Dorothy-Grace Guerrero and Firoze Manji (ed) (2008) China’s New Role in Africa and the South: A search for a new perspective. 
Back Issues
Pambazuka News 363: Black America and Zimbabwe: Silence is not an answer
The authoritative electronic weekly newsletter and platform for social justice in Africa
Pambazuka News (English edition): ISSN 1753-6839
With nearly 500 contributors and an estimated 500,000 readers Pambazuka News is the authoritative pan African electronic weekly newsletter and platform for social justice in Africa providing cutting edge commentary and in-depth analysis on politics and current affairs, development, human rights, refugees, gender issues and culture in Africa.
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CONTENTS: 1. Announcements, 2. Features, 3. Comment & analysis, 4. Pan-African Postcard, 5. Letters, 6. Books & arts, 7. African Writers’ Corner, 8. Blogging Africa, 9. Zimbabwe update, 10. African Union Monitor, 11. Women & gender, 12. Human rights, 13. Refugees & forced migration, 14. Social movements, 15. Elections & governance, 16. Africa & China, 17. Corruption, 18. Development, 19. Health & HIV/AIDS, 20. Education, 21. LGBTI, 22. Environment, 23. Land & land rights, 24. Media & freedom of expression, 25. Social welfare, 26. Conflict & emergencies, 27. Internet & technology, 28. Fundraising & useful resources, 29. Courses, seminars, & workshops, 30. Jobs
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Highlights from this issue
FEATURES: Bill Fletcher on Black America and Zimbabwe
COMMENTS AND ANALYSIS:
- Africa Action on African responses to AFRICOM
- Alice Walker on race, class, gender, struggle and Obama
- Imani Countess calls for solidarity with Zimbabwe
- Article 19 argues that the right to know has been violated in Zimbabwe
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARDS:
- Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) appeal to Mbeki's mother
- Grace Kwinjeh on Zimbabwe and the politics of gender
LETTERS: Readers' comments and announcements
BOOKS & ARTS: Mildred Barya reviews Nuruddin's Links
AFRICAN WRITERS' CORNER: A Nafeesa T. Nichols poem
BLOGGING AFRICA: Africa blog round-up
AFRICAN UNION MONITOR: AU Monitor weekly updateANNOUNCEMENTS: Golden Jubilee of the Africa Liberation Day
ZIMBABWE UPDATE: African governments reject UN intervention
WOMEN AND GENDER: Lack of critical health care for women and children
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Rebels and army clash in Burundi
HUMAN RIGHTS: Togo set for TRC creation
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Sudanese refugees transfered
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: Open Letter to Mrs Govan Mbeki from WOZA
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Ethiopians vote
AFRICA AND CHINA: China to seal $9Bn DR Congo deal
CORRUPTION: Sierra Leone police detain ex-ombudsman for graft
DEVELOPMENT: New study on commodity dependence and development
HEALTH AND HIV/Aids: Global petition for retention of health workers
EDUCATION: Ugandan children perish in dorm fire
LGBTI: SA LGBTI community express concern over Zimbabwe
ENVIRONMENT: Drought bakes Puntland
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Sudan police seize six dailies
SOCIAL WELFARE: Social protection strategy for Kenya's poor
INTERNET & TECHNOLOGY: Measuring Africa's connectivity
PLUS: e-newsletters and mailings lists; courses, seminars and workshops, and jobs
*Pambazuka News now has a Del.icio.us page, where you can view the various websites that we visit to keep our fingers on the pulse of Africa! Visit http://del.icio.us/pambazuka_news
Announcements
Africa: The Friday Assembly
The Golden Jubilee of the African Liberation Day
2008-04-18
The Golden Jubilee of the African Liberation Day invites you to an Open Parliament-Style Debate on the Progress of African Unity and possible interventions by the current generation & Drafting of the People's Declaration on Unity Every Friday Beginning on the 18th of April 2:00 - 5:00 pm The Professional Centre, Nairobi.
THE FRIDAY ASSEMBLY
THE GOLDEN JUBILEE OF THE AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY
Invites you to an Open Parliament-Style Debate on the Progress of African Unity and possible interventions by the current generation & Drafting of the People's Declaration on Unity Every Friday Beginning on the 18th of April
2:00 - 5:00 pm The Professional Centre, Nairobi.
Parliament rd/ Haile Sellasie rd Come, let us make History!
BACKGROUND
May 25th 2008 marks the most important date on the African calendar; the 50th anniversary of the day when all the independent African states (8) convened at the Conference of Independent African States in Accra, Ghana and declared this day "The African Freedom Day" to mark each year the onward progress of the liberation movement, and to symbolize the determination of the people of Africa to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation.
Five years later, on May 25th 1963, as the Conference convened, this time in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the leaders of the Independent African states (now 32) founded the "Organization of African Unity" to act as a framework towards the political unification of all African states. On this day, the African Freedom Day, which had been observed on the 15th of April, was changed to May 25 and declared the African Liberation Day. This day was to be honored and celebrated in Africa, and to be the point around which people reflected, organized and strengthened themselves as they progressed towards African unity.
The African Liberation Day was initially observed as a national day by almost all the African states, but as the "leaders" Will towards African unity changed, so did the grandiosity of the commemoration which today has become a hidden event of embassy dinners with scatterings of forums and lectures by a few Pan African organisations and personalities.
As we approach the Golden jubilee of this landmark event, we, in this generation, need to ask ourselves how far we have gone in achieving the vision of a United Africa, and what we ourselves have done to further the aspirations of the of this struggle. We look upon the African Union (what was the OAU) and if indeed it is on track to delivering this dream. We reflect on its initiatives, from NEPAD to the AU Audit, and if they contain enough energy to push us forward to our goals.
We, the people need to play our role in reenergizing the push for African Unity by bringing back the institution which has been most instrumental in the liberation and unification of the African continent, we need to reawaken the Africa Liberation Day!
OBJECTIVES
To debate and develop a position and a guiding document for a people driven initiative towards African Unity to be presented at the grand event of the 50th anniversary commemoration of the AFRICAN LIBERATION DAY.
This initiative also seeks, among other things, to establish a regular forum in which the people shall be able to address their issues directly and develop their own solutions and interventions.
More...
Features
Zimbabwe: Black America must not be silent
2008-04-17
Bill Fletcher
For Bill Fletcher, speaking out against Mugabe's excesses does not make one an ally of the Bush or Gordon Brown agenda for Africa, or a supporter of the troubling MDC. In this frank article, he argues that what matters is whether "there is a political environment that advances genuine, grassroots democracy and debate in Zimbabwe." On tough issues such as on Obama or Zimbabwe, Black America has to accommodate and learn from different views and not find agents of 'imperialism' in every voice that is critical - solidarity has to accommodate difference
Much of Black America stopped discussing Zimbabwe after its liberation in 1980; at least, we stopped discussing it for a while. After years of regular coverage of the liberation war, details regarding Zimbabwe became harder to obtain as attention shifted to struggles in Mozambique, Namibia, Angola and South Africa. Not to be misunderstood, it was not that facts were being withheld for us here in Black America, so much as we paid less attention to developments, and did not dig for information.
President Robert Mugabe, the leader of ZANU (later ZANU [PF]) was, of course, a hero to so many of us insofar as he was the main, though not only, leader of the liberation struggle. He seemed, at least at first, to be oriented toward the development of an independent and, at least theoretically, socialist-oriented Zimbabwe, with land redistribution, workers’ control, and black power all on the agenda.
So many of us chose to ignore developments, however. We ignored purges that had taken place within ZANU prior to Liberation. We ignored the violent crushing of a rebellion in the early years of the Mugabe administration. We ignored President Mugabe’s adoption of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank formula of “structural adjustment”, despite its economic theory running contrary to a pro-people economic transformation. And, we ignored the fact that the land was not being redistributed. We ignored this and other unsettling matters while the focus of much of Black America was on events unfolding in other parts of Southern Africa.
It was only after the seizures of white farms in 2000 that a new discussion of Zimbabwe emerged, albeit a much distorted one. For many it was as if they had jumped through a time portal between 1980 and 2000, oblivious to the development of the country and the challenges that it had encountered. President Mugabe, it seemed to many, was finally seizing the land and completing Liberation…at least, that is what many of us thought. But what was missing was a broader context to understand developments and too many well-intentioned African Americans interpreted Zimbabwean developments through our lens here on the opposite side of the Atlantic. Instead of reviewing the actual developments on the ground, many of us fell prey to interpreting facts based on what we would have liked to have believed was unfolding rather than what was actually playing out.
Many well-intentioned supporters of Zimbabwe ignored or were oblivious to the growing protests that had swept Zimbabwe in the 1990s among workers who stood in opposition to the economic policies of structural adjustment that were impoverishing them. We were further prepared to ignore, or forget, that President Mugabe had been quite delayed in taking steps to redistribute the land in the first place, even factoring in that the British and USA reneged on pledges that they had made to subsidize a “willing seller, willing buyer” land transfer. And some of us closed our eyes to who was actually benefiting from land redistribution and who was not.
In 2003, several African American activists - including this writer - penned a letter of protest against the policies of President Mugabe. Each of us had been supporters of ZANU (PF) and had been reluctant to voice public criticisms. Our criticisms were aimed at the repression being conducted against opponents of the Mugabe administration and their supporters. We also questioned how - but not whether - land was being redistributed and who was gaining from this. We made it abundantly clear that our criticisms bore no resemblance, in either form or content, to those voiced by US President Bush and British then-Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The response we received was, let’s say, quite remarkable. Some pro-Mugabe individuals and organizations, despite knowing the histories and work of the signatories, declared us to be CIA agents and/or agents of the US State Department (a difference without a distinction for our critics). Some people even went so far as to suggest that we were being paid by the Zimbabwean opposition. We were vilified for even questioning what was transpiring in Zimbabwe, even though in some cases we had first hand knowledge of brutal repression.
The other response was just as interesting. Quietly we were applauded by many African Americans who were pleased that someone(s) had spoken up, though they, themselves, were not necessarily prepared to publicly do so. While this was encouraging, it was equally unsettling in that it evidenced a fear within Black America about having a genuine debate on such an important issue.
Nevertheless, in the aftermath of this verbal/written slugfest, little real exchange took place. The atmosphere had become so charged that many people decided that it was not worth saying one more thing about Zimbabwe. Rather, too many of us just sat back and watched in silence.
