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Still far from the dream of Biko

Reflections on the 1976 youth uprising

Mphutlane wa Bofelo

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57070

cc FikraImprisoned at 17 as an anti-apartheid activist, Mphutlane wa Bofelo emerged even more determined to confront the system. It was the dream of ‘the freedom of our people’ that people act with boldness and bravery, he writes, even though ‘we knew the ultimate price could be death’. Yet 33 years after the 1976 youth uprising, confronting living conditions in Durban’s Kenville squatter camp, wa Bofelo considers why ‘former freedom fighters can sometimes be more vicious in attempts to abort freedom’. As Kenville residents consider class action against the government for decent housing, wa Bofelo wonders why South Africans should have to go to court to secure constitutionally enshrined basics of water and housing. ‘How can you have a sense of self-respect and dignity when you live in opulence but your brothers and sisters… live in squalor?’ asks wa Bofelo. ‘Pity how it seems we joined the struggle to be rich materially but poor in spirit!’

June 16 is a day that brings both painful and joyous memories to me, as in the 80s a whole lot of things happened as we dodged bullets and caspirs, fighting to ensure that days like 16 June, 21 March, 1 May and 12 September are not treated as ordinary days. I guess that is the reason why yesterday left me full of tears. Like many of my peers, I joined the struggle against apartheid-capitalism at a very tender age. At the age of 17 I was arrested and subjected to severe torture. I spent 18 months in detention-without-trial, after which I was given a one-year prison sentence for 'possession of subversive material.'

Most of us came out of prison more determined to confront the system. We established organs of people’s power and made it impossible for the apartheid regime to continue with their business as usual. We dared to grasp the bull by its horns and established underground structures of Umkonto weSizwe(MK), Azanian National Liberation Army (AZANLA)and Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA) under the watchful eyes of the system and its stooges and vigilantes. What kind of dream made us to do the kind of bold and brave – and sometimes reckless – things we did when we knew the ultimate price could be death? We knew that the ultimate price was the freedom of our people, not death! You can never kill a free spirit. But when I look at the kind of conditions I saw yesterday, I wonder why it is that former freedom fighters can sometimes be more vicious in attempts to abort freedom or even kill the spirit of freedom.

Yesterday I joined the provincial executive committee (PEC) of the Socialist Party of Azania (SOPA) as they marked the national youth uprising of June 1976 with a visit to its members, supporters and the general residents of the squatter camp next to the refuse recycling dump near the Kenville Suburb in Durban. This the place where all the sewerage from Durban is emptied. This visit really left me in tears. The objective of the visit was to listen to the views and stories of the residents and share ideas with them on expediting the process of finding decent and habitable housing for them, as well as ways of ameliorating their conditions in the meantime. The chairperson of SOPA in KwaZulu-Natal, Asha Moodley, and general secretary Patrick Mkhise told the residents that their aim with the visit was to highlight the plight of the multitudes of people who still find themselves landless and homeless after fifteen years of democracy.

Moodley also told the residents that they thought it prudent to hear from the residents what the situation is and also to be guided by them as to the possible action that can be taken to address their situation. She also emphasised that the party decided to visit after the election so that their fact-finding mission and discussion with the community should not be misconstrued as an electioneering and vote-catching ploy. The briefing that the PEC of the Socialist Party of Azania got from the residents was that their families have been squatting in the vicinity of Kenville for thirty years. In the 1990s they were moved to the squatter camp near the refuse damp.

The major problem is that this specific place is not conducive for human settlement. Whenever it rains the whole area is flooded. The shacks are built with wooden and plastic material, and are so close to each other that when one shack catches fire the whole block of shacks is consumed by fire. The suffocating smell from the refuse dump exacerbates the health hazards in the area. The Ethekwini municipality has built eight communal toilets, four for women and four for men. These toilets are at the main road on the outskirts of the squatter camp, which makes it difficult for people living far to use the toilets. It also exposes residents, particularly children and women, to crime at night. The communal taps are also located at the main road on the outskirts of the area. The residents get their electricity through illegal connections from the poles that deliver electricity to the formal houses in Kenville.

As a result of these illegal connections many children have been electrocuted to death. The residents listed unemployment and poverty as the major problems facing them and indicated there are no poverty alleviation programs by either government or NGOs in the area. There is also no safe space and facilities for children to play. Another problem raised in the meeting was that political affiliations often are a stumbling block to the capacity of residents to speak in one voice in addressing their issues. There are three political parties with visible and active presence in the area, Inkatha Freedom Party, African National Congress and the Socialist Party of Azania. Often the government takes advantage of these divisions to throw a spanner in the works of any effort towards united action on the issue of housing. Between 2005 and 2006, the Socialist Party of Azania had a series of protest marches where it submitted a petition on the housing demands of the residents to both the provincial government and the eaThekwini municipality. There were also series of meetings between SOPA and the Ethekwini Municipality where the party tabled proposals on decent and habitable housing alternatives.

After endless meetings without meaningful decisions, the municipality representatives ultimately told SOPA that since it is a political party it must prove its worth by attaining seats in the local government where it can raise issues relating to housing, or else it must shut its mouth. Last year the residents of the squatter camps around Kenville marched to raise their issues. It is alleged that at this meeting the local councillor of the area under which the squatter camp nearby the refuse dump falls told the meeting that there were no problems in his area. In view of this history, the 16 June consultation mandated SOPA to explore possibilities of petitioning their local councillor as well as class action whereby the eThekwini municipality and the provincial government is taken to court for attack on the rights of the residents of the Kenville squatter camp to housing, security and human dignity.

The meeting also agreed that residents across the political spectrum need to be consulted and that contact be made with the local development committee. The committee was established by the Ethekwini municipality though some residents have reservations that it is mostly constituted by ANC members who just endorse whatever they are told by government officials. After the meeting the leadership of SOPA had a brief informal discussion with two members of the development committee.

The committee members informed SOPA that by October this year some households in this squatter camp will be relocated to the adjacent area where there are some spaces in between formal houses and shacks. They indicated that shackdwellers from other areas in the vicinity of Kenville are also going to be relocated there. This means that only a small number of the shackdwellers at this specific squatter camp will actually be relocated. The said area is already dense and is still within the vicinity of the refuse dump, which means there really will not be much change in the wellbeing and quality of the lives of these residents. The resettling of people from a squalid dumping place to just lesser squalid conditions raises the question as to the significance of the change from the department of housing to the department of human settlement.

The positive interpretation will be that ‘human settlement’ entails the provision of more than housing, and indicates that the houses will have adequate yards that provide for food gardening and other activities and should go along with social amenities and be within reasonable distance to places of employment, etc.

The negative interpretation will be that in the meantime, while government cannot provide housing for all, it will resettle people from inhabitable shack squatter camps to shack dwellings or concrete slabs (RDP ‘pondokies’ in informal settlements with some modicum of development, but still lacking several essential amenities. The progress report (the two gentlemen were very delighted to use the term) provided by the gentlemen from the development committee seem to point in the direction of the latter definition. (One hopes that Kenville scenario is an exception, and only time will tell). Essentially ‘the progress report’ by the two committee members indicated no tangible progress. This means that SOPA in collaboration with other civil society organisations and progressive institutions should still consider the class action and other ways of forcing government to provide decent, habitable housing with proper yards and social amenities.

How is it possible that we have arrived at the point where people take a people's government to court for such basic things as water and housing, which the constitution fully enshrines? Just recently a South African court ruled in favour of the people for their right to water. Guess who took the people to the appeal court to try and overturn the decision of a judge who is probably inherited from apartheid era? The appeal court ruled in favour of the people. Guess who is thinking of appealing the decision through the constitutional court? Who stood against the decision of the victims of the apartheid-capitalism to take the big corporates that benefited from this system to the international court? Who? Who killed Biko and Hani and Solomon Mahlangu and Hector Peterson and Muntu ka Myeza and Masabata lwate and many others? The Boers and their vigilantes only killed the flesh. The spirit of Mahlangu, Biko, Hani, Peterson, lwate is being killed here and now by us. The Boers failed to kill Biko and Hani. We are succeeding where apartheid-capitalism failed. We kill the spirit of Tambo and Biko everyday. We hate each other. We kill each other. We rape our children . We burn our grandmothers. We love beautiful things for ourselves but ask our brothers and sisters to endure conditions such as Kenville squatter camp. for them Rome will be built in zilion years, for us it takes only one day in office as a CEO, counsellor, director, business big-shot to relocate from Zamdela to Vaalpark and from Mofolo to Hougton.

Who killed Biko? Botha? No, Botha did not, could not, kill Biko. Malan could not. Only we could. Only we can. NONE BUT OURSELVES ARE THE ENEMY. To kill the enemy we really have to kill the enemy within. Who said Black Consciousness is no longer relevant? Wake up black people and all justice loving whites and peoples of the world. Black Consciousness, instil in us the love for ourselves, so that we can radiate that love to embrace all human beings with love. We are still far from this dream of Biko, Africa giving the greatest gift to humanity: A more human face. This is only possible if we love ourselves. An African proverb says: ‘Do not accept a gift of a suit from a naked person.’ How can a person who does not love himself and his people lie to you and say he loves you. How can you have a sense of self-respect and dignity when you live in opulence but your brothers and sisters, fathers and uncles, neighbours and relatives live in squalor? Pity how it seems we joined the struggle to be rich materially but poor in spirit! ilitye lika Biko li nxonxozile lizovulwa ngubani? Vuka ntsundu. tsoha guerilla, steve biko o batla masole. o robaletseng. AZANIA KE YA RONA.THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES. THE STRUGGLE IS ETERNAL.

* Mphutlane wa Bofelo is a writer-activist with a passion for using creative education, literature and theatre as tools for transformation and development.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Remembering Soweto: Harnessing black consciousness

Blackwash

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57082

cc eugene16 June was the anniversary of the 1976 uprising in Soweto, South Africa. With today's black youth in South Africa finding themselves marginalised in much the same way as those protesting against apartheid policy, Blackwash seeks to commemorate the 1976 uprising and further the development of black consciousness. Inspired by 16 June and the words of Steve Biko, Blackwash encourages young black people in South Africa to take up the struggle to put pressure on the government and create genuine change.

Dear young black person,

Black youth living in South Africa today are in deep trouble. Even though we were promised a better life after 1994 by our black government, many of us still live in squatter camps and small RDP houses because white people still own more than 80 per cent of South African land, land which has been stolen over the last 300 years. As young black people we have to ask ourselves what is stopping our government from improving our lives and is there a future for us if black people do not have land? Will black people not be trapped in squatter camps and townships forever if our government refuses to take our land back from whites?

Many of us do not pass matric because black schools do not have good resources like model c and private schools, just like in the days of Bantu education during apartheid. What have we done to deserve this? Some of us end up in prison because we are forced to steal and do other crimes to survive. Because young black people do not pass at school or do not have money for tertiary education, many of them end up doing crime and being locked up in prison. The poverty of black people means that many of us end up behind bars because we are forced to do what we can to survive and keep our families alive. Why is it that those who stole our land and continue to benefit from that are not seen as criminals? Why is the black person who steals a cell phone, a few thousand, a laptop or a pair of jeans punished more than those who live on stolen land?

Some of us end up doing drugs and drinking a lot of alcohol because we need to forget this hard life. A lot of the time we fight and sometimes even kill each other over small things because there is nothing else to live for. The reason our lives are like this is that white people have been oppressing us and controlling every part of our lives for a very long time. This is why our schools are of bad quality. This is why we are poor and they aren't. This is why we live in shacks or in RDP houses in townships. It is a pity that even our black government does not have intentions to change the bad conditions we live in. But we have not chosen to be poor or black!

The same people who are responsible for the way we live turn around and blame us as if we are personally responsible. We are told to go to church, study hard, play sports, or join cultural groups, but all of these things do not help because our situation does not change. Even when we try, there are no fields or recreation centres in squatter camps and very few in townships. Because of this many young black people cannot use or develop their talents; they end up in shebeens or prison rotting away with those talents.

Some of us do go to good schools, get jobs, funds from Umsobomvu, buy cars or even become famous, but this is a very small number compared to those of us who will live in poverty for the rest of our lives. Also, the few blacks who make it leave the township to live amongst white people and start behaving like them: they look down on black people and accuse them of being lazy (the same way white people have done since they arrived in this country). We must ask ourselves how much longer black people should suffer before things change for us.

With all this in mind, do you really believe our government when they tell us we are free? Where is this freedom they keep talking about when black people are this poor, when black youth is unemployed, in prison or dying from AIDS or drug overdoses?

We are told we are free, but this is a lie. We are told blacks and whites are equal, but we know that whites live better lives than us in our own country. We also know that their lives are better because of the hard work black people do to build their houses, their suburbs, to look after their kids and wash their clothes. White people live like visitors who come to your home, kick you out and expect you to take care of their needs while they live in comfort in your house. They live like gods on earth because there are blacks who are their slaves taking care of all their needs. Why are we this poor in our own country?

We are entertained with TV shows, concerts at stadiums, now the 2010 World Cup so that we forget to ask why we must live the way we do. Most of this entertainment does not confront the truth about our black reality and does not encourage us to stand up and fight for ourselves against our oppressors. But even when black people fight and demand basic things for their survival, the government sends the police to harass and shoot them. We are not told the truth about the history of our country so that we can see how it was sold to whites so they live better. We are told to be patient, but until when? Our parents and grandparents are still waiting. Many of our parents die as slaves in white farms and mines. Where did whites get all this land? If you ask them, they'll tell you they worked hard for it and that black people do not want to work for anything. They will not tell you about the number of our black ancestors who died.

Many of our parents are forced to work so that they can buy food. Most of it is expensive because food companies, which are owned by whites, want to be rich. Forcing black people to starve when their land produces food is one of the many ways of oppressing us. Why is it that we don't have enough to eat when our farms produce enough food, some of which is sold overseas or thrown away so that food prices are kept high? We must take our farms back and demand that the government give us money and equipment to manage these farms so that black people can have enough to eat.

What must we do as the black youth to change this situation and everything else about black life? We must learn from the youth of '76, who were influenced by Steve Biko's Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). The things they learnt through reading his ideas on white power, black identity and black liberation made them decide that they could not carry on being controlled by white foreigners. As 16 June is being remembered, we must go back to Biko's thoughts and use them the same way as the black youth of '76 to stand up for ourselves, think about how we will free ourselves and like them shout 'Black power!' in the face of our oppressors.

There is a lot of fighting we must do before things change in our favour. As Steve Biko said, 'You are either alive or proud or you are dead, and when you are dead, you can't care anyway.' We must put pressure on the government to change things for the better. If they won't meet our demands, then we must make life for them and the white people they serve difficult.

If as a young black person you agree that the conditions black people live under must change and that we must fight against white power protected by our black government, please contact us because we would like to get in touch with you too.

We must educate ourselves about these things because whites and blacks who benefit from our rich country will not. They want to keep us in the dark so that we carry on blaming ourselves for a situation that they created. We must educate each other so that we can rid ourselves of the curse faced by blacks and young blacks in particular. The government, TV, schools, churches and universities do not teach us the truth. We are on our own!

Yours sincerely and for the love of black people,

Blackwash

* Blackwash [email] is a new initiative committed to black consciousness in post-1994 South Africa.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Nkrumah: Model challenge for Ghana’s rulers

Yao Graham

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57083

cc wikimedia.orgKwame Nkrumah brought the Convention People's Party into power within two years of its formation, creating independent Ghana, writes Yao Graham. An overwhelming electoral victory gave Nkrumah a platform for mass anti-colonial mobilisation around Africa. Accra became a staging point for the African anti-colonial movement with the All-African People's Conference, drawing delegates from 62 nationalist organisations, including future ruling parties and post-colonial leaders, who were urged to 'fight for independence now'. Post-colonial construction, however, was different from bringing down colonialism and Nkrumah struggled to generate resources for steady improvement in the living standards of people with expectations fuelled by independence and his own visionary pronouncements. Today Ghana is seen as a development icon, but the challenges Nkrumah grappled with have not been overcome, argues Graham. Reliant on a few commodities for export earnings and aid for public investment, it is far from the independent structurally transformed model Nkrumah wanted to establish as a ‘black star’ for Africa.

