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Who Really Killed Thomas Sankara?

Carina Ray

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/45420

As the Charles Taylor trial continues, African historian Carina Ray looks at the possibility that Taylor was complicit in Sankara's assassination.

In January 2008, after much delay, the trial of former Liberian president, Charles Ghankay Taylor, is scheduled to begin at the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Taylor faces an 11-count indictment for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and other violations of international humanitarian law. These charges stem from his involvement in the atrocities committed during Sierra Leone’s armed conflict dating back to 1996, and more specifically his support of the main rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), headed by Foday Sankoh. The brutality of the war and its direct toll on the civilian population are most visible today in the thousands of amputees throughout Sierra Leone whose limbs were hacked off in a bid to stifle civilian resistance through fear. While Taylor’s path of destruction arguably came to its apex during the war in Sierra Leone, his history prior to that also deserves our scrutiny since we know his much longer record of wanton destabilization in West Africa is precisely what allowed him to wield so much power within the RUF.

In particular, Taylor’s return to West Africa from the United States in 1985 and the events that followed deserve our attention. Taylor arrived in Ghana after escaping from a prison in Boston, Massachusetts where he was being held pending extradition to Liberia on embezzlement charges levied against him by the Doe regime. Ghanaian authorities eventually jailed Taylor twice for his increasingly subversive activities. By 1987, however, he had arrived in Burkina Faso. The approximate timing of his appearance in the country coincided with the assassination of President Thomas Sankara, the charismatic revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso, on 15 October 1987.

While it is commonly accepted that Burkina Faso’s current head of state, Blaise Compaore, ordered Sankara’s assassination after their once close relationship soured, for years people have also been linking Taylor to the assassination. In 1993 Liberian economist, S. Byron Tarr, published an article in the respected academic journal, Issue: A Journal of Opinion, on the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group’s (ECOMOG) intervention in the Liberian civil war (1989-1996). Therein Tarr gave the most detailed account to date of Taylor’s movements prior to Sankara’s assassination. According to Tarr, in 1987 Taylor approached the Burkinabe embassy in Accra to ask for assistance in overthrowing the Doe regime in Liberia. The Burkinabe ambassador to Ghana, Madam Mamouna Ouattara, a Compaore loyalist, appears to have solicited Compaore’s assistance in getting the Ghanaian authorities to release Taylor into Burkinabe custody. This was facilitated by the fact that Ghana neither wanted to hand Taylor over to the Americans nor to Doe, and so Rawlings apparently released him to Compaore who had come to Accra as part of a mediation process Rawlings had undertaken to resolve the mounting disagreements between Sankara and Compaore. Tarr, notes that “Not long after Taylor was delivered to Compaore, Sankara was murdered.” In exchange for Taylor’s assistance in carrying out Sankara’s assassination, Tarr suggests that Compaore provided assistance to Taylor who was in the process of organizing the guerilla war that would eventually lead to the overthrow of the Doe regime. Crucially, Compaore is believed to have introduced Taylor to Libyan president, Muammar Qaddafi. Taylor and his recruits subsequently traveled to Libya where they underwent guerrilla training and formed a strategic alliance with Qaddafi who supported his desire to overthrow the Doe regime. The training he gained there was critical to his ability to launch the Liberian civil war in 1989 from his base in Ivory Coast. This general version of events has been echoed more recently in articles that have appeared in several other forums, including the Liberian Democratic Future’s (LDF) on-line newsmagazine, The Perspective, and The Liberian Mandingo Association of New York’s website.

It must be pointed out, however, that this version of events has been called into question. Ghanaian political scientist Eboe Hutchful who serves as the executive director of the Accra-based NGO, African Security Dialogue and Research, has suggested that his Ghanaian informants dispute the idea that Ghana released Taylor to Compaore; rather they contend that he was taken to the Ivorian border and released there. From Ivory Coast he is said to have made his way to Burkina Faso, “where the Libyans introduced him to Compaore,” rather than the other way around. Moreover, Hutchful suggests that Sankara may have already been killed by the time the Ghanaian authorities released Taylor.

The striking aspect of each of these sources is that they treat Taylor’s possible involvement in Sankara’s assassination as a side note. To date, the question of what role he played in organizing and carrying out Sankara’s murder has not been the focal point of investigation. In March 2006 the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruled that Sankara’s family has “the right to know the circumstances of his death.” Any attempt to shed light on these circumstances, therefore, must seriously consider whether Taylor was involved in the assassination, and if so, to what extent and under whose direction.

*Carina Ray is Assistant Professor of History at Fordham University in New York City, where she teaches African and Black Atlantic History. She is also a monthly columnist for New African magazine.

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

* Please click on the link for the article notes

The Kenyan post-election crisis - A digital essay (Part One)

Onyango Oloo

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/45418

From the look of things, it would appear that we are still a long way from resolving the serious post-election crisis that is gripping and almost crippling Kenya.

Even after Raila Odinga and ODM considerably softened their preconditions for internationally mediated talks with their opposite numbers by dropping their demand that Kibaki must resign; calling off a series of rallies and mass actions across the country and lowering the decibel of their political rhetoric, Mwai Kibaki and his fellow usurpers seems set on a suicidal path to tighten their hold on the stolen public offices.

On Tuesday, January 8, 2008 the besieged Pretender President in the State House compounded the putschist, undemocratic initial injury he had inflicted on the Kenyan nation by unilaterally and illegally appointing his cronies and side-kicks to ministerial positions literally hours before African Union Chairperson John Kuffuor of Ghana landed at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to mediate in scheduled talks between ODM and PNU.

Not only did Kibaki violate Kenyan law by appointing these individuals before they had been sworn in formally as members of parliament, the Othaya MP was desperate to confront the visiting Kuffuor with a fait accompli by grabbing the most powerful and strategic cabinet positions for himself and his faction.

In doing so, Kibaki also laid bare a lot of what Kenyans had been suspecting for months:

Kalonzo Musyoka, the ODM-K leader and also ran presidential candidate had always been a fifth columnist amidst opposition ranks causing much rancour while still in the original ODM and bolting off to form ODM-K as a stratagem of wangling for himself the coveted VP slot. Now every boast of Kalonzo’s about being a “peace maker” and ‘Mr. Clean Hands” rings hollow; words and phrases added to the growing hill of human turd, the self-created merde composed of his swaggering and sauntering election campaign boasts of being the “most formidable opponent” of Kibaki and the “people’s servant”.

How could Kibaki’s so called “most formidable opponent” agree to be a mere junior stand in for his alleged nemesis?

How could an alleged “peace maker” and so called “servant of the people” jump hastily into bed with someone whose criminal actions had led to so much blood shed, ethnic acrimony, economic devastation and political uncertainty?

What is also clearly evident is that Kibaki’s move to appoint Kalonzo Musyoka as his deputy could be an advance gambit anticipating a re-run of the presidential contest where Kibaki and his schemers reckon that Kalonzo may single-handedly delivered the Akamba bloc vote.

Judging by his less than stellar showing at the just concluded parliamentary and presidential elections, it is by no means a sure bet that Kalonzo will actually live up to this lofty expectations.

