race Relations. This 13-page briefing paper, Asylum deaths; what to do next, by Harmit Athwal, contains information as to where in the system asylum seekers are most at risk (to self-harm), why they might be moved to take their lives and how those working with or befriending asylum seekers can help to bring the circumstances surrounding the death to light.

Kenya: UN agency to repatriate 3,000 Sudanese by December

2007-11-30

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/LRON-79EJEN?OpenDocument

he UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, will repatriate at least 3,000 Sudanese from the Kakuma camp in northern Kenya by end-December, an official told IRIN. "Two flights are scheduled to leave Kakuma today [29 November]; in fact, one has already left with 39 passengers for Rumbek [Southern Sudan]; the second one will leave later in the day with 42 passengers, also for Rumbek," Emmanuel Nyabera, the UNHCR spokesman, said.

Cameroon: Refugees caught between violence and destitution

2007-11-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=75602

Fatimatou Bouba has trouble holding back tears when she tells her story. A 34-year-old mother, of the ethnic Mbororo group, she fled the Central African Republic (CAR) six months ago – like 45,000 others who have crossed into Cameroon since 2005 – to escape the terror campaign imposed by unknown attackers known only as ‘coupeurs de route’ or ‘zaraguinas’ operating in the west of the country.

Sudan: Darfur fighting “displaced 30,000 in October”

2007-11-30

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=75548

The UN special envoy for Darfur has again expressed concern over the security and humanitarian situation in the Sudanese region, where violence displaced at least 30,000 civilians in October alone, and led to the deaths of seven humanitarian workers. In a statement to the UN Security Council in New York on 27 November, Jan Eliasson said the killing of the seven Sudanese aid workers was the highest monthly casualty since July 2006 and the displacement in October brought the total this year to 280,000.

South Africa: Where are Durban's street children?

2007-11-27

http://tinyurl.com/yoz6kx

Durban's usually bustling street child colonies have all but disappeared from the city after what is believed to be a major police crackdown ahead of this week's Fifa preliminary draw. City officials remain at odds over the fate of dozens of children, who are believed to have been rounded up by SAPS and Metro Police units before being taken to Westville Prison.

Kenya: Latest opinion polls show mixed results

2007-11-30

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN041349.html

The three latest Kenya opinion polls showed mixed results on Friday, with the main opposition candidate Raila Odinga leading President Mwai Kibaki in two of them. With less than a month to go before the December 27 election, surveys by Infotrak Harris and Strategic Research had Odinga leading with 43.9 and 43.2 percent, while Kibaki stood at 38.4 percent in both.

Côte d’Ivoire: UN envoy holds talks on planned elections

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24829

The senior United Nations envoy to Côte d’Ivoire has held talks on elections planned for next year in the country, which has been divided since 2002 between the rebel-held north and Government-controlled south.Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Special Representative for Côte d’Ivoire, Y.J. Choi, met the President of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), Robert Mambé, at the IEC office in Abidjan.

Sierra Leone: 17 party supporters released

2007-11-30

http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/13541

Suspects belonging to both the ruling All Peoples' Congress (APC) and the main opposition Sierra Leone Peoples' Party (SLPP), 17 in all, have been released from police custody in Kono, eastern Sierra Leone. Suspects belonging to both the ruling All Peoples' Congress (APC) and the main opposition Sierra Leone Peoples' Party (SLPP), 17 in all, have been released from police custody in Kono, eastern Sierra Leone.

Zimbabwe: Analysts say free and fair elections will depend on political climate

2007-11-30

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news271107/elections271107.htm

The country is far away from staging free and fair elections because voters in Zimbabwe still don’t enjoy broad freedom to criticize government, to publish their criticism and to present alternatives, according to a political analyst. The government recently published new electoral laws that it said would provide a better electoral framework. But Cape Town based political analyst Glen Mpani said only when the ruling Zanu-PF regime guarantees basic human rights, values tolerance, allows equality before the law and the due process of law, will people talk of free and fair elections.

Algeria: Local elections get underway

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/2arcjf

Under heightened security and heavy rain, Algerians began voting this morning to elect representatives to People’s Communal Assemblies (APC) and People’s Wilaya Assemblies (APW) for a five-year term. Recent floods and continued rain, however, may limit voter turnout. By 2 p.m., only 20% of the country’s 18 million eligible voters had cast ballots.

Angola: Unita denounces 'strategy' to delay elections

2007-11-30

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=326023

Angola opposition on Monday denounced what it called government "strategy" to delay legislative elections scheduled for next year. In a statement, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita) said that acts of "intimidation" and "increased attempts to curtail individual and collective freedoms in Angola" were evidence of the alleged strategy.

Zambia: Drug-buster arrested for corruption

2007-11-30

http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid=326318

The head of Zambia's powerful drug-busting unit has been arrested and charged with stealing public funds and abuse of office for allegedly pocketing money confiscated from culprits, an official said on Thursday. Ryan Chitoba (53) was arrested on Wednesday by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), which has been investigating him for the past six months, ACC spokesperson Timothy Moono said in a statement.

Nigeria: more skeletons come rattling out of the closet

2007-11-30

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#internet

The Nigerian government is investigating allegations that German telecoms and industrial conglomerate Siemens paid bribes to Nigerian officials in order to secure lucrative contracts for telecommunications equipment in the African country. Nigerian President Umaru Yar'Adua has ordered an investigation and has said that the government will not cover up for anyone found guilty of violating the law.

Africa: EU blocking debt cancellation

2007-11-29

http://www.thestatesmanonline.com/pages/archive_detail.php?newsid=5003

"The EU discussions concerning African Debt cancellation have been blocked, your European partners need to be pushed further on this topic” Urged Marie-Laure De Bergh, from the European Centre for Development Policy and Management, during a recent key meeting.

Global: Try as it might, the World Bank cannot hide its failings

Simon Counsell

2007-11-30

http://www.bicusa.org/en/Article.3585.aspx

The World Bank touted it's meeting with a delegation of Pygmies from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) during the Bank's Annual Meetings in October. But as Simon Counsell of Rainforest Foundation UK points out, the Bank has consistently ignored the findings of the quasi-independent Inspecition Panel and violated its own "safeguard policies."

Liberia: Joint effort to create jobs

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24819

The United Nations Mission in Liberia is supporting efforts by the Government to create more than 1 million days of work for labourers from small communities in the country, where employment has been linked to stability since the end of the civil war returned thousands of former fighters to the civilian workforce.