Some 60 years ago, surveying the latest tinkering with the political system in the then model colony of the Gold Coast, the British constitutional expert Martin Wight declared that the 'people of the Gold Coast find themselves the pioneers of political advance and the touchstone of political competence in Africa'. Within two years the ordinary peoples of the colony would rudely intrude onto the political stage through the 1948 riots and sound the death knell for the preferred approach to politics of the Gold Coast elite – writing petitions to the governor and the king. Both the colonial government and local political class were caught off balance by the riots, in which 29 died and hundreds were wounded. It was triggered by the police killing of three and the wounding of many demobilised World War II soldiers, marching to present a petition to the governor about their entitlements. The emergence, a year later, of the Convention People’s Party (CPP), a radical mass anti-colonial party under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah, put the last nail in the coffin of the model colony. The whirlwind progression of the CPP from its creation in 1949 to power within two years remains an outstanding feature of Nkrumah’s much discussed place in Ghanaian, African and world history.

Amilcar Cabral, the outstanding African revolutionary intellectual and anti-colonial leader of Guinea-Bissau, described Nkrumah as ‘the strategist of genius in the struggle against classic colonialism’. ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom’ is one of Nkrumah’s most cited sayings. The Declaration to the Colonial Peoples of the World (written by Nkrumah) which was adopted at the 1945 5th Pan African Congress unequivocally pointed the road to the political kingdom. ‘Today there is only one road to effective action – the organisation of the masses’, it asserted. The creation of the CPP and its fashioning into the spearhead of a successful anti-colonial mobilisation which yielded an overwhelming electoral victory and placed Nkrumah and his colleagues in power was the foundation for all that Nkrumah was subsequently able to do in Ghana and beyond.

Anti-colonial struggles around the globe took two main forms – non-violent mass mobilisation, or armed struggle, although many armed movements were a response to the absence of space for open political activity. The ‘classic colonialism’ referred to by Cabral and prevalent in Africa was colonialism of extraction, exemplified by the Gold Coast. The white settler population was insignificant and government was based on co-opted traditional rulers and other indigenous elite. In almost all of these colonies, in contrast to the settler colonies, the successful organisational strategy of the anti-colonial movements centred on non-violent mass nationalist political parties of the CPP type. In Ghana the CPP united farmers, workers, ex-servicemen, petty traders and other lower middle class elements. The nationalist coalitions in other African countries, for example Guinea-Conakry under the leadership of Sekou Toure, through Congo Leopoldville led by Patrice Lumumba to Zambia under the leadership of Kenneth Kaunda, embodied various permutations of these groups.

Nkrumah explicitly acknowledged a debt to the mobilisational methods and successes of the Congress Party of Gandhi and Nehru, but the importance of the CPP’s success for mass anti-colonial mobilisation around Africa cannot be overstated. The CPP showed that what had worked in India and elsewhere could work in sub-Saharan Africa. Nkrumah did not simply leave the lessons that Ghana offered to be drawn. The turning of the Ghanaian capital Accra into a staging point for the African anti-colonial movement started almost immediately after independence and the lessons of the Ghana experience were pressed home.

When Nkrumah hosted the first ever meeting of independent African countries in April 1958 there were only eight such countries. By contrast, more than 200 delegates from 62 nationalist organisations, including future ruling parties such as the ANC (African National Congress of South Africa) and FLN (National Liberation Front of Algeria), took part in the first ever All-African People's Conference held in Accra eight months later. Against the background of the armed struggles in Algeria, Kenya and racist violence in South Africa the conference declared that ‘where democratic means are available, it guarantees its support to all forms of peaceful action. This support is pledged equally to those who, in order to meet the violent means by which they are subjected and exploited, are obliged to retaliate’.

Many future post-colonial leaders, such as Patrice Lumumba, Abdulrahman M. Babu, Joshua Nkomo, Franz Fanon and Tom Mboya attended the People’s Conference. (Fanon subsequently served as the ambassador to Accra of the provisional government of the Algerian FLN and played an important role in setting up a southern supply route for the guerrillas). In his closing address Nkrumah declared that the coming decade was one of independence and urged the delegates to go home and fight for independence now, an echo of the ‘self government now’ slogan which had proved such a powerful mobilising catchphrase for the CPP. Most African countries did gain independence in the ensuing decade, thereby improving the possibilities for the collective self-organisation of ex-colonial countries, not only in Africa around Nkrumah’s vision of African unity, but also around the principles of the April 1954 Bandung conference.

In discussions of Bandung, most attention has focused on the attempt of the non-aligned movement to find some political space amidst the Cold War rivalries. In his speech to his guests at Bandung Indonesia’s President Sukarno underlined the most important common challenge facing all former colonies. In the struggle against colonialism the target of weakening or destroying the power of the colonial ruler was clear. However, far from clear was how to respond to the challenge of using the new power to create a new society. Nkrumah and others may have been geniuses in the project of anti-colonial destruction but the challenge of post-colonial construction was quite a different ball game.

The Kenyan academic, Ali Mazrui, has argued that while ‘Nkrumah was a great African, he fell short of becoming a great Ghanaian’ primarily because of the authoritarianism into which his regime descended in its last years, along with what another writer has called a ‘grotesque personality cult’. Mazrui blamed Nkrumah for establishing the precursor single party regime in Africa. ‘He became Africa’s hero and Ghana’s dictator simultaneously’. Mazrui is wrong about Nkrumah’s standing in Ghana. More than thirty years after his death, Nkrumah remains the standard of leadership vision for national development and his years in power the reference point for what could be achieved by a committed government. The obsession of his political opponents of the right with disputing this legacy implicitly affirms that standing.

The repressive aspects of Nkrumah’s rule represent the greatest source of discomfort for his defenders and continue to provide the happiest hunting ground for his right-wing opponents at home who know they cannot affect his international standing. The authoritarian politics of the period did not only dampen public life crucially for Nkrumah and the CPP; it also ate at the insides of the ruling party. By the time of the 1966 coup the nationalist coalition that the CPP led to independence had decayed as an effective political force. This was somewhat disguised by the formal trappings of a bureaucratised single party with incorporated trade union, youth, farmers and women’s wings and Nkrumah’s frantic efforts to produce a new type of cadre through ideological training notwithstanding. In the years before the single party model ended across Africa in the 1990s, a similar fate overtook most of the mass nationalist parties that came to power at independence. The current debates and tensions in South Africa about the policy directions of the ANC, Mbeki’s style of leadership and the fate of the alliance involve some of the same issues that confronted the CPP and the other victorious nationalist parties.

The erosion of democratic space under Nkrumah was a function of both politics and economics. On the political side there were a number of elements. The violence unleashed by an embittered opposition, led by an alliance of elite elements who felt cheated of their ‘birthright’ to succeed the colonial rulers and chiefs who saw the end of colonial rule as offering the chance for a reversion to chiefly rule as opposed to the CPP’s drive towards a Republic, engendered a repressive response. From the mid-1950s the opposition, anchored in a number of separatist organisations under the spearhead of the National Liberation Movement (NLM), carried out bombings, attempts on Nkrumah’s life and generalised thuggery. Another political factor was the limitations of the internal culture of the CPP which came to power within two years of its creation with very little time to develop as an organisation before the temptations and corruption of power confronted its leaders and cadres. These limitations were compounded by Nkrumah’s dominance of the organisation and his increasingly towering above it, a process which was accepted and institutionalised in a personality cult. The challenges these factors represented were not helped by the fact that the CPP was born into an authoritarian culture of power and inherited an autocratic state.

The crisis of inner party democracy and the problems in the CPP regime’s relations with important segments of its historic mass constituency, such as the trade unions and the farmers, the autonomy of whose organisations had been abolished, has to be partly understood through the prism of the issue Sukarno posed at Bandung – the path of transformation for ex-colonial countries. Transformation implies disruption of existing patterns of doing things. Capital accumulation entails denial or postponement of consumption by some or all. This is an issue of continuing contestation in all countries; in countries seeking structural transformation there are issues of confrontation or repression in the absence of a hegemonic consensus. Even where consent is given upheavals may erupt if the project does not deliver.

In the Ghanaian case the challenge was: How do you generate resources for a steady improvement in the living standards of a people whose expectations have been greatly fuelled by independence and the visionary pronouncements of Kwame Nkrumah himself? How do you transform an underdeveloped economy and society, highly dependent on a single crop (cocoa) with unstable international prices for the bulk of its export earnings? How do you transform and raise productivity in a low productivity small holder based agricultural sector? How do you industrialise a country with a small home market whose foreign trade patterns were heavily locked into those of a few Western economies?

Many of Nkrumah’s critics as well as some of his supporters insist on describing his economic policies as socialist. Nkrumah was outspoken in his self description as a socialist influenced by Karl Marx, Lenin, Christ and Marcus Garvey. It was socialist if one accepts a broad definition of the term. In truth many of his policies sought to apply the lessons of the then dominant orthodoxy drawn from different models to Ghana’s development challenges, albeit with a growing attraction to elements of the Soviet and Maoist Chinese models during his last five years. In the 15 years Nkrumah was in power, a leading role for the state in the economy was the norm in both communist countries and the West where Keynesian economics prevailed. The experience of the Soviet Union offered lessons in rapid industrialisation which India had started learning before Ghana came along. The relative success of import substituting industrialisation in Latin America had made that strategy a respectable one by the time of Ghana’s independence. The Labour Party was undertaking extensive nationalisations in Britain when Nkrumah first came to power. Nkrumah’s pan-Africanism was powered by a grander vision and ambition than the modest European Coal and Steel Community, which has flowered into the European Union, but they were united by recognition of the benefits of regional integration.

Using existing resources Nkrumah rapidly expanded education, health and infrastructure and aided other newly independent countries such as Guinea. With additional borrowing, industrial and agricultural investments were made. Many of the agro-industrial projects, not all well conceived, were in their infancy when he was overthrown. He inaugurated the Akosombo hydroelectricity dam, the centrepiece of the Volta River project, which he saw as powering Ghana’s industrialisation a month before his overthrow. The many new factories were yet to be properly rooted in planned local supplies of raw materials central to his industrialisation policy. By that time the crisis in the international price of cocoa had wrought considerable damage to revenue and growth projections, putting pressure on imports and consumption. The shortages and associated discontent were a perfect climate for the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency, a US spy-organisation) sponsored coup of 24 February 1966 which placed the NLM cohort in power as ministers and advisers to the military NLC (National Liberation Council).

The turn towards the Soviet Union and China was an economic as well as political act. Nkrumah’s anti-imperialism meant that he did not believe he could rely on the West for full support for his transformational project, especially given the centrality of African unity with its implication for existing colonial spheres of influence as well as US intrusions into the continent. In the climate of the Cold War, a project combining Pan-African unity, economic nationalism and looking to the East for friendship and resources looked like communism from the standpoint of the White House and its NATO allies. The communism bogey was the great legitimating card played by the 1966 coup makers. In the weeks following the coup the mass media was filled with pictures of ‘communist subversives’ who were being deported from Ghana. The rubric covered a rag bag – hundreds of militants from national liberation movements based in or receiving training in Ghana and their military advisers from the Soviet bloc and China and industrial technicians from Eastern Europe.

In the fifty years since, Ghana has gone through many phases as a development fashion icon. The backers of the coup held up as a model the IMF stabilisation programme that the military regime initiated. The return to civilian rule through elections set up to put the civilian members of the junta in power was hailed as an African first. Submission to the IMF and the World Bank since 1983 has once more made Ghana an economic model. The World Bank reportedly recently described Ghana as among the top ten models of adjustment in the world. Four successive peaceful elections since 1992 have earned Ghana the tag of an island of peace in a turbulent region.

The political openness and stability are important. However, the transformational challenges that Nkrumah identified and grappled with have not been overcome. The country is still heavily dependent on a small basket of commodities for export earnings and aid is crucial for public investment. Most simple manufactures are imported. Martin Wight would be in comfortable company among those celebrating Ghana as today’s model African country. It is more in keeping with the model Gold Coast he was talking about 70 years ago than the independent structurally transformed model Nkrumah wanted to establish as a ‘black star’ for Africa.

* Yao Graham, an activist and writer, is the head of Third World Network Africa, a pan-African research and advocacy organisation based in Accra, Ghana.
* This article first appeared in the maiden issue of CHEMCHEMI, Bulletin of the Mwalimu Nyerere Professorial Chair in Pan African Studies of the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and is reproduced here with the kind permission of the Editorial Board of CHEMCHEMI.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

NOTE
This year, 2009, marks 100 years since Kwame Nkrumah was born in September, 1909. We publish this article by his compatriot as a sympathetic but critical tribute to the great Pan-Africanist leader. CHEMCHEMI Editors.

Looking to Nkrumah: Change-making and Ghana's political economy

Kofi Mawuli Klu

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57075

cc bookbirdWith a view to wresting Ghana and Africa at large from the entrenched control of neocolonial institutions, Kofi Mawuli Klu looks to Kwame Nkrumah's legacy for inspiration. While broadly optimistic about Ghana's potential under President John Atta Mills, Klu cautions that achieving effective change will rely on supporting progressive forces through both words and deeds and the ability to involve the country's masses in an ongoing process of 'conscientisation'. If country and continent are to liberate themselves from external influence, the author concludes, the focus must be on drawing on the cultural, organisational and politico-ideological resources of the masses in the pursuit of 'genuine pan-African community regeneration'.

We must proceed from our Nkrumaist standpoint of the clear recognition of Ghana today as a mal-developed and still under-developing neocolony firmly lodged in the capitalist stranglehold of globalising European imperialism. It is important to always bear in mind that American imperialism, which does not originate from, nor serve the strategic interests of, the indigenous peoples of the Americas nor of Africans in the Americas, is a creation, and indeed, an indispensable part, of European imperialism. Knowing very well our own African people worldwide, and knowing also 'the enemy' in terms of the world strategy of imperialism – as explained by Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah in one of his classics, 'Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare' (1968) – will emphasise to us the imperative of seriously approaching the political economic tasks of progressive people-centred change-making in Ghana today from an Nkrumaist standpoint on the basis of the Osagyefo’s own exhortation that: 'Truth must always be told. It is a proof of strength, and even the hardest truth has a positive aspect which can be used.'

PRESIDENT MILLS AND CHAIRMAN RAWLINGS: DIFFERENCES IN GOING TO THE IMF AND WORLD BANK

To those who have raised the valid question of what are the differences between President Fiifi Atta Mills and his government of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) on the one hand and, on the other, Chairman Flight-Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), when approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the so-called World Bank and similar thinktanks and neoliberal zombie deployment institutions and agencies of imperialism, I dare say the possibilities of a difference may lie in the following:

- The Mills presidency is operating, with a considerable degree of 'rule-of-law' decency so far, within a multiparty liberal framework of bourgeois democratic governance, while Chairman Rawlings and the PNDC had operated quite arbitrarily within a no-party authoritarian framework of military-bureaucratic tyranny that was cleverly manipulated, through the mechanisms of neocolonialism, to serve the global capitalist system of the bourgeois dictatorship of imperialism. In spite of deserving commendation for maintaining Ghana as an oasis of relative peace in West Africa, Rawlings as the first president of the Fourth Republic of Ghana only made cosmetic reforms that kept his Bonapartist reign intact within this framework.
- The Mills presidency appears so far to be giving due respect to the independence of various actors on the Ghanaian political scene, pro-imperialist as well as anti-imperialist, including those of us endeavouring to adhere to a true Nkrumaist Pan-African revolutionary socialist orientation. The voices of the progressive forces of many tendencies are still being allowed to be freely expressed in the country, without insistence upon co-opting progressive elements into governmental and other institutions, structures and mechanisms of the neocolonialist state machinery of imperialism in Ghana today. Though not certain about the disposition towards repression of progressive forces by the security agencies and other bodies and organs of the state, we share the view that the Mills presidency is most unlikely to allow itself to be misused for harassing progressive activists, chasing them out or brutally forcing them to flee out of Ghana simply for carrying out their own independent politico-ideological and organisational activities.
- Progressive forces are not being obstructed by President Mills in publicly raising awareness, educating ourselves and the masses and organising from the grassroots to enable people to know the truth about imperialism in the colonial and neocolonial experiences of Ghana and Africa and about the workings of the IMF, the so-called World Bank and similar other institutions and agencies in the mechanisms of imperialism, as explained by Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah in his book, 'Neocolonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism' (1965). Indeed, pro-Nkrumah forces have, within the first 100 days of the Mills presidency, been given the huge advantage in the declaration to make the birthday of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah the national founder’s day of the republic of Ghana! In so doing, President Mills has demonstrated his readiness to boldly take risks and to not hesitate to even gamble for the progressive cause of our Pan-African revolution for global justice by daring, so early in his tenure of holding office, to stake his political career on open identification with the foremost Pan-Afrikanist freedom-fighting man of destiny. To appreciate the remarkable bravery in this feat of President Mills, we must always bear in mind that the politico-ideological legacy of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah is still being deemed by most reactionary as well as opportunistic forces not only on the Right, but also on the pseudo-Left of the political spectrum, throughout Africa and the rest of the world today, as the most dangerous pan-Africanist revolutionary weapon for effectively combating imperialism and definitively winning global justice for 'the wretched of the earth'. Nobody who seriously identifies openly with the Nkrumah legacy, particularly at the helm of the neocolonialist state machinery of imperialism in Africa as we have in Ghana today, will have a smooth ride in any governmental office.