Many of us in the progressive and democratic camp here in Kenya have been chastened with the emerging agenda of the United States and such multi-lateral global bodies like the World Bank.

A leaked memo authored by the Guyanese born Kenya Country director of the World Bank Colin Bruce basically setting the ground for an acceptance of the Kibaki coup d'etat is a very sobering reminder that when it comes to crunch time, institutions such as the World Bank will gravitate towards the status quo.

Some of my reliable sources here in Nairobi inform me that the United States publicly unstated position militates against a re-run of the election, leaning more towards a negotiated power-sharing formula between Raila Odinga and Mwai Kibaki- as if the national crisis that has seen tens of thousands of democracy seeking Kenyan protesters lash out in anger in response to the stolen presidential vote outcome.

It is also not very clear what the mainstream African agenda is regarding the current crisis in Kenya.

Conterminous with the arrival and presence of John Kufour was the puzzling tour of ex-Presidents Kaunda of Zambia, Mkapa of Tanzania, Chissano of Mozambique and Masire of Botswana.

Were they in Kenya to bolster or undermine the shuttle diplomacy of the Ghanaian head of state?

What are more disturbing are the personal, ideological and strategic intentions of President Yoweri Museveni from the neighbouring nation-state of Uganda.

Credible reports indicate that Ugandan troops-some of them dressed in Kenyan police uniform, some of them in civvies- have been implicated in the extra-judicial state ordered executions of unarmed civilians in Kisumu, including many infants and minors, with some shot at close range while cowering in their own homes.

An observer in Nairobi has privately suggested to this writer that the Kibaki posse of political criminals did approach the Ugandan government expressing their insecurities about dealing with any negative fallout from within the Kenyan military establishment in the aftermath of the elections.

Museveni, according to this source, is supposed to have reassured the Kenyan head of state and his shadowy kitchen cabinet that Uganda was ready to do ANYTHING- including dispatching troops to Kenya to thwart any efforts at overturning the Kibaki civilian coup.

The observer in Nairobi is of the opinion that the main thing driving Museveni’s mother hen attitude towards Kenya has less to do with guaranteeing Kenyan political stability as with the Ugandan president’s own megalomaniacal ambitions to be the capo dei capi of East and Central Africa over the next few years. As many readers of these lines know, there is a push to consolidate the process of implementing the East African Community as an economic, legal, social and POLITICAL entity. Part of the provisions of that process is the creation of an East African Community President.

My source avers that Museveni sees himself as the natural born leader who will fit that slot. M7 (as the Ugandan president is often referred to, especially in his native land) thinks that Kenya’s Raila Odinga stands in Museveni’s way because of the ODM flag-bearer’s own charisma, Pan African appeal and political pedigree (it never hurts to be scion/offspring of one of the Third World’s most celebrated nationalist heroes, Jaramogi Ajuma Oginga Odinga).

The observer in Nairobi is convinced that Museveni’s covert and overt (he is the only leader to have so far "recognized" the illegitimate hostage in the State House) support for Kibaki is rooted in a cynical, mid term quid pro quo strategy of neutralizing any aspirants to the ultimate East African crown jewel.

I ran this hypothesis by another friend of mine, this one a highly placed individual embedded at the core of Kenya’s National Security Intelligence Service.

My NSIS contact was very skeptical about the Museveni Factor as delineated by my observer pal.

He says that going by his own contacts within the Ugandan armed forces and intelligence agencies, there does not seem to be ANY credence that could lift the Museveni Hypothesis above the level of wild rumour and baseless speculation. He also doubts the reports, lately echoed by Raila Odinga himself about the active participation of Ugandan troops in the state-engineered massacres of civilians in Kisumu.

I will leave my readers to use their own discretion to interrogate, verify and/or corroborate the veracity or otherwise of these serious allegations regarding the role played by President Museveni in the current Kenyan crisis.

Nevertheless, my spooky intelligence pal shared with me something else:

He told me that there is a high level of uncertainty and even mild dissent within the armed forces, the regular police and other elements of the Kenyan state security apparatus.

He claims that the wildly refuted SMS rumours which speculated that Kenya’s army chief and the police commissioner had resigned around New Year’s Day were NOT totally baseless because there had been some kind of heightened pressures on the duo within those ranks that the military and the police should not be seen to be condoning Kibaki’s electoral grand larceny.

The NSIS Deep Throat also told me that overall morale within the armed forces has been lowered considerably and that there are more and more middle-ranking officers who are quitting the Kenyan military to pursue soldier of fortune opportunities in places like Iraq or take up private civilian security consulting gigs within the country- a trend that he evaluates as not being in the best interests of the Kibaki junta.

My shadowy source also asserted that the MAJORITY of the members of the REGULAR police are OPENLY sympathetic to ODM and that could be one reason why the Michukis and Murages opted for members of the dreaded GSU and the Administration Police together with the elements from the National Youth Service as the storm troopers to protect the illegal installation of Mwai Kibaki. Even here he says that many of those young people dressed up in those fierce looking anti-riot gear are actually NOT GSU but AP and NYS personnel because the commander of the Administration Police is allegedly closer to the kitchen cabinet cabal than the other police heads.

Again what I am purveying here is a perspective from one individual. Whether what he is saying is true or not is subject to further investigation and verification.

There are so many things which have been happening in Nairobi which are yet to make it to the public domain. For instance we are told that immediately after the polls, former President Moi (with or without some of his kids) boarded a plane bound for Germany. Upon arrival, the authorities in that European state loaded promptly on another Nairobi bound flight, barring his presence in Germany.

* This is the first part of the essay, the second of which will appear in the next issue of Pambazuka News

*Onyango Oloo, a Kenyan political activist and ex political prisoner.

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The grave election and post-election situation in Kenya

Statement from the University of Dar Es Salaam Academic Staff Assembly (UDASA)

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/45393

UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM ACADEMIC STAFF ASSEMBLY (UDASA)

STATEMENT ON THE GRAVE ELECTION AND POST-ELECTION SITUATION IN KENYA

As an association of academics with the social responsibility of pursuing truth and being obliged to take up issues of great concern to citizens of countries in which we work, UDASA wishes to register our grave concern about loss of live and the wanton destruction of people’s property arising from the sad events that have been unfolding since the hurried inauguration of Mr. Mwai Kibaki as the President, for a second term, of the Republic of Kenya. As intellectuals we have made our modest contribution to the building and consolidation of democratic institutions and traditions in Tanzania and, more generally, in East Africa. General Elections are the principal means by which citizens may exercise their hard-worn sovereignty.

On the 27th of December 2007, General Elections were conducted in Kenya. On the 30th of December, 2007, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission of Kenya, Mr. Samuel Kivuitu announced that Mr. Mwai Kibaki, the leader of the Party for National Unity (PNU) that had gained 33 seats in the 210 seat Kenyan Parliament against 95 seats gained by the party of his main rival, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), was the winner of the Presidential race in that General Election.