Africa: Diaspora development efforts stimulated

2007-11-30

http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/13546

The World Bank has announced plans to collaborate with the African Union in exploring the possibilities for the development of a Diaspora Remittances Investment Fund, according to a statement made available to PANA. The World Bank statement said the establishment of the Fund would be based on global experiences that exploited the benefits of and leverage remittances to finance Diaspora-led development activities, in a manner similar to existing mechanisms in Latin America.

Southern Africa: Mozambique takes ownership of Cahora Bassa Dam

2007-11-30

http://www.sardc.net/Editorial/Newsfeature/07501107.htm

Ownership of the Cahora Bassa dam on the Zambezi river has finally been transferred from Portuguese control to Mozambican hands at a ceremony witnessed on 27 November by five southern African heads of state and government. The ceremony, which took place in the village of Songo, in the central Mozambican province of Tete, was preceded by last-minute negotiations on the terms of the deal which lasted well into the early hours of Tuesday.

South Afirca: A tale of ongoing water and sanitation woes

2007-11-30

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=40268

When the number of people reported with diarrhoea began to increase alarmingly in the town of Delmas in Mpumalanga Province towards the end of October, residents had flashbacks to an outbreak of diarrhoea and typhoid that took place in August and September, 2005. They feared the worst as the number of cases grew in the community of about 45,000 people -- 60 kilometres east of South Africa's financial centre, Johannesburg.

Africa: African artists release album on HIV/AIDS

2007-11-30

http://www.africanews.com/site/list_messages/13545

Thirty-seven musicians from across Africa have partnered with the UN to produce an 11-title musical album to sensitise Africans on HIV/AIDS , poverty, gender inequalities, illiteracy and conflicts. According to a statement from the UNDP office in Bamako, Mali, Thursday, the tracks sung in 18 African languages carry very clear messages on the issues.

South Africa: The HIV waiting game

2007-11-30

http://panos.blogs.com/africavox2007/2007/11/south-africa-th.html

The Tshepang Clinic in Pretoria is fully booked. The 26 people who enrolled here in November for HIV treatment will have to wait until March for the first of three counselling sessions. Completing these sessions is mandatory for anyone who wants antiretroviral drugs.

Africa: New UN manual launched to help vulnerable rural youth

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24824

To help children who are made ever more vulnerable by the HIV/AIDS epidemic in sub-Saharan Africa, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and UN World Food Programme (WFP) has launched a new manual on how to establish farm schools to teach orphans crucial skills. “Children and youth are charged with the heaviest burden of the AIDS crisis,” said Marcela Villarreal, Director of FAO’s Gender, Equity and Rural Employment Division.

South Africa: New PMTCT protocol in two weeks

2007-11-30

http://www.health-e.org.za/news/article.php?uid=20031829

The South African Government has committed itself to announcing a new protocol for the prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT) programme within the next two weeks. The announcement followed a meeting of the South African National AIDS Council (SANAC) which was chaired by the Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka.

Africa: VCT does reduce risky - study

2007-11-30

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/C3F87FC0-E3EA-45ED-A519-2D8AF639E554.asp

Kenyans attending rural and urban primary healthcare-based voluntary counselling and testing (VCT) services reported significant reductions in the number of sexual partners, fewer sexually transmitted infection symptoms, and increased condom use – albeit from a very low base – six months following an HIV antibody test, according to the results of an observational study of behaviour change and life events published in Sexually Transmitted Infections, published online on 8th November.

Morocco: 2000 new AIDS cases

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/2aqfgg

The annual report from the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), released ahead of World AIDS Day on Saturday (December 1st), said that while HIV infection has stabilised worldwide, AIDS "remains the top cause of death in Africa." According to UN statistics disclosed in the November 20th report, the number of people in Morocco carrying the virus rose from 18,000 in 2006 to 20,000 this year.

Uganda: WHO concerned at new Ebola strain

2007-11-30

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L3066882.htm

The World Health Organisation expressed concern on Friday about the emergence of a new strain of the Ebola virus that has infected 51 people and killed 16 in western Uganda. The outbreak, announced by U.S. and Ugandan health officials on Thursday, is in Bundibugyo, near the border with Democratic Republic of Congo.

Africa: The route to the end-game

2007-11-30

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=75625

Sub-Saharan Africa is an ideal transit area in the international drug trafficking network. Increasing volumes of illicit drugs, particularly heroin and cocaine, are being shipped through the region en route to their final destination: the thriving markets of Europe and North America. With lax border controls, inadequate law enforcement, and growing international transport connections and trade links, it was only a matter of time before traffickers took notice

Morocco: Country girls struggle to complete their studies

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/27zpwy

In rural Morocco, many girls receive no secondary school education while others never go to school at all. The school attendance rate for girls across the country is 60.3%, but in rural areas it is just 16.5%. The main reasons: rigid traditional attitudes, the isolation of some douars (settlements) and the lack of roads and public transport.

Somalia: Gay bloggers recevie death threats

2007-11-30

http://www.afrol.com/articles/27395

After the website Somali Gay Community was launched earlier this month, the staff behind the site has received death threats. The news about the website, which major Somali media picked up from afrol News, caused a storm of debate that included threatening hate messages. But it also gave the new gay site very many hits and members, documenting needs in Somali society.

South Africa: Gay couple denied accommodation

2007-11-30

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=southafrica&id=1763

Owner of a guesthouse, Villa Vita Nouva, may soon face Equality Court for discriminating against gay guests. Marion Botha cancelled a gay couple’s booking a week ago after finding out that they were gay claiming that her guesthouse in Vredenburg, Cape Town, doesn’t accommodate homosexuals. In her refusal outlined in the email she sent one of the guests, Botha emphasised that her four star guesthouse is “certainly not gay friendly.” She further indicated that the guesthouse was a Christian household.

Uganda: Anti-gay activists protest as commonwealth summit opens

2007-11-30

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=uganda&id=1760

Scores of anti-gay activists protested in Kampala Friday minutes after Britain's Queen Elizabeth II opened the summit of Commonwealth heads of state. Demonstrators accused western countries of helping to spread the practice on the African continent. The biennial conference, which is being attended by 48 heads of state and government representatives from the 53-nation club of countries formerly under British rule, will examine the issues of governance, human rights, environment and development.

Africa: SA scholar 'barred because of his views'

2007-11-30

http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,1458

A South African scholar was barred from the United States because of his criticism of US policy in Iraq and the Guantanamo Bay prisoner camp, a civil rights group said in a lawsuit filed on Tuesday. Accusing the Bush administration of stifling academic debate by routinely denying visas to critics, the American Civil Liberties Union filed the federal suit on behalf of four groups that invited Adam Habib, a Muslim, to speak in the United States.