These hugely important factors make it greatly possible for a qualitatively different type of relationship to be imposed by our progressive forces between the government and people of Ghana on the one hand, and the IMF and the World Bank and their global capitalist bosses of imperialism on the other. We can do so by working our hardest in building principled unity, eschewing sectarianism, careerist opportunism and self-defeating egomania. This will enable us to pool our resources and our rich diversity of mass organisations, networks and campaigns locally, nationally and internationally together so as to establish an impregnable, formidable and powerful watch of emergent revolutionary-democratic people power over transactions between the government of Ghana and the IMF and World Bank and all other external and internal forces of reaction, with a view to ensuring the transparent defence of the best interests of the masses of our Ghanaian people at home and abroad. This is mostly what our progressive forces, objectively taking our real strengths and weaknesses into account, can do amidst our current circumstances today and into the near future.

One thing some of us, from the knowledge we have gained in our modest acquisition of revolutionary theory and engagement in revolutionary practice at home and abroad for decades, must now candidly say out loudly, truthfully and clearly, particularly to the hearing of new generations of the seekers of freedom, justice and progress throughout the continent and diaspora of Africa, is this: No government, whatever its radical pedigree of leadership and even with the most revolutionary-sounding rhetoric and programmes of action, is going to be able to successfully steer countries such as Ghana away from dealing with the vampire-likes of the IMF and World Bank and following, to a greater or lesser extent, the neocolonialist diktat of imperialism along the dependent capitalist road of under-development and mal-development, without the proper revolutionary-democratic conscientisation of the masses of our wretched of the earth to rise up to its defence. The institutions and agencies of imperialism cannot be ignored by any kind of government in Ghana until progressive forces have successfully done their mass conscientisational work to the extent that, rising up with their own conscious strength, in their own rich diversity of various forms of organisation and in various modes of resistance, the wretched of the earth are able to self-determinedly propel themselves into the front ranks of a genuine anti-imperialist alliance and enable the best of their own freedom-fighters to become the spearhead and vanguard of the struggle for their own self-emancipation.

PROGRESSIVE FORCES IN GHANA TODAY: AN OVERVIEW

Ghana today has progressive forces of various tendencies which are striving to better organise themselves. Nevertheless, such progressive tendencies so far exist as organised activists only in small groups of mostly petty-bourgeois elements working in cabals. This includes even those with socialist and other revolutionary-sounding names that are largely declarations of intentions in terms of what they are wishing to grow into eventually. They still are very much divorced and, sometimes, even grossly alienated from the masses of our wretched of the earth, unable to seriously combat their own liberalism, and therefore steeped in sectarian cabalist intrigue-weaving, fractious competition and undisciplined amateurism. No wonder, therefore, that they cannot yet be taken seriously as the force capable of victoriously waging the necessary anti-imperialist struggle in Ghana for the true Nkrumaist kind of Pan-African revolution that will triumphantly propel our country successfully towards 21st century socialism.

Until we can get our revolutionary organisational tasks correctly done, and demonstrate that with the proven results of drawing millions of the masses of our wretched of the earth from the grassroots into independent revolutionary struggle, transforming revolutionary ideas into the material force of masses in motions of revolutionary practice, with the expression of their own revolutionary creativity in a rich diversity of various forms of organisation and modes of resistance even beyond our preconceived thoughts, top-down control and scholastic drawing board prescriptions, the small groups of activists of various progressive tendencies among Ghanaians at home and abroad will have to face the realities of our circumstances as they actually are in our here-and-now. That must embrace the very clear recognition of the need for us to have a multi-pronged approach, including the prioritisation of grassroots mass conscientisational work, alongside giving our critical support to like-minded elements whenever they happen to be in pro-democracy regimes with some considerable doses of genuine patriotic fervour and justice-leaning 'rule-of-Law' decency, such as we now appear to fortunately have in Professor Fiifi Atta Mills and John Mahama at the helm of the new NDC Government in Ghana today.

POSITIVE ACTION POINTS FOR CHANGE-MAKING IN GHANA'S POLITICAL ECONOMY

Having drawn attention to these factors, we proceed to now candidly put forward the following positive action points of working in the sphere of political economy towards change-making in Ghana from an Nkrumaist perspective. We do so, by way of reminder, with the strongest emphasis on the above-mentioned exhortation of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, which Amílcar Cabral also reiterated as: 'Claim no easy victories. Tell no lies.' The positive action points are as follows:

- 1) Recognition of the economy of Ghana as an integral part of the African domains of the colonial and neocolonial capitalist exploitation of the world, mainly by globalising European imperialism, which now has updated its European Union's grand policy of a global Europe, and competing in the world in order to exert an even tighter neocolonial capitalist stranglehold upon Africa in the wake of its currently escalating, multidimensional crisis.

- 2) Effective, durable change can only happen when radical transformation in Ghana becomes part of an all-African people’s national democratic revolutionary process to complete the Pan-African national liberation revolution by gearing it towards a true socialist orientation so as to be able to thoroughly eradicate the vestiges of colonialism and overthrow the neocolonialist domination of imperialism throughout the continent and the diaspora of Africa. This means changing towards the direction of 21st century socialism the entirety of our politico-ideological, economic and socio-cultural development, with the commanding heights of the economy of Ghana and most of the continent and diaspora of Africa being put, under the leadership of the true All-Afrikan People’s Revolutionary Party (AAPRP) envisaged by Nkrumah, in the people power control of a new state machinery of people’s revolutionary democracy. This shall function primarily to unify the efforts of African progressive forces all over the world into concertedly building a super powerful Union of People’s Democratic Republics of Afrika, which some of us choose to call MAATUBUNTUMAN. This must be understood in the light of the Nkrumaist axiom of seeking first the political kingdom, in order to first and foremost secure in Ghana and/or some other 'liberated zones' throughout the continent and diaspora of Africa, the authentic people power of the African personality with which the other battles for a genuine people-centred economy and other things can effectively be won for an irreversible victory of our Pan-African revolution for global justice, geared towards the successful achievement of 21st century socialism.

- 3) Work towards MAATUBUNTUMAN in Ghana today demands giving truthful Nkrumaist critical support to the pro-Nkrumah tendency of President Mills, not only in words but more so in deeds, and doing so strategically and tactfully in order to consolidate the principled unity of all genuinely progressive tendencies within and beyond the NDC around Professor Mills and John Mahama. That is why some of us have decided to support the initiative of the Operation GHANADIKAN which is seeking to rally the widest possible array of the masses of our Ghanaian people, together with all other interested progressive forces at home and abroad, so as to inject grassroots dynamism into galvanising support for President Atta Mills in his change-making endeavours, particularly in the socio-economic and cultural spheres. We share the view of those who deem such initiatives to be very much needed now, in order to draw greater numbers of the masses of our Ghanaian people at home and abroad into working together with progressive forces within and beyond the NDC, towards fulfilling the Nkrumaist vision of Ghana's strengthening herself, through African personality empowerment, into becoming the impregnable bridgehead of Pan-African community regeneration for sustainable world development in furtherance of global justice for all.

- 4) Without a thorough grasping, in its wider meaning, of the Pan-Africanist revolutionary conceptualisation of the struggle for global justice as it elucidates Nkrumah's axiom about seeking first the political kingdom in terms of starting to lay the strongest possible foundations for building true people power in enemy as well as contested zones throughout the continent and diaspora of Africa, there can be no successful change of anything in the economy, let alone other spheres of life, in Ghana today. Moreover, this is a prerequisite for any attempt at a radical departure from the implementation of the policies dictated to Ghana as one of the peripheral neocolonial domains of the metropoles of European imperialism through its institutions, agencies and networks of capitalist globalisation such as the IMF and the so-called World Bank. Any premature attempt of wishful thinking to spontaneously depart from implementing the prescriptions of the IMF and the World Bank and similar institutions of the global capitalist diktat of imperialism to Ghana and other African countries, without the necessary mass organisational work at local, national and international levels by progressive forces, will only result in terrible disasters even worse than those caused by previous misadventures such as the Ethiopian experience with the Derg, the Sankara experience in Burkina Faso and the Ghanaian experience of the so-called '31st December' revolutionary process. Indeed, some of us do entertain fears that any reckless adventurism which allows agent provocateurs from the mushrooming pseudo-revolutionary cabals within and beyond the pro-Nkrumah movement to do the neocolonialist dirty work of imperialism by undermining the presidency of Professor Atta Mills, as the opportunistic taking advantage by those who recently tried in vain to cause mischief with the so-called Yahuda Security Company Palaver had threatened to do, may only plunge Ghana into the reactionary bloodbath of a situation such as what occurred under President Salvador Allende in Chile in the 1970s.

- 5) There must be a full grasping of the most vitally important of all our points: the conscientisation of the masses of our wretched of the earth, including the independent revolutionary democratic organisation of the workers, poor peasant-farmers, impoverished women, destitute youth and students and all other Mmoborowa sections of our population, and involving not only political but also collectivising economic production formations such as cooperatives, community and other social enterprises as well as a wide range of not-for-profit ventures in grassroots enterprising creativity, as part of the plans of Operation GHANADIKAN. These must be pursued vigorously with immediate urgency from now on and made by progressive forces to take off well before any pressure is mounted upon President Fiifi Atta Mills to stop giving priority to dealing with the IMF and the World Bank and similar institutions and governments of imperialism. Indeed, it is my own candid opinion that, until our progressive forces at home and abroad have done what is expected of us as spelt out above, we must actively encourage President Mills and his government to prioritise neocolonialist fire-fighting dealings with all the powers and institutions of imperialism, upon the indispensable condition of doing so with as much transparency as can possibly be agreed upon with them so as to shed local, national and international limelight on such transactions in the full glare, not only of the masses of our Ghanaian people, but also of the entire world, particularly of all the Pan-African and other contingents of the global justice movement. Otherwise, it will be the height of agent provocateur incitement to disaster, which shall certainly play into the dirty neocolonialist hands of imperialism, as witnessed to some extent in Zimbabwe, to go into headlong confrontation with imperialism, especially on economic matters, without having prepared well in advance for it locally, nationally and internationally. The most vital of all such preparations is facilitating the genuine people’s democratic revolutionary conscientisation of the masses from our African personality perspective, including the galvanisation of the politico-ideological, economic and cultural reorganisation of the masses for their own community self-defence in its broadest possible manifestations. By this we mean reorganisation in terms of modernising our traditional Asafo formations into better equipped communities of resistance for self-defence ideologically, geopolitically, economically, culturally, morally, psychologically, spiritually and more within the context of Pan-African community regeneration for sustainable world development in furtherance of global justice.

The initiative in this comprehensive grassroots reorganisation of the masses for holistic community self-defence, in the present circumstances of Ghana, must be seen as the revolutionary duty of independently self-organising progressive forces, in the first and foremost instance, rather than the priority responsibility of President Mills and his government. Of course, we must strategically and tactfully exert pressure upon President Mills and his government to give due recognition, advice and support to the self-reliant economic organisational creativity efforts of the masses of our Mmoborowas in particular, demanding provisions such as favourable small credit and loan schemes, appropriate technological facilitation, capacity building, global citizenship educational link-networking and other conscientisational and logistical support, as for example is being requested by the likes of the peasant-farmers’ networking leader, Asafobaatan Komla Dwamena of the NGOYISUSU-Adieyiekuafo Brigade part of the newly emergent ADIEYIEMANFO Movement of Positive Action Networks.

This is the time to correct one of the biggest mistakes most of us have been making as far as organising for revolution in Ghana and other parts of the continent and diaspora of Africa is concerned. Most of us have focused more upon the need for political organisations and have ignored, oftentimes even denied, the importance of and the need for, other forms of organisation, particularly economic, cultural and faith–spiritual forms of organisation. We have glossed over the fact that all freedom-fighting political organisations that have successfully battled to spearhead victorious revolutions, more so those of socialist orientation, including the Bolsheviks and the communist parties of China, Vietnam and Nepal, have always had, even during periods of armed struggle, a wide array of economic, cultural and even sports formations to support their political organisations, usually in an arrangement of concentric circles! The necessity for economic and cultural formations to enhance the strength, mass outreach and multi-tasking efficiency of revolutionary political organisations cannot be denied, particularly within our African context. Amílcar Cabral has made one of the best cases for revolutionary formations of Pan-African resistance culture to strengthen freedom-fighting political organisations in his brilliant Eduardo Mondlane Memorial Lecture on 'National Liberation and Culture', which he delivered on 20 February 1970 at Syracuse University, Syracuse, in New York, USA. The case for economic forms of organisation as an integral part of the broad concentric circular networks of our movement of resistance to the colonial and neocolonial exploitation of imperialism now has to be strongly made. We do not have to wait to build such economic forms of organisation until after the victory of our revolution. Indeed, collective forms of economic organisation, such as cooperatives and community and other social enterprises, can themselves become very powerful schools of the theory and practice of revolution, experiential lifelong learning schools of revolutionary socialism, in addition to helping to raise funds, to generate resources and to build the political economy of our resistance movement. The case for building such collectivising forms of economic organisation as revolutionary schools to enhance not only the political might but also the ideological strength of our freedom-fighting movement, particularly in the most decisive times of the heated contest for power between our new order of the revolution and the old status quo of reaction, can be illuminated also in terms of the following pertinent axiom of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah: 'Revolution has two aspects. Revolution is a revolution against an old order; and it is also a contest for a new order. The Marxist emphasis on the determining force of the material circumstances of life is correct. But I would like also to give great emphasis to the determining power of ideology. A revolutionary ideology is not merely negative. It is not a mere conceptual refutation of a dying social order, but a positive creative theory, the guiding light of the new emerging social order.' (Kwame Nkrumah, 'Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonization', 1970)

CONCLUSION

Now, therefore, is not the time for our progressive forces to be demanding of President Mills to stop dealing with the IMF, the so-called World Bank and other similar institutions and agencies of imperialism. Now is the time for our progressive forces, particularly those of true Nkrumaist orientation, to help in diverse ways and means in the organisational, politico-ideological, economic, cultural and spiritual arming of the masses of our wretched of the earth not only in Ghana but also throughout the continent and diaspora of Africa, indeed all over the world, in accord with our contemporary demands of pan-African community regeneration for sustainable world development in furtherance of global justice. Doing so effectively will inevitably lead to the time when the long-suffering masses of our Mmoborowas, at their own chosen moment, shall begin, with their own strength of true people power, to make it not only unnecessary, but also impossible, for anybody in government throughout the continent and diaspora of Africa to prioritise dealing, in typical neocolonialist fashion, with the institutions, agencies and networks of imperialism, with a view to obtaining foreign prescriptions as solutions to the developmental problems of Africa and the worldwide community of African people. Then will they set themselves in irreversible motion along the revolutionary path charted by the likes of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah towards MAATUBUNTUMAN in the 'Forward ever, backward never' pursuit of genuine pan-African community regeneration for sustainable world development in furtherance of global justice for all!

* Kofi Mawuli Klu is the chief executive commissioner of PANAFRIINDABA, the All-Afrikan People’s Community Consultative Commission in Europe.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Unfinished business: Moving Kenya forward

Korir Sing’Oei

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57081

cc wikimedia.orgWith Kenya still in the throes of an entrenched crisis, Korir Sing’Oei considers the broader history behind the deficiencies of the country's political system. Arguing that there are clear similarities to be drawn between events such as the state's response to the 1963 Shifta War and today's military crackdowns at Mt. Elgon, Sing’Oei stresses that the government continues to have a single method of conflict resolution, that of state-sponsored violence. But if Kenya's dream of a new constitution is to come to fruition, Sing’Oei concludes, there must be firm resolve to see accountability for its leadership, beginning on the first day of the country's truth commission with an apology from President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga for the post-election violence.