Immediately, thereafter, Kenya has been plunged into violence triggered by outbursts of anger and resentment against supporters of PNU and those ethnically associated with Mr. Kibaki who ODM and its supporters accuse of rigging the tallying of the final count of the General Election results and thus stealing victory in the Presidential race from Mr. Raila Oginga of ODM. More than 300 people are said to have died so far and thousands have been internally displaced. Some Kenyans are said to be already fleeing to neighbouring countries as refugees. All the General Election observers, both local and international are in agreement that there were undue delays in having the constituency election tallies submitted to the Electoral Commission headquarters. There is also consensus now that the results that the Chairman of ECK announced on the 30th December 2007 on the basis of which Mr. Kibaki took the oath as the winner of the Presidential race were not credible tallies of the General Election results where the Presidential race is concerned. The ECK Chairman himself has subsequently made the surprising admission that he himself did not know who won the Presidential race in spite being the one, who announced that Mr. Kibaki won the election on the 30th December, 2007.

Popular displeasure has been unleashed. This displeasure has in some cases taken a very violent turn that has expressed itself in ugly scenes of the destruction of people and property. Political passions have been aroused and in heat of the raised political passions ethnic bigotry has been aroused and made to thrive. Some citizens now have taken to thinking that an injustice had been committed against a political leader or groups of political leaders they considered to be of their kind. Other citizen also now being encouraged to believe that an advantage, however unfair, had been gained by a political leader or group of leaders considered to be of their kind. Seeds of ethnic cleansing are being sowed among residences with mixed ethnic backgrounds coinciding with rival political camps.

UDASA believes that it is time to call on all concerned to sit down and discuss the underlying issues that are the source of the unfolding conflict. The tallying of the election results needs to be revisited. Furthermore, a wider debate needs to be initiated on issues such as the composition and role of election commissions.

Dr. D.L. Nyaoro Chairperson

What is African Liberation?

Peter Adwok Nyaba

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/45424

Peter Adwok Nyaba critically analyses the struggle by the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement within the context of African liberation

“… [the] drive for African unity in our times requires a popular mass-based, Africa-wide political movement whose central goal is political and economic unity of African people..” K K Prah [2006]

Introduction

Before we proceed to define what African liberation is, there is need that we perceive and agree on the definition of who is an ‘African’. It would be a fatal mistake to assume that anybody on the African continent today including those who deny that identity is African. On the other hand it will equally be serious a mistake bordering on ignorance of history to perceive that people of the African descent domicile outside the continent e.g. in the Americas, Europe, Asia or Oceania are not Africans. What then is the criterion for classifying or categorising one as an African?

The Africans are the only race in the last one thousand years that has been raped, brutalised, denied its humanity, commoditised, exported like goods, its natural resources stolen by Europeans and Asians, its societies torn apart, their social bonds disrupted and compartmentalised into colonial territories. The history of the African people and people of African descent has in short been that of tremendous tribulations at the hands of nearly all the other races. No human race has gone through such a legacy and possesses such historical indignity.

An African therefore is one who or whose ancestors have gone through this experience and heritage. Black colour, although a characteristic feature of many of us, does not alone define who is African. It is the legacy of sustained dominance, exploitation and enslavement that really defines the African and people of the African descent domicile elsewhere in the world. This sustained societal domination has created a sense of belonging and other realities of its own but it is more among the African Diaspora that the urge to solidarity and identity consciousness in more evident.

On the continent this sustained domination worked negatively in many instances. It subverted the African confidence in them and created syndromes of inferiority, self-hate, and lack of self-esteem to paraphrase Prah. And many others prevalent today even in our societies e.g. the practice of skin bleaching, hair straightening or simulating the or anything European or Arab, are manifestations of this self-hate. It is in this context that we want to discuss the African liberation in all its dimensions socio-cultural, political and economic.

African Liberation

Let’s now attempt to define ‘African liberation’, what are its parameters and which social and political forces pursue this liberation struggle? In the context of decolonisation African liberation has been seen as process leading to independence from European colonial rule. Although that may be a significant aspect of it, African liberation is a socio-cultural and political process for self-rediscovery, self- re-humanisation and return with dignity into human history. Colonialism and dependence on Europe removed our people from history. Liberation essentially is the return of the African people on the continent and in the Diaspora back into history such that they take their rightful place in the course of human development. This process in the final analysis must translate into transforming the oppressive reality by which the Africans have been submerged in for centuries. Its main parameters are social and cultural emancipation, political independence, economic vibrancy, unity of the African people on the continent with their kin and kith in the Diaspora.

The oppressive reality the Africans on the continent and in the Diaspora find themselves is the reality of neo-colonialism – maintaining colonial relationships through diplomatic and economic strings which perpetuates economic exploitation and the robbing of the continents natural resources through such institutions as the Lome Convention [I, II, III & IV], the Cotonou Protocol -2000, which has perpetuated African’s dependence on the European Union. Europe continues to exploit the Africans through such agreements made by African leaders who never cared for their people. It is relationship in which Africa suffers capital flight to Europe, America and Asia to the tune of billions of dollars per year with a corresponding pauperisation of the Africans as manifested in the Human Development Indices of most of these countries.

A synoptic view of the African political landscape reveals astounding reality of conflicts, civil wars, famine, preventable diseases, and many other epidemics. Fifty years of flag independence most African countries find themselves in fiscal deficit which must be covered by donors – a sad reminder that it is ‘not yet uhuru’. They are unable to feed their own people or provide the minimum of life requirements as a result the Africans risk their lives fleeing away to become voluntary slaves in Europe, the Middle East and America. Africa is witnessing a brain drain to the West and this works negatively for Africa’s development.

In historical perspective, African Liberation and the struggle thereof is not something new. It also didn’t start with the struggle for decolonisation in the fifties and sixties. The process started against the European and Arab aggression many centuries ago. We may have to remind ourselves of the struggles against European slave merchants on the Atlantic coastal areas of Africa; against the Arab slave expeditions along the Indian Ocean coastal areas of East Africa and in the Nile Valley across the Red Sea. Africans played heroic roles against this human tragedy.

The Africans also didn’t accept lying down on their stomachs the European colonialism after the Berlin Conference 1884. We may have to remind ourselves of the Mahdi’s uprising against the corrupt Turco-Egyptian state in northern Sudan. It is a matter of fact many of participated albeit as slaves in the war against the European power. The defeat of the Italians at Adowa in 1895 by the Ethiopians under Menelik II is a vivid reminder that African people always cherished freedom in their lands.

The struggle for freedom as manifested by decolonisation of Africa was long drawn out against European colonial administration. It also included the political, military and diplomatic actions against Apartheid in South Africa which ended in the majority rule in 1994. The situation in South Africa had been describes as ‘internal colonialism’ – in which the dominant political class, representing the social, economic and political interests of the predatory white racists captured the state and used it to dominate, oppress and exploit the majority of the citizens. This internal colonialism was more vicious and ruthless than the European colonialism.

Social and political forces for African liberation

The Africans struggle for freedom started in earnest with the process of decolonisation. This struggle took different forms ranging from negotiations [Lancaster talks] for countries like Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania [British East Africa], Nigeria, Ghana, Cameron [British West Africa], Senegal, Ivory Cost, Mali, Niger [French West Africa] among others; to revolutionary armed struggle as it occurred with the Portuguese [Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau] and French colonies [Algeria] or with armed struggle against internal colonialism as in the case of Zimbabwe, South Africa, Eritrea and Southern Sudan.