So, we watched. Colleagues of mine in Zimbabwe, individuals whose progressive work I was familiar with, were jailed and tortured by the Mugabe administration, but I was expected by pro-Mugabe activists in the USA to say nothing, and indeed, to deny everything. Any hint of criticism was immediately construed as allegedly giving aid and comfort to the Bush administration and its mania for regime change. In a brief visit to Zimbabwe I had the opportunity of speaking with a group of Black Zimbabwean trade unionists. I found myself attempting to explain to them why many African Americans were silent in the face of President Mugabe’s repression, or in some cases, actively supported President Mugabe. They shook their heads in collective disbelief.
Over the last two weeks we have seen events surrounding the Zimbabwean election and it feels surreal. I must, however, ask some tough questions. What does it mean that an incumbent administration fails to reveal the ACTUAL election results, yet demands a recount? One need not be a supporter, and I am not, of the principal opposition party in Zimbabwe - the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) under Morgan Tsvangirai - to sense that all is not right with the world following the election. One’s attitude toward the MDC should actually be secondary to whether one believes in the notion of free and fair elections. To put it bluntly, if one is going to call elections, they should be transparent; if one does not want transparent elections, don’t call them in the first place.
The MDC is politically inconsistent, and outside of Zimbabwe there are very mixed feelings about them within Southern Africa. Though originally planned as a labor party, the MDC became a sort of united front of opponents of President Mugabe, ranging the political spectrum from the revolutionary Left to some conservative white farmers. The economic views of the MDC are themselves difficult to ascertain at various moments. But this is a matter for the people of Zimbabwe to resolve. Whether we like or dislike the MDC, or President Mugabe for that matter, holds second place to whether there is a political environment that advances genuine, grassroots democracy and debate in Zimbabwe. If that environment does not exist, then all of the revolutionary rhetoric in the world will not amount to a hill of beans on the scale of things.
The Zimbabwe political crisis threatens to go from bad to worse. A reenactment of the events in Kenya following their stolen election a few short months ago is not beyond imagination. The role of the African Union, and particularly Zimbabwe’s neighbors, becomes all the more important in attempting to resolve the crisis. Threats by Britain and the USA are not only counterproductive, but they are insulting since the administrations of neither country possesse the moral authority to actually entertain or offer a positive solution. But supporting the African Union would be a positive step.
There is something that I believe that African Americans can and should do, and in some respects it might represent an important chapter in our continuing relationship with Zimbabwe. This is a variation on a proposal I made once before. We should offer to assist the African Union in mediating the talks toward a peaceful resolution of the on-going crisis. Specifically, the Congressional Black Caucus should contact the African Union and offer to constitute a mediating team to work with the African Union. This should not be interference and should not be construed as interference, but it could be a genuine act of solidarity.
Within Black America, we have to be prepared to have more open and constructive debates without resorting to the “nuclear option.” I have seen a variant of this in the discussions surrounding the candidacy of Senator Obama. Someone voicing a reservation or concern, let alone a criticism, is open to being called everything but a child of God. This infantile approach to controversy WITHIN our community must end; indeed, it must not be tolerated. The stakes are far too high.
Let me apologize to some in advance: I cannot maintain silence for fear of upsetting an opponent. As I said, the stakes are too high.
*Bill Fletcher, Jr. is Executive Editor of The Black Commentator (www.blackcommentator.com) where this article first appeared. He is also a Senior Scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies and the immediate past president of TransAfrica Forum.
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Comment & analysis
African voices on AFRICOM
2008-04-01
Africa Action
www.africaaction.org
This Africa Action resource provides examples of statements from African leaders from multiple regions who stand opposed to AFRICOM
"The stand that many African countries have taken against the military command is one that needs to be supported and needs to be explained to the U.S. public so there is a greater understanding as to the implications of U.S. policy and why it is being rejected." - Bill Fletcher Jr., Former President of TransAfrica Forum [1]
Due to the perceived importance of Africa in the U.S. "war on terror" and the increasing U.S. dependence on African oil, President Bush announced on February 6, 2007 the establishment of a Unified Command for U.S. military forces in Africa, known as AFRICOM. According to Bush, "The Africa command will enhance our efforts to bring peace and security to the people of Africa and promote our common goals of development, health, education, democracy, and economic growth in Africa."[2] Africa Action challenges the veracity of this assertion in a recent statement, available at: http://www.africaaction.org/newsroom/docs/AFRICOMStatement082.pdf
African nations have repeatedly declared their opposition to the hosting of U.S. bases on the African continent and the militarization of their relations with the United States. As a result of this dissent, AFRICOM is currently based in Stuttgart, Germany. Civil society leaders and journalists in Africa have objected that AFRICOM will pursue narrowly defined U.S. interests at the expense of both the sovereignty and welfare of the African nations.
AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS REACT TO AFRICOM
Regional organizations have been most vocal in their critique of AFRICOM, and last August, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was the first to issue a clear message of dissent against the Bush initiative. SADC is made up of 14 African nations including South Africa, Angola, Botswana and the Democratic Republic of Congo. On August 29, 2007, SADC announced its position "that it is better if the United States were involved with Africa from a distance rather than be present on the continent." The SADC Defense and Security Ministers further stated "that sister countries of the region should not agree to host AFRICOM and in particular, armed forces, since this would have a negative effect. That recommendation was presented to the Heads of State and this is a SADC position." [3]
The initial reactions of African leaders to President Bush’s declaration last February were characterized by confusion and distrust. While the U.S. Department of Defense made clear that AFRICOM was moving forward at full-speed, its objectives and specific details of what it would entail had not been enunciated clearly. In September 2007, half a year after the Bush announcement, President Festus Mogae of Botswana said, "We have not taken a position [on AFRICOM] because we don't know how the animal will look like. We are still discussing the issue." [4]
While individual countries within SADC are allowed to reach their own decisions regarding AFRICOM, none have since strayed from the official position of this important regional body. Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa reaffirmed his country’s stance on October 2, 2007, when he stated "none of us is interested" in hosting the command. [5]
Other key regional organizations made up of nations across Africa have declared their condemnation of AFRICOM and its implications for U.S-African relations. The 25-member Northern African Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD) has backed SADC’s position on the establishment of U.S. bases and stated that CEN-SAD "flatly refuses the installation of any military command or any foreign armed presence of whatever country on any part of Africa, whatever the reasons and justifications." [6] The Arab Magreb Union also voiced strong opposition to the placement of U.S. bases anywhere on the continent.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has stated resolutely its opposition to American bases in the region. At the forefront of this effort stands Nigeria, whose leadership unequivocally denounced the possibility of American troops being based in West Africa.
However, several months after first coming out with this stance, Nigerian President Yar’Adua issued a statement during his December 2007 visit to Washington that seemed at first to dramatically shift the Nigerian position on AFRICOM: "We shall partner with AFRICOM to assist not only Nigeria, but also the African continent to actualize its peace and security initiative, which is an initiative to help standby forces of brigade-size in each of the regional economic groupings within the African continent." [7]
In response to these controversial remarks, the Nigerian public and members of parliament expressed their outrage at this apparent shift in position. Consequently, the day after President Yar’Adua’s initial statement, he retracted his comments and announced that he had been misquoted.
On, December 14, 2007, Yar’Adua reiterated Nigeria’s original position on AFRICOM by stating, "I did not agree that AFRICOM should be based in Africa. What we discussed with Bush is that if they have something to do for Africa that has to do with peace and security, they should contribute. I told him that we African countries have our own plan to establish a joint military command in every sub-region (as we) have in economic groupings." [8]
Nigeria’s Foreign Minister Ojo Maduekwe clarified this confusion: "President Yar’Adua’s statement on the proposed AFRICOM is consistent with Nigeria’s well-known position on the necessity for Africa to avail itself of opportunities for enhanced capacity for the promotion of peace and security in Africa; Nigeria’s position on AFRICOM remains that African governments have the sovereign responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security in the continent, especially in the context of the proposed African Union Stand-by Force and in this regard, the need for support and assistance by Africa’s development partners, such as the United States, in the provision of training, funding and logistics for African militaries was duly acknowledged." [9]
The only member of ECOWAS to break from this position is Liberia. President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has pledged her support to the new command, stating that "AFRICOM is undeniably about the projection of American interests – but this does not mean that it is to the exclusion of African ones." [10] It is important to note that the government of Liberia, a country with a unique historical relationship to the U.S and a fragile democracy still emerging from the challenges of civil war, stands alone in its support for AFRICOM.
CIVIL SOCIETY AND CITIZEN RESPONSES
Though the government of Liberia has been very supportive of AFRICOM, many in Liberian civil society have objected. Ezekiel Pajino of the Center for Democratic Empowerment in Liberia, calls AFRICOM "a deadly plan of U.S. military expansion on African soil." Pajino states, "AFRICOM will be the legacy of Bush’s failed foreign policy that threatens future generations throughout our continent." [11]
Other African civil society leaders, academics, bloggers12 and journalists across the continent share this unease. Ikechukwa Eze in Nigeria’s Business Day writes, "Apprehension exists about the extent to which AFRICOM may violate rules of sovereignty and its attempts to replace the AU." [13] This comment and others like it raise a number of issues, including the sovereignty of African countries, the role of private military contractors (PMCs), the function of the U.S. military in administering development assistance, and U.S. interests in controlling access to African resources at the expense of ordinary Africans.
Professor Hamza Mustafa Njozi of the University of Dar es Salaam warns that "if what has befallen other countries is any barometer, the Americans will need a military base in Tanzania." With reference to potential oil deposits currently being explored by multinational corporations in Tanzania, he said, "Military presence is necessary to ensure total control of this vital resource as well as the continued pillage of our gold mines." [14] Commenting on President Bush’s February 2008 trip to Africa, Sakin Datoo, chairperson of the Editors Forum of Tanzania, said, "Bush is being portrayed as a savior of Africa due to the dollars he is bringing along with him on his trip. But Tanzanians are able to see through this façade. Bush only cares for his own interests and nothing else . . . any illusion that we will provide a military base for the U.S. army should be erased." [15]
Africa Action stands in solidarity with the many African voices speaking out against AFRICOM and urges the U.S. to base its foreign policy towards Africa in a similar respect for the African people.
*Brooks Harris and Matt Levy contributed to this resource.