Many were quick to write in adulation that the agreement signed by Kenya's President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga on 28 February 2008 to share, among other things, executive power was the answer to the conflict that had engulfed the country since December 2007. But was it? Evidence of what has happened in Kenya subsequent to the enactment of the National Accord suggests that the chasm that separates the country is one that requires a fundamental redesign of the state through substantive constitutional arrangements, strong human and minority rights guarantees and transitional justice processes supervised by the international community. The establishment of a committee of experts to complete the drafting of a new constitution and a soon-to-be constituted truth commission represents opportunities, the failure of which will spell doom for the country.

45 YEARS AT WAR

As the myth of Kenya's ever having been an island of peace in a sea of turbulence is dispelled across the continent thanks to the mayhem that followed the botched 2007 December elections, the killings in cold blood of NGO activists, and the ongoing police progroms in Nairobi and elsewhere, many, including myself, are confronted with the real possibility of entertaining a converse conclusion, namely, that Kenya has in fact been a country at war since her independence some 45 odd years ago. In reaching this conclusion, I join Professor Bethwell Ogot, the chairman of the Moi University council who was quoted in the Daily Nation in Nairobi as asserting that the current crisis has merely exposed any pretensions of a peaceful and united polis that we hitherto held out. My conclusion also seems to resonate with the views of Professor Ali Mazrui of New York State University in Pambazuka News – Africa’s foremost social justice magazine – when he argues that 'The Kenya presidential elections of December 2007 are potentially the most damaging episode to national unity since the assassination of Tom Mboya in July 1969'. In reaching this conclusion, I further cast my lot with those who would rather address to the bitter gall our murderous past rather than embrace the embalmed patchwork of solutions currently proffered.

A Kenya at war is a view supportable from a scan of the political developments since Britain granted the country her independence in 1963 under a Westminster constitution that had strong features of a parliamentary system of governance. Under this system, the executive power of the state was shared between a prime minister and president, and regional governments played an important role in the political life of the local communities. But this vision of statehood was short lived, a result that has shaped the character and nature of governance in the country, transforming the quest for political power into the singular pursuit of the 42 communities that compete for space over the Kenyan territory. The thesis elaborated by Michael Foucault that power is war continued by other means comes alive in the Kenyan context. There is a latent war which pervades Kenya’s body politic, a contest which could only be mediated by way of more inclusive democratic institutions. In the absence of deeper democracy, the conflict matures into a patent form, and violence and destruction, in the external sense, become manifest.

In the case of Kenya, three fluid phases of violent contestations can be discerned. These conflicts have revolved around questions of statehood, constitutionalism and democratic legitimacy. The remarkable observation is that none of these conflicts have been substantively resolved, so that the cankerworm of deep resentment has continued to fester even when the externalities of the conflict have more or less vanished.

First, while the prospect of independence for Kenya in 1962 was awaited with much promise, it was an issue that communities in northern Kenya received with much trepidation, leading to the first conflict in 1963, the Shifta War, pitting Kenya’s newly independent state against a versatile community seeking self-determination through enosis with Somalia. This was largely because the communities, particularly the Somali, were struggling with an imposed colonial border which had dismembered the community, dividing its members into three different countries: Italian Somaliland (present-day Somalia), Ogaden (in Ethiopia and present Somaliland), and French Somaliland (present-day Djibouti). This colonial construct had wreaked havoc on intra-community relations as well as on their pastoralists’ enterprise. In their quest for a pan-Somalia identity, the desire of the people of the Northern Frontier District was to negotiate for reunification with their motherland in rejection of the ‘Kenyanese’ identity being imposed of them.

This ‘rebellion’, which was crushed by Nairobi nearly seven years later, left over 10,000 inhabitants of the region dead and the livestock economy devastated, according to Korwa Adar’s book 'Kenya’s Foreign Policy Towards Somalia: 1963-1989'. Moreover, the underlying issues around a fear of the marginality of the region, which formed the raison d’être for the Shifta War, materialised through the developmental policies pursued by Kenya’s post-independence governments that have entrenched bipolar economic development between the 'high potential' (the wet highlands around Nairobi) and the 'low potential' (the rangelands of northern Kenya and some parts of the Rift Valley). The issue of statehood, which was central to the Somali claim, was never subjected to national dialogue, but instead mediated through the application of brute force, hence the country’s present inability to address the re-emerging questions pertaining to identity and nationhood in the country. The recent military crackdowns in Mt. Elgon and the Mungiki brigands in central Kenya confirm that the modus operandi for conflict resolution in Kenya has consistently been simple state-sponsored violence.

The second phase of conflicts was largely contested from the mid-1970s to the late 1990s, during which the young state sharpened its appropriation of instruments of repression against those who sought order and a coherent constitutional and political philosophy. The seeds for such dissent had been watered by the expulsion of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first vice-president, and the dismemberment of regional units of governance in favour of an imperial presidency and uni-polarity. The assassination of the flamboyant Luo politician Tom Mboya and his counterparts Gama Pinto and J.M. Kariuki and the 1982 attempted coup – which left thousands of people dead – followed in quick succession without substantive resolution. The latter, in particular, saw the deepening of intolerance towards dissent and the hegemonisation of political power through the instrumentality of one-party rule. It was also during this period that well over 2,000 members of the Somali community would be rounded up in their villages in Wagalla, Wajir district, and massacred by security forces in 1984 for allegedly supporting the re-mobilising Somali Shifta militia. This Wagalla massacre remains unresolved and thousands of people are still unaccounted for, according to research conducted by the Centre for Minority Rights Development and the Truth Be Told Network. A 1986 Human Rights Watch report entitled 'Kenya: Closing up Freedom' also documents this massacre.

With a collapsing economy, a growing youth population and the reduction of political space, the quest for fundamental changes in the country would intensify, taking strength from the sails of the global collapse of communism, which exposed the imperious conditions of governance in Africa, hitherto cushioned by the West only for the purpose of sustaining their geo-political interests. The multiparty wars, largely constructed as demands for good governance and democracy and steered by civil society movements and epistemic communities, notably the Law Society of Kenya, would sweep through the country like an angry tsunami, reopening the political space but raising the tides of ethnic hate that had subsisted in a subaltern form all through the more tyrannical periods of independent Kenya. In its wake the Rift Valley conflicts, which have been replayed in 1997 and 2007–08, commenced in earnest, leading to expulsions of Kikuyu, Kisii and Luhya ethnic groups by the indigenes of this large swathe of territory that stretches from the Sudan border to the north and the Tanzanian border to the south. The Likoni conflicts in Kenya’s serene coast would be enacted in 1997, visiting mayhem and anarchy to thousands of settler communities along the coast, especially the Kikuyu, Luo and Kamba. Those who documented these conflicts over historical injustices, land and natural resources as politically constructed – including the Kenya Human Rights Commission and Human Rights Watch in 'Playing with fire: Weapons proliferation, political violence and human rights in Kenya' (1999) – would attest to the fact that over 200,000 people were displaced and well over 500 killed. This can be considered the third phase of the conflict, a phase which continues to grow and embolden everyday.

The December 2002 election, which saw Kibaki’s triumphant ascent to power and the vanquishing of KANU (Kenya African National Union), Kenya’s independent political-vanguard-turned-instrument of oppression, was seen by many as an important step towards transforming the country's festering conflicts. This was not to be. Turning trenchant soon after acquiring power, Kibaki would preside over the looting of public coffers and the manipulation of attempted constitutional transformations, leading to the sad rejection of the proposed new constitution at the 2005 referendum. The violent conflicts triggered by the December 2007 elections that continue to date was therefore a continuation, perhaps at a more intense level, of an invidious conflict that has been waged for the heart and soul of the country since her political independence.

WHITHER KENYA?

Be this as it may, it would therefore be crucial to capture the painful power struggles that are currently playing out in Kenya and turn them into a key threshold to reshape the governance framework of the country in a fundamental way. In this Kenya has a lot of precedents to learn from both within and outside of the continent. In the continent, South Africa stands as an apposite example. Years of hate, inequalities and exclusion under apartheid would melt away, albeit slowly, with the enactment of a new political and economic compact by way of a new constitution crafted by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Nationalist Party. Of this, Justice O’Reagan of the South African Supreme Court in 'Makwanyane versus the state' would comment: 'This constitution provides a historic bridge between the past of a deeply divided society characterised by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice, and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful coexistence and development opportunities for all South Africans, irrespective of colour, race, class, belief or sex.' This aspiration remains a guiding principle in the country, in spite of emerging challenging contradictions.

Kenya’s path towards a transformative future has also been illuminated more recently by the new Australian prime minister, Kevin Rudd, who in apologising to the aborigines made the following profound declaration from the sacred podium of parliament: 'We apologise for the laws and policies of successive parliaments and governments that have inflicted grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians… For the pain, suffering and hurt of these stolen generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry.' Reed has since backed his apology with actions, particularly, the endorsement of the UN Declaration on Indigenous Rights, which the previous Australian regime had vehemently rejected.

Indeed, Kenya’s dream of a new constitution will become a reality when a penitent apology for the post-electoral massacres issues from the lips of Kibaki and Raila on the first day of seating of the soon-to-be-constituted Kenyan truth commission. But this spirit of truth-speaking and accountability must thereafter reverberate to all and sundry who in one way or another have contributed to the 45 years of waste. On this firm basis of mutual ownership of our despicable and murderous past can a new constitution encapsulating Kenyans’ aspirations and hopes for the future be given forth. For our political leadership to ignore the difficult birth pangs that Kenyans presently endure will be an ignominy undeserving of pardon. Eternal vigilance by the international community and Kenyan civil society must be steadfastly ensured if this desire is to be realised.

* Korir Sing’Oei is a student of international human rights law at the University of Minnesota Law School.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Sierra Leone: Freetown faces water crisis

Roland Bankole Marke

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57071

cc IRINMassive rural-urban migration into Freetown is putting pressure on the city’s capacity to provide clean, safe drinking water for all its residents, writes Roland Bankole Marke. In a country whose infrastructure is ‘obsolete’ and nearing ‘breaking point’, Marke calls for the nation to make an overhaul of its structural water supply system its ‘top priority’. At present water shortages leave the city vulnerable to outbreaks of disease, while the poorest cannot afford water sold privately. Solutions discussed by Marke include organisation at community level to raise funds for securing water provision, and the construction of a dam on the Orugu River.

Water is a necessary resource for the survival of living organism, especially humankind. In parts of Africa, mainly in Sierra Leone today, water is perennially scarce. Its insatiable demand has outstripped a stagnated or disrupted supply. In a dusty and thirsty capital city Freetown, with scourging heat and temperatures reaching the extremes, this could trigger dehydration and other health challenges. However, exposure to moderate sunshine is a source of vitamin D: It lowers cholesterol, lowers blood pressure, regulates the immune system and stimulates the production of insulin. I discern solace knowing that this tiny nation of 6 million people about the size of Maine does not belong to a drought stricken perimeter. Instability, precipitated by this recovering nation’s decade long civil war, compounded with related economic setbacks helped to motivate the exodus of folk in search of a better life. Cultural milieu as psyche attracted migration to Freetown, where rural nomadic dwellers anticipate embracing their quintessential dream life.

Reality, unlike fallacy, would render folk homeless, starving and despondent, in a city, where cutthroat competition, resilience to survive and dynamics of a ruthless capitalism system prevail. In a functional democracy, government has no mandate to impede free movement of citizens from one region of the country to another. People are attracted to live where the most favourable conditions of living most likely exist. The ripple effects would implode on the scarce resources the migrants naturally consume, including water, food, housing, and job opportunities. Invariably the status quo is ill equipped to handle this monumental upsurge in demand for goods and services, especially clean and safe drinking water. A city that was initially projected to serve about 300,000–500,000 residents, it bears the Herculean burden of catering for about 1.2 million people, according to 1994 estimates. This rapid migration explosion is a self-induced hurricane that local communities and government would have to wrestle with.

The nation’s infrastructure has become obsolete, worn out, if not nearing breaking point. Government still crawls to measure up with technology operating at fibre optic pace in a modern economy. The necessity for capital investment is as paramount as it is desperate and urgent. A complete overhaul of the nation’s structural water supply system needs top priority. Whenever electricity is stabilised, water pumps could be installed in vulnerable locations, so that pressurised water could reach consumers living at high gradient or mountainous regions. Living in New York that is famous for high rising apartments and skyscrapers, residents there seldom experience water shortage or taps drying up in the tall buildings: Only during routine maintenance, prior to issuing notice to consumers of a disruption in service. Back home, the service providers seemingly are apathetic to the needs of the consumers, lacking the will and ability to maintain infrastructure, until the service finally breaks down.

Essential service hubs as Connaught Hospital, Princess Christian Hospital and local food markets in the heart of Freetown, experience acute water shortage. The taps could dry up: A glaring fact that the nation’s water crisis has reached a dangerous threshold. Outbreaks of communicable diseases including cholera, swine flu or epidemic could spell nightmarish catastrophe. Germs, viruses or bacteria flourish in an environment where they could adapt and thrive. Frequent washing of hands hinders pathogens responsible for infectious diseases from multiplying. Unavailability of water renders the scenario precarious and untenable. For most part of the year, Freetown residents face serious water shortage. Folk roam around with large plastic containers roaming for water like in a marooned Island. Those employed go to work with containers trying to fetch water. People who can afford it have installed water tanks, and for a bargain they could get regular water supply from fire trucks operated by employees of the nation’s Fire Force Brigade. It is not uncommon for duels between employees of Guma Water Company and Fire Force workers to spark up fracas or infrequent death may result. But who gives authority to the employees to unlatch fire hydrants, tapping the scarce water supply – possibly to sell to the highest bidder, illegally? Who is looking out for the poor folk, including the most vulnerable population – women and children – who could least afford to pay the asking price?

To help ease the burden on the suffering masses, the digging of water wells is taking place in various communities around the country with support from some elected leaders. From Wilberforce on the west, onto Kissy Road in the east, wells are popping up all around Freetown, mostly in densely populated areas. About 400 metres from the town of Grafton is a water plant factory – Grafton Spring Water that sells the finest and most refreshing bottled water in the nation. There is very little drinking water for the local community, many of whom have no access to the spring water. Their wells have broken or dried up. Children have become sick, while government has decided capping off the number of wells in the poor community that could otherwise be utilised.

A unique and telling case study is ‘Mojabi Cave Well’ at New England Ville built about 50 years ago, that now services some 6,000 people. This community had a water crisis long before I lived there in the 80s, but the authorities have eternally been looking on the other side. Youths in this area have mobilised themselves into forming the ‘Water of Life’ organisation that explores to find urgent solutions to the local needs. They collect donations from residents and well-wishers to fund the refurbishing of the well that had become a death trap, trying to work out lasting solutions to the ageless water problem.

On 18 April 2009,17 year-old Aminata Kamara, a student of Wallace Johnson Memorial School, went to the only well in the area to fetch water for domestic use. She was thirsty for water as she was for education, as she was preparing to take her examination the same day. While she was collecting water, a huge boulder rolled down and crushed her, killing her. Two other students were also injured, but were rescued from the gruesome accident. On the hilltop, trees were being cut down to erect new buildings or for use as fire wood. Soil erosion or landslide could have caused the stone to fall down after a heavy rain-storm. The victims who were rushed to the hospital survived. The tragedy precipitated a convulsion of grief in the community. Folk wept bitterly, blaming the elected leaders for not being sensitive to their pressing needs. Amid the emotional upheaval, member of parliament for West 2 constituency Julius Cuffie came to the scene to express condolences to the families affected. ‘Cuffie, go away, go away,’ the people yelled at him. Cuffie did not take it too well. He got furious for being disrespected in public. Hopefully, this tragedy would be an opportunity to erect a safe, clean drinking water well at New England Ville, and probably pioneer a tree planting campaign in memory of Aminata Kamara, as a fitting memorial immortalising her legacy.