Africa: Combatting soil fertility degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa

2007-11-30

http://www.eldis.org/go/country-profiles&id=34379&type=Document

Soil fertility degradation has been described as the single most important constraint to food security in sub-Saharan Africa. This World Agroforestry Centre document examines the scientific and technological requirements for redressing these failures and for scaling up the widespread adoption of the use of soil management practices to conquer both the yield gap and environmental damage. The paper discusses the state of soil fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa and its relationship with declining crop yields.

Global: Compensating for climate change - New report from Actionaid

2007-11-29

http://www.actionaidusa.org/pdf/CompensatingforClimateChange.pdf

Rich countries that have been the major contributors to the climate crisis have an obligation to compensate impoverished nations which are bearing the brunt of global warming, according to a new Actionaid report. However, there are significant gaps between funds pledged and the needs of developing countries struggling to adapt to the impacts of climate change.

Cameroon: IFJ Condemns sacking of media strike leaders

2007-11-30

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=416

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has called on Cameroon’s Prime Minister Ephraim Inoni to intervene after media group TV + dismissed 8 journalists and media workers accused of being the organisers of a recent strike protesting their working conditions.

Gambia: ECOWAS Court adjourns judgment in “disappeared” journalist’s case again

2007-11-29

http://www.mediafound.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=65&Itemid=1

The Community Court of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has adjourned its judgment in the case of the “disappearance” of Chief Ebrima Manneh, a reporter for the pro-government Banjul-based “Daily Observer” newspaper to November 28, 2007.

Gambia: MFWA files another suit against government

2007-11-30

http://www.mediafound.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=66&Itemid=45

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) has filed another suit at the Community Court of the Economic Committee of West Africa States (ECOWAS) in Abuja, Nigeria against the Government of the Gambia over a case of illegal detention and torture of journalist Musa Saidykhan.

Somalia: IFJ condemns censorship, detention of journalists

2007-11-30

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=423

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has condemned the recent waves of attacks on media in Somalia which have included arrests and censorship. On Monday 26 November, two journalists were arrested by forces in the self-proclaimed state of Somaliland for their work in a disputed town. The same day, the mayor of Mogadishu restricted media coverage of the conflict between the government and Islamist insurgents.

DRC: Prime minister asked to investigate beating of journalists

2007-11-30

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=420

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has urged the new government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to order an immediate investigation into a minister after he reportedly ordered police officers to beat two journalists in his office in retaliation for a critical news report.

Somalia: NUSOJ protests the arrest of 2 journalists

2007-11-30

http://www.ifjafrique.org/anglais/index.php?page=lire&id=419

The National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) protests the arrested of journalists Abdiqani Hassan Farah and Mohammed Shakale in Las Anod town of Sool region. On Monday, 26 November 2007, Somaliland armed forces arrested the two journalists separately in the city centre of Las Anod, according to news reports and journalists in Las Anod who reported to NUSOJ.

Chad: Hundreds dead in fighting

2007-11-30

http://tinyurl.com/3x5uwv

The Chadian army says it has killed several hundreds of rebels during clashes near an area bordering Sudan's Darfur region - ending a lull in fighting. The army said on public radio there were "several hundred dead" and "several injured" among the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD) fighters.

Sudan: Darfur’s new security reality

2007-11-26

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5180&l=1

The Darfur conflict has changed radically in the past year and not for the better. While there are many fewer deaths than during the high period of fighting in 2003-2004, it has mutated, the parties have splintered, and the confrontations have multiplied. Violence is again increasing, access for humanitarian agencies is decreasing, international peacekeeping is not yet effective and a political settlement remains far off, according to a new report by the International Crisis Group.

Burundi: Efforts to consolidate peace applauded

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24835

The United Nations Security Council has welcomed efforts to bring lasting peace to Burundi, calling for a consolidation of progress in the country, which is rebuilding after being torn apart by 13 years of armed conflict.

Sudan: government obstacles threaten Darfur peacekeeping mission, says UN official

2007-11-30

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=24818

The full and rapid deployment of the hybrid United Nations-African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (UNAMID) is in jeopardy because of a series of objections and obstacles raised by the Sudanese Government and the lack of offers for crucial force units, a senior United Nations official has warned the Security Council.

Chad: Rebels declare war on French, foreign forces

2007-11-30

http://africa.reuters.com/top/news/usnBAN024516.html

Chadian anti-government rebels on Friday declared a "state of war" against French and foreign military forces in an apparent warning to a European Union peacekeeping force that plans to deploy there soon. French troops and aircraft are stationed in Chad under a bilateral defence accord. The EU force, around half of which will be French, is preparing to deploy near the eastern border with Sudan in coming weeks to protect refugees and aid workers.

Uganda: LRA rebel deserters say Kony executed deputy

2007-11-30

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/NL30159116.htm

A group of deserters from Uganda's notorious Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) said on Friday the rebels' leader Joseph Kony had executed his deputy Vincent Otti, who has been instrumental in peace talks. "What you should know is that Kony ordered for Otti's execution on the 2nd of October," former LRA commander Sunday Otto told reporters, speaking on behalf of seven rebels flown to Kampala after handing themselves in to U.N. peacekeepers.

Global: Dumping obsolete technology on the poor

2007-11-30

http://www.bdafrica.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4499&Itemid=5821

US citizens will buy 30 million new digital televisions this year alone, sending their old lead-laden TVs to the dump, or more likely, overseas to China or India. Barbara Kyle, national coordinator of the Electronics TakeBack Coalition says it is “an astonishing number that will send millions of pounds of lead to landfills or overseas.” Non-digital TVs contain up to eight pounds of lead, which is a potent neurotoxin. While new digital flat screen TVs don’t have lead, they do contain mercury, another neurotoxin.

Global: Politics 'stifling $100 laptop'

2007-11-30

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/7094695.stm

A lack of "big thinking" by politicians has stifled a scheme to distribute laptops to children in the developing world, a spokesman has said. Walter Bender of One Laptop per Child (OLPC) said politicians were unwilling to commit because "change equals risk".

Kenya: Anti-piracy drive boosts OSS use

2007-11-30

http://www.tectonic.co.za/view.php?src=rss&id=1910

A recent crack-down on piracy in Kenya has driven a number of internet cafes to open source. The Business Daily in Nairobi reported that the raids on the internet cafes came after the expiry of the October 30 deadline set by the Kenya Copyright Board. Interestingly, the estimated value of the pirate software found on confiscated machines was just short of the value of the machines themselves.