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
***For notes and links to more readings, please visit this link:
- AFRICOM: The Militarization of U.S.-Africa Policy Revealed, February 2008 http://www.africaaction.org/newsroom/index.php?op=read&documentid=2763&type=15&issues=256®ions=32
- Africa Action’s 2008 Africa Policy Outlook, February 2008 http://www.africaaction.org/resources/docs/AfricaPolicyOutlook2008.pdf
-possiblefraudstart "www.resisafricom.org" possiblefraudend resistAFRICOM.org – a project of The Hip Hop Caucus, Africa Faith and Justice Network, Africa Action, TransAfrica Forum, Foreign Policy in Focus and the Institute for Policy Studies. A joint backgrounder answering frequently asked questions about AFRICOM is available here: http://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/1552/t/5734/content.jsp?content_KEY=3855
References:
1 http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_3720.shtml
2 http://www.heritage.org/Research/Africa/wm1644.cfm#_ftn6
3 http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2007/07083016151001.htm
4 http://allafrica.com/stories/200709121003.html
5 http://zambianchronicle.com/category/africom/
6 http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=16567
7 http://www.nigeriavillagesquare.com/articles/nvs/pictures-yaradua-in-white-house-12-12-07.html
8 http://businessdayonline.com/Analysis/Features/1718.html
9http://www.nigerianmuse.com/nigeriawatch/I_Didn_t_Approve_AFRICOM_In_Nigeria_Says_Yar_Adua
10 http://allafrica.com/stories/200706251196.html
11 Africa Action correspondence with author.
12 For noteworthy examples of African weblogs criticizing AFRICOM, see:
http://crossedcrocodiles.blogspot.com/2007/11/why-does-us-need-to-have-enhanced.html
http://www.blacklooks.org/2007/11/africom.html
http://www.zeleza.com/blogging/african-affairs/africom-strange-fruit-mercy-industrial-complex
13 http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_4289.shtml
14 http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/46049
15 Africa Action correspondence with author.
More...
A response to the Feminist Political Education Project
2008-04-17
Grace Kwinjeh
I was just sent a copy of this statement by the Feminist Political Education Project [http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/47404] and must admit to being more than a little bewildered and shocked by what is suggested in light of recent events in Zimbabwe, by sisters whom I know very well – who are part of the Feminist Political Education Project.
Sisters dare I say, I have worked with you over the years – some of you have mentored me to be the woman I am. I hope that in the interest of fostering a robust debate amongst ourselves as sisters, feminists, comrades in the struggle you will read and understand my response to the positions you have put forward, with a view to promoting holistic transformative politics in our country, not a duplication or reconstruction of the status quo under a different order, in which as women especially are forever held at ransom by elitist, patriarchal notions of what constitutes our liberation.
I hold no brief for Morgan Tsvangirai, neither can I even be classified as some-one who belongs to his 'inner' circle. I respond to fellow sisters on matters of principle as a comrade with a track record and history in the struggle for Zimbabwe's liberation, firstly and as a Feminist who has stood up against male 'bigotry', within the MDC and the broader democratic movement.
Based on these 'credentials' I have no fears or guilt in taking on fellow sisters on -especially when they advance or propagate reactionary views as a way to resolving a crisis that has left us not only scarred but deeply traumatised. What they suggest is a preservation of the status quo! Particularly if those views are then misconstrued as representing the broader Feminist movement in Zimbabwe – I beg to differ.
I will not at this stage go into an intellectual or theoretical discussion on Feminism and its various components and articulations, especially in our Zimbabwean case – that is a subject those of us who claim to be Feminists have to debate at some stage. Of concern for me at the moment is the 'Position Paper.' And wonder whose 'Position', we are debating here while asserting that this 'Position' has nothing to do with us women.
Indeed, it appears from the views put forward to be an implicit acceptance that the democratic will of the people is not paramount, and infers that a group of men (as this is who makes up the political 'leadership') are going to sit around a table and work together in a Transitional Authority for the common good of all Zimbabweans - and this promoted by a group of self-proclaimed feminists, nogal!
How many of our female comrades in the labour, student, constitutional movements or even the church were consulted before such a paper was presented to the world? Do the opinions of these women matter? Or by virtue of belonging to the lower classes in our society they remain excluded and marginalised even in discourse by senior Feminists who purport to be pushing their cause? Not taking into account the fact that the bulk of these women are at the front-line of our struggle as they take Mugabe on daily- they pay with their lives, their homes and their loved ones. The continued refusal by my sisters to acknowledge the existence of these women as leaders in their own right is a cause for concern.
I have argued elsewhere in the MDC Teresa Makone debacle that as women we are not a homogenous group – but there are certain sisters who know better than to be agents of replicating the same patriarchal notions in terms of our participation in the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis in a way that normalises our second class citizen status. We refuse to be under-dogs in perpetuity!
Can we therefore locate the 'Position –Paper' by fellow Feminists within the context of them using Feminism to fight certain male agenda's? That has nothing to do with us as female comrades, including our sisters, mothers and grand-mothers who continue to suffer under the yoke of Mugabe's dictatorship.
What is suggested also presupposes that Zanu-PF has the capacity to act honestly as a coalition partner - something of which there is absolutely no evidence. This is almost similar to Trevor Ncube's commentary through Ferial Hafferjee's editorial 10 days ago in the Mail & Guardian that suggested a coalition must include 'moderate' Zanu-PF people such as Mnangagwa, Gono and Murerwa! And that there must be a blanket indemnity for Mugabe and his security chiefs – whilst some sort of amnesty may well be negotiated, South Africa's experience as elsewhere shows that immunities from prosecution can, and I would argue must be bolstered by some form of accountability (especially if a line is to be drawn in the sand to avert a repeat performance at a later stage). This need not always mean prosecution, but this potential stick must always be present!
The equating of Tsvangirai with Mugabe in the FePEP statement is, to put it mildly, obscene. Certainly, there is much to be concerned about in terms of internal issues within the MDC, although one could hardly argue that they have operated in normal circumstances. The conflation of concerns and grievances has clouded many people's vision. Certainly, Tsvangirai should look for coalition partners and should draw on expertise within fellow opposition ranks and maybe even ZANU-PF, but it must be on collective acceptable terms - NOT as part of a negotiated settlement, or in this case something that is suggested for imposition as in this statement! The assumption that he will not adopt a constructive conciliatory route unless this is imposed on him is arrogant, patronising and fundamentally undemocratic.
It should also be noted that Tsvangirai is not the MDC and that the MDC is a political movement with structures from ward to national level, to whom Tsvangirai, Khupe and the rest of the top leadership have to account. We have fought and resisted 'Mugabeism', in the MDC – some battles we have lost others we have won. It is the principles around the formation of the party, collective leadership, accountability, transparency and its ultimate goal for total liberation – political and economic justice that puts us in the awkward position always of resisting attempts at subverting the will of the people through the back door.
That will which expressed itself so strongly on March 29 – a will for change some will selectively ignore in pursuit of unpopular agenda's that appease certain elites within ZANU-PF and the ANC Mbeki camp.
It seems to me that those who have promoted a 'third way' to date have fundamentally misread the situation as it stands at the moment in Zimbabwe. I see that some are now promoting the argument that the failure of the ZANU_PF rank and file to come out in their large numbers is largely due to Makoni. I'm struggling to find any empirical basis for this assertion. Are the FePEP promoters suggesting Makoni must be the national leader?
My reading of the arguments put forward by comrades on the ground and Zimbabweans in general in not supporting the Makoni project are as follows – he is the only leader with an apparent national profile who does not have a registered political party; a man with less than 8% of the vote? People did not vote for Makoni because they did not trust him, because he comes from Zanu-PF, because his track record in government is nothing to shout home about, and because of his enduring silence regarding human rights violations that have characterised Zanu-PF rule. Those marketing Makoni should have addressed the above concerns as a matter of strategy to appeal to the electorate other than seem to be imposing him through the back-door.
Are these the credentials of a man 'fit to govern'? He may have jumped ship – although he still claims loyalty to the party, but that the current leadership has lost its way. The reality is that Zanu-PF is a ruling party that is dying – at least as a ruling party formation (as UNIP did in Zambia, the MCP in Malawi and KANU in Kenya) - it can limp along for the foreseeable future with an ever decreasing capacity to service its extensive and mutating patronage networks, but it has fundamentally lost its ability to control the support of the people - even though they tried hard to manipulate and buy it in this last election.
What was different this time was the acutely lower levels of violence and intimidation (although it was certainly present) and the small spaces that were opened up for the limited campaigning season. Mbeki has been praised for helping provide the space – but he has disingenuously argued that the only differences outstanding in terms of the mediation process between the MDC and Zanu were procedural. The differences were much more fundamental than that, but once again it was the MDC who was coerced to compromise into participating in elections where conditions were improved, but certainly not free and fair.
Leaving aside the evidently flawed electoral process, the fundamental problem in Zimbabwe remains the concentration of executive powers, which have rendered parliament largely impotent. It was this dilution of power that the MDC sought during the mediation in terms of constitutional changes, but which Zanu-PF failed to follow through on, despite the agreement of its negotiation team!
In this context of trickery and treachery, should we support positions such as the FePEP statement that essentially promote and reward such bad behaviour? There is no 'magical' solution to the situation in Zimbabwe in terms of making everyone happy. Elections mean there are winners and losers. Certainly, particular circumstances may necessitate negotiated outcomes, but negotiating the suggested governance situation (i.e. a TA with equitable representation) in these circumstances sets an awful precedent for the region - one which, in the future, we may see elements of other faltering and failing ruling parties adopting as some kind of survival strategy. If Zimbabwe can do this they may ask, why not us?
Let's not even get into the sycophantic support for SADC's 'mediation' initiative and the assumption that Mbeki has done a good job. Many people strongly believe that he has a great deal of responsibility for the mess the country is now in. The extent to which this is really the case is no longer relevant. He has consistently reinforced a perception that he is biased in favour of Zanu-PF, as have the ANC who continue to refer to Zanu-PF as their 'comrades' in a quirky turn of revisionist liberation history. Mbeki, alas, is simply no longer trusted to be an honest broker by most Zimbabweans and this perception alone disqualifies him from continuing to play this role.
It appears that the FePEP statement is little more than a reflection of desperation and the thinking of an elitist group of women purporting to speak on behalf of a 'majority' that I doubt they have any meaningful contact with. Certainly none can claim electoral legitimacy / representation (at least any more) in terms of popular support. Several work for corporate NGOs and large donor agencies – essentially insulated from the hard realities of life in Zimbabwe or exile. What is suggested is done so from the armchairs of comfortable hotels and NGO boardrooms. It is also very distressing that those who promote such positions appear to also have a certain amount of influence over where donor funds get located and utilised. Many NGOs and individuals have been beneficiaries of the Zimbabwean crisis. Theirs is a 9 to 5 struggle.