The unfortunate outcome of this struggle for freedom and independence was the confirmation of Africa’s division in the images of its former colonial masters and the perpetuation of their respective zones of influence. Africa emerged divided and fragmented after decolonisation. Nearer home in Sudan, the Acholi, Madi, Kakwa, Masaai, Zaghawa, Azande, Beja, Anyuak just to mention a few find themselves today divided by the colonial borders of the countries surrounding the Sudan. The situation is the same in many regions of Africa.

The attempt in Addis Ababa in 1962 to forge African unity in formation of Organisation for African Unity (OAU) quickly turned into leadership club, which affirmed the colonial division of Africa. It became a ‘unity’ of African leaders to perpetuate the colonial legacy of oppression, marginalisation and political exclusion of sections of their citizenry. The first phase of African liberation therefore faltered. The result of this ‘false start in Africa’ is the present crisis in which the continent is embroiled. Conflicts, civil wars, military coups, economic depression, refugees, internal displacement, are all symptoms of a serious error of judgement of our independence leaders. There is no African state that has not had a military coup, civil war, tribal wars and conflicts, etc.

African liberation is therefore a struggle against neo-colonial state. It can only occur in the context of a continental movement to which the Africans in the Diaspora may subscribe to. A continental movement which involves all the social and political forces united in their different and variegated political parties and organisations, associations, and unions. A ‘Pan African Movement’ capable of capturing the aspirations of the African people and unite them in solidarity with one another and with the African Diaspora. The Africans may borrow a leaf from the Pan Arab Movement and solidarity in terms of its form and structure but with a different social and cultural content.

Is the Sudanese people part of the African Liberation?

We in Southern Sudan are emerging from a half century struggle against the politics of racial domination, exclusion and marginalisation. The Sudanese political situation resembled apartheid in South Africa and Namibia and qualified as a case of ‘internal’ colonialism. In this context the dominant political class, representing the social, economic and political interests of the predatory Jellaba, captured the state in 1956 and used its different parameters to politically exclude from power, marginalise dominate, oppress and exploit the majority of the citizens.

Disenchanted with the historical role played by the Jellaba in slavery and slave trade, the people of Southern Sudan, had always remained suspicious and never accepted the political dispensation that ensured Arab hegemony over the whole country. The call for ‘federation’ by Southern Political elite in the nineteen fifties didn’t come out of the blues. It was anchored in the belief that the Jellaba would not accept the concept and principle of power sharing in a unitary state. The people of Southern Sudan had to fight two wars to win the exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement has now made it a constitutional right and therefore a victory for all the Sudanese people.

The relentlessness with which the people of Southern Sudan pursued their political objectives played a fundamental role in the awakening of the other marginalised and oppressed Sudanese particularly those of the African stock in central [Nuba and Funj], western [Fur, Masaalit, Zaghawa, among others] and eastern [Beja] Sudan. It is worth mentioning that hitherto many of these people, submerged by the oppressive reality they lived were ensnared into the false belief that professing Islamic Religion and speaking Arabic language [culture] was tantamount to being Arab hence superior to their brethren in the South. They therefore fought bitterly and fiercely to brutalise and dehumanise their brother and sisters in Southern Sudan.

The Southern Sudan influence is manifested in the wars in Dar Fur and Eastern Sudan. This has shattered the myth and falsehood that northern Sudan was homogeneously Islamic and Arab. Yes many of them, indeed most of them, are Muslims but they are not all Arabs. As a matter of fact even those who call themselves Arabs are indeed not Arab but a hybrid race – children born to Arab fathers by African mothers. It now can be said that the Africans in the Sudan have awoken to the reality of their collective oppression. They have therefore taken up the mantle for their own liberation suggestive of their conscientisation i.e. they have correctly perceived of their submersion in the culture of oppression and therefore the need to transform that oppressive reality. Like Southern Sudanese they have now enrolled in the process of their total liberation and emancipation.

Having said that, it goes without saying that we in Southern Sudan, as well as our brothers and sisters in other parts of the Sudan, who subscribe to the definition of the African, are indeed an integral part of Africa and its liberation. It may not be a late realisation because looking back into the sixties, one of the liberation fronts established by Southern Sudanese was Azania Liberation Front, something anchored in the South African experience.

The liberation process in the Sudan now helps highlight the nature of ‘internal colonialism’ I allude to above but more importantly highlights the perennial conflicts that run across African between the Arabs and the Black Africans in Dar Fur, Chad, Niger, Mali, Senegal and Mauritania. These are conflicts to which many African leaders would prefer to squint from or fudge under the carpet of diplomacy as they flirt with Arab leaders like Gadhafi. A pan African Movement should confront this reality head-on to bring the Arab to accept the Africans as their equals.

This brings me to the recently established African Union and the proposed United States of Africa. What kind of United States of Africa including the Arabs? Going by the Arab’s attitude towards the Africans it will be like a union between the slave and his/her master/mistress. The United States of Africa is not an instrument for African liberation. Instead United States of Africa led by Mohamar Gadhafi is another was of perpetuating Arab hegemony in Africa particularly when viewed in the context of their lukewarm response to the war in Dar Fur and lack of support for the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005).

What should be done?

As part of the liberation process we need to embrace democracy and democratic principles of political organisation and action as tools for liberation. As a matter of fact this requires a high level of political awareness, consciousness and organisation. Africa has been so much segmented and partitioned that their primary conscious knowledge of themselves is their immediate clans or lineages. Even where the same ethnic community has been divided by the colonial borders people remain oblivious to the fact that they are one and the same people. We need to get out of this clannishness and look at the wider picture embracing our destiny as a people.

This discussion forum which has just been inaugurated in my opinion is a conscious attempt to start engaging ourselves in bigger issues that concern the destiny of the Africans on the continent and those of the African origin. This is a process of conscientisation which of necessity must be followed by mobilisation and organisation at every level of our society. This is because liberation will not come until we have internalised some of these issues like construction of a continent-wide political movement whose main goal the political and economic unity of the African people. Borrowing from the European theatre it is the political and economic unity that will really bring an end to the endemic wars and conflicts on the African continent.

In Sudan, we have been absorbed by our own massive problems. This has prevented many of us from engaging in regional and continental issues. The present dispensation which allows Government of Southern Sudan and the SPLM to have offices in the regions must be used to widen our contacts with our neighbours to increase cooperation in solving cross border issues, increase trade and unhindered movement of our people and their goods. The establishment of regional associations and unions of academicians, students, youths, women and political parties will accelerate this process. The movement for African liberation and unity must be two-ways traffic across the colonial borders with the ultimate objective of making these borders irrelevant in the lives of our people. This will eventually lead to the deconstruction of the colonial state and the final unity of our people.

The perpetuation of the neo-colonial state as a diplomatic as well as a reference of sovereignty was a major failure of our leaders. It is this attitude to the colonial state that witnessed the death in its infancy of the East African Community in the sixties. It is hoped the recent attempts to revive this important regional body and more particularly the joining of Burundi and Rwanda will help pull the peoples of these countries together. We are of the opinion that regional institutions of cooperation and economic integration should be stepped up and buttressed as a means of strengthening our economies to achieve genuine liberation.