Amid the heartache and growing challenges, there is a glimmer of optimism. Water experts have advised that the Orogu River at Hastings Village is the answer to the water supply crisis in Freetown. Atkins consulting firm of the UK, assisted by other local partners including Oxfam and a local engineering firm 3BMD, studied the water and sanitation problems in Freetown, to help craft a long-term solution. Leading consultant of Atkins, Richard Shepard, stressed that with the current population explosion prevalent in the city, compounded with the stride for development, the Orugu Dam is the only lasting solution to the water crisis in the city. The current Guma supply to the city was 83 million litres a day, equivalent to 16 million gallons a day.

The Orugu project in the initial stage would provide the city with 75 million litres of water per day, equivalent to an additional 12 million gallons a day. The studies said that the Orugu scheme came in three stages as the first phase could provide the city with at least 28 million gallons per day and the second and third stages tripling that number. Douglas Hunt, another Atkins consultant, appealed to the government to halt all developmental activities within the catchments perimeter. On the sanitation problem, Jonathan Parkinson and others solicited the government to reintroduce rigid laws on health and sanitation. An official of Guma pinpointed that the current Guma facility could no longer cope with the alarming population explosion in Freetown.

The minister of lands, country planning and the environment, Dr. Dennis Sandy, while addressing a session of Parliament recently said, ‘I’m willing and ready to expose with evidence to substantiate my point that some parliamentarians in the Western Area are indeed involved in illegal land transactions.’ While a foreign critic interjected that corruption is not a native of any land, it finds easier homes in some. The ‘protecting the environment versus development’ argument gets very heated. What happens to the rain forests when deforestation is taking place at an alarming rate? Expecting rain to ease the water shortage is far fetched with the assault being done to the environment at present. Nobel Peace Prize laureate and first African woman to win the prestigious accolade, Kenyan born Wangai Maathai, in a fierce and urgent speech in London said recently there is a change taking place. ‘We can hardly keep up with the requests [for help]. The tree is just a symbol for what happens to the environment. The act of planting one is a symbol of revitalising the community. Tree planting is only the entry point into the wider debate about the environment. Everyone should plant a tree,’ she said. ‘Nature is still being taken for granted. Yet when it is destroyed, life itself goes. Politicians [everywhere] are putting immediate needs ahead of the long term. We must challenge the decision makers. We must appeal not just to their heads, but to their hearts. I can only see things getting worse if we do nothing,’ she emphasised. Sierra Leone and the rest of the world need to heed Maathai’s passionate appeal.

* Roland Bankole Marke is the author of Teardrops Keep Falling, Silver Rain and Blizzard and Harvest of Hate (Fuel for the Soul).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Sierra Leone: Wave of violence or wake-up call?

Lisa Denney

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57073

cc Radio Nederland WereldomroepRecent rioting and violence in Freetown and the east of Sierra Leone has brought into focus the fragility of the post-conflict peace, held in place since 2002, writes Lisa Denney. At first glance, says Denney, it points to a new breed of trouble in the West African nation, a harbinger of the party political and ethnic violence that some predict will be the next great challenge faced by the country. Not just the work of criminal elements, the riots belie the potential for a new wave of violence that requires serious prevention efforts, Denney cautions. But events since the violence have taken a surprising turn, with inter-party tensions prompting youth cooperation, rather than escalating conflict. Thus a seemingly low-point in party politics may prove to be a necessary wake up call that quells rising tensions, rather than fuelling them, Denney suggests.

On Friday 13 March 2009, the newly-painted clock tower at Eastern Police, in central Freetown, was unveiled by the city mayor and officials of the All People’s Congress (APC), the party which has held national power since 2007. The main opposition party, the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) (in government from 1996 – 2007) reportedly taunted and verbally abused the mayor and his APC supporters, with some allegations that they also threw rocks and other missiles in an attempt to disrupt the unveiling ceremony. The SLPP have been increasingly sidelined from decision-making, with the APC holding power at both the national and Freetown City Council level. They were allegedly not consulted about the repainting of the clock tower and its unveiling provided an opportunity for mounting frustrations to be publicly aired.

In response, APC supporters torched two cars, one belonging to the national secretary-general of the SLPP. Rioting ensued and the supporters, led by elements of the APC’s youth wing, set fire to the SLPP national headquarters in the central business district. Police were eventually able to disperse the rioters and calm was restored over the weekend. On Monday16 March 2009, however, APC rioters reconvened and blockaded the already-damaged SLPP headquarters. Police attempts to keep the rioters at bay proved futile, with some suggestions that these attempts were purposefully feeble, due to political influence within the Sierra Leone police. APC supporters were thus able to storm the opposition headquarters, allegedly raping six women and injuring others.

Over the same weekend, this party-political violence also took hold in the provinces, during a ward by-election in Soro-Gbema chiefdom, Pujehun district, Eastern Sierra Leone. Here, elections were underway following the death of the SLPP councillor. APC supporters attacked SLPP supporters, wounding the wife of the SLPP chiefdom chairman. Clashes between supports of both parties ensued and the election was called off, and was been rescheduled for 28 March 2009, when it peacefully took place, but with low voter turnout.

Two weeks later, on 6 April 2009, the inspector general of police, Brima Acha Kamara, announced that no charges would be pressed regarding the alleged rapes in the Freetown riots, as medical reports indicated no such crimes had occurred and no witnesses came forward to support the claims. This announcement prompted public outcry that the Inspector General is a puppet for the ruling APC, attempting to cover up these vile acts, and that the Sierra Leone police remain politicised, despite over a decade of UK-sponsored reforms. The situation appeared dire – with tensions between the major political parties high and public confidence in the police weakened. That same week, however, a coalition was formed between the youth wings of several political parties, including the SLPP and APC. President Ernest Bai Koroma may be credited with making the first conciliatory move – attending the opposition headquarters to make a speech calling for calm and non-violence. Since then, the youth coalition have been rotating joint meetings between party offices to move discussions on to the future, rather than dwelling on attributing blame for the recent violence.

The resurgence of violence and its potential implication of the police bring to the fore several key concerns that need monitoring over the coming years. The first relates, clearly, to increasing frictions between the two main political parties. The APC claims that the SLPP has not accepted their defeat at the 2007 national elections and continue to interfere with the APC’s attempts to get on with governance. They assert that the SLPP was responsible for ongoing government corruption, and have made efforts to address this one of their central policy platforms. Acting on this, they have sacked several government ministers and civil servants, replacing them along ostensibly more meritocratic principles. The SLPP, conversely, argue that the APC is thuggish, authoritarian and has stacked the government with its own supporters. APC appointments are not, from this perspective, based on merit, but rather predominantly derive from the Temne ethnic group of northern Sierra Leone. This leads to the second key concern, which to date has lain dormant in Sierra Leonean politics – the prospect of ethnically motivated political violence.

The APC and SLPP unfortunately derive their central support from the two largest ethnic groups in Sierra Leone respectively. The SLPP’s support base lies with the predominantly Christian Mende of the south, and the APC’s with the principally Muslim Temne of the north. Thus, whilst the violence thus far has been along political, rather than ethnic lines, the demographics of the political divides threaten to fracture also along ethnic lines. This would complicate conflict further, potentially entrenching political differences by co-opting the rhetoric of tribalism, cultural and religious differences, and ethnic conflict. Despite popular explanations of conflict in Africa, Sierra Leone’s 11-year civil war was never an ethnic conflict. This dimension is new and requires thought as to how the post-conflict peace might be better crafted to ensure ethnic, if not political, harmony.

A third key concern relates to how political rivalries might co-opt the security forces into party politics. Claims against the inspector general of police do not appear well-founded, given the lack of evidence to support the rape claims. However, the public’s perception of the police remains just as important as the veracity of his claims. Politicisation of the police and armed forces was endemic prior to and during Sierra Leone’s civil war. Rebuilding public confidence in these essential security institutions has been a key goal of the post-conflict period, and has been almost entirely funded by the United Kingdom government. Setbacks in these endeavours are likely to lead to a deterioration of justice, as people avoid taking complaints to the police and crimes go unreported, unresolved and thus ultimately crime rates increase. Restoring public confidence in the impartiality of the police is imperative.

The final concern raised by the recent spate of violence centres on the role of youth. Youth combatants were heavily utilised by all parties to the conflict in Sierra Leone. It is widely recognised that any sustainable peace must forge a new role for young people in order to keep them from falling into criminality or cross-border conflict. Unfortunately, youth unemployment remains chronically high, with the Sierra Leone Government reporting it at 60 per cent, among the highest in the world. Neither the SLPP, nor APC governments have been able to address this issue adequately. It is no coincidence that the violence perpetrated in Freetown and Pujehun has been led by the youth wings of both parties. Yet the youth coalition attempts at cooperation paint a more optimistic picture. Perhaps this initiative represents a turn towards negotiation, rather than violence, as youth’s preferred political tool. There are concerns as to the makeup of the coalition – that it is the educated, elite youth sitting around the tables of cooperation, who in fact were not participants in the violence at all. As a result, the marginalised youth who are the key actors to engage still remain at the margins. If this is the case, it is not so much an argument against the youth coalition, which in and of itself appears a worthy and timely initiative, it merely speaks to the need for broad-based engagement, which is trued across all levels of government in Sierra Leone. The coalition needs simply to open its doors further.

2012 is predicted by local and international observers to be Sierra Leone’s biggest hurdle in maintaining peace. Both national and local elections are scheduled to be held that year (in the previous self-administered election, they were split between 2007 and 2008). Holding the elections simultaneously is likely to increase the potential for violence as all mandates for political power in the country are contested at once. The potentially comprehensive changing of the guard (or lack of changing, as the case may be) that results from the election risks being too large a defeat for either of the major political parties to accept. Any violence that erupts will have to be dealt with solely by the fledgling Sierra Leone police, as international forces are expected to withdraw by 2010. The nation will thus be tested for the strength of its security forces, political culture and institutions of democracy simultaneously. The combination of party politics and ethnic divides is an unfortunate reality going in to this challenge. The uncertain role of youth may prove to be the linchpin in determining whether cooperation or violence wins out.

* Lisa Denney is a PhD student in International Politics at Aberystwyth University.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Bongo: A part of Franco-Africa dies

Tidiane Kassé

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57086

cc wikimedia.orgThe death of Gabon’s President Omar Bongo on 7 May has sparked a range of reactions, reflecting the dubious legacy of a man who played a central figure in the shady web of political and economic ties between France and Africa. Tidiane Kasse explores what politicians and commentators had to say.

The death of Omar Bongo on 7 May caused ripples across Franco-Africa. The late Gabonese president was a central figure in this shady web of political and economic ties. During his 41-year rule, he was able to weave and consolidate ties between France and Africa. He built his power base upon Gabon’s oil revenues. His past ties with the French secret service gave him the means to play his opponents against one another. His death seems to signal the collapse of his ‘empire’, although the cracks had appeared long before.

In the last few years Franco-Africa has come under attack. In both France and Africa, civil society groups and intellectuals had initiated legal proceedings against the pillage of national resources by petroleum and arms multinationals based in Paris and certain African capitals.

Bongo’s last few months were the hardest. His death comes at a time when he stands accused in the French court of having diverted public funds to acquire luxury goods and property. Congo’s Sassou-Nguesso, and Equatorial Guinea’s Obiang Nguema have also been implicated in the lawsuit.

Omar Bongo may be dead, but the monster lives on. Several reactions to his death touch on this dubious legacy of his 41 years in power. Pambazuka News explores some of these.

THE DEATH OF OMAR BONGO, PILLAR OF FRANCO-AFRICA

France has lost one of most formidable analysts of her political life. El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba knew better than anyone else the habits and customs of the fifth Republic. Her brighter side – characterised by alliances and grand electoral meetings – as well as her darker side, characterised by shady financing, covert assassinations, and petroleum corruption.

THE DEATH OF BONGO: “WE SHALL NOT MOURN A CROOK”

There were two kinds of reaction in France following the announcement of Omar Bongo’s death. The solemn ones of Sarkozy, Chirac and Kouchner, that honoured a ‘sage’, a “’friend’. Also the blunt ones, like Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who recalled how Bongo had backed Chirac financially in the 1981 election. Even more cutting was that of Green Party MP Noël Mamère on France Inter: ‘We shall not mourn another crook disappearing from the planet. All those who cherish democracy shall not mourn president Bongo, the embodiment of everything we have fought against the last 30 years, in other words, Franco-Africa, the incestuous and sinister relationship between certain African governments and France, both left and right.’

BONGO’S DEATH REVIVES THE DEBATE ON “FRANCO-AFRICA”

According to Eva Joly, a former French magistrate and now a member of the European parliament, who presided over political and financial cases such as the Elf affair, Franco-Africa ‘was alive and well’. On 17 March, Sarkozy visited President Bongo, just before his election, ‘to seek advice’. She adds, ‘If France returned all the irregular payments made to our politicians by Bongo for imaginary services, we could build maternity hospitals in Gabon and lower the infant mortality rate’.

BONGO IS DEAD, LONG LIVE BONGO?

It would be interesting to find out how the Bongo family’s circle of patronage, and by extension the country’s political and economic elite, will react to his death. Whereas democratic ideals have developed in Gabon, it is unlikely that those who have grown accustomed to power will easily give up part or all of their slices of the national cake. One could therefore envisage a Togolese scenario, in this small oil-producing nation. There is little hope for a democratic process in the current African scenario where violent coups are becoming more common.

THE WEST AFRICAN PRESS COMMENTS ON BONGO’S DEATH

Comment in the African press varies from deference to denunciation of an outdated political system. The private Malian daily Le Républicain led with: ‘Death of Bongo: The Control Tower is no longer responding’. In Burkina Faso, the government daily Sidwaya spoke of ‘The end of an Era’. Benin’s Fraternité evoked a ‘master of behind-the-scenes diplomacy, who gave good advice to all former leaders of Benin’.

* Tidiane Kassé is editor of the Pambazuka News French edition
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Pambazuka New 104: Bongo : Face aux derniers bastions de l'esclavage en Afrique

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summaryfr/57087

Le prix de la constance contre l'esclavage en Mauritanie
Boubacar Messaoud

Niger : L'esclavage, un drame entouré de silence
Ousseini Issa et Moustapha Kadi

L’histoire d’une rupture avec l’esclavage
Moustapha Kadi

Omar Bongo : Mystères et secrets d’un président
Oussouf Diagola

Pambazuka News 18: O processo eleitoral em Moçambique

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summarypt/57088

Desempenho desiludiu, igual a menos ajud
Joseph Hanlon

Guiné Bissau: Silêncio da CPLP é vergonhoso
César Avó e Nuno Escobar de Lima

US policy towards Zimbabwe: Time for Change

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57064

Since the formation of the Inclusive Government on February 13, Zimbabwe is in a fragile transition towards democracy and economic recovery following a decade of repression and astronomical economic collapse. The success or failure of this transition depends as much on internal actors as it does on the support of the regional and international community. It is clear that should Zimbabwe’s transitional government prematurely break down, the country is set for not only an unprecedented political and economic crisis but also serious social conflict that can lead to an intractable failed state situation and region-wide destabilization.

The present U.S. policy towards Zimbabwe is based on a sanctions regime, officially described as ‘targeted’ but whose impact is clearly widespread and severely limits the capacity of the Inclusive Government to stabilize the country. This compounds the pressing crisis facing the people of Zimbabwe. Continuing with these sanctions is a sure way to doom the Inclusive Government and will only strengthen the hand of hardliners in Mugabe’s Zanu PF who are working to undermine the Inclusive Government. On the other hand, if the Inclusive Government delivers tangible change in people’s lives this will strengthen democrats and moderates across political parties.

The Obama administration has an opportunity to steer U.S. policy out of the Bush era cul-de-sac of personalized obsession with Mugabe as the individual and uncritical support for the opposition to a more responsible policy based on the core values of democracy, respect for human rights, good governance and equity. Rather than a fixation with maneuvering one party or the other into or out of power, U.S. policy must be based on promoting the institutionalization of these core values and the opening up of space to allow for a vibrant democracy based on free political competition. History has shown everywhere that individuals are not the answer, as they can easily be corrupted in the absence of strong democratic institutions.

In Zimbabwe, the focus must be on ensuring that at the end of the transition period in two years, Zimbabwe has robust democratic institutions, in particular an independent judiciary, an independent electoral commission, a free press, a vibrant civil society, a democratic constitution and professional security forces, to ensure not only free and fair elections, but also the unhindered transfer of power to the winners.