There is a very real danger that a 'managed transition' (as suggested) with the window dressing of transitional justice will be little more than an exercise in 'elite pacting', designed to ensure the old wine is decantered in new bottles. I'm afraid the FePEP 'position paper' simply feeds such agendas and does not further a transformative course of action that is so desperately needed.
*Grace Kwinjeh is a Zimbabwean Feminist.
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Lest we forget: An open letter to my sisters who are brave
2008-04-03
Alice Walker
Pambazuka News is pleased to reproduce for our readers this well received essay by Alice Walker in which she looks at Obama using various lenses such as black feminism and international solidarity while reflecting on race, class and gender
I made my first white women friends in college; they were women who loved me and were loyal to our friendship, but I understood, as they did, that they were white women and that whiteness mattered. That, for instance, at Sarah Lawrence, where I was speedily inducted into the Board of Trustees practically as soon as I graduated, I made my way to the campus for meetings by train, subway and foot, while the other trustees, women and men, all white, made their way by limo. Because, in our country, with its painful history of unspeakable inequality, this is part of what whiteness means. I loved my school for trying to make me feel I mattered to it, but because of my relative poverty I knew I could not.
I am a supporter of Obama because I believe he is the right person to lead the country at this time. He offers a rare opportunity for the country and the world to start over, and to do better. It is a deep sadness to me that many of my feminist white women friends cannot see him. Cannot see what he carries in his being. Cannot hear the fresh choices toward Movement he offers. That they can believe that millions of Americans -black, white, yellow, red and brown - choose Obama over Clinton only because he is a man, and black, feels tragic to me.
When I have supported white people, men and women, it was because I thought them the best possible people to do whatever the job required. Nothing else would have occurred to me. If Obama were in any sense mediocre, he would be forgotten by now. He is, in fact, a remarkable human being, not perfect but humanly stunning, like King was and like Mandela is. We look at him, as we looked at them, and are glad to be of our species. He is the change America has been trying desperately and for centuries to hide, ignore, kill. The change America must have if we are to convince the rest of the world that we care about people other than our (white) selves.
True to my inner Goddess of the Three Directions however, this does not mean I agree with everything Obama stands for. We differ on important points probably because I am older than he is, I am a woman and person of three colors, (African, Native American, European), I was born and raised in the American South, and when I look at the earth's people, after sixty-four years of life, there is not one person I wish to see suffer, no matter what they have done to me or to anyone else; though I understand quite well the place of suffering, often, in human growth.
I want a grown-up attitude toward Cuba, for instance, a country and a people I love; I want an end to the embargo that has harmed my friends and their children, children who, when I visit Cuba, trustingly turn their faces up for me to kiss. I agree with a teacher of mine, Howard Zinn, that war is as objectionable as cannibalism and slavery; it is beyond obsolete as a means of improving life. I want an end to the on-going war immediately and I want the soldiers to be encouraged to destroy their weapons and to drive themselves out of Iraq.
I want the Israeli government to be made accountable for its behavior towards the Palestinians, and I want the people of the United States to cease acting like they don't understand what is going on. All colonization, all occupation, all repression basically looks the same, whoever is doing it. Here our heads cannot remain stuck in the sand; our future depends of our ability to study, to learn, to understand what is in the records and what is before our eyes. But most of all I want someone with the self-confidence to talk to anyone, "enemy" or "friend," and this Obama has shown he can do. It is difficult to understand how one could vote for a person who is afraid to sit and talk to another human being. When you vote you are making someone a proxy for yourself; they are to speak when, and in places, you cannot. But if they find talking to someone else, who looks just like them, human, impossible, then what good is your vote?
It is hard to relate what it feels like to see Mrs. Clinton (I wish she felt self-assured enough to use her own name) referred to as "a woman" while Barack Obama is always referred to as "a black man." One would think she is just any woman, colorless, race-less, past-less, but she is not. She carries all the history of white womanhood in America in her person; it would be a miracle if we, and the world, did not react to this fact. How dishonest it is, to attempt to make her innocent of her racial inheritance.
I can easily imagine Obama sitting down and talking, person to person, with any leader, woman, man, child or common person, in the world, with no baggage of past servitude or race supremacy to mar their talks. I cannot see the same scenario with Mrs. Clinton who would drag into Twenty-First Century American leadership the same image of white privilege and distance from the reality of others' lives that has so marred our country's contacts with the rest of the world.
And yes, I would adore having a woman president of the United States. My choice would be Representative Barbara Lee, who alone voted in Congress five years ago not to make war on Iraq. That to me is leadership, morality, and courage; if she had been white I would have cheered just as hard. But she is not running for the highest office in the land, Mrs. Clinton is. And because Mrs. Clinton is a woman and because she may be very good at what she does, many people, including some younger women in my own family, originally favored her over Obama. I understand this, almost. It is because, in my own nieces' case, there is little memory, apparently, of the foundational inequities that still plague people of color and poor whites in this country. Why, even though our family has been here longer than most North American families - and only partly due to the fact that we have Native American genes - we very recently, in my lifetime, secured the right to vote, and only after numbers of people suffered and died for it.
When I offered the word "Womanism" many years ago, it was to give us a tool to use, as feminist women of color, in times like these. These are the moments we can see clearly, and must honor devotedly, our singular path as women of color in the United States. We are not white women and this truth has been ground into us for centuries, often in brutal ways. But neither are we inclined to follow a black person, man or woman, unless they demonstrate considerable courage, intelligence, compassion and substance. I am delighted that so many women of color support Barack Obama -and genuinely proud of the many young and old white women and men who do.
Imagine, if he wins the presidency we will have not one but three black women in the White House; one tall, two somewhat shorter; none of them carrying the washing in and out of the back door. The bottom line for most of us is: With whom do we have a better chance of surviving the madness and fear we are presently enduring, and with whom do we wish to set off on a journey of new possibility? In other words, as the Hopi elders would say: Who do we want in the boat with us as we head for the rapids? Who is likely to know how best to share the meager garden produce and water? We are advised by the Hopi elders to celebrate this time, whatever its adversities.
We have come a long way, Sisters, and we are up to the challenges of our time. One of which is to build alliances based not on race, ethnicity, color, nationality, sexual preference or gender, but on Truth. Celebrate our journey. Enjoy the miracle we are witnessing. Do not stress over its outcome. Even if Obama becomes president, our country is in such ruin it may well be beyond his power to lead us toward rehabilitation. If he is elected however, we must, individually and collectively, as citizens of the planet, insist on helping him do the best job that can be done; more, we must insist that he demand this of us. It is a blessing that our mothers taught us not to fear hard work. Know, as the Hopi elders declare: The river has its destination. And remember, as poet June Jordan and Sweet Honey in the Rock never tired of telling us: We are the ones we have been waiting for.
* Alice Walker is a Pulitzer Prize winning author. This article first appeared at The Root, www.theroot.com
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Justice for Zimbabwe: A Message of Solidarity
2008-04-17
Imani Countess
On March 29 the people of Zimbabwe cast their votes for President, Parliament, and local representatives. To date, the results of the Presidential election have not been announced, leading to widespread accusations of vote manipulation. Charges of intimidation and the threat of violence grow daily, while the population suffers from spiraling inflation, commodity shortages, and joblessness. Ultimately, the people of Zimbabwe will determine their leaders, but as concerned citizens we can send a message to the Government of Zimbabwe, the African Union and to the nations of Southern Africa that we stand in solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe and that we support their struggle for human rights and justice.
The following Message of Solidarity includes the points outlined in such popular documents as The Zimbabwe We Want, the People’s Convention (February 2008), as well as the platforms of human rights and justice groups in Zimbabwe. We invite you to add your name to the following message.
MESSAGE OF SOLIDARITY HUMAN RIGHTS AND JUSTICE FOR ZIMBABWE
The people of Zimbabwe have been betrayed, both by the government that represents them and by Western governments that claim to support their desires for economic development and democracy. Internally, corruption, government mis-management, military excesses, and poor economic decisions have deepened the country’s multiple social and economic crises. At the same time, the post-independence promises made by the international community were not kept and the imposition of World Bank/IMF economic structural adjustment policies further entrenched inequality and reversed the initial gains made by the country. We, the undersigned, support the people of Zimbabwe in their calls for a peaceful resolution to the current crisis. We urge the Government of Zimbabwe to work towards: 1. A new constitution, a people-driven document that ensures that any elected government runs the country to benefit its people, not the elite.
2. Economic justice, specifically:
- An audit of Zimbabwe’s 4.2 billion dollar debt - Repatriation of stolen assets, particularly funds diverted from public coffers to individual accounts in international banks. - National investments in social development, job creation, and regional economic integration efforts.
3. A national “Truth and Reconciliation” process to begin the healing process. We urge the international community to:
- End the “undeclared economic sanctions.”
- Cancel the colonial debt, including apartheid-related debt, along with debts related to failed structural adjustment policies, following an audit of the country’s national debt.
- Work with the Zimbabwean people to identify and repatriate public funds that have been diverted to private accounts in international banks.
To add your name to this Message of Solidarity, please send an email TransAfrica Forum at JusticeforZimbabwe@transafricaforum.org
*Imani Countess serves as TransAfrica Forum’s Senior Director of Public Affairs. TransAfrica Forum is the leading advocacy organization for Africa and the African Diaspora in U.S. foreign policy. TransAfrica Forum helped lead the world protest against apartheid in South Africa and colonial rule in southern Africa. Today, the organization works for human and economic justice for African people on the continent of Africa, in Latin America and in the Caribbean.
Zimbabwe: Right to know violated
2008-04-15
Article 19
It’s been more than two weeks since Zimbabweans went to the polls to elect a legislature and President. But instead of the outcome of the elections, Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU-PF party led by President Robert Mugabe has delivered harsh crackdowns and stonewalling to the electorate.
Defeat can be hard to accept, “but at the very least, the people of Zimbabwe have the right to know the result of their vote,” says the Executive Director of ARTICLE19, Dr. Agnes Callamard. The government of Zimbabwe is obligated under the International law “to conduct an election and to let the people know those they’ve chosen to lead them.”