Africa: Ghana to host UNCTAD on ICT4D

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/44766

Ghana is to host the 12th United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XII) in April 2008, under the theme 'Science, Technology, Innovation (STI) and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)s for Development (ICT4D)'.
Highway Africa News Agency

Ghana is to host the 12th United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XII) in April 2008, under the theme 'Science, Technology, Innovation (STI) and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT)s for Development (ICT4D)'.

According to the secretary general of UNCTAD, the event comes at a time when UNCTAD is preparing to host the 12th UNCTAD quadrennial ministerial conference, also on the heels of another meeting; the science, technology, innovation and Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) for development, to be held at the Palais des Nations in Geneva on December 6, 2007.

All experts, he said, are encouraged to prepare and submit brief papers related to one or several relevant issues, as well as those relating to their countries´ experiences in the area of science and technology, innovation and ICTs.

"The contribution of STI and ICTs to the achievement of broader development objectives," he urged.

The scribe equally said that issues bordering on global and regional cooperation in the areas of STI and ICTs are welcome, adding that such papers will be made available to the meeting in the form and language in which they are received.

"States members of UNCTAD, specialized agencies, intergovernmental bodies and non-governmental organizations wishing to attend the pre-event are requested to inform the UNCTAD secretariat of the name of their representative at an early date," he said.

UNCTAD's mission is to promote the development-friendly integration of developing countries into the world economy and has progressively evolved into an authoritative knowledge-based institution whose work is also to help shape current policy debates and thinking on development, with a particular focus on domestic policies and international action that are mutually supportive in bringing about sustainable development.

Africa: Mobile Internet on the rise in South Africa

2007-11-30

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#internet

With the development of technology such as the 3G card - the mobile success story of 2007 - providing consumers with increasing access to online, banking and other services, mobile communications is at a tipping point similar to that of the Internet a few years ago. This is according to the findings of the Mobility 2007 study released on Tuesday, 20 November 2007.

Kenya: Survey shows dangers of recycling electronic waste

2007-11-30

http://www.bdafrica.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=4441&Itemid=5847

Used electronic equipment poses health risks to people who might want to recycle them. Mr Martin Muteti, a consultancy manager with Practical Action, an NGO, points out that the country is sitting on a time bomb if no legislation is enacted against irresponsible disposals of electronic equipment.

Africa: Strengthening the engagement of women and girls with the Global Fund

2007-11-26

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/44678

The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), the Open Society Initiative for East Africa (OSIEA) and the Open Society Institute’s (OSI) Public Health Program are requesting proposals from coalitions of women’s rights and HIV and AIDS organizations in Southern Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, or Uganda that wish to, among others, develop proposals for submission to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria that address the specific vulnerabilities of women and girls.
Strengthening the Engagement of Women and Girls with the Global Fund in Southern and East Africa

Request for Proposals
Deadline: Friday, December 21, 2007

Today, almost 60% of people living with HIV and AIDS in southern Africa are female and young women between the ages of 15 and 24 are four times more likely to be infected than young men. Women's and girls' needs for HIV prevention, treatment, care and support differ substantially from those of men and boys. Despite this, most programming on HIV and AIDS still ignores the specific needs of women and girls for different types of messages, care and support systems and impact mitigation strategies. In 2001, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) was established to dramatically increase resources to fight three of the world's most devastating diseases, and to direct those resources to areas of greatest need.

As a partnership between governments, civil society, the private sector and affected communities, the Global Fund represents an innovative approach to international health financing. In Southern Africa, the Global Fund has committed over $500 million to support programmes addressing HIV prevention, care and support and treatment. Yet little of the funding provided through the Global Fund has specifically been allocated to programs that reduce women's and girls' vulnerability to HIV infection and/or meet the gendered needs of women and girls living with HIV and AIDS to treatment, care, or legal resources and to address matters related to HIV status and gender inequality. To address this imbalance, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), the Open Society Initiative for East Africa (OSIEA) and the Open Society Institute's (OSI) Public Health Program are requesting proposals from coalitions of women's rights and HIV and AIDS organizations in Southern Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, or Uganda that wish to:

develop proposals for submission to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria that address the specific vulnerabilities of women and girls and particularly marginalized groups of women and girls (e.g. young women, sex workers, women living in rural areas, women from certain ethnic groups, etc.); build their capacity to engage with Global Fund processes at the country level; advocate to increase the flow of Global Fund resources to projects that meet women's and girls' needs in these countries. In response to the proposals received, OSISA, OSIEA and OSI will provide funding and technical support to assist each coalition to conduct an assessment of the funding needs of HIV programs for women and girls in their country and, based on their findings, develop a detailed proposal that outlines and costs specific, evidence-based interventions to:

improve women's and girls' access to HIV prevention information, technologies and services, including sexuality education and sexual and reproductive health services; increase HIV positive women's access to care, treatment and support; meet the sexual and reproductive health needs of HIV positive women and girls; and promote the human rights of women and girls, particularly those living with HIV and AIDS.

Special emphasis should be made to meet the needs of particularly vulnerable or socially marginalized groups of women, including young women, women living in rural areas, and sex workers. Following the technical and material support provided by OSISA/OSIEA/OSI, each coalition will be expected to submit their proposal to their country coordinating mechanism (CCM) for inclusion in a country-level proposal to the Global Fund. In addition, coalitions will be helped to plan advocacy initiatives that seek to ensure that CCMs are rendered more gender sensitive and are more receptive to including women's rights issues in CCM proposals to the Fund. Those wishing to access grants for the development of proposals to the Global Fund are requested to follow these steps: Find out more about the Global Fund by accessing www.theglobalfund.org <http://www.theglobalfund.org>.
Find out more about your CCM and its members by phoning the local National AIDS Council or UNAIDS office or visiting your country page on the Global Fund website. In particular, find out if they intend to submit an HIV/AIDS proposal for Round 8.