While the U.S.’s humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe over the years is commendable, this must be stepped up in the short term to reflect the pressing need in Zimbabwe. This aid must be expanded to the ‘humanitarian plus’ level to include support in resuscitating healthcare, education and food security. At the same time aid must be understood as a short-term measure and attention needs to be paid to long-term sustainability. The U.S. can help Zimbabwe get on a solid path to development by adopting fair trade policies, extending debt cancellation and ending harmful economic structural adjustment programs imposed through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

It is in light of the obvious need to shift policy towards Zimbabwe that statements attributed to Jonnie Carson, assistant secretary of State for Africa, as quoted by Reuters on Monday, June 9, are worrying. Carson is quoted as saying there will not be any change in U.S. policy towards Zimbabwe. We hope the Obama administration will seize the opportunity of Prime Minister Tsvangirai’s visit to Washington DC to engage in an open-minded discussion on a new approach in Zimbabwe that includes the voices of Zimbabwe civil society.

Divide and Rule: The politics of climate change negotiations

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57068

The stakes

The IPCC has confirmed that the Earth has a limited capacity to absorb greenhouse gas emissions (i.e. a limited “emission or carbon budget”). Senior economists have confirmed that this budget could be worth in excess of one trillion US dollars annually.i Negotiations over a global goal and mitigation commitments are addressing how to share this limited atmospheric resource between rich and poor nations. At stake in the climate negotiations, therefore, is among the largest divisions of wealth and resources in modern history.

Annex I countries have already used more than their fair share of this budget, and have long understood what’s at stake in the negotiations. They seek to continue their over-use of a shared resource by securing substantial “assigned amounts” of emissions based on their high historical levels, while locking the South into considerably lower and declining per-capita levels.

Non-Annex I countries are rapidly beginning to understand the implications of an unjust distribution of the remaining atmospheric space, and of the financing and technology required to live well within its constraints. A number of countries have called for more equitable approaches taking into account historical responsibility, an equitable allocation of a shared atmospheric resource, per-capita accumulative emission levels, and the climate debt owed by developed countries to developing countries for their over-use of shared atmospheric space (“emissions debt”) and for the devastating consequences of climate change on developing countries (“adaptation debt”).

Objectives of developed countries

Both Annex I and non-Annex I countries seek an effective solution to climate change. Annex I countries, however, are concerned about the costs implementing their commitments under the present Climate Convention, which is fair to developing countries, reflects the deal struck at the Rio Earth Summit, and clearly defines the common but differentiated responsibilities of developed and developing countries.

They are consequently seeking to change the Convention (either directly or through a new agreement) in a manner that:

· Allows them to continue their high per-capita emissions (and therefore to secure more than their fair share of remaining atmospheric space);

· Places emissions limitation on non-Annex I countries (via a global goal; deviations from BAU; economy-wide low carbon plans);

· Limits and passes on a considerable portion of the costs of adapting to climate change to non-Annex I countries;

· Limits and passes on a considerable portion of the costs of financing and technology to non-Annex I countries; and

· Maintains or improves their economic competitiveness in international markets, by passing on costs, controlling technology (e.g. through IPRs) and further liberalizing markets.ii

The economic stakes are high. To achieve their objectives developed countries will likely use all the strategies and tactics available to them to convince, and if necessary, to divide and rule the developing countries.

Learning the lessons of other forumsiii

Developing countries can learn much by examining the approaches used by developed countries in other international forums, such as the World Trade Organization.

Developed countries have a range of means at their disposal to divide developing countries and secure outcomes that favor them without necessarily favoring the South. And they are quite adept in using them. As reported in the Financial Times:

The European Union has long been renowned for skilful use of ‘divide and rule’ tactics in global trade talks to play opponents off against each other.iv

Developing countries, at the same time, have developed considerable experience in those negotiations that could be applied usefully in the climate negotiations to maintain unity and solidarity and to ensure an agreed outcome that addresses the needs of all developing countries.

Developing countries know there is strength in unity. As stated by one WTO negotiator about the G20 – a key grouping of developing countries in WTO negotiations:

The G20 has, to my mind, provided a forum for its members to fight collectively for their interests. All major members realise the importance of this – there is strength in unity. The major members, if not all, have realised that any short-sighted step taken to succumb to the divisive techniques used by the majors will go against their interests in the long run. If we leave the group for little crumbs here and there, we will look like fools.v

Building on the experience of seasoned climate negotiators, and of negotiators in other forums, developing countries can ensure they maintain a united front under what will inevitably be growing political pressure from Annex I countries.

Controlling the discourse

One key strategy of developed countries is controlling the discourse or narrative in which negotiations are set – shaping the expectations of decision-makers and the public about objectives, and what constitutes success and failure.

Annex I countries have crafted a public discourse to support their objectives. The terms “post-Kyoto agreement” and “post-2012 agreement”, widely repeated in the press, are inaccurate descriptions of current negotiations. As noted by one senior developing country official: “the Kyoto Protocol is not yoghurt; it has no expiry date”. The 2012 date is simply the commencement of the second commitment period. Negotiations under the Convention are for action “now, up to and beyond 2012.

Also, the Bali Action Plan calls for an “agreed outcome” and a “decision” and makes no reference to an “agreement”. Parties to the negotiations differ on the form of the outcome. Despite this, many members of the public, the media and governments continue to use the post-2012/Post-Kyoto agreement language when, as yet, agreement by all Parties is lacking on the form of the agreed outcome.

Misleading the media

In some cases, controlling the discourse extends to actively advancing falsehoods. This, of course, is difficult to prove. But when media stories are consistently inaccurate across different sources, there is circumstantial evidence of intent to mislead. Reporting on the February 2007 G8 meeting provides an example. The Guardian reported (inaccurately) that:

Delegates agreed that developing countries would have to face targets for cutting greenhouse gas emissions as well as rich countries.vi

The BBC similarly reported (inaccurately):

Delegates agreed that developing countries would also have to meet targets for cutting greenhouse gas emissions, as well as rich countries.vii

Of course, there are a variety of explanations for systematic mistakes by the media. But inaccurate reporting is a such a regular occurrence after most major climate gatherings that there is grounds to believe there are active attempts, in some quarters, to mislead the media.

Developing countries thus need to actively (and where possible, collectively) project their views to the media in order to prevent it from being misled.

Ambush and push

At the December 2007 Bali Climate Conference, developed countries sought to secure a global goal for emissions reduction, before developing countries understood the implications. By securing a global goal, as well as a developed country cut under the Kyoto Protocol (on a separate track), developed countries would have effectively set a “residual” target for developing countries. (i.e. global goal, minus Annex I target, equals non-Annex I target).

Developing countries ultimately declined to agree a global goal in Bali, recognizing that to do so without clear commitments from developed countries on finance, technology and adaptation would undermine their interests. Ultimately, a footnote was added to the Bali Action Plan referring to certain sections of the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report (IPCC 4AR) as a placeholder for later efforts to establish a global goal.

Developed countries have subsequently continued to add in additional language and obligations, over and above those agreed in the Bali Action Plan. These include references to deviations from “business as usual”; division of NAMAs into “autonomous, supported and carbon market”; “registering” all NAMAs; or requiring of “low-carbon development strategies”.

It is a well-established strategy for developed countries to introduce new issues onto the agenda with little time for developing countries to analyze them carefully, coordinate and respond. The goal is to keep the South on the back foot, reacting rather than setting the agenda.

Mischaracterizing policy as science

Since Bali, some Annex I countries have actively mischaracterized their own negotiating positions on burden sharing as “science”, thereby attempting to avoid or limit discussions about equity.

Some countries have characterized information contained in IPCC 4AR as: 1) establishing or supporting a 2°C global goal; and 2) stating that to achieve this goal Annex I countries should reduce emissions by 25-40% from 1990. Based on this, they suggest that subsequent “scientific studies” say non-Annex I countries would need to deviate by “15-30% from baseline” emissions to achieve a 2°C objective.

In actual fact, the IPCC makes no such policy recommendations about burden sharing, and does not claim to do so. The 25-40% range is taken from a box (Box 13.7) summarizing “allocation studies” (i.e. studies dividing the global carbon budget between rich and poor countries), most of which were funded by EU institutions or undertaken by EU-based analysts.

Rather than engaging in an open and honest dialogue about effort sharing, these countries have tried to “hoodwink” the South into a highly inequitable sharing of a limited global resource by claiming that these particular shares are required by science, when nothing could be further from the truth.

Obscuring the details

Another strategy is to construct proposals in a manner that makes it difficult to evaluate the implications for developing countries.

The EU’s proposal for a global goal and mitigation by Annex I and non-Annex I countries, for example, is particularly opaque. The expected efforts of developed and developing countries are denominated as cuts from 1990 levels and as deviations from business as usual, respectively – i.e. as apples and oranges – making it difficult to compare them.

If adopted the EU proposal would, in effect, permit countries such as the United States to continue emitting at around 14 tonnes CO2 per capita, and would lock in developing countries such as India to around 3 tonnes per capita.

It would consolidate for the Annex I countries a disproportionate share of a global emission budget worth over a trillion dollars annually, constituting a major subsidy by developing countries (who would forgo part of their rightful share of the remaining atmospheric space) to developed countries.

Some developing countries have not fully comprehended the massive distributional and equity issues at play in the current negotiations, and the implications for their future development – in part because the implications of proposals by the developed countries have remained so obscure.

Building a Trojan Horse

In some international negotiations, developed country officials and/or consultants are occasionally included in the delegations of developing countries, on the basis that they can help to build the capacity of these delegations or support them in the negotiations.

In many cases, these individuals are great champions of the South. But in some cases there is reason to doubt their motives. In some cases, they may actively provide information back to developed countries, or advocate for developed country positions with developing countries, or develop positions and strategies that divide developing countries from each other.

In the climate negotiations, a number of the members of developing country delegations were formerly on the delegations of Annex I countries, or are funded by Annex I countries. These officials sit in the meetings of the G77 and China, the LDC group, the AOSIS group and other groupings. In some cases, they advance positions that are facially inconsistent with the positions of groupings of which their countries are part.

For example, one country with limited capacity (represented primarily by a non-national) has put forward positions that mirror those put forward by its former colonial power on behalf of the EU. Indeed, their proposal went even further than those by the EU by calling for an “absolute” emission reduction by developing countries by 2050. The proposal is facially inconsistent with proposals by the LDC group and the G77 and China, which that developing country has also supported.

Carving out special deals

Developed countries also seek to split up the developing countries by offering special deals to sub-groups of countries in exchange for their cooperation on other issues under negotiations.

These strategies are a more sophisticated version of the divide and rule strategy. In the context of the WTO, for example:

… attempts to break countries away from the G20 have been replaced with a more sophisticated variant of the ‘divide and rule’ strategy, as individual country groupings have been offered preferential access to developed country markets in return for their cooperation at the WTO.



At the WTO, the EU sought to define a common set of interests for least developed and vulnerable countries and to use this to divide the South. In a letter by the EU to WTO Members (May 2004) it stated:



Least developed countries and other weak or vulnerable developing countries in a similar situation – essentially the G90 – should not have to open their markets beyond their existing commitments, and should be able to benefit from increased market access offered by both developed and advanced developing countries.

A number of countries (both developing and developed) immediately expressed concern about such an obvious attempt to divide the WTO membership at a time when it most needs to be united in a search for a framework solution to the Doha Round.

Despite knowing there is strength in unity, developing countries have often conceded substantial ground on the promise of future benefits only to find the results lacking. In the context of the climate negotiations, for instance, support promised to least developed countries has not materialized in the context of the LDCF at the GEF, and developed countries have instead chosen to establish new funding arrangements under the World Bank, despite the concerns of many developing countries.

Establishing new groupings of countries

In some cases, where it is difficult to divide developing countries using existing groupings, developed countries seek to establish new groupings as the basis of divide and rule tactics.

At the WTO, for example, developed countries have actively championed new categories of countries – such as the “small and vulnerable economies” – with the goal of offering these countries promises of favorable treatment in return for breaking with their fellow developing countries. Smaller groupings, by and large, are easier to pressure and cheaper to fund.

Similar tactics may be employed in the climate negotiations. Some developed countries are championing new groupings of small and vulnerable countries. The stated intention is to improve the voice and visibility of poor and vulnerable countries and ensure they receive fair treatment in the negotiations. This, of course, is desirable.

However, concerns have been raised that such a group will be used for quite different purposes, including to: 1) isolate the poorest countries from the support of larger developing countries (reducing rather than increasing their leverage in demanding considerable emission reductions from the North); 2) divide the South, reducing its capacity to secure major commitments from developed countries on financing and technology; and 3) pit poor countries against poor countries, rather than unifying them in their claims on the rich countries, which are largely responsible for causing climate change.

Ultimately, this approach may undermine the very interests of the vulnerable countries it supposedly seeks to promote. A divided South is less likely to receive either deep cuts from Annex I or substantial financing and technological support (for mitigation by non-Annex I), which may ultimately result in worse climate impacts for the vulnerable countries. And without the backing of the large developing countries, the vulnerable countries seem unlikely in practice to receive much support for adaptation.

Setting up the blame game

The Annex I countries have already used the media to characterize larger developing countries such as China as “reluctant” to negotiate, and the United States’ recent engagement as progressive and as “unlocking the negotiations”.viii

In fact, China has been constructive in international negotiations, and active in its domestic efforts to limit the growth of emissions. The United States, by contrast, has so far failed to provide detailed proposals and has hardly “unlocked the negotiations”. Indeed, it has failed fundamentally to cut emissions since signing the UNFCCC and, unlike China, is not a Party to the Kyoto Protocol and still has no comprehensive national plan in place for limiting emissions (though some State level efforts have been impressive).

The Annex I countries are using all means to distract attention from their own failures to implement the Convention, mount pressure on developing countries, and to set up the blame game in the event the fail to get their way in Copenhagen, and the meeting is not deemed a success.

Divide and rule narratives

Justifiably some small island states have emphasized their sovereign right to “survive” as a State. They have also noted the value of human rights in implementing climate policy.

Some developed countries, and some NGOs, are supporting the development of narratives that are prejudicial to the common interests of developing countries.

Some actors in the North are seeking to juxtapose a “right to survival” narrative with a “right to development” narrative. In other words, India should give up some part of its “right to development” in order to secure Small Island States’ “right to survive”.

Such a narrative pits poor against the poor. It falsely pits the well-being of around 50 million people in small island states with that of more than a billion living below the poverty line.

It shifts their focus from jointly seeking deep cuts by Annex I countries (providing atmospheric space for the South) and substantial financing and technology (supporting emission reductions in the South).

The intended outcome is: 1) lower costs and greater atmospheric space for the North; and 2) greater costs and lower atmospheric space for the South – an outcome that is clearly preferable to the developed countries, but unlikely in the interest of any developing country.

Forum shopping

Larger developed countries and country groupings – such as the European Union – coordinate actions across a number of different forums, with the goal of securing compromises by exploiting the challenges of capacity and coordination faced by developing countries.

The EU, for instance, has actively sought declarations with various different developing country groupings – such as the African Union or the ACP countries. They rely on the fact that the developing country officials negotiating these statements (often secretariat staff, and officials who do not work on climate change) do not know the full details of the climate negotiations.

The EU, supported by the Climate Secretariat, sought for a long time to include language calling for a “ratifiable outcome” in Copenhagen – referring to a new treaty, when it is quite aware that developing countries have not agreed to such an outcome in the climate negotiations.

The text of these declarations will be brought to the notice of Ministers during the final stages of the negotiations, in order to pressure them into accepting language that their negotiators have fought to prevent, on the basis that the country has already accepted it elsewhere.

Establishing forums outside UNFCCCC

A specific case of forum shopping is the creation of new forums outside the UNFCCC designed explicitly to discuss climate change, beyond the reach of the majority of developing countries.

The Major Economies Forum, established by the United States and now supported by many developed countries, is emerging as one place where the larger developed countries meet with larger developing countries, to the exclusion of the vast majority of developing countries.

The G8 has also served as a place where developed countries develop common positions to put forward within the UNFCCC. The inclusion of large developing countries (referred to as “G8 plus 5”) is providing another forum in which developed countries seek to cut deals with some but not all developing countries.

Conducting discussions in developed country-led forums allows those countries to control the messaging, leading to inaccurate media coverage and biased outcomes (see “misleading the media”, above).

By inviting larger developing countries to discuss climate change on their “turf”, the developed countries can also control the agenda, and foster distrust between larger and smaller developing countries, which rightly feel excluded from these discussions. While it is valid for different countries to meet in different forums, care must be exercised to ensure it does not have adverse effects on developing country unity under mounting pressure.