ARTICLE 19 urges Zimbabwe’s government to heed the calls of Zimbabweans, the 2008 first extra-ordinary SADC summit of Heads of State and Government, and the international community “to comply with the rule of law and SADC Principles and Guidelines governing democratic elections.”
It is in the interest of Zimbabwe and the southern African region that President Mugabe adheres to electoral procedures as set out in Zimbabwe’s electoral law and release the result of the election immediately. “In the event that a run-off is needed, that must also be conducted according to accepted norms and standards.” ARTICLE19 strongly urges Zimbabwean authorities to back away from chaos and violence and move towards reason and the rule of law in settling the outcome of this election.
*ARTICLE 19 is an independent human rights organisation that works globally to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression. It takes its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees free speech.
ARTICLE 19 (www.article19.org) is an international human rights organisation which defends and promotes freedom of expression and freedom of information all over the world. It takes its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Pan-African Postcard
An open letter to Mrs Govan Mbeki
2008-04-16
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)
Kuwe nakaThabo,
Siyakubulisa ngesihle samakhosikazi ngolimi lwethu!
Siloba lincwadi singabomama besizwe seZimbabwe esibhekane lokuhlukuluzeka sidinga uncedo kubomakhelwane.
Ngomgqibelo mhlaka 12 April umntanakho uThabo wezakuleli eleZimbabwe ezoxoxisana loRobert Mugabe. Kasazi ukuthi baxoxisana ngani ngakho ke asisoze sigxile kungxoxo yabo ngoba singayazi njalo lesizatho singasazi ukuthi kungani uThabo waphoqelela wedlula kuleli. Kodwa sizakhuluma ngamazwi aphoswa nguThabo esuka kuleli wathi "inkinga, ziphi inkinga." Lamazwi asicaphula ngakho sicela umkhuze, umbuyise ebuntwini uThabo.
IZimbabwe ibhekane lobunzima lenkinga kwezomnotho, kwezombusazwe, kanye lokungahlaliseki nje jikelele. Kasenelisi njengabomama ukunakekela abantwabethu sibanike ukudla kathathu ngelanga, ukuthola ukudla kunzima konke lokhu uThabo ukutshaya indiva.
Ukhetho esisuka kulo lwengeze ngamandla ukuhlupheka kithi lanxa ukhetho lwaqhutshwa ngokuthula sihlukuluzekile engqondweni ngokwala kukaRobert ukuthi impumelo kamongameli yaziswe uzulu.
Abantu asihlalisekanga ngani ngoba isibalo samapholisa sesandile ezigabeni ikhulukazi emaphandleni lokhu kusenza sidlele evalweni.
NakaThabo siyacela ngesisa umkhuze uThabo ngaloludaba umtshele axwaye ukukhuluma engahluzanga emazwi akhe, asuke asicasule kakhulu. Sicela umkhuze singakamkhuzi thina. Untinte umfazi, untinte imbokodo. Tshela uThabo ame acabange abesekhuluma engabozilulaza phakathi kwamanye amadoda.
Yithi omakhelwane
Women Of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)
Loosely translated into English
Dear Mother of Thabo, We greet you in the name of sisterhood and in our mother tongue (isindebele)!
We are writing to you as mother of the suffering masses of Zimbabwe to ask for your help.
On Saturday 12 April 2008, your child Thabo Mbeki came to Zimbabwe to meet Robert Mugabe. We don't know what they discussed or the real reason he came to Zimbabwe so we cannot comment about that but we want to comment about the words he used when he was leaving.
He said, "There is no crisis in Zimbabwe. We find this has provoked us. Please correct him.
Zimbabwe is in an economic, political and social crisis. We cannot afford three meals a day or even find the basic commodities to feed our children. The political crisis has been worsened by the recent election. Although the election day was peaceful we have been annoyed by the refusal of Mugabe to release presidential results. Socailly the amount of police around the streets and in our rural areas make life very tense.
NaThabo please correct you son about these issues and tell him to refrain from hisrespecting us by his comments.
Please discipline him before we have to do so.
Your neighbours, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
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Letters
50th Anniversary of the Independent States of Africa Conference
2008-04-15
Akyaaba Addai-Sebo
Eight independent African states comprising Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia and United Arab Republic (Egypt), gathered in Accra, Ghana, from April 15 to 22, 1958 to dedicate themselves to the cause of total political and economic liberation and unification of the African continent and the uplift of the African Personality. It was at this conference that the principle of “one man one vote” was adopted to provide cohesion and direction for the liberation movements. Moral and material support was promised the freedom fighters.
The convener, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the Prime Minister of Ghana, in his inaugural speech referred to the significance of the occasion being the first time in history that independent African states had gathered together with the common aim of evolving strategies to safeguard their independence, plan for the total liberation and unity of Africa and to shape their common destiny in their own interest by raising the living standards of their people through economic, cultural, educational, technical and scientific cooperation.
It would be a sad day for Africa and the younger generation if this historical signpost passes by unobserved continentally through an African Union organised celebration. For historical amnesia to affect Africa to the extent of intellectual paralysis on the part of the vast array of African institutions that have become the repository of the history of Africa’s development and progress is an indictment on the leadership and the civil servants that underpin them. Will April 15, 2008 pass by without rekindling any memories in the political minds of the present rulers of Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Sudan and Tunisia? Will the significance of April 15, 2008 pass by unrecognised by the other member states of the African Union as the conference was the forerunner of the African Union?
Do I hang my head in shame as I send out this release in the hope that the world media will wake up to this story and remind their readers and viewers of the significance of April 15, 2008 as there is the distinct possibility that no significant statement would come out to make the African child and youth proud of their past? Occasions such as the 50th Anniversary of the First Conference of Independent African States are celebrated with such pageantry to make citizens love their own memories. It is for the sake of the African child that I herein appeal to the world media to give due attention to the occasion as it is their human right for African children and youth to be taught to love their own memories.
Lest we forget, 5 December 2008 will also mark the 50th anniversary of the epochal All-African People’s Conference held in Accra, Ghana, where a permanent secretariat was established for the global Pan-African movement with George Padmore as the first secretary-general. It was Dr. Nkrumah’s Convention People’s Party (CPP) government that purposefully linked the independence of Ghana to the cause of total liberation of Africa under a union government. These epochal stories of Africa and their impact must be retold to hold the attention of and sparkle the genius in the African child both at home and abroad.
Zimbabwe - enough with the old treasures
2008-04-16
Farai Kashiri
Among the complex questions in Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem's Pan-African Postcard WHAT KIND OF POLITICAL CHANGE? one has a clear answer [http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/47413].
He asks: "Is it not clear that they (Zanu-pf & Mugabe) are preparing for the rerun while the opposition is shuttling between the court and diplomatic capitals? I am not quite sure if the MDC will achieve anything by choosing this course. Why can't they just go for the rerun and humiliate the Old man?"
Answer: Yes, it's clear. Zanu-pf, Mugabe and the military are preparing for a 're-run' because they are the only ones who know there will be
a re-run AFTER the recount. They have now had 2 weeks to doctor the ballot boxes to suit that purpose. The MDC wants the existing results from the
polling stations to be announced first so everyone will have confirmed what they know already which is that Tsvangirai won the Presidency.
The Reason the MDC don't want a run-off or a re-run is bcause: (a) they won and (b) brutal violence will be used by Mugabe and co. in their 'campaign' to 'win' the re-run. This is already happening. See reports of violent retribution of MDC voters in areas where Zanu-pf lost their previous stranglehold (Reports by Zimbabwe Peace Project, Zimbabwe Doctors for Human Rights, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights etc.)
Why do we need to constantly prove and re-prove to the world that Mugabe uses violence? Haven't we already seen it? Why do people defend him by denying it? Why do citizens have to be beaten into a pulp - again? On 29 March they peacefully used their civil right to chose their president. What gives Mugabe and the military the right to deny the people the results of that vote and demand a re-run?
As Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem's advisor Thomas Deve says:" the opposition may
be more vulnerable than everyone is predicting if there is a run off." That is: Vulnerable to being beaten with sticks and stones, bloodied and tortured,
hands broken so they cannot write the X on the ballot paper even if they dare to come out to vote! How many times do people have to vote before their voices are respected?
Change is hard to accept, but Pan-Africanists especially need to clear away old 'treasures' that have gone wrong, to see and acknowledge reality before too many more people have died.
Farai Kashiri
Fire John Yoo the U.S. torture architect
2008-04-16
Steve Fox
What would you do if you found out that a pyromaniac worked in the fire department in your town? You would urge the fire department to fire him, right?
Well, what if you heard that a law professor had written a memo authorizing and, in a sense, advocating illegal torture by the Bush administration? We assume the reaction would be the same.
Last week, I wrote to you about a shocking memo written by the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel in 2003 advising the Pentagon that laws and treaties forbidding torture and other forms of abuse did not apply to U.S. interrogators because of the president's wartime power.
The man who wrote that memo -- John Yoo -- is now happily ensconced as a tenured law professor at the UC Berkeley School of Law. While an unknown number of people suffer the aftereffects of illegal torture he encouraged, Professor Yoo is teaching, writing, and generally enjoying life in California.
This is flat out wrong. John Yoo should not only be disqualified from ever serving in government again, but he should also be prohibited from spreading his distorted view of the law and the role of lawyers to young law students.
The National Lawyers Guild has called for his dismissal. We are joining their call and hope you will, too.
Please take a moment and send a strongly worded (and pre-written) E-mail to Christopher Edley, Jr, Dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law, today, urging the dismissal of John Yoo. Just click on the following link to get started: http://salsa.democracyinaction.org/o/2165/t/1027/campaign.jsp?campaign_KEY=24188
After you have taken action, please forward this E-mail widely to friends, family, and colleagues. Together, we can rid John Yoo from the ranks of law professors in this country.
Books & arts
Book Review: Nuruddin Farah's Links
2008-04-16
Mildred Barya
Publisher: Riverhead books, 2004.
Hardback 334 pages.
This is why there is hope for Somalia
The novel Links, by Nuruddin Farah, opens with a very arresting line:
“Guns lack the body of human truths!”
Right away we are introduced to a story of guns and concealed truths. To untangle what lies in this statement, we follow the author’s narrative of the wars within a war, and a lost battle. Tension maps every page with each exposition of the dangerous terrain that’s become Somalia, the characters intentions and impenetrable intrigues.