Based on this information, establish contact with other women's rights organizations, PLWHA organizations, and HIV service organizations to see whether they are interested in applying for Global Fund resources on women's rights and HIV and AIDS.
If they are, establish an informal network or coalition (this does not have to be registered, but the organisation that will receive the funds on behalf of the group must be registered). Select a focal point to coordinate the development of a mini-proposal to OSISA/OSIEA/OSI. Select three coalition representatives that will be able to attend a workshop on February 18-22, 2008 (location to be determined) on Global Fund proposal development and advocacy, if their coalition is awarded this grant. Travel expenses for attendance at this workshop will be funded by OSISA/OSIEA/OSI and should not be budgeted for in the proposal.
Write the proposal and submit jointly with a cover letter that includes the signatures of all Coalition members and indicates the contact information for the communication focal point and three potential workshop participants. Content of the Proposal to OSISA/OSIEA/OSI:

Please note that your proposal to OSISA/OSIEA/OSI should revolve around how you will develop a larger proposal for the Global Fund. The proposal you develop for the Global Fund will then need to undergo several steps before it can be submitted to the Global Fund. It will first need to be accepted by your national CCM. You cannot directly send a proposal to the Global Fund without going through these steps. We are offering this small grant to national level coalitions because of the relative complexity of developing a Global Fund proposal. Coalitions:

OSISA, OSIEA and OSI are requesting proposals from coalitions that are comprised of organizations that have experience working with and for women and girls in the area of HIV and AIDS in Southern Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, or Uganda. Specifically, we seek proposals from coalitions that are broad and inclusive. They should involve organizations that, for example, work with and for women living with HIV and AIDS, women living in rural areas, young women, and sex workers, and which advocate for the protection of women's human rights. We are requesting that where no coalitions or networks of this nature already exist, they be formed for the purposes of this proposal. While the coalitions will be expected to work together throughout the duration of this project, there is no expectation that the coalition be sustained afterwards or used for other purposes. Proposal Requirements:

Each coalition is requested to submit proposals containing the following information:

A list of the organizations involved in the coalition with a brief description of each organization's experience working with women and girls, as well as with HIV and AIDS, and their experience with the Global Fund, if any. An overview of Global Fund grants for HIV and AIDS in the country and the extent to which they address the needs of women and girls (country proposals are available on the Global Fund's website). Preliminary information about the CCM, its interest in submitting a proposal to the Global Fund for Round 8, and CCM-specific deadlines for the submission of proposals (if available).
A detailed work-plan outlining the process through which the coalition will carry out the development of the proposal. This should include anticipated technical assistance needs, consultations with women's groups and AIDS NGOs, information about specific regions or issues on which the proposal with focus, etc. A budget in US dollars that includes costs for coalition meetings, in-country meetings, consultant costs, etc. up to a maximum of $30,000.
Brief bios of the five coalition leaders who will take primary responsibility for overseeing the development of the country proposal and who will represent the coalition at a workshop to be held from February 18-22 (location TBD). Only proposals written in English will be considered.

Please note that all project proposals are to be submitted in the following format:
- Arial or Times New Roman Font, 11 point
- 1.5 spacing
- Budget in Excel in US dollars
- PDF documents are acceptable Timeline:

DEC.17: Deadline for submission of proposals to OSISA/OSIEA/OSI.

JAN.11: Coalitions that have been successful in their applications to OSISA/OSIEA/OSI will be notified. JAN. 14: Coalitions are expected to begin working on the development of their proposals and identify a local consultant to assist in the process and writing the proposal.

FEB.18-22: Five members of each successful coalition will be expected to attend a workshop (location to be determined), including the person who will be responsible for writing the proposal. MARCH 1: The Global Fund will issue a call for proposals for their eighth round of grant-making on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. Early JUNE: Coalition proposals should be finalized and submitted to the CCM by their deadline, which varies from country to country.*

JULY 9: The deadline for CCMs to submit proposals for consideration to the Global Fund.

*Deadlines for the submission of proposals to CCMs will vary from country to country, however we anticipate that the proposals of your coalition should be finalized by early June. Proposals should be submitted via email with the subject heading 'Women and Girls Global Fund Proposal' to:

Lila Elman
Email: lelman@sorosny.org

The deadline for submission of proposals is Friday, December 21, 2007.

For more information contact:

Thoko Budaza Media and Advocacy Specialist Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa +27 11 403 3414 thokob@osisa.org Lila Elman Program Assistant, Public Health Program Open Society Institute +1 212 548 0680 lelman@sorosny.org

Global: Call for application- gender, peace and security internships with UN-INSTRAW

2007-11-30

http://www.un-instraw.org/jdata/images/files/GPS-InternTORS-2008.pdf

Under the supervision of UN-INSTRAW’s Information Officer, the intern will focus on activities related to the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 “Women, Peace and Security,” gender and security sector reform (SSR), and gender training for security personnel. Starting date is January 2008.

Switzerland: Research Fellow, UNRISD

Closing date: 1 Feb 2008

2007-11-30

http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BF3C2/search/6B140AD8523303F5C1257394003A804D

As part of a new UNRISD Fellowship Programme for Researchers from Developing Countries, UNRISD invites applications from African social science scholars, based at an African research institution. The visiting fellows would spend 9 to 12 months working at UNRISD in Geneva. Successful applicants should be engaged in innovative research in the field of Social Policy in Africa. At UNRISD they will continue research in this area, prepare a paper for publication under the UNRISD Programme Paper series and develop ideas for future research.

Egypt: 11th IASFM/FMRS Conference - Call for volunteers

2007-11-26

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/44679

The Forced Migration and Refugees Studies Program FMRS at the American University in Cairo AUC is hosting the 11th Biennial International Association for the Study of Forced Migration IASFM conference taking place in Cairo, Shepheard Hotel from January 6th to 10th, 2008. The theme of the conference is "Refugees and Forced Migrants at the Crossroads: Forced Migration in a Changing world." FMRS is calling for volunteers to assist the conference coordinator in the conference logistics before and during the conference. Volunteers will receive a registration waiver to attend some of the sessions of the conference as well as the social events.
CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS

The Forced Migration and Refugees Studies Program FMRS at the American University in Cairo AUC is hosting the 11th Biennial International Association for the Study of Forced Migration IASFM conference taking place in Cairo, Shepheard Hotel from January 6th to 10th, 2008. The theme of the conference is "Refugees and Forced Migrants at the Crossroads: Forced Migration in a Changing world."

FMRS is calling for volunteers to assist the conference coordinator in the conference logistics before and during the conference. Volunteers will receive a registration waiver to attend some of the sessions of the conference as well as the social events.

Undergraduate and Graduate students are welcome to apply as well as members of the refugee community in Cairo. Volunteers must have a good command of English and must be available before and during the conference week.

To apply, please send an e-mail to Sara Sadek, IASFM conference coordinator by December 9th to set for an appointment: sarasadek81@yahoo.com

For more information on the conference, please visit www.iasfm.org

Global: Oak Foundation fellowships

2007-11-30

http://www.colby.edu/academics_cs/goldfarb/oak/

The Oak Institute at Colby College is pleased to issue a call for nominations for the 2008 Oak Human Rights Fellowship. The Oak Institute seeks one frontline human rights practitioner working as a journalist outside of the United States for residence at Colby in the fall of 2008. Possible areas of human rights activity may include, but are not limited to: racial or ethnic discrimination; workers rights in both formal and informal markets; land and resource struggles; environmental human rights; victims of state or organized violence; gender and social exclusion; gay, lesbian, or transgender sexual discrimination; children’s rights; rights of displaced peoples and refugees; rights to religious freedom; or freedom of information.