The neo-colonial state, we in a misnomer, call nation state did not address the concerns of the vast majority of the African people for social and economic development. The current crisis on the continent may be attributed to the failure of the African leadership. Looking round the continent there are many failed or collapsed states. Their economies are in shambles and their people are daily escaping to other areas. Africa is experiencing a plight of its people this time voluntarily to become slaves in developed economies. This situation necessitates a second round of African liberation.

Conclusion
In conclusion, the Sudanese people are an integral part of the African liberation. But it is only those Sudanese who recognise and accept the fact that they are part of the African heritage I talked about above. The SPLM being the vanguard of the struggle of our people for the last twenty four years must continue to play this role more vigorously now than before.

The SPLM must become the rallying point for all the Sudanese in the south, east, west and north. It must engage in genuine democratic discourse and build viable, transparent and accountable relationship between the leaders and the masses of the people. It must punish clannish behaviour of some of its leaders and cadres; it must rid the government and society of corruption, nepotism, favouritism and all elements of bad governance.

The SPLM in its effort to transform into a popular mass-based political party in the Sudan must adopt methods of political organisation and action which are democratic. It should be a link between the Sudanese and the other Africans and the African Diaspora. Its departure point must of necessity incorporate a ‘firm cultural vestiture which strengths and roots African national consciousness in our cultural and historical belongings’ [Prah]. In this way the SPLM will be part of the process of uniting the ranks and file of our people across the colonial boundaries.


The Sudanese struggle for liberation, social justice, freedom and democracy is therefore part of the African liberation. We must therefore transform ourselves into conscious mass [Pan Africanist Movement] and agent of Pan Africanist ideals in this way we will have participated in the liberation of Africa.

* Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba is the author of The Politics of Liberation in South Sudan: An Insider’s View

* This article is taken from a talk delivered by the author at Juba University on November 17th, 2007

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

What is in a 'ruling' democracy?

Salma Maoulidi

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/45425

Salma Maoulidi looks at developments in Tanzania's ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party and assesses the state of democracy in the country

Tanzania’s ruling party Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) held its Congress in its party headquarters at Kizota in Dodoma this past weekend. The last party congress was held five years ago in 2002. The size and style of political event created a lot of media interest. High on the agenda of the Party Chair, President J. Kikwete, was restoring the party’s credibility among workers and common citizens (wananchi) following a number of graft allegations involving numerous party and government personalities. Similarly it provided an opportunity for the Chair to assert his authority and consolidate his grip on the Party after assuming its leadership following the 2005 General Election. Unexpectedly the congress also became an opportunity to conduct lessons in democracy. Amidst political recriminations by the opposition about unfair privileges the ruling party enjoys and its failure to be accountable for its unconstitutional or undemocratic practices Mr. John Tendwa, the Registrar of political parties, appears to have absolved the party when he announced in the Daily News of November 6, 2007 on the highly publicized CCM Congress, “CCM has set an example of how a democratic party must operate”.

“Gulp!” was my immediate reaction after reading the story. Not surprising the editorial reflected this line of thought having but praises for their benefactors. While most of us are not surprised by the Daily News adopting such a stance we ought to be uncomfortable, if not shocked, by Mr. Tendwa’s choice of words. One would think that there exist many models of democracy each evolving in its own context. Does ascribing a mandatory ‘must operate (in CCM fashion)’ not show some bias in where the leanings of Mr. Tendwa are in so far as political organizing and organization are concerned? ‘JK gives secretariat new face as big names fall,’ read the Citizen of November 7, 2007. It reports that Hon. Kigunge Ngombale Mwiru and former Premier Fredrick Sumaye failed to make it into the powerful National Executive Committee but were retained in the Central Committee hardly ground breaking a development. And as I went over the names, I found my self wondering what the fuss was about because I knew Hon. Msekwa, and Hon. Magret Sitta (who enjoys a place similar to his wife, Hon. A. Abdalla when he was the Speaker in the last Parliament). Nor are the names of Hon. S. Wasira, Hon. A. Kigoda or her boss Hon. D. Mwakyusa…new to most Tanzanians. Am I missing something about the ‘new and fresh’ faces? Perhaps, I was expecting to hear names like Mary Mpya, Joe Simfahamu or Salama Mpendawatu to solicit a reaction of, “who in the heck is Mpendawatu?” Alas, this was not to be. In my book I rate the election at the level of a minor reshuffle of the ranks which hardly suggests new blood. And by CCM’s own admission, as well as news stories in various newspapers, most of these individuals have been at the helm of major institutions in this country. Mr. Msekwa, the new stunned Vice Chairperson, is reported to have been Mwalimu’s right hand man since the early days of independence. Until 2005 he served as the Speaker of the National Parliament. Absent political viagra what should I and 37.99 millions Tanzanians expect from this reshuffle which is a disappointing as recent government reshuffles in terms of their commitment to bring in new and fresh personalities and ideas? In many ways the event itself held many of us captive limiting the scope of local news available. Indeed, the CCM Congress was front line news in most major papers for the whole week forcing everyone, even those of us who are increasingly indifferent to the political shenanigan that has come to define our elusive attempt at democracy in Tanzania. The Sunday Citizen of November 4, 2007 speaks volume by describing the impending elections as, “determining the fate and direction of the nation”. Such a statement equates the CCM Congress at par, if not higher than the General Elections last held in 2005 raising my eyebrows.

So what is democratic in all of this? If anything I read a lot of mixed messages in the charade that was the congress. While the Party Chair waived a wand of words condemning corruption in the Party, we saw before our eyes the different lobbying styles in operation that spelt actions closely fitting that description. Those antic we missed party members let us in on after some public exchanges of “vijembe” or “nasaha” in a supposedly democratic process. An observer writing in Raia Mwema of November 7, 2007 shared how the air in the main hall was subdued and all matters on the agenda were being endorsed without clarification or opposition Bunge style. Apparently, the CCM Chairp wants harmony in the party but does harmony equal kumezea; or sweeping issues under the carpet instead of addressing?

I must confess I was not in Dodoma and all questions I raise comes from what I heard on the radio, read in the papers and discussed with a number of wananchi. I am thus limited in that my observations are not fresh but somehow diluted as I have had to depend on other mediums to get a sense of what transpired inside Kizota Hall. This, however, does not stop me from raising key concerns which in my very humble opinion pose greater questions for an aspiring democracy.

While I respect the President’s initiative to invite representatives of friendly parties from different parts of the world to the Congress, I am keen to establish were these delegates were invited by the President of Tanzania or by the Chairperson of CCM? Moreover, given the sizeable delegation that came along I am keen to know who footed the bill for their participation. All I can hope is that tax payers’ money was utilized for maendeleo purposes while CCM dug deep into their coffers to entertain their friends. Equally, I trust government officials did not utilize public property or finances towards their participation in an undisputedly partisan event.