Inappropriate roles for chairs/public officials

Chairs and public officials (e.g. heads of Secretariats) have been used to advance agendas that are at odds with the stated positions and interests of developing countries. At the WTO’s Cancun Ministerial:

In addition to the use of private mini-ministerials to set the agenda for the talks, the key documents on which negotiations were to be based had bypassed any process of approval by the WTO’s membership. Instead, the draft Ministerial Text was submitted to the Cancún Ministerial ‘on the personal responsibility’ of … Chair of the General Council, with close support from WTO Director-General Dr Supachai Panitchpakdi. This refusal to transmit key negotiating texts through the proper channels had been repeatedly criticised in the preceding months for undermining the democratic basis of the WTO, turning it from a member-driven into a Chair-driven organization.ix

In Bali, developing countries expressed concerns over the role of senior Secretariat Staff. Concerns have also been raised about the balance of a so-called “focus document” prepared by a Chair, which one delegation dubbed the “selective document” on the basis it seemed systematically to favor proposals from the North over those from the South.

Presentation of biased texts

One particular concern is the development of biased negotiating texts, which place developing countries behind the starting line before the negotiations even begin in earnest.

In the WTO and other forums, texts prepared by chairs have often reflected a strong bias towards the interests and proposals of developed and not developing countries. This, in some cases, reflects common interests between a Chair and those countries. In other cases, it reflects power politics and political pressure. In all cases, the result is unfairness towards developing countries.

The existence of bias in negotiating texts undermines trust and progress in negotiations. At the WTO’s Cancun Ministerial, for example,:

As pointed out by numerous delegations, [the] text was substantially based on the proposals made by the USA, EU and other developed countries – even where alternative proposals had been submitted by developing country members.x

As a result of this “The conspicuous bias of this draft made the whole process of negotiation particularly difficult, as Ministers were not presented with options on which to negotiate”.xi

In the climate negotiations, developing countries in have expressed concerns about the biased nature of documents prepared by the Secretariat and Chair. Concerns include: 1) lack of balance in structure and content; 2) exclusion of relevant proposals by developing countries; and 3) inclusion of extraneous items from developed countries (e.g. outside the negotiation mandate).

To increase the likelihood of a fair outcome (but by no means guarantee it), developing countries need to ensure that negotiations are Party-driven and reflect the full and exact text of proposals put forward by them. The compilation of texts without attribution, and without reference to the relevant legal obligations being implemented, is a recipe for unfair outcomes.

Green rooms

In the context of the WTO, small group settings – or “green rooms – have been used to cut deals between small groups of powerful countries, with participation (often largely symbolic) by “representatives” of other countries. Green rooms have provided a means for isolating “problematic” countries, advancing negotiations with relatively inexperienced ministers, or excluding key negotiators (on the basis of insufficient seniority).

Already in Bali, the negotiations were held in small groupings of negotiators and Ministers. These “green room” processes have been heavily criticized in other international forums as undermining the legitimacy of the process and any outcome. In Bali, Ministers and other senior officials were excluded from discussions, on the basis they were not on a list held by the Secretariat.

Developing countries should demand that processes are open to all interested Parties. Where small group processes are required they should, at a minimum, be formally agreed by all Parties; Parties should select their own representatives; and participation should reflect the proportional representation of Parties (i.e. G77 should have numbers reflecting its membership).

Green men

In the WTO, the Chair of the negotiations has appointed individuals to “facilitate” the development of consensus on specific issues. They became known as “green men” on the basis that, along with green rooms, they offered a vehicle by which the chair could control the negotiations ensuring a chair-driven rather than a Party-driven process – one which usually resulted in the subordination of developing country interests.

The Chair of the AWG-LCA has proposed creating “focus groups which would seek to narrow down options or flesh out promising ideas” to be “facilitated by individuals” identified by the Chair. A number of countries have raised questions about the basis upon which countries would participate in the “focus group” and the role of “facilitators”.

Moving up the ladder

Ministerial-level meetings and Summits are important ways of garnering political support and buy-in from all countries. However, in many developing countries - with limited resources and capacity for coordination -Ministers and Heads of State are often not as conversant with the politics and the detail of the climate change negotiations, as Ministers and Heads of State from developed countries.

This is sometimes used to the advantage of developed countries, and the proliferation of Ministerial and Summit-level meetings to negotiate and secure political agreement often marginalizes and sometimes overturns the positions of developing country negotiators who “know too much” and are therefore seen as obstacles by developed countries to achieving their interests.

Use of non-governmental organizations

NGOs provide a very important and useful role in climate negotiations. With the goal of enhancing this role, a number of governments fund NGOs to participate in climate negotiations and related activities.

Some governments, however, fund NGOs to provide “services” that the government cannot undertake itself. These NGOs are little more than arms of the governments who fund them. Their role is variously to build consensus among NGOs to support the positions of the governments that fund them, to gather intelligence, to lobby other governments, and undertake capacity building that supports the interests of their funders.

Understanding the origin, membership and outlook of NGOs – and where they get their information and funding – is important when evaluating their positions and proposals.

Bringing in outside expertise

Given the economic interests at stake in the climate negotiations, developed countries are drawing on negotiators from the WTO and elsewhere who understand complex negotiations as well as the divide and rule strategies that have worked in the WTO and other forums.

Senior negotiators in the European Union, for example, have been responsible for many of the strategies used, and positions adopted, in the WTO. It remains to be seen whether their presence results in use in the climate negotiations of the type of tactics for which the EU has become well known elsewhere (see “Learning the lessons” above)

Overwhelming numbers

Developed countries also often bring large delegations to meetings, supported by even larger groups of advisors. Large delegations allow developed countries to drive the process, and ensure that developing countries remain on the back foot – responding rather than directing the course of discussions.

Large delegations also provide other advantages. They allow developed countries to tie up developing country negotiators in numerous bilateral meetings. They ensure greater capacity for action with NGOs and the media. They allow them to gather more intelligence about their opponent’s positions and intentions.

Rumor mongering

An additional strategy is to spread rumors about the intentions of different developing countries, with the goal of breaking trust and creating discord among developing countries.

In the context of the WTO:

The EU was also accused of trying to undermine developing country unity during the Ministerial by spreading rumours … The USA was more direct in its attempts to destabilise the new developing country groupings, launching strong attacks against Brazil, in particular, as coordinator of the G20. This dual approach of a more subtle EU and more outspoken USA is a ‘good cop, bad cop’ ploy which the two have used before at the WTO.xii

Rumors may be spread about the role or intention of coordinators supporting developing country cooperation on different issues; or about the intentions of larger countries. In some cases, developed countries will play “good cop, bad cop” with the intention of wooing some countries away from the group of developing countries. Developing countries should name and shame any developed country that spreads rumors with malicious intent.

Removing delegates

A common tactic towards the end of negotiations is to pressure or remove the most effective negotiators from the South. There is a long tradition of political pressure being used to remove the most experienced and effective negotiators. At greatest risk are those who are most effective in building Southern solidarity.

Negotiators who are effective champions of the South are characterized to their governments as “troublemakers” or as “intransigent”. In some negotiations, developing country negotiators and Ambassadors have been removed under direct pressure from developed countries; harming not only the careers of the individuals who are effectively defending the interests of their countries and other developing countries; but compromising those interests.

Already, in the context of climate negotiations, aspersions are being cast in national capitals about the contribution of some developing country negotiators – with the objective, it seems, of having them removed from national delegations.

To pre-empt these tactics, developing countries should actively support each other in their national capitals, which should understand that the greater the pressure from the North, the greater the likelihood that their negotiator is fiercely and effectively defending their national interest and the interests of all developing countries.

Strong-arm tactics

Another strategy widely used in other international forums is placing undue pressure on developing country negotiators and governments.

In the end-game of negotiations at the WTO, and other forums, hard-ball negotiating strategies have been used to manufacture consent and consensus. Tactics have involved:

· Threatening cuts in aid budgets

· Threatening loss of trade preferences

· Personal attacks on ambassadors and negotiators (calling them “troublesome”)xiii

In Bali, some developing countries were informed that they would suffer losses of trade sanctions if they did not compromise and accept positions offered by some developed countries. The likelihood of this kind of pressure may well increase, as the countdown to Copenhagen continues.

Developing countries should thus be vigilant to expose tactics such as these as highly inappropriate to any negotiations, including those involving climate change.



i Nicholas Stern (stating “at $40 per tonne CO2e a total world allocation of rights of, say, 30Gt (roughly the required flows in 2030) would be worth $1.2 trillion per annum), in The Global Deal (2009)
ii South-North Development Monitor, EC attempting to renegotiate UN Climate Convention? Friday 6 March 2009; see also, TWN, Understanding the European Commission’s Climate Communication, at http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/climate/bonn.briefings.2.htm
iii For WTO related examples, this note draws on Action Aid’s “Divide and Rule: The EU and US response to developing country alliances at the WTO” (July 2004), available at: http://www.actionaid.org.uk/1308/press_release.html
iv The Financial Times, 14 April 2004
v Id., at 16
vi Guardian, 16 February 2007
vii BBC, 16 February 2007
viii Guardian, 6 May 2009
ix Action Aid., at 6
x Id., at 9
xi Id
xii Id., at 14
xiii Id., at 5
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Swaziland: Call for open talks

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57065

We the undersigned South African civil society organisations, affirm that Swaziland is at a major strategic turning point in the course of its political history.

In our vehement protest at the detention of the Peoples United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO) President Mario Masuku, his lawyer Thulani Maseko and all political prisoners, we recognise the unique political moment and appeal for reflection leading to an urgent and different approach. We recognise that the actual crisis is much more structurally endemic than its apprearance. The Swazi royal Thinkundla state is a people disoriented system and cleary confronting major limitations.

Of all major historical moments, it is our view that 2008 marked the beginning of a decisive transformational cycle.

From social policy to the political arena, the regime is confronted with a deep crisis. All of its political capital will be lost. The coercive attempts to subdue the people’s resistance by terminating their rights of access to education, healthcare, housing and social protection, the denial of employment opportunities is a major disaster. The arrest of PUDEMO President Mario Masuku and other leaders, the appointment of the Prime Minister Dlamini, assassinations of political leaders, the passing of the Suppression of Terrorism Act, the looting of the national fiscus by the Royal family and the arrest of Thulani Maseko are all elements of this major transformation.

In all poles of Swazi society, Thinkundla is in a spiral of social, political and economic backlashes, with very negative consequences for the people.

The situation calls for decisive action, to overcome a state of no guarantees, to mitigate the people’s most profound needs for basics, for food and medicines, for jobs and coherent livelihoods. In the absence of any political detours, there’s a single course out of the crisis.
That path is for the start of genuine dialogue and negotiations inside of Swaziland.

The main objective of this joint representation is therefore, to call for direct, open, credible talks between the Monarch on the one hand and the representatives of the people on the other.

We appeal to the South African government, progressive forces and all our people to for their support and for the region and international community to back this decisive call and for all to prepare for this paradigm shift. Relevant institutions of SADC and the AU, must step in, exercise leadrship, and provide political and technical assistance. A credible national dialogue agenda is desired and the opening up of all channels of communication.

This is the only framework to safeguard peace, social and economic progress and remains the only viable option outside of anarchy and confrontation.

Endorsed by
African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL)
Congress of South African Students (COSAS) Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU Free Burma Campaign (FBC-SA)
Friends of Congolese Associations in South Africa (FOCAS)
Jubilee SA
Open Society Initiative of Southern Africa (OSISA)
Refugee SA
South African Commercial and Catering Workers Union (SACCAWU)
South African Communist Party (SACP)
South African Council of Churches (SACC)
Swaziland Solidarity Network (SSN)
Young Communist League (YCL)
Zimbabwe Revolutionary Youth Movement
Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum (ZSF)

South Africa: Enough is enough. The fires must stop

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57067

Today is the 16 June, Youth Day, the anniversary of the 1976 Soweto Uprising. In Johannesburg and Cape Town our comrades are struggling for the people to take this day back from the politicians.

Here at the Kennedy Road settlement we are burning, again. At about 1:30 last night a fire started after a paraffin stove was left unattended while a couple argued. Before it was put out around 100 shacks had burnt. At least 300 people have been left homeless. One woman has been very badly injured and has, only just now, been taken to hospital.

By the end of last year the Kennedy Road settlement had burnt 9 times. Since 2005 we have lost 5 people to fire in Kennedy Road. And it is not just Kennedy Road that has had to confront the plague of fires. In his 2008 end of year speech to the whole movement S’bu Zikode declared last year as the year of fire.

We have marched against fires and been shot at and arrested for marching against fires. We have organised a City Wide Summit on Shack Fires. After that summit we declared to the world that to live with constant fires is to live in a constant state of emergency. We have prepared and circulated a carefully researched report on shack fires. Bishop Rubin Phillip has said very clearly that the fires must be stopped and that our struggle against the red devil is just.

But the response from the City is always the same.

When we connect ourselves to electricity in order to make ourselves safe they send in their men with guns to disconnect us. They arrest us. They beat us. Sometimes they even shoot us. The result of this is more fires.

The first thing that happens after a fire is that government officials rush to blame the victims. They will say that we burn because we are drunk or because we are uneducated. They want to do this so that it seems that the oppressed are responsible for our own suffering. But as we have said so many times the rich also get drunk, they rich also get distracted by a child and the rich also have arguments. Some of us work in their houses and we know that this is true. They are not different to us. The only difference is that the rich have electricity and so leaving a stove unattended for a moment or knocking over a lamp doesn’t cause a fire.

When the fires happen a community will get very little support from the City. If the community is weak or divided the fire will be used as an excuse to force people into transit camps. The power to allocate the government shacks in the transit camp will be given to the people close to the councillor so that they get power over the settlement. Sometimes people who are critical will be left homeless. This has happened in Foreman Road and in Jadhu Place.

The government will say that people must accept the transit camps, which often means relocation, because they will be safe there. But in fact it is perfectly possible to electrify the settlements where they are and it is perfectly possible to electrify shacks as they are. Everybody knows that until 2001 the eThekwini Municipality used to electrify shacks. They stopped this at the same time as they started their notorious ‘Slum Clearance’ programme.

People are getting desperate, very desperate. After today’s fire some people wanted to attack the woman who had left her stove unattended. We had to protect her – we had to request the help of the police to keep her safe. It is not surprising that some shack dwellers are responding to armed electricity disconnections by disconnecting the rich.

We need to be very clear about the fact that across the country there is a war on the poor. Everywhere shack dwellers are under attack. Everywhere street traders are under attack. Everywhere the state does not see any need to follow the law when attacking us. Everywhere we are being driven out of the cities and dumped in transit camps. It is clear that we are being left to burn because we do not count. But it is also clear that we are also being left to burn because the fires assist the state in bringing us under their control and driving us out of the cities.

Enough is enough. The fires must stop.

Our demands are simple and they are clear.

1. The state must immediately electrify all shacks with the same urgency and speed with which they built the stadiums for 2010. While people wait for electrification they must be allowed to electrify their own shacks themselves.

2. The settlements must be upgraded where they are with democratic
development methods and this must be undertaken with the same urgency and speed with which the state built the stadiums for 2010. When the state is not able to house the people they must be allowed to build their own structures and in fact supported to do this.

3. There must be a moratorium on the sale or private development of all urban land until the people are housed.

We wish, again, to thank the Fire Department for their support. For some time now they have given us excellent support. They treat us as if we are people that do count. They come when we call them and they risk their lives for us. We deeply appreciated it.

However we note that it is now more than 12 hours since the fire started. The media have all come. But there is still no word from the City. Perhaps they are too busy evicting and shooting at street traders to help us.

In fact certain officials in the Housing Department of the eThekwini Municipality have made it quite clear that they intend to punish us for organising ourselves and speaking for ourselves. They consider this to be a very serious offence, a crime. They are determined to make sure that we must suffer because we have not accepted the policies of the ruling party. In South Africa there is no distinction between the party and the state. If you offend the party by speaking the truth then you offend the state and you will be punished by the state.