Global: World Forum of Sociology - call for papers

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/44737

One of the RC32 mission objectives is "to promote the development of theory, methods, and practice concerning women in society and the gendered nature of social institutions." The chosen theme for The First ISA World Forum, "Sociological Research and Public Debate" offers us a valuable opportunity to accomplish our mission objective by engaging in the production of transformative knowledge in sociological research and theoretical inquiry and by bringing scholarship to the public arena for dialogues, exchanges, debates, and practices.
RC32 WOMEN IN SOCIETY

First ISA World Forum of Sociology Barcelcona, Spain September 5-8, 2008

Conference Theme: Weaving Spheres of Knowledge and Action:

Sociological Research and Women in Society

CALL FOR PAPERS

One of the RC32 mission objectives is "to promote the development of theory, methods, and practice concerning women in society and the gendered nature of social institutions." The chosen theme for The First ISA World Forum, "Sociological Research and Public Debate" offers us a valuable opportunity to accomplish our mission objective by engaging in the production of transformative knowledge in sociological research and theoretical inquiry and by bringing scholarship to the public arena for dialogues, exchanges, debates, and practices.

More specifically, the RC32 program for the First ISA World Forum is dedicated to examine the intricately interwoven relationships between theory and methodology, between research and action, and between structure and agency, on issues relating to women/gender and society.
Various sessions have been organized to explore the ways in which scholarship and praxis are intersected, reflecting women's multiple realities and lived experiences; challenging inequality and injustice due to differences, exclusion, and discrimination; and transforming the society in which we live. The intersectionality of gender, race/ethnicity, class, age/generation, nationality, sexual orientation, and dis/ability is emphasized in these sessions.

RC32 has organized five independent sessions and collaborated with research committees (RC 04, RC 05, RC 10, RC 14, RC 23, RC 30, RC 38) in co-organizing five joint sessions. If you are interested in attending this ISA World Forum and in participating in these sessions, please submit your paper abstract (approximately five hundred words) by email to the organizer or the co-organizers of the respective sessions with a cc of your submission to the conference co-ordinators: Esther Ngan-ling Chow: echow@american.edu <mailto:echow@american.edu> and Margaret Abraham: margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu <mailto:margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu>.

The deadline for submitting your paper abstract is: December 1, 2007.

Limited travel grant awards from the ISA will be available. Individuals who are interested in these awards should apply directly to the ISATravel Grants Committee. The deadline for travel award application is: January 31, 2008. For more information contact Isabela Barlinska at ISA office: isa@isa-sociology.org <mailto:isa@isa-sociology.org>

RC32 INDEPENDENT SESSIONS

Session 1.
Title: Talking the Talk, Walking the Walk: Feminist Research and Practice and Women and Society.
Co-Organizers: Margaret Abraham (USA): margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu <mailto:margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu> Kalpana Kannabiran (India): kalpana.kannabiran@gmail.com <mailto:kalpana.kannabiran@gmail.com> This session will focus on the role of Feminist sociological research in the production and consumption of knowledge and its transformative potential in challenging patriarchy and shaping social structures within which women are located. It will critically explore the ways in which scholarship and practice combine to address women's multiple social realities and inequities of power based on the intersections of race, class, gender and citizenship. Papers will address the ways in which feminist sociological research and practice have engaged with key issues such as health, education, violence, poverty, women's empowerment and agency in mainstream and marginalized communities. It will also address how feminist research has engaged publics beyond the academe, contested power structures, influenced communities, impacted on public policies, changed pedagogical approaches and shaped the world in which we live.

Has feminist sociological research talked the talk and walked the walk?
What are its pitfalls and possibilities in a globalizing world?

Session 2.
Title: Can the Academy be Feminist? Obstacles to and Strategies for Doing Sociology for Women.
Co-Organizers: Joey Sprague (USA): jsprague@ku.edu <mailto:jsprague@ku.edu> Lin Tan (China): Tanlin@nankai.edu.cn <mailto:Tanlin@nankai.edu.cn> Do the norms and practices in the academy constitute disincentives to creating knowledge that is activist-oriented? What are the experiences of people trying to be activist sociologists? What is the difference between the kinds of sociology that get rewarded and the kinds that serve social change? What changes in the way sociology is organized as a discipline and/or universities are organized as institutions would make it easier to produce knowledge useful for women's activism? How would we change graduate training if we wanted to create strong activist sociologists? Are there cross-national comparisons that can help us learn how to organize academies as places that foster good scholarship that serves the interests of women?

Session 3 Title: Researching Women in Africa and the African Diaspora: New Social Science Perspectives.
Co-Organizers: Josephine Beoku-Betts (USA): beokubet@fau.edu <mailto:beokubet@fau.edu> Akosua Adomako Ampofo (Ghana): adomako@ug.edu.gh <mailto:adomako@ug.edu.gh> Over the past two decades, feminist and gender studies scholarship on the status and roles of women in African and the African Diaspora has grown exponentially in theoretical and empirical contexts. While some of the broader issues in feminist and gender studies scholarship have been subjects of research in the Global North, such as family, work, social and political movements, transnational migration, health, sexuality, information technology, human rights and popular culture, these issues have been largely ignored or at least marginalized until recently. This panel will explore new theoretical and empirical discourses in feminist /gender studies and social science scholarship on African and African diasporic women and will work within the paradigms of feminism, intersectionality, and transnationalism.

Session 4 Title: Middle Eastern Women's Movements and Activism in the Globalized World: Research and Action.
Co-Organizers: Suaad Zayed Al-Oraimi (UAE): zayedal@aol.com <mailto:zayedal@aol.com>)
Nazanin Shahrokni (Iran): (nazanin@berkeley.edu <mailto:nazanin@berkeley.edu>)

The focus of this comparative session will be on women's movements and activism in the Middle East and the ways in which these are shaped by a myriad of local and global factors. The session aims at exploring recent local and global challenges encountered by women when they participate in social movements in the Middle East. We are interested in the interplay between state policies, women's activism, and everyday life and strategies of women in tackling these challenges.

Moreover the scholarship on women in the Middle East predominantly makes use of binaries such as tradition/modernity, fundamentalism/imperialism, religious/secular etc. The session especially welcomes papers that engage critically with these binaries and investigate their implications for women's movements and activism in the Middle East.