Links is not a one person story. Neither is it just a political one. It is a balanced, gendered one. Each woman, each man, each child is a story. Amidst the violence and senseless horrors experienced by most characters, we are inclined to embrace Rajo, (Raasta) a child who is both vulnerable and legendary. She is seen as “a symbol of peace in war-torn Somalia, the stuff of myth, seen by the city’s residents as a conduit to a harmonious coexistence.” Wise beyond her age, she talks people out of their depression, comforts mothers and gives confidence to the children. “…she gives shape to the links between words and their meanings, and then fits them into chains of her own choosing.” By age four she has figured out what marriage is like. With “a face as ancient as the roots of a baobab,” she is referred to as the “Protected One.”
Rajo is Somalia wearing a dress and a child’s face. As her story unfolds, we find out how she is abducted but not stolen. She has to put up with risks but like enduring hope, she is the sun that rises each day to greet the once beautiful Somali land. There’s little wonder therefore that Rajo actually means hope.
We are also seduced to listen and accept the story of Jeebleh, who returns to Mogadishu after twenty years to pay homage to his mother’s grave and also settle a few scores with one of the bad guys—Caloosha. At the airport, Jeebleh presents his Somali passport. The officer leafs through the pages looking for the visa. It is Jeebleh’s turn to be sarcastic and ask when it has become “necessary for a Somali to require a visa to enter Mogadiscio?” Jeebleh must tread carefully because he is walking on eggs. He cannot tell who is a foe and who is a friend. Nothing is told straight up. He even has to go through a tangled maze to locate his mother’s actual grave. Bile, the good guy is walking on landmines with his trying-to-do-good attitude and actions. Af-Laawe, who has started an NGO to take care of the dead prides in his “Funeral with a difference!” He speaks in metaphors all through the story. He is consistent in not giving clear answers to simple questions.
“How is Bile?” Jeebleh asks Af-Laawe.
“It depends on who you talk to,” Af-Laawe responds.
Later, Jeebleh asks Af-Laawe, “Why the nickname ‘Marabou’?”
“Somebody has been telling you things,” is Af-Laawe’s response.
Behind his back there are rumors that his efficiency and expediency in gathering the bodies into his van is only because he is selling organs of the dead and making huge profits out of calamity.
Within the quandary, Farah goes on to weave a delicate hope. He uses whatever realities are at hand to send a double textured message of hope. For instance, on the collateral damage that’s become Somalia’s rubber stamp, he writes: “A cynic I know says that thanks to the vultures, the marabous and the hawks, we have no fear of diseases spreading.” In another instance, one of Jeebleh’s contacts says, “My cynical friend suggests that when the country is reconstituted as a functioning state, we should have a vulture as our national symbol.” There is irony as well as good hope considering the manner in which the sentence is stated. “…when the country is reconstituted as a national state…” Farah sees the coming into constitutional state Somalia, some day.
And the use of the vulture too must be deliberate. In ancient Egypt—Kemet land, the vulture was the symbol of royal protection won on the foreheads by pharaohs, gods and the goddess Nekhbet. Egypt then was fertile, just and prosperous. Also, the powerful Ghanaian empire before the fatal brush with colonization had the symbol of a vulture. During slave trade, for those who escaped slavery, the vulture acted as a guide to the hills, away from the dogs, the horses and the overseers. For those who collapsed or died along the way, the vulture ate (read cleared) their remains. This gave a certain sense of freedom to those Africans since they believed that the vulture would carry their spirit back to their roots, back home to Mother Africa. Farah’s use of the many deaths and vultures can be interpreted through this original African expression of freedom and return to a desired state. A delicate hope!
The major strength of the novel is Farah’s honesty about the links that break and mend Somalia. The links that are the threads of hope as well as the strands of death, the root cause of the existing chaos threatening to extend to the neighbouring nations, the network of clans and lunatic warlords. Farah merges the landscape of memory and reality to recreate a possible Somalia, scathed but not diminished.
* Mildred K Barya is Writer-in-Residence at TrustAfrica (www.trustafrica.org)
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/
South Africa: Exhibition: Skin-to-Skin: Challenging Textile Art
2008-04-18
http://southafrica.africancolours.net/content/16320
Skin-to-Skin: Challenging Textile Art opens at the Standard Bank Gallery in Johannesburg on 16 April 2008, running until 10 May. Curated by Fiona Kirkwood, the exhibition reflects South Africa's multi-cultural identity and unique history through diverse work by artists using textile-related concepts, techniques and materials.
African Writers’ Corner
Zanzibari Slave Market 2007
2008-04-08
Nafeesa T Nichols
dirty, rusted, corroded
links of the iron chain
hung innocently around
the neck of a sculpture
afraid to touch the layers
of fossilized blood, sweat, agony and fear
Fear so soul deep that one can
smell it
touch it
intimately know it when you see it
so familiar that it cloaks you like a second skin
Microscopic bits of beautiful brown skin
Unnaturally scraped from the necks of the unfree
Embedded in the links
turned to salt deposits and rust
formed from tears of desolation
iron chain
silently guarding the memory of
shrieks of pain, sobs of inconsolable grief and whispered prayers
of death's release
Hanging from the neck of a sculpture
"In memory of the slaves"
It's stillness belies the memory of
disbelieving jerks and the desperate yanks
of the instantly insane
refusing to accept the reality
of human capitol
Its stillness remembers the
stoic, beaten into acceptance
who lay in their own shit
with the iron chain
which now hides the stench
of that shit mixed with urine, blood, dirt
and a bottomless dread
iron chain transporting, enslaving
beautiful brown bodies
beautiful black souls
each link forging the
supreme weapon of black death
destroying a mass of bodies, minds,
hearts and hope
ahead of time.
Now hanging from the neck of a
sculpture
harmless.
* Nafeesa T. Nichols, a performer and poet, is also a scholar of South African literature and music and a Pan African activist.
**Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Blogging Africa
African Blog Review – 4/17/2008
2008-04-17
Dibussi Tande
Kenyan Pundit
http://www.kenyanpundit.com/2008/04/16/challenges-of-the-grand-coalition-part-1guest-post/
Kenyan Pundit identifies the key challenges facing Kenya’s coalition government whose creation has been received with “widespread cynicism, bewilderment, anger and disappointment”. Top on the list of challenges is the government’s lack of credibility:
“The fact that almost half of the 220 member Kenya National Assembly will be in government is astounding, especially if one takes into account the high falutin’ earnest pledges by the three leading presidential candidates in the 2007 elections-Kibaki, Raila and Kalonzo-on how they would all have lean, clean and efficient cabinets.
As one of the many Kenyans who were tear gassed recently for demanding a 24 member cabinet at Uhuru Park recently, I need not regurgitate what I think of the 42 member bloated cabinet.
Unfortunately, unless something dramatic happens over the next few days to reverse it, the reality of an obese (some say obscene) cabinet is a de facto reality.
The Grand Coalition thus has its work cut out for it when it comes to persuading Kenyans that it will somehow justify all those billions of tax payers’ shillings it is robbing from the meagre national coffers.”
In the News
http://www.inthenews.co.za/2008/04/16/under-the-spell-of-a-dark-lord/
In the News argues that President Thabo Mbeki’s increasingly controversial stance on the Zimbabwe crisis is damaging his legacy:
“President Mbeki has a ridiculous sense of loyalty to a man who has tarnished and will continue to tarnish his image and legacy for years to come. One can’t imagine what President Mbeki thought when he said there is no crisis in Zimbabwe when the whole of Africa is watching Zimbabwe. He failed to exercise wisdom and tact thus once again taking the attention away from Zimbabwe and putting it on himself.
President Mbeki has once again failed to take positive leadership on Zimbabwe and he looks like Mugabe’s subordinate. Time and time again President Mbeki looks to be an underling of the Mugabe, who continues to hold the Zimbabwean nation hostage. President Mbeki has tried to build a Kwame Nkrumah like Pan-African legacy but Mugabe has tainted this legacy. All the gains Mbeki made in Ivory Coast, Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi have been blown away by the never ending Mugabe Tsunami. President Mbeki has to save himself and his legacy and tell Mugabe like it is. Zimbabwe is dying because of Mugabe and his cronies. President Mbeki should not hide behind the culture of respecting elders. He should show Mugabe enough respect to tell him that his renegade government is affecting Southern Africa and not in a good way.”
African Unchained
http://africaunchained.blogspot.com/2008/04/burden-of-cfa.html
Africa Unchained cites an article about the negative effects of the CFA Franc on the economy of Francophone Africa:
“For every growth in France’s GDP, the euro appreciates against the Dollar, thus the CFA franc assumes too high an exchange rate. This puts the brakes on growth in the African economies that are also heavily dependent on commodities produced by Asia and South American countries that have much more flexible currencies. Put simply, a strong euro just kills CFA member economies as they experience declining export prices... A high fixed rate also kills economic growth in member countries, as it’s incompatible with productivity. The level of regional integration among member countries and the two central banks is remarkably low, even further undermining economic growth. Because the economies of Central African countries are heavily dependent on oil, and those of West Africa heavily dependent on other commodities, it is hard to argue for the long-term viability of the CFA unless of course you’re De Gaulle.”
Ndagha
http://ndagha.blogspot.com/2008/04/malawi-women-shun-internet-discussions.html
Ndagha posts an article which originally appeared in the Daily times which analyzes the (non)participation of women in Malawian internet forums:
“Apart from issues of content, some moderators believe that Malawian women cannot actively participate as Internet access is the domain of men only. One moderator claimed this reality “may be a reflection of the gender tilt in Malawi's education. It is biased towards men and this is reflected in mailing list membership.”
[…]
They alluded to “years of patriarchal influences” which Malawi and other countries the world over are known for.
These tendencies “in the Malawi context, may prevent women who could potentially participate in mailing lists with the same vigor, tenacity, boldness and intellect as men. These influences, may be embedded in their sub-conscious, have taught them to stay away from the public space,” argued Nyasanet moderators.”
The Imhotep blog
http://www.greatimhotep.com/2008/04/video-breast-ir.html#more
Imhotep blog posts a video on the practice of breast ironing in Cameroon:
“In Cameroon where the practice is most widespread, 50% of adolescent girls in cities and a quarter of all girls nationwide have their breasts 'ironed,' often by their mothers.
The 'ritual' is performed by massaging the girls' chests with heated objects like stones, in order to reverse their pubescent development. The mums say it's driven by fear of unwanted male attention, rape and pre-marital pregnancies.
According to UNFPA, breast ironing exposes girls to numerous health problems such as abscesses, infections, dissymmetry of the breasts, cysts, and even the complete disappearance of one or both breasts.