As a woman who comes of a country that in 1998 paved the way in the region in so far as passing a progressive legislation on sexual violence, I take strong issue with hosting Mr. Jacob Zuma at the Congress. This is a man who was trialed for sexually assaulting a woman, who was, in African terms, technically his daughter, which in itself is inappropriate let alone the circumstances in which he did it. Let us be clear irrespective of what the court in South Africa ruled, Mr. Zuma never denied what he did but affirmed his actions though his own interpretation of Zulu masculinity and its inevitable expression when confronted with a woman in kanga cloth!

Perhaps his graft accusations may not have been enough in a party whose leadership is struggling with similar accusations. Nevertheless, in view of our recent loss of Hon. Salome Mbatia, who was the deputy in the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children, I would have thought that female parliamentarians, and more so the women of CCM, and some of those good African men who respect their mothers and love their daughters would at least have raised objection about Mr. Zuma’s attendance. Moreover, to avoid the ethical faux pax this issue now poses, in an ideal democratic setting, CCM wakereketwa who still care what others think about the Party and its actions would have at least proposed to the ANC a less controversial name. But then again I live in a cloud of ethical standards only I and a few others have been privileged by virtue of our nonpartisanship. Such contradictions are hardly topical among those posing as flag bearers under a governance scheme that fails to meet all good governance standards. The media, I must add, faired no better choosing to focus on Mr. Zuma’s past identity as a freedom fighter while leaving out his current history as someone facing serious graft and sexual allegations. Under the new AU framework, particularly elucidated in the Peer Review Mechanism and Maputo Protocol, both are key indicators for good governance.

I cannot end this piece without going back to the subject of the elections itself, which after all was the main purpose of the Congress. In all fairness we must call a spade a spade to accurately represent what transpired. Therefore, my headline would have read “CCM vigogos reinstated in top organs” rather than elected or re-elected since such a connotation does not adequately represent what really happened or the outcome.

In electing its veterans, as well as some powerful members of the current government, CCM, in my estimation, has tried to re-assert its authority in both the executive and the legislature since most of those reshuffled hold powerful position in key governance structures. Otherwise, those not currently serving in the government or in the legislature hold considerable influence. Surprisingly, little was said about the presence of religious leaders who did more than bless the event but stayed on to receive some indoctrination.

Also visible in photographs were members of the Tanzanian People Defense Force also adorning the party colour green. Of course they may have been bodyguards to the country’s leadership but what is a country’s military which is not partisan doing in a partisan event? Does Mr. Brown or Bush go into their political party meetings with members of the army or just the secret service, or better the political party’s own intelligence and militia? Only the judiciary somehow managed to be inconspicuous at Kizota. Some of the supposed new faces like Mr. Bernard Membe formerly held positions in the civil service. Under the law civil servants are non partisan yet we have witnessed a number of civil servants venturing into politics and at times transitioning between their civil service status and their political ambitions. Absent a clear demarcation between their political appointments or elections; and their retirement from civil service does the Registrar of Political Parties not feel such issues need to be interrogated more rigorously to properly ascertain how far political parties abide to requirements set in operating laws?

I would have been more impressed if Hon. Msekwa, in view of his already distinguished career in public service (and in the party) would have declined and campaigned for a younger pick to fill the powerful position of party Vice-Chair. Undoubtedly, this would have expedited his nomination for life membership in the Central Committee. In fact all vanguards over retiring age like Kingunge and Malecela can snugly assume a new leadership role within the party (or their communities for those committed to go back to the village) reflecting a transformation in their progression in their leadership journey instead of being stuck at the helm with no where else to go.

If you ask me, democracy in Tanzania, generally, and in political parties, specifically, still has a long way to go.

* Salma Maoulidi is an Activist/Executive Director of the Sahiba Sisters Foundation in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Lamenting violence in Kenya

Ngugi wa Thiong'o

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/45426

Renowned Kenyan novelist and playwright Ngugi wa Thiong'o give his views on the unrest that has engulfed Kenya since last month's disputed elections.

Writers must sometimes feel like the Greek prophetess Cassandra, gifted to see the future but fated not to be believed.

What is unfolding in Kenya could as well have been lifted from my novel Wizard of the Crow where the ruling party and the opposition parities engaged in Western-sponsored democracy become mirror images of one another in their absurdity and indifference to the poor. The picture of men and women burnt down in a church where they had gone for refuge still haunts my mind. A child running away from the fire was caught and hurled back into the flames.

One of the few survivors was quoted as saying: "But they knew me; we were neighbours. I thought Peter was a friend - a good neighbour. How could Peter do this to me?" I had heard the same puzzled cry from Bosnia. I had heard the same cry from Iraq. I had heard the same, same words from Rwanda: "We were neighbours; we'd married into each other. How could this happen?" And now I hear the same cry from Eldoret North in my beloved Kenya. For me this burning of men, women and children in a church is a defining single instant of the current political impasse in Kenya.

And this must be separated from accusations and counter-accusations of rigged elections by the contending parties. Rigged elections is one thing - it can be righted by any mutually agreed political measures - but ethnic cleansing is another matter altogether. What is disturbing is that this instant seems to have been part of a co-ordinated programme with similar acts occurring in several other places at about the same time against ordinary members of the same community.

Ordinary people do not wake up one morning and suddenly decide to kill their neighbours. Ethnic cleansing is often instigated by the political elite of one community against another community. It is premeditated - often an order from political warlords. Or it may be the outcome of an elitist ideology of demonising and isolating another community. Either way the aim is to drive members of the targeted community from the region.

Premeditated

Frantz Fanon, the intellectual visionary of the Third World, had long ago warned us of the dangers of the ideology of regionalism preached by an elite whose money can buy them safe residence in any part of a country. A single instance of premeditated ethnic cleansing can lead to an unstoppable cycle of vendettas - a poor-on-poor violence - while those who tele-guided them to war through the ideology of hate and demonisation are clinking glasses in middle-class peace at cocktail parties with the elite or the supposed enemy community.

This crime should be investigated by the United Nations.

If it is found that a political organisation has run a campaign on a programme that consciously seeks to isolate another community as a community, then they ought to be held fully accountable for the consequences of their ideology and actions. It is often easier to blame a government when it is involved in massacres. This is as it should be. A government must always be held to higher standards, for its very legitimacy lies in its capacity to ensure peace and security for all communities. But what about if such a massacre is inspired by a programme of an opposition movement?

This ought to receive equally severe condemnation from all and sundry, for being in opposition does not give an organisation the right to run on an ideology of isolation and hate targeted at another community. An opposition movement is potentially a government of tomorrow. A programme that such a political organisation draws while in opposition would obviously be the programme they'll try to implement when in power.

That's why such acts must be condemned even when they are clothed in progressive, democratic-sounding words and phrases. I therefore call upon the United Nations to act and investigate the massacres in Kenya as crimes against humanity and let the chips fall where they may. For the sake of justice, healing and peace now and in the future I urge all progressive forces not to be so engrossed with the political wrongs of election tampering that they forget the crimes of hate and ethnic cleansing - crimes that have led to untimely deaths and the displacement of thousands.

The world does not need another Bosnia; Africa certainly does not need another Rwanda.