This session seeks to serve as a forum for sharing experiences, recognizing the common issues, and theorizing new strategies for dealing with these issues. Some of the topics of the papers may deal with but are not necessarily limited to: Women's movement, definition, challenges and strategies; Women at the intersection of Feminism, Islam, and the State; The interaction between State and women's movements; Feminism inside Academia and on the field; Public/Private reciprocity.

Session 5 Title: Women and Transnational Migration in Theory and Practice.
Co-organizers: Oluyemi Fayomi (Nigeria): olu_fayomi@yahoo.com <mailto:olu_fayomi@yahoo.com> Lotsmart Fonjong (Cameroon): lotsmarat@yahoo.cm <mailto:lotsmarat@yahoo.cm> Migration across national borders is increasingly being seen as a strategy to alleviate poverty, reduce vulnerability to crises, and support recovery once a disaster like famine, flood, drought, accident, business failure occurs. Conditions in which women are exposed to especially in developing countries are quite volatile. For example, the feminization of migration is a serious gender issue in Africa given that women suffer more. As women and as migrants, they have little access to land, which is the principal source of livelihood for most African poor.
And since traditional land tenure systems, colonial, and early post-colonial laws that regulate land rights neglected women; they thus tend to work on land without any secured rights. Consequently, they will not carry out any sound investments that can ensure sustainability on land they do not own. This situation has implications on their productivity and natural resource management. The session seeks papers on: Women and transnational migration; Women and resource sustainability; Women and dimensions of urbanization; Migrant women, land rights and land tenure system; Poverty and struggle for survival; Crises, resource conflict and resolution.

RC 32 JOINT SESSIONS Joint session 1: RC 05 and RC 32 Title: Women: Intersectionality and Diasporas Co-Organizers: Ann Denis (Canada): adenis@uottawa.ca <mailto:adenis@uottawa.ca> and to be arranged.

Focusing on women living in a Diaspora, this session invites contributions which use intersectional analysis to examine the women's experiences. Without limiting the range of social positions which are incorporated into the intersectional analysis, gender, ethnicity and the fact of being part of a Diaspora will necessarily be included.
Comparative analyses are welcome. Papers may concentrate on theoretical or empirical analysis, or a combination of the two.

This joint session is dedicated to the late Helen Ralston, who was a long-time and active member of both RC05 and RC32. Its theme is informed by interests that she addressed in her own research in Canada on first and second generation immigrant women from India.

Joint Session 2: RC10 and RC32 Title: The Challenges of Women's Participation/Exclusion in Public and Private Contexts.
Co-Organizers: Esther Ngan-ling Chow (USA): echow@american.edu Michal Palgi (Israel): palgi@research.haifa.ac.il <mailto:palgi@research.haifa.ac.il> This session examines the causes, the barriers, the challenges and the facilitating factors in women's participation and exclusion in public and private contexts at different life stages and in various societies.
An emphasis is given to how intersectionality of gender, age, race/ethnicity, and class (or other differences) matters in shaping or hindering various forms and outcomes of women's participation. Their activism and resistance against social exclusion in the public and private domains ranging from the family, organizational structure, and global governance will be explored.

Joint Session 3: RC 14, RC30, and RC32 Title: Transformation in Communication and Work: The Cultural Construction and Reconstruction of Gender.
Co-Organizers: Christiana Constantopoulou (Greece): konstant@uom.gr <mailto:konstant@uom.gr> Diane Gabrielle Tremblay (Canada):
tremblay.diane-gabrielle@teluq.uqam.ca <mailto:tremblay.diane-gabrielle@teluq.uqam.ca> Margaret Abraham (USA): margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu <mailto:margaret.abraham@hofstra.edu> New communication technologies have led to several transformations in work (and "leisure") with implications on existing notions of the public and private space and changing notions of gender. Work at "home", until recently associated with women, often precludes "normal labor rules"
such as security, standard hours of paid work, syndicalism and conviviality at the work place. These issues related to work at home are becoming of increasing concern to more and more people, particularly women and youth.

The ongoing transformations in communication and work are reflected in the roles of institutions and the ideas disseminated by the press. For instance, in the absence and inefficacy of social services, the mass media has become an important vehicle whereby issues of poverty, employment opportunities and "special" appeals for help are addressed.
Today, TV acts as a "social mediator", both locally and globally in culturally constructing and reconstructing the way we communicate, our attitudes to work (both at home and the workplace), and in shaping our notions of gender.

Joint Session 4: RC32 and RC38 Title: Understanding Women: Lessons from the perspectives of Women and Society and Biography and Society.
Co-organizers: Marilyn Porter (Canada): mporter@mun.ca <mailto:mporter@mun.ca> Kathy Davis (Netherlands): kathy.davis@let.uu.nl <mailto:kathy.davis@let.uu.nl> In this session we will invite researchers from RC32 and RC38 to discuss the methodologies they use to understand women's experience; to reflect on how their methodology represents the perspectives of their RC; to explore the weaknesses and strengths of their methodology and to suggest ways of combining the specific methods of the 2 RCs to produce a stronger understanding of the experience of women.

Joint Session 5: RC04, RC 23, and RC32 Title: Gender, Science, Technology & Innovation, and the Future Co-Organizers: Markus Schulz (USA): markus.schulz@nyu.edu <mailto:markus.schulz@nyu.edu> Solange Simoes (USA): ssimoes@emich.edu <mailto:ssimoes@emich.edu>

Kenya: International artists residential program

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/44731

Kuona Trust is seeking applications for an East African artist for the 11th international artist’s residency program to be held from the 21st of March to the 28th of March 2008. Interested artists are requested to send their applications to Michael Soi on snakedoctor2@gmail.com before the 10th of December 2007. You are all invited to the opening of the end of year Kuona Trust Exhibition on Wed the 28th at 6.30p.m. The exhibition will run until the 15th of December.

Online discussion about mobiles in human rights work

2007-11-30

http://www.newtactics.org/en/blog/new-tactics/using-mobile-phones-action

Mobile technology is being used by citizens all over the world as the most affordable and massively adopted piece of technology. How can we harness this technology for advancing human rights and civil society participation? Join a group of outstanding resource practitioners to share and discuss "Using Mobile Phones for Action".

South Africa: Combatting human trafficking - HSRC Panel discussion

2007-11-27

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/44704

The purpose of this panel discussion, to be held on Wednesday, 5 December, 2007 is to raise awareness about human trafficking as an issue relevant to gender, gender violence and human rights within the National 16 Days of Activism Campaign. This panel brings together a panel of experts and opinion makers to highlight the problem of human trafficking as a gender, human rights and policy issue, to share experiences of how such problems are being addressed, and to stimulate public discussion and media coverage on this issue during the 16 Days of Activism Campaign.
INVITATION

The following panel discussion will be presented from Pretoria, but may be attended via video conference in Cape Town and Durban.