Nevertheless breast ironing is widespread and interestingly, the high prevalence in cities attributed to the effects of urbanization.”
Scribbles from the Den
http://www.dibussi.com/2008/04/another-failed.html#more
Scribbles form the Den posts an International Herald Tribune article on the recent political crisis in Cameroon which has led to fears that Cameroon may become another “failed state”:
“The international community could take steps to help prevent a crisis. Unfortunately, promises of preventive measures and "never again" rhetoric regarding Africa rarely translate into action on the ground. I fear that the international community will wait until it is too late to prevent a major conflict in Cameroon - and will then have to spend massive resources in response to a humanitarian crisis.
Today, many people are trying to leave the country. But most of Cameroon's neighboring countries are themselves collapsing states and cannot provide a safe haven.
Unless there is clear political reform that will allow citizens to finally enjoy basic civil liberties - including full freedom of expression, free elections and the rule of law - a crisis is inevitable.
Cameroon is another Central African country where time is running out.”
* Dibussi Tande, a writer and activist from Cameroon, produces the blog Scribbles from the Den
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at www.pambazuka.org/
Zimbabwe update
African governments reject U.N. intervention in Zimbabwe
2008-04-18
http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=42043
Despite mounting pressure from some major Western powers to intervene in Zimbabwe's electoral crisis, U.N. involvement remains a distant possibility. At the U.N.-African Union (EU) Summit held Wednesday, both the United States and Britain argued that a U.N. presence in Zimbabwe was critical to break the deadlock, but their position failed to win over most of the AU members.
Position Paper: Zimbabwe Feminist Political Education Project
2008-04-18
We the under-signed Zimbabwean women, in our capacity as THE FEMINIST POLITICAL EDUCATION PROJECT (FePEP), urgently call for an end to the political impasse that our country is in. Over a week after we voted in the harmonized elections, we note with great dismay that the results of the Presidential elections are yet to be released. The country is in limbo. Violence, poverty, HIV & AIDS and deterioration of social services continue to disproportionately affect women and girls.
11 April 2008
We the under-signed Zimbabwean women, in our capacity as THE FEMINIST POLITICAL EDUCATION PROJECT (FePEP), urgently call for an end to the political impasse that our country is in. Over a week after we voted in the harmonized elections, we note with great dismay that the results of the Presidential elections are yet to be released. The country is in limbo. Violence, poverty, HIV & AIDS and deterioration of social services continue to disproportionately affect women and girls. We voted on the 29th of March for our representatives in Parliament and for a Head of State in the hope that collectively they can address these problems. As citizens we demand to know and see the fruits of our vote, which would affirm our rights to participate in politics.
We call for the immediate release of the presidential election results. But regardless of who wins this elections among the four presidential candidates, it is our view that the country is too politically polarized to move on. Whoever becomes our next President has the Herculean task of bringing all sides together to think nationally, and in the best interests of all Zimbabwean citizens, not just their own party, or personal self interest. We believe that neither Mr Robert Mugabe nor Mr Morgan Tsvangirai is trusted enough by everyone to foster unity and national coherence that will be required to move forward. We strongly believe that this is what is at the heart of the present impasse. Equally we do not believe that a run-off will be in our best interests as women. We are too familiar with the violence that was meted upon numerous of us from 1890 when the colonialists came into our country right up to the most recent elections. Chief among these forms of violence is sexual violence, and it concomitant implication, HIV infection. Zimbabwean women now have the lowest life expectancy world wide because of HIV & AIDS, 34 years. We can not afford yet another pointless violent election that will slice more years off our lives.
We boldly suggest that all political parties and players in Zimbabwe come together in a national Transitional Authority, (TA). The TA should be headed by a person who can be trusted by both ZANU PF and the MDC formations. She or he must not be the leader of a registered political party. The TA will be composed of up to 15 members, ensuring geographic, ethnic, and gender balance. We believe that such an interim authority will provide a moderating voice and can pave the way for a government of national unity that can steer Zimbabwe to a more democratic dispensation, guided by a new constitution.
We therefore call upon the Southern African Development Community, supported by the African Union, and the United Nations, to bring all the parties in Zimbabwe together to discuss a move towards this interim arrangement. In this regard the South African President Mr Thabo Mbeki should continue his mediation role. It is our contention that the people of Zimbabwe are so deeply polarized yet again and can not possibly negotiate on their own. Our position as FePEP reflects and amplifies the voices of so many women, who are tired of seeing their country torn apart by selfish male egos, the quest for unbridled power, and total disregard for citizens’ rights.
Teresa Mugadza (+ 263 912877420)
Isabella Matambanadzo
Thoko Matshe
Everjoice Win
Shereen Essof
Juliana Manjengwa
Karin Alexander
Janah Ncube
Priscllah Misihairabwi-Mushonga
Revai Makanje
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SALAN Statement on Zimbabwe
2008-04-18
http://www.salan.org/News_Views/news_detail.asp?art_ID=2158
The Southern African Legal Assistance Network (SALAN), a network of legal aid NGOs in Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, Zanzibar, Zimbabwe joins the regional and international community in noting, with great concern, the disturbing developments unfolding in Zimbabwe. Though acknowledging the effort made by the SADC member states to mediate an end to the election crisis in Zimbabwe, SALAN joins the rest of the world in adding its voice to the following demands:
DELAY BY ZEC TO ANNOUNCE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS RESULTS
• SALAN regrets the continued failure on the part of the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission (ZEC) to disclose the results of the election, without any reasonable explanation
• This inexplicable delay in the announcement of Presidential election results is both unwarranted and unjustifiable and has caused unnecessary anxiety and heightened tension in Zimbabwe inviting suspicion that electoral outcomes will be manipulated and that the Zimbabwean peoples' peacefully registered political preferences will be contemptuously discounted.
• SALAN therefore calls for the expeditious release of all outstanding Zimbabwean electoral results in accordance with due process of the law, including that the verification and counting must be done in the presence of candidates and / or their agents.
• SALAN also urges the Government of Zimbabwe to desist from interfering with the work of ZEC and enable ZEC to immediately announce results of the presidential vote taken on 29 March.
DELAY BY ZEC TO ANNOUNCE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS RESULTS
• SALAN regrets the continued failure on the part of the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission (ZEC) to disclose the results of the election, without any reasonable explanation
• This inexplicable delay in the announcement of Presidential election results is both unwarranted and unjustifiable and has caused unnecessary anxiety and heightened tension in Zimbabwe inviting suspicion that electoral outcomes will be manipulated and that the Zimbabwean peoples' peacefully registered political preferences will be contemptuously discounted.
• SALAN therefore calls for the expeditious release of all outstanding Zimbabwean electoral results in accordance with due process of the law, including that the verification and counting must be done in the presence of candidates and / or their agents.
• SALAN also urges the Government of Zimbabwe to desist from interfering with the work of ZEC and enable ZEC to immediately announce results of the presidential vote taken on 29 March.
NEED FOR ALL STAKEHOLDERS TO RESPECT THE RESULTS
In the event of a run off, SALAN calls for the following:
• Establishment of a credible, independent and impartial election management body;
• An environment of peace, free from intimidation and political violence;
• That the run-off is conducted within the framework of Zimbabwe's electoral laws;
• That a mechanism be put in place so that delays and technical challenges encountered by the ZEC are given public explanation to avoid a repeat of the current situation;
• That the presence of electoral observer missions are afforded necessary access and accreditation.
• We urge all parties to adhere to and respect the electoral results.
SOLIDARITY WITH THE PEOPLE OF ZIMBABWE
In solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe SALAN:
• Urges the SADC and its member states to provide all necessary support to Zimbabwe to enable it to peacefully transform the electoral and political crisis in that country into an opportunity for the development of a sustainable democracy.
• SALAN calls for the immediate cessation of all acts of political violence and intimidation; all those engaging in acts of political violence, especially militia groups should be dealt with in accordance with the law. We urge all the political parties of Zimbabwe to exercise restraint and desist from employing intimidatory tactics
• SALAN calls on the Government of Zimbabwe to guarantee the safety and freedom of Zimbabwe Electoral Commission officials, local election observers, pro democracy activists and journalists as well as opposition members and supporters now, and during the run off
• Lastly SALAN salutes the Zimbabweans and their organisations who have courageously spoken out
For more information Contact:
Juliet Kaira Chibuta
Coordinator
Southern African Legal Assistance Network (SALAN) Secretariat
6th Floor Woodgate House
Box 35162
Lusaka, Zambia
Tel/Fax: 260-211-231845
E-mail: salan@zamnet.zm
Website: www.salan.org
- SALAN Members -
DITSHWANELO- The Botswana Centre for Human Rights; Centre for Advice, Research & Education on Rights (CARER)-Malawi; Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC)-Tanzania; Liga Mocambique Dos Direitos Humanos (LDH) Mozambique; Legal Assistance Centre (LAC)-Namibia; The Black Sash-South Africa; Legal Resources Centre (LRC)-South Africa; Zambia Civic Education Association (ZCEA)-Zambia; Legal Resources Foundation (LRF)-Zambia; Zanzibar Legal Services Centre (ZLSC)-Zanzibar; Legal Resources Foundation (LRF)- Zimbabwe
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State-sponsored violence - Appeal by AI secretary-general
2008-04-18
At the time of Zimbabwe’s 28th anniversary of independence, Amnesty International is deeply concerned about reports of the deteriorating human rights situation in Zimbabwe following presidential, parliamentary and local government elections which took place on 29 March 2008. The organization is particularly concerned about apparent retribution attacks against opposition supporters in rural areas, townships and farms across the country. Victims allege that they have been assaulted by soldiers, police, so-called “war veterans” and supporters of the ruling party, ZANU-PF, and have been accused of not having voted “correctly.”
Appeal by the Secretary General of Amnesty International
END STATE-SPONSORED VIOLENCE IN ZIMBABWE
At the time of Zimbabwe’s 28th anniversary of independence, Amnesty International is deeply concerned about reports of the deteriorating human rights situation in Zimbabwe following presidential, parliamentary and local government elections which took place on 29 March 2008. The organization is particularly concerned about apparent retribution attacks against opposition supporters in rural areas, townships and farms across the country. Victims allege that they have been assaulted by soldiers, police, so-called “war veterans” and supporters of the ruling party, ZANU-PF, and have been accused of not having voted “correctly.” These assaults appear to be targeted at people in rural areas and low income suburbs where the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) seems to have gained more votes than the ruling ZANU-PF party.