*Professor Ngugi wa Thiong’o is Distinguished Professor of English and Comparative Literature, and Director of the International Centre for Writing and Translation, at the University of California Irvine.

*A version of this article first appeared in BBC World Update on January 10 2008

*Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Ending the violence in Kenya

Priority Africa Network (PAN)

Nunu Kidane & Walter Turner

2008-01-15

http://www.priorityafrica.org

For over a week now, post election violence in Kenya has dominated the news. A country formerly seen as one of the most stable in Africa has turned overnight into chaos, violence and ethnic clashes that are being compared to the nightmare of Rwanda 13 years ago. What happened ?

The most frequently used headlines for the election-related violence has been “tribal killings” between the dominant Kikuyu and the Luo. The New York Times and the San Francisco Chronicle have used words like “savage” in the front page and described the Mungiki ethnic group as “blood drinking” in last week’s articles.

In framing the conflict this way, the media not only misleads and oversimplifies the problem, worse, it affirms existing stereotypes that all of Africa’s problems can be reduced to savage tribal violence. The implication is that still, fifty years after independence, most African institutions lack the “sophisticated political and economic contentions” of other countries in the West. It becomes obvious in such scenarios to consider “humanitarian” intervention to bring in much needed civilization.

What the Kenyan election controversy has uncovered is that it much more to do with economics than with ethnic rivalry. Kenyan author Ngugi wa Thiong’o, in a recent article on the subject stated “They don’t seem to recognize sufficiently that Kenya like Africa as a whole has only two tribes: the haves and the have-nots.”

Much of the violence is concentrated in well known slum areas like Kibera and Mathare in the capital Nairobi. At around this time last year, we were in Nairobi for the World Social Forum. What we observed in the city were the obvious contradictions that can be seen in many African cities – well paved roads, fancy hotels and banks not unlike those in London or New York. But, spread throughout the city were the poor. In pockets within the city were the slums where the poorest of the poor reside in conditions unimaginable for human survival. It is in such areas that the violence is concentrated; people who have nothing to fear and nothing to lose.

When violence erupts so suddenly, the immediate response of the most vulnerable is to leave their homes and flee. Already there are reports of Kenyans leaving for neighboring Uganda in the thousands. What is alarming in this case is that there are already in Kenya millions of refugees from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda. Kenya has provided safe sanctuary and passage to millions of refugees escaping conflicts in the Horn of Africa.

The Horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia & Sudan) is the most volatile region in the continent. Assistant Sec. for African Affairs Dr. Jendayi Frazier stated in a talk in San Francisco that she spends 70% of her focus on issues related to the five countries in Horn. The violence in Kenya, if not abated soon, has the potential to engulf an existing volatile situation into further chaos.

Nothing short of an independent investigation into charges of election rigging will begin to restore confidence of Kenyans. It is the first step toward long term cessation of violence and hostility that can then lead to political stability. It is important that both candidates exhibit the necessary leadership in resolving a crisis.

The worst proposal to “solve” yet another problem in Africa is the consideration of a military alternative, as in AfriCOM (an Africa Command center) which the State Department announced a year ago.

Expected to go into full operation in September of this year, AfriCom is being promoted as “security” measure to end conflicts and provide humanitarian assistance to Africa’s hotspots. The current violence in Kenya will, no doubt, be used as yet another reason why the US should speed up the operational phase of AfriCom.

As we have seen in the case of Iraq, military responses to deeper economic and political problems are no solution at all. They in fact exasperate and further divide communities along religious, ethnic and economic lines.

Let Kenyan leaders step in to propose solutions to the elections.

Revolution and revolutionaries

Response to Mukoma wa Ngugi

Horace Campbell

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/45428

Yesterday I heard a commentary on the BBC on genocide and today I read with interest Mukoma's intervention. It is good that the discussion on revolution and revolutionaries has begun. (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/45291) There can be no revolution without revolutionary theories and it was good that Mukoma went back to Cabral.

But we must remember that Cabral told us that when the revolution breaks out it would be like a seed that has long awaited germination. Kenya has a long tradition of progressive organizing and revolutionaries from the period of Dedan Kimathi. Revolution may break out in Kenya but revolutionary intellectuals must be sure that they are on the side of the people who want change.

While this discussion on revolution is taking place, we must seek ways to stop the theft and manipulation by those in power. My biggest worry is the role of the US. If we remember that after the Ethiopian fraud in 2005, the US and specifically, Jendayi Frazier worked to rehabilitate Meles and supported their incursion into Somalia. All of the evidence of the alliance between the US and the present Kibaki regime should alert us to the ways in which Kenya is being used as a based to subvert peace and transition in all parts of Eastern Africa. Jendayi and the US representatives on the ground are up to no good. I can agree with Mukoma on the call for fresh elections between Kibaki and Raila.

WE must exhaust constitutional, legal and political means to ensure that war of the kind that broke out in the Ivory Coast does not break out in Kenya. This is not far from the surface and while we are critiquing Raila and the ODM, we have to be aware that there are forces at work bigger than Raila. Progressive and if need be revolutionary Pan Africanists cannot be on the side of the killers who are now in power. All lives of the poor are important.

The Rwanda genocidaire (living in Nairobi since 1994) is being protected by the present group in power. The "rebel" leader from Burundi who is subverting the peace process in Burundi is hiding in Kenya. Both the Tanzanian and South African governments has requested that the Kenyans hand over this killer, but to no avail. Both the US and the Kenyans are holding these forces (Rwandan and Burundi) in reserve for their long term plans. Kenya is also the rear base for the war that is being planned in the Sudan. This does not even bring us to the fabricated terrorist campaign against the people of Somalia. We cannot compare Raila to the Ukrainian movement and overlook these realities.

So, at this moment we have to be very careful about revolutionary language. WE do not want any kind of armed confrontation between the poor in Kenya. All forms of non-violent political struggles must be exhausted. This means that we have to be responsible. We cannot point to Raila's potential alliance with imperialism while overlooking the current clear alliance between the Kibaki regime and the US military. Look at the base that was recently built in Wajir for use by the US military.

Mukoma has rightly pointed to the fact that the police have killed over 500 innocent young people. Brother Mukoma should rightly identify these persons as Mungiki. This was a terror group that was being held in reserve. It is the kind of militia that was organized to terrorize poor men and women. And to give them the necessary, resources, they placed them into the pyramid schemes of the Nairobi Stock Exchange. The past Ministry of Internal Affairs and the thugs who mobilized Mungiki killed members of Mungiki that they could not control. Hence, there should be a call for an investigation into the police killings of these 500 young men. This is to ensure that those who want to turn on and off these young people for their purposes will be exposed before the poor Kikuyu workers, trades and youth. This is especially the case for poor Kikuyu women.