HSRC GENDER & DEVELOPMENT UNIT SEMINAR SERIES

The problem of combating human trafficking in the context of the 16 Days of Activism Panel Discussion is Jointly Hosted by the HSRC (Gender & Development Unit) and the International Organization of Migration (Regional Mission for South Africa).

Speakers:
1. Dr Olive Shisana (President & CEO: HSRC)
2. Hans-Petter Boe (Regional Representative, IOM)
3. Patric Solomons (Molo Songololo, Cape Town)
4. Dr Nolutho Diko (HSRC)
5. Director Liziwe Ntshinga (SAPS)

Pretoria Venue: Video Conference, 1st floor HSRC Library Human Sciences Research Council, 134 Pretorius Street, Pretoria. Venues in Durban and Cape Town: see below Date: Wednesday, 5 December, 2007 Time: 15H00 -17H30 Refreshments and drinks follow the panel discussion

The purpose of this panel discussion is to raise awareness about human trafficking as an issue relevant to gender, gender violence and human rights within the National 16 Days of Activism Campaign. This panel brings together a panel of experts and opinion makers to highlight the problem of human trafficking as a gender, human rights and policy issue, to share experiences of how such problems are being addressed, and to stimulate public discussion and media coverage on this issue during the 16 Days of Activism Campaign.

TO RESERVE A SEAT AND PARKING, KINDLY RSVP BY 1 DECEMBER 2007
Cape Town: Contact Bronzina Nel, Tel (021) 4668000, Fax (021) 461 0299, cell: 0732247520 or BNel@hsrc.ac.za HSRC, 12th Floor, Plein Park Building (Opposite Revenue Office), Plein Street, Cape Town

Durban: Contact Rina Poonen, Tel (031) 2425415, Fax:(031) 242 5401, Cell; 084 2406 003 or RPoonen@hsrc.ac.za, HSRC, First floor board room, 750 FRANCOIS ROAD, Ntuthuko Junction, PODS 5 and 6, Cato Manor Pretoria: Contact Arlene Grossberg (012) 3022811, ACGrossberg@hsrc.ac.za

Video Conference, 1st floor HSRC Library Human Sciences Research Council, 134 Pretorius Street, Pretoria, or Baby Twala Tel (012) 302-2368, or E-Mail: BTwala@hsrc.ac.za

South Africa: The Power of Movements - Announcement and call for proposals

2007-11-30

http://www.awid.org/forum08/

From November 14-17, 2008, up to 1,500 women's rights activists from around the world will gather in Cape Town, South Africa to debate and strategize about how to build stronger women's movements globally. We invite you to contribute to this urgent discussion by submitting a proposal to organize a session at the 11th AWID forum: The Power of Movements.

African civilian standby roster - Employment opportunities

2007-11-30

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/44732

The African Civilian Standby Roster for Humanitarian and Peace-building Missions (AFDEM) is a database of qualified African civilians interested in deployment with the UN and agencies, AU and other International organizations operating in humanitarian and peace-building missions. To apply, please send your updated CV with at least three contactable referees to:admin@afdem-africa.org or recruitment@afdem-africa.org For more information about AFDEM visit www.afdem-africa.org
Employment Opportunities

The African Civilian Standby Roster for Humanitarian and Peace-building Missions (AFDEM) is a database of qualified African civilians interested in deployment with the UN and agencies, AU and other International organizations operating in humanitarian and peace-building missions.
While the range of expertise of candidates already on the database is broad, we are currently searching for experts in the following fields:

Water and Sanitation;
Logistics; Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and Information and Communications Technology (ICT)
Relevant international work experience in the area of expertise.
Relevant advanced university degree
Good language skills
Proficient in at least two international languages including English
Solid inter-personal skills; ability to work in a team, flexibility, adaptability
Cultural and gender sensitivity Ability to live and work in difficult conditions.

To apply, please send your updated CV with at least three contactable referees to:admin@afdem-africa.org <mailto:admin@afdem-africa.org>
OR recruitment@afdem-africa.org <mailto:recruitment@afdem-africa.org>.

For more information about AFDEM visit www.afdem-africa.org <http://www.afdem-africa.org>

Northern Uganda: Protection Advisor, Danish Refugee Council (DRC)

Deadline: 16 December 2007

2007-11-30

http://www.drc.dk/Engelsk_jobmodul.2999.0.html?&jobuid=250

The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) has been present in Northern Uganda since 1999 with the aim of promoting protection and providing life-saving and livelihood assistance to victims of conflict in the region. The operation in Gulu, Northern Uganda was started in July 2007 and has a main focus on supporting IDPs in the area.
The Danish Refugee Council (DRC) has been present in Northern Uganda since 1999 with the aim of promoting protection and providing life-saving and livelihood assistance to victims of conflict in the region. The operation in Gulu, Northern Uganda was started in July 2007 and has a main focus on supporting IDPs in the area. The Protection Advisor will: Contribute to the development of DRC’s overall activities in Uganda, specifically in Gulu; Manage the development and implementation of DRC’s protection activities in Gulu; Provide technical supervision and advice to all protection and other DRC staff when required; Co-ordinate with local and national state and non-state actors, donors and national and international NGOs involved in work relating to the returnees and IDPs in Uganda, particularly in the Districts of Gulu of Amuru.

South Africa: Membership Communications Coordinator, Civicus

Deadline: 7 December 2007

2007-11-30

http://www.civicus.org/new/jobs_info.asp?id=1195

CIVICUS is recruiting a Membership Communications Coordinator to take the lead on the Membership Department’s main communication functions such as the production of the Membership Quarterly newsletter and the updating the Membership Lounge (section of the CIVICUS website for Members’ only). Working with the Membership Manager, the Communications Coordinator will also be responsible for developing a strategy for the increase in CIVICUS’ Membership representation especially in countries/regions of low membership representation including North Africa and French speaking countries, and the Middle East.

UK: Research Fellow, Institute of Development Studies

2007-11-30

http://www.oneworld.net/job/view/16521

The IDS is a leading global institution for research, teaching and communications on international development, based at the University of Sussex. The Participation Power and Social Change team are seeking to appoint up to two new fellows; one appointment in the field civil society – state relations and the second appointment is open to any of the themes relevant to the work of the team: power and change at systemic, organisational and personal levels of experience; identities, rights and social justice; inclusive citizenship and governance.

Fahamu