For example,
· On 6 April, about 10 soldiers and two people dressed in police uniform, reportedly went to the home of a known MDC activist in Gweru, assaulted him with sticks and kicked him and two of his friends. The activists sustained injuries and required medical treatment.
· On 11 April, a man was attacked in his shop in Mashonaland East Province by persons believed to be ZANU-PF supporters who reportedly broke into his shop, dragged him out the building and accused him of being an MDC member. The victim alleges that the ZANU-PF youth stole groceries from his shop and that they burned grass on both of his hands before beating his hands and back with wooden poles. The victim sustained injuries including burns to both of his hands and his left arm as well as broken bones in one of his arms and in both of his hands. Though some victims have reported these crimes to the police, no arrests have been reported and it appears that perpetrators continue to commit abuses with impunity.
Violations of national and international law
These assaults violate both national and international human rights law. Section 15(1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe states:
“No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading punishment or other such treatment.
” Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment are prohibited absolutely under international law, for example under Article 5 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Zimbabwe is a state party to both instruments. It is also widely agreed that a state has violated the prohibition on torture and other ill-treatment not only when a state official physically commits the act, but also when such an act is committed at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.
To President Robert Mugabe…
I call on you in your capacity as head of state and as leader of the ruling ZANU-PF party to denounce and bring to an end all human rights abuses, including violent attacks by soldiers, police, “war veterans” and ZANU-PF supporters. I am appealing to you to bring about a prompt, independent and impartial investigation into the reported acts of human rights abuses, including all reports of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and to bring to justice all suspected perpetrators.
To the Commissioner-General of Police, Augustine Chihuri, and Army Commander, General Constantine Chiwenga…
I call on the Commissioner-General of Police and the Zimbabwe National Army Commander to bring an immediate end to human rights violations being perpetrated directly or condoned by police officers and soldiers.
I urge you to ensure that all allegations of police and military involvement in human rights abuses including violent attacks on individuals are promptly, independently and impartially investigated. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and the Zimbabwe National Army must cooperate fully with investigations. Those suspected of involvement must be brought to justice in proceedings which meet international standards of fairness. Victims must be awarded full reparations in accordance with international standards.
Police officers and soldiers should operate in a non-partisan manner and respect human rights law. They should act to prevent human rights abuses, not perpetrate them or allow a climate of impunity for others who may be responsible. To Jabulani Sibanda, Chairperson of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association… I call on you to publicly call on your members to end immediately all acts of violence against real or suspected supporters of the political opposition. The alleged abuses by members of your organization may constitute crimes under national and international law. Those committing the abuses as well as those instigating them should be held accountable.
To Heads of states and governments of the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
… Amnesty International welcomes the emergency summit held by SADC in Lusaka on 12 April but urges you to redouble your diplomatic efforts to avoid further deterioration of the human rights situation in Zimbabwe. I call on you to acknowledge publicly and express concern at the human rights abuses being perpetrated by members of state security organizations, “war veterans”, and ZANU-PF supporters. The Zimbabwean authorities have operated in violation of regional and international human rights law and standards for too long. Urgent action is needed to end human rights abuses, hold perpetrators accountable and ensure reparation for the victims.
Irene Khan Secretary General
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Zimbabwe: EALS to hold consultative meeting
2008-04-18
East Africa Law Society (EALS) is calling for an emergency Pan-African Citizens’ Consultation next week to discuss the Zimbabwe crisis. The meeting which is supported by the Foundation Open Society Institute (FOSI) takes place in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on Monday, April 21, 2008.
EALS TO HOLD CONSULTATIVE MEETING ON ZIMBABWE NEXT WEEK
East Africa Law Society (EALS) is calling for an emergency Pan-African Citizens’ Consultation next week to discuss the Zimbabwe crisis. The meeting which is supported by the Foundation Open Society Institute (FOSI) takes place in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on Monday, April 21, 2008. It brings together representatives of the civil society, legal fraternity, trade union, academia and other interested stakeholders in the Eastern and Southern Africa region and the rest of the continent and intends to advocate for action by the African Union (AU) in the Zimbabwe post election crisis.
The one-day meeting whose theme is: “An Emergency Consultation: Africa Taking the Initiative on the Zimbabwe Election Crisis”, seeks to foster reflective discussions on the impact of the recently concluded Zimbabwe elections and the delay in the release of results. It also expects to catalyze further initiatives and interjections by the AU, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and governments in the region.
70 participants drawn from 18 countries in Africa will participate in the consultative meeting. The countries represented are: the five EAC Partner States, Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone, Cameroon, Botswana, Angola and DRC. Others are Mozambique, Namibia, Lesotho, Zambia, Malawi, Swaziland and South Africa. Regional organizations expected include: SADC Lawyers Association, Media Institute of Southern Africa, and Southern African Judges Commission among others.
Participants are expected to get accurate and detailed update on the current situation in Zimbabwe and to reflect on the possible options available to SADC, COMESA and, most importantly, the AU. The outcome of the intervention, it is envisaged, shall include procurement of a progress report for stakeholders, as well as a strong Communiqué and resolutions to be presented to President Jakaya Kikwete, the United Republic of Tanzania, in his capacity as Chair of the Summit of the African Union. Special emphasis will further be laid on messages that shall be delivered to the Peace and Security Commission of the African Union.
The meeting will take the opportunity to add its voice towards applying pressure on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to immediately relay the results of the elections held on March 29, 2008. The People of East Africa, individually, and through various civil society organizations and caucuses have since the Zimbabwe elections joined forces with the rest of the continent in expressing deep concern at the pace with which the ZEC has handled the election results, precipitating a national crisis.
The reflective consultation comes hot on the heels of the recent SADC Summit held in Lusaka, Zambia, and attended by political leaders in the Southern Africa region. The meeting however did not produce quick solutions to the crisis and instead urged Zimbabweans to wait for the electoral body to finish its work. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) also filed an application at the High Court to force the ZEC to officially release the results. The High Court rejected the bid in its ruling suggesting that the Electoral Commission needs more time for verification. ZANU PF and President Robert Mugabe insist on a second round of voting even before the results are officially released saying that none of the candidates wholly won the polls. The MDC on its part is laying its stake in claim for victory.
Consequently, the civil society and trade unions in the country are talking of a rollout of peaceful actions and strikes aimed at compelling the ZEC towards release of the results. According to EALS CEO, Don Deya, any further delays could lead to a situation where the country may degenerate into chaos triggered by the fear that ZEC is manipulating or tampering with the Presidential elections results. “We applaud the people of Zimbabwe for being patient yet very alert and vigilant to avoid the manipulation of results”, Deya recently noted.
While the immediate focus of next week’s meeting is on the Eastern and Southern African countries, its importance far exceeds those borders, and the lessons learnt are replicable continent-wide. There is an imminent need for the African Union to encourage the revision of electoral laws across the continent, adherence to the rule of the law and to constitutionalism.
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‘War Vets’ unleash orgy of violence
2008-04-18
http://www.swradioafrica.com/news170408/warvets170408.htm
Gangs of Zanu-PF youths, labelling themselves war veterans, have unleashed a reign of terror in Umguza on the outskirts of Bulawayo. Our Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme told us the youths are believed to be loyal to Obert Mpofu, the Zanu-PF MP for the area and they also attacked and seriously injured the MDC senatorial candidate there, Moses Sivalo.
African Union Monitor
AU Monitor Weekly Update
Issue 133, 2008
2008-04-17
The AU Monitor and the African Forum and Network on Debt and Development (AFRODAD) invite research papers for the forthcoming publication “African Perspectives on Aid in Africa” to be published in September 2008. While Africa is the biggest recipient of aid globally, the terms, conditions and principles upon which aid is delivered are rarely defined by the people of Africa for whom, at least rhetorically, this aid is supposed to create positive change. Indeed, recent analysis from Third World Network, highlights the “effect of circumscribing national sovereignty and country autonomy over development policies” “contrary to the stated principles of country ownership and mutual accountability” of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. In light of the September 2008 high-level meetings on Aid Effectiveness in Accra, Ghana, Fahamu and AFRODAD seek to publish a comprehensive volume on Aid in Africa from the diverse perspectives of African civil society, social commentators, policy makers, academics and citizens. The “African Perspectives on Aid in Africa” book will uniquely seek to explore the very premise and foundation upon which the concept of aid is based, the history and context of aid, how the emergence of new global powers such as Venezuela and China are redefining aid, related power dynamics and its relation to development, all from the perspectives of Africa. The deadline for submission is May 30, 2008. Please contact us via email at charles@afrodad.co.zw and hakima@fahamu.org with a one page abstract for your paper and for further information by April 25th, 2008.
In this week’s AU Monitor, we bring you news from the extraordinary summit of heads of state of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to discuss the “deepening tensions in neighbouring Zimbabwe”. The summit, which was attended by eight SADC heads of state, concluded that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) should announce the results as guided by the country’s laws and expressed support for the continued mediation of President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. However, both civil society and the opposition party have expressed disappointment at the outcome claiming that the summit almost endorsed the ZEC’s delay in announcing the election results, failed to denounce rising violence, the closure of the ZEC command centre and the ban on rallies or to pronounce on the failure of President Mugabe to attend the summit.
As Zimbabwe’s electoral crisis continues, Bronwen Manby analyses the Kenyan post-election crisis in light of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) report of 2006, noting that “had the problems the APRM report then highlighted been tackled, it is possible that the violence and distress of the 2008 crisis could have been avoided”. Indeed, the APRM eminent persons noted “the role of prominent members of the ruling party and high ranking government officials in fuelling the so-called ethnic clashes” with impunity and called for leadership which “recognises the need for dramatic change in a society” that “entails not simply directing change but managing it in a way that ensures broad ownership, legitimacy and self-directed sustenance and replication of change in all associated systems.” Highlighting areas of weakness of the APRM report and process that contribute to the lack of implementation of its decisions, the author notes that the report “does not identify the issues relating to the independence of the Electoral Commission of Kenya” but focuses rather on “the simple fact of holding elections”. Further, she stresses “the gap between the country review report and the programme of action”, the lack of monitoring on reporting related to implementation of the recommendations and the lack of sanctions for failure to act, concluding that without “integration into other national planning systems, debates and oversight mechanisms, the APRM process seems doomed to become little more than a cosmetic exercise without effect in the real world of policy and decision making”.