These terrorists would terrorize poor women about cultural practices yet not say a word of the imperialist culture of the settlers in the Rift Valley. All sections of the Kenyan ruling class are against the rise of the political consciousness of the workers, poor peasants and itinerant traders. The rise in consciousness will be a potent force for the revolution. Revolution needs revolutionaries. If we are looking toward the future organization of the poor in Kenya toward revolution, then we must identify those in power at the moment as the enemy of the poor. One cannot criticize Raila as a capitalist owning the molasses company and overlook those who currently dominate the Nairobi Stock Exchange. This criticism of Raila without a concomitant criticism of Trancentury and those behind Vision 2030 will not go over well for those who are thinking of revolution. For the moment, there are no revolutionary leaders in the mainstream political parties. But while those of us who are organizing for the break are engaged with this recent spontaneous combustion, ponder the nature of our involvement, let us target the primary contradictions (Kibaki, the leaders of the Nairobi Stock Exchange and US imperialism.

We can place this group on the defensive by calling for the enactment of the UN Stolen Assets Recovery Initiative. Bring back Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing to the front pages by implicating the British government as collaborators. This means that Moi and the allies of Kibaki in the Anglo Leasing scandal will be further exposed. And in the process, any future government will know that they cannot steal with impunity. I found it odd that the criticism of Mukoma were directed at Raila and not at the capitalist class in general.

Struggles over transparency and the use of the Public Accounts Committee of the Parliament will in the short run act as a way to educate the poor in Kenya. Ethnic manipulation is running its course. It can only survive by the use of intellectuals to support one-sided analysis. Those of us who supported the struggles for liberation in the Congo in 1998 understand the long-term consequences of the talk of revolution without real revolutionaries. After more than 2 million dead in the Congo, as intellectuals we have not done a proper summing up of that debacle. Philippe Wamba died while thinking through ways to reach the youth for a new revolution. He went to the source to be with the youth. War and partisan analysis will not do at this time. Our platforms must be different from the imperial media outlets.

Peace.

Statement by SADC Lawyers Association

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/45392

Monday 14th January 2008
Mr. Sternford Moyo President,
Southern African Development Community Lawyers' Association Harare, ZIMBABWE

Dear Sternford,

Thank you very much for the SADC LA Statement, which, I am sure, the people of Kenya and Eastern Africa will appreciate. It offers much needed solidarity in these trying times. I will ensure that I circulate it widely within the region's media and legal and human rights fraternity.

The AU Summit meets starting next week in Addis Ababa. In our view, it is imperative that the African States/ Governments: -

1) Continue with their laudable first step of refusing to acknowledge the announced, contentious elections results or congratulate the (illegally)
declared President of Kenya.

2) Ensure that they do NOT allow the (illegal) government of Kenya to participate, in any way, at the said AU meeting.

3) Take the next step, as provided for by the Constitutive Act of the African Union, to suspend a government that has assumed power through violation of its own Constitution and laws. A civilian coup, just like a military coup, is still a coup and therefore a violation of the country's Constitution as well as its obligations under international law.

Such action by African governments is not new. Both ECOWAS and the AU acted resolutely in the case of Togo, when the younger Eyadema attempted to unconstitutionally ascend to the Presidency upon the death of his father. We rely on SADC LA and all other proactive African civil society to push this agenda at the AU Summit. We have faith that African civil society can again be as resolute, dynamic and effective as they were when, in previous AU pre-Summit campaigns, they successfully pushed for a Special Court to try Hissen Habre and also successfully opposed the AU Chairmanship candidature of President Omar el Bashir of Sudan.

Inevitably for us in Africa, Aluta Continua!

Yours Sincerely,

Don Deya

The Kenyan political scenario

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/45414

I read your comments on the Kenyan elections with great interest. While acknowledging that the Kenyan electorate has indeed lost the elections, I would like to point out that we should have seen the post-election violence coming. After all, ODM never lost an opportunity to state that the elections would be rigged - it was a psychological game that heightened people's fears and anxieties so much so that even if Kibaki had won with a landslide, they would still have cried foul. I do not agree with your sentiments that since majority of the PNU ministers were floored, it is an indication that Kibaki was unpopular. I think for the first time, voters opted to stay away from the 3-piece style; the message some of us were sending was: You may be in PNU but you have not delivered as an MP but we believe Kibaki could do better with a new crop of MPs.

As I look at the line-up of MPs Kenyans have voted into parliament my heart weeps for the citizens. What nation turns a blind eye and votes in remnants of a dictatorial corrupt regime? I cannot believe that the ODM euphoria has brought in men and women who have corruption scandals firmly tied around their necks? So will we ever get justice for the crimes committed against us? And to see some of them give rhetoric speeches on justice is a mockery of our intelligence!

On the other hand, I think it is time we put lots of pressure on Kibaki to deliver on issues that are crucial for the Kenyan citizen. I think it's high time civil society (I wonder if we are still relevant at this rate considering that most of us have been compromised) began to speak with a loud voice on socio-political and economic issues affecting the Kenyan populace. As a young girl growing up, I knew that there were courageous men and women who never lost an opportunity to stand for the rights of the people. Slowly, the voice of justice has died over the years, and what we have as civil society in Kenya are men and women eyeing the political seats too and waiting to oil their pockets with hefty salary perks. The role of religious institutions cannot be under-estimated in the cause for justice. Religious institutions in my opinion, should be impartial, keeping a keen eye on the going-ons in society and providing a critical analysis of the happenings. They should be able to challenge injustice at all levels and ensure that the citizens' rights are prioritized at all costs. I have been disheartened to see religious leaders routing for particular candidates or political parties - how then can one provide impartial criticism when the individual or party disregards the rule of law or disrespects the rights of the common man? The media in Kenya has in some ways been irresponsible, airing politicians' irresponsible utterances and I don't think they were aware of the potential harm of their "freedom" to give every politician the space to abuse and call one another names. The chickens have indeed come home to roost. I honestly believe the media in this country needs to re-define themselves into a professional unit and for once, let news be devoid of name-calling and tribal alignments and assessments.

We need a paradigm shift in this country. As Kenyans descend on one another and kill one another, the politicians to whom they owe allegiance retreat in the safety of their homes and the comfort of their families. Is there any politician who really cares? In my opinion, none. Let us not lay blame totally on the state forces; it is clear in some regions that people had been incited to ensure that those belonging to a particular ethnic tribe should be annihilated or vacated. Could somebody please explain why Kikuyu businesses in Western Kenya were targeted? The youth in Kenya should also be motivated to think independently and it is high time each young man/woman realized that no politician will put a plate of food or salary on their tables. A successful society is made up of people who are able to exploit the existing socio-political and economic space in order to better not only their lives, but also the lives of the communities around them.

As we all wait for peace to be restored in this nation, it is my sincere prayer that we will learn from our errors. Aside from politicians, the civil society, religious institutions and the media have a crucial role to play in ensuring that the unity we have enjoyed as a nation is restored and sustained.

Lucy Simiyu
A concerned Kenyan citizen

We are Black Africans too

2008-01-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/45387

My dear family;

I have no problem signing a petition to end the violence in Kenya. But I must ask a question of you. As a Black African American man, born of my Black African American parents, grandparents and so on here in America, where was the country of Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia, Senegal, etc., when our people, your people were here in America, enduring the harshness of slavery and the racist backlashes we had to endure? did you not know we were here? did you not here our cries, feel our pain? did you try to come get us? I am making a point that we are one. Yet some of the Black Africans snub their noses at us Black African Americans! This must stop. As Salaam Alaikum

Fahamu