We have 300 people who are homeless. We need support. Any donations of food, clothes, blankets and building materials will be highly appreciated.
For further information and comment please contact:

Thina Khanyile, Deputy Chairperson, Kennedy Road Development Committee (and one of the Kennedy Six): 078 289 1314

Bheki Simelane, Member of the Kennedy Road Development Committee: 078 598 9491

Marking the 2009 Day of the African Child

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57069

This statement from The Center for Elections and Governance in Zambia, on the occasion of the Day of the African Child (16 June), calls for heads of state, members of parliament, elected councilors and public workers to be more accountable and responsive to needs of children.
Centre for Elections and Governance (CEG) Zambia

15th June, 2009

The News Editor,
Zambia News and Information Service,
Mass Media Complex
Lusaka.

PRESS STATEMENT TO MARK JUNE 16 AS THE DAY OF THE AFRICAN CHILD

Our organization would like to join the country and the continent at large in commemorating this Day.

June 16 was adopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU- now called the African Union, in 1991 as time for an Annual Review of the commitment to the respect of the Basic Human Rights of the African Child on the continent. This Year’s Theme is “Africa Fit for Children”.

The Day had been remembered as an occasion when school children took to the streets of South Africa’s sprawling Soweto Township in Johannesburg during the era of Apartheid to protect against the poor quality of education for non-white races and demanding to be taught in local languages.

Zambia was a staunch supporter of the liberation struggle in Southern Africa and was part to the decision to declare this Day as being for the protection of the African Child.

In line with this year’s theme, we feel African Leaders, including those here in Zambia, should do more to ensure the welfare of the children is taken care of properly.

It was the desire for freedom, including freedoms of children, that led to liberation wars on the continent and re-introduction of multi-party politics with Zambia taking a lead in this development.

Today, the continent is still unfit for most of the children. This calls for heads of state, members of parliament, elected councilors and public workers to be more accountable and responsive to needs of children.
The following are some of the examples that will help explain our argument:

Corruption has taken root especially in public institutions leading to depleting of meager national resources through stealing, misapplication, investigating suspects and rising legal costs. In Zambia, the on-going investigations of all government ministries has led to delays and stopping of service delivery systems, especially in the health sector.

There are still common cases of early marriages involving children below 16 years and older men older than 40 years. Similarly, incidences of defilements, even by teachers and parents, are common place and court punishments are not stiff enough to deter would-be abusers.

One of the African Union (AU)’s desire is to create a United States of Africa, to foster development, including children’s progress. But this will remain a pipe dream as incidences of conflict and xenophobia continue- where women and children are the major victims. Take for instance, the forced migration and repatriation of refugees like what is about to happen to Burundians Asylum seekers in Tanzania on June 30. There are also refugees resident in Zambia who would like to settle here and keep their children in school, but are being ordered to leave since their time is over. Then there is the killing of Albino Children in Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania. Other horrendous acts include torching of asylum seekers and migrant laborers from Mozambique and Zimbabwe in South Africa, with traumatic effects of their families and children.

The Human Rights violations in Darfur, Southern Sudan, makes ones one weep and realize not all is well for the African Child there.

There are children in Zambian prisons who have been arrested and remanded together with their parent-suspects because there are no relatives to take care of them. The children have committed not crime and are being punished for the sins of their mothers.

We call upon the AU leadership to ensure the continental body and Zambian authorities top do more to protect vulnerable children.

The decision by AU chairperson and Libyan Leader Muammar Gaddafi to raise salaries for staff at the African Union Commission Secretariat in Addis Ababa in Ethiopia soon after ascending to the position was welcome, but he should also initiate radical programmes to address basic rights of children.

There is more children need beyond shelter, food, education and medicines (These are also not even adequate at the moment). A rights-based approach will go a long way in making the continent fit for children, not the way things are now.

Gershom Musonda
Trustee
Centre for Elections and Governance
0977 358796

10 years of uninterrupted democracy in Nigeria

Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Center

2009-06-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57066

May 29, 2007, Nigeria returned to democratic rule after over two decades of military dictatorship in our political history.

Against the backdrop of staccato political history, May 29, 2009, Nigerians are justified to roll out the drums and celebrate 10 years of uninterrupted democracy and success in transiting from one democratic governance to another.

It is heart-warming and satisfying to know that the democratic journey which kick-started with the activities and struggles of courageous Nigerians in the civil society, the media and the risks that members of the G.8 (later G.28) took in speaking out and staking their necks when it was very dangerous to do has yielded dividend and gone this far.

As the years go by, Nigeria is expected to grow and mature in her democratic experiment. Nigerians look up to when it can pride itself with over a hundred years behind it like the US and some countries of Europe.

The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) uses this opportunity to congratulate all Nigerians on this auspicious occasion. We specially remember and give kudos to those who struggled for the democracy which we enjoy today. We also salute the courage of those who laid down their lives in the struggle, those who spoke up; stake their necks when it was dangerous to do so and those who contributed in one way or the other from the trenches, detentions, exiles etc, we salute your courage, resilience and perseverance. It has earned us this 10-years walk in freedom and self-determination.

However, as we pop the champagnes and ignite the fireworks in jubilation, here are some foods for thought. In the first eight years of this democracy we were said to be in a learning process, could 10 years also be said to be engaged in learning? Maturity, however, is not all about number of years, even as it is the most common yardstick. When we look back the 10 years, can we really beat our chests and be proud of the 10 years spent? Could we say our experiences, expectations and the physical/mental development in these 10 years justify it or is worth rolling out the drums?

As a CSO which is engaged in legislative advocacy, can we say that the legislatures produced in these 10 years are the institutions we can be proud of as the bastion of democracy? Can we say the institution has matured enough to hold the government accountable to the people? Your answers are as good as ours.

Inspite of all these challenges, CISLAC as a CSO which has taken the front burner in our democratisation process, we make bold to reiterate and emphasise that the worst democracy is better than even a benevolent military rule or dictatorship, so we have no option, other than push forward with democratic advancement, inspite of the obvious challenges, hoping that as we walk along we will fine-tune into acceptable standards.

As we assess our 10 years of democratic governance, we also hear pundits and critics say that the legislature or the parliament is too expensive, and that it could be de-emphasised in our polity. Where then is democracy without the parliament? Yes, it is expensive, but like the saying goes, “if education is expensive, try ignorance”. It is a question off pound foolish, penny wise. The legislature is the hallmark of democracy, as we mature along, we can only make our legislature better and cost effective.

As We Celebrate…
There is no doubt that democracy has brought things to cherish. The gains of democracy are here with us, but we feel it could either be better or that there are areas we need fine-tuning to make our democracy better and mature into internationally accepted standards.

The issue of electoral reform stares every Nigerian in the face. Democracy can only be real if the representatives of the people and government generally derive their mandate from the people, which in this case is through the ballot box. The transparency of the process, which produces political leaders, is not negotiable. This brings us to the Justice Mohammed Uwais Panel Report. CISLAC urges the government and members of the National Assembly to accept the Uwais report, especially the area dealing with the leadership of INEC. The chief umpire must be trusted for the system to be credible. We urge Mr. President bury ego and listen to CSOs and Labour in this regard.

Corruption in High Places:
As we celebrate 10 yeas of democratic governance, it is pertinent to draw our attention to allegations of corruption in high places.

CISLAC, only recently, compiled a compendium of some corrupt activities in the National Assembly from 1999 to date. What we have put down are only those that were made public, it is a tip of the iceberg, we all know that.

Nigerians expect their representatives, that is members of the National Assembly to protect them, that is why they get disappointed when they hear of these scandals involving NASS members.

From our findings, the corrupt activities taking place in the Executive arm of government is colossal. That of NASS is a child’s play when compared with the corruption in the Executive arm. The MDAs are known to be the official promoters of corruption. Here, corruption walks on two legs in broad day light. Even highly placed government officials demand for bribe and are shielded by the Official Secret Act. Most of the corruption that take place in the Legislative arm are only made possible and facilitated by the Executive arm.

The above links to poor budget implementation. It is in the MDAs that budgetary funds are kept behind only to be shared after the fiscal year, since budget overlap was banned. In some cases, contractors are known to connive with the ministries in charge to do a shoddy job and share the left over or out-rightly share the money without execution of the contracts. These are prevalent in roads, water and electricity contracts. It could be better, if the Ministry of Works and the Due Process Office become born again and rebrand themselves. In these 10 years, Nigeria would have been truly “great” for her “good people”. It is only though connivance that poor budget implementation takes place, like we saw in the Ministry of Health N5.5m scandal involving Senator Iyabo Obasanjo Bello and the Ministers and co-oversight functions of the legislature has become an extortion tool.

Popular Participation:
When we talk of democracy, we cannot do without the participation of the people whom the fulcrum of democracy rests. In the past 10 years, with a skewed electoral system, how open has been the government to the people, and to what extent has it allowed participation in governance by the citizenry. Though, some will say, fantastic, giving the military background and the fact that interest groups attend Public Hearings before some Acts are passed. CISLAC is of the opinion that it could be better. It is on this note that we call on the NASS to without delay pass the FOI Bill to allow to transparency and accountability in government. Just like we expect that with the passage of the Justice Uwais Report into law, the Nigerian people can now truly choose their leaders as their votes will henceforth count. This is against the background of the brigandage and violent rigging that characterised the polity in the past.

Power/Energy:
The bane of our democratic growth is the slow economic growth. The growth of our economy is hinged on power/energy. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua promised to declare a state of emergency on the sector. Two years into his tenure, Nigerians are still waiting, and yet to understand his pussy-footing attitude in that sector.

Poverty:
Poverty eradication/reduction and industrialisation are directly connected to the state of power. As our industries are closing down, rather than getting better. Democracy could not be said to be thriving in an ailing economy with impoverished people. Even starting small scale business have been made unprofitable by lack of power supply and the present fuel scarcity to even power the small generators called “Chinese’ toys”. If the truth must be told, in the past ten years, poverty has been accelerated, even as Nigeria earned more from crude oil.

Economy:
Another major area the authorities must look into is the area of diversification of the economy. Nigeria depends almost wholly on crude oil exportation for her economy. It is a well known fact that the world is looking away from oil. In the first eight years of this democracy, earnings from oil soared. The nation is yet to see where these earnings are invested into, just as it is yet to experience any major step towards diversification. The Niger Delta crisis is a signal that we cannot for too long depend on this commodity as the only foreign exchange earner, yet, we are yet to see a major policy shift.

The 1999 Constitution is said to be a hurried document by the military who were strife weary and retreating in haste to the barracks. In our 10-years experience, we have not been able to give to ourselves our own grand norm or even amend the bad document to meet our taste.

The recent experience between the House of Representatives and the Senate is a digression. The real issues are buried. In 10 years, our political actors should have matured enough to act in national interest.

Conclusion:
There has been general lack of accountability and gross mismanagement in the polity. Democracy will fare better if these lose areas are straightened out. Mr. President must not fear, but declare the promised emergency. Forget the party interest and adopt national interest on the issue of electoral reform and stop lip service to the fight against corruption. On the other hand, the legislature must wake up and hold the executive accountable to the people, do proper oversight of the MDAs or the experience of these 10 years will be the same in 20 years time

The states and local governments are not left out. If in the grassroots, real democracy dividends have been truly delivered in 10 years, Nigerians would have celebrated better.

Victory, but justice deferred?

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/57085

HUGE STEP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION

This story warms my heart and those who fought for the admission (or else why would Shell have paid up?) by a powerful multinational deserve my greatest respect and sympathy. What an achievement! It may not be justice yet, but it certainly is a huge step in the right direction. As Desmond Tutu said recently when receiving an Honoris Causa from the university of Geneva ''Don't get discourage when you think that all your efforts lead nowhere. There are plenty of others who do the same thing. That is why, in the end you shall win''.

(Elisabeth Nyffenegger)

WHAT ABOUT THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT?

My concern is: the Federal Government of Nigeria who never admitted colluding with Shell to execute the Ogono 9. The Abacha government in 1995 stated that it has found Saro-Wiwa et-al guilty before its tribunal and justly executed them; therefore, the Federal Government cannot shirk off responsibility over these murders. Now that Shell has opted for an out of court settlement, what is the Federal Government doing in recompense? I am aware of government activities and policies in this volatile Niger- Delta. I think the Federal Government needs to pay at least twice the amount paid by Shell, and of course offer an unreserved apology to the Ogonni people. Even if it was on behalf of Shell, it was the government that committed these acts.

(Nengak Daniel Gondyi)

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES…

Thank you very much Sokari and Firoze for this sensible and accessible reflection on the complexities of the recent out of court settlement and for reminding us that more important than the condemnation of the plaintiffs for settling this case is the ongoing struggle for justice for the people of the Niger Delta and the need to focus our attention on the escalation of the Nigerian government's collective punishment of our people who have already suffered so much.

(Abiola Ogunsola)

First, hats off to the authors for a very sensitively written article. I only feel a sense of dejection after reading the article, and a sinking realisation that any victories to be had will be despite our legal systems and not because of it. The deck is stacked against communities and the environment. You're right in reminding people that $15.5 million buys no immunity for crimes committed and yet to be committed. I'm associated with the campaign for justice in Bhopal against Union Carbide and Dow Chemical, and can totally relate to the sentiments expressed in your article. In Ken's famous words: "Let the lord take my soul, but the struggle continues..."

(Nityanand Jayaraman)

Another great socialist scholar: Giovanni Arrighi

Bill Martin

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/57199

It is with great sadness that I report that Giovanni Arrighi passed peacefully yesterday morning in Baltimore (Thursday June 18, 2009), with his partner Beverly Silver, and his son, Andrea, at his side.
It is with great sadness that I report that Giovanni Arrighi passed
peacefully yesterday morning in Baltimore (Thursday June 18, 2009), with his
partner Beverly Silver, and his son, Andrea, at his side.

Scholars and activists will recall his long, brilliant trajectory, from his
earliest work on the Political Economy of Rhodesia and historical labour
supplies in southern Africa, through his Geometry of Imperialism, to his
more recent trilogy (The Long Twentieth Century, Chaos and Governance, and
Adam Smith in Beijing). In the last few years his attention had returned to
Africa, leading to a stint in residence in South Africa (Grahamstown); it is
with great regret that his promised return to writing on southern/Africa
will not, now, be fulfilled.

He leaves us a remarkable legacy: a life lived well, marked by a selfless
generosity to his students and peers, a complete lack of the cynicism that
has afflicted so many in the last decades, and, in the most recent period, a
growing optimism, nay belief, of the advent of a more humane, liberated
world on the horizon. He will be sorely missed on many continents.

Somali media director assassinated

Somali Speaking Centre of International PEN (SS PEN)

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/57080

cc ctsnowFollowing the assassination of Radio Shabelle's Media Director Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe in Mogadishu on 7 June, the Somali Speaking Centre of International PEN (SS PEN) condemns the attack and decries the inability of Somali journalists to operate without risk of physical harm.

The Somali Speaking Centre of International PEN (SS PEN) is deeply shocked by the assassination of the media director of a popular radio station in Mogadishu, Somalia.

Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe, director of Radio Shabelle, was assassinated by unknown assailants in Bakara market in Mogadishu's Hawlwadag district on the morning of Sunday 7 June at around 10:35am. Ahmed Omar Hashi, a news editor at Radio Shabelle known as Tajir, was also seriously wounded in the attack.

Two men with pistols attacked Muktar Mohamed Hirabe and Ahmed Omar Hashi. The attackers killed Muktar on the spot after shooting him on the head several times, and Ahmed was seriously wounded when two bullets punctured his stomach. The late Muktar, 48, and Ahmed, 41, were walking together less than two kilometres from their station when attacked.

The leadership of Shabelle Media Network confirmed the assassination of Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe. The chairperson of Shabelle Media Network, Abdimalik Yusuf, in Manchester, United Kingdom, condemned the killing. After Radio Shabelle broadcast the assassination of its director, the radio stopped airing its normal programmes and started airing verses from the Qu’ran to grieve the death, according to the Shabelle management.

The Somali Speaking Centre of International PEN (SS PEN) today spoke and condemned the attack, saying that this attack on journalists is a matter of great concern.

Somali Speaking PEN says the killing of Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe sends a clear message to the journalists whose lives are at risk. It described Mukhtar's assassination as a planned mission with a bad motive – a mission aiming to silence journalists and suppress freedom of expression. SS PEN says it is a deplorable and totally unacceptable to watch journalists being constantly murdered. SS PEN has been appealing to political groups to end the killing of journalists and media workers, but no group listens.

The assassination of Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe seems to be an organised crime according to eyewitnesses and is part of a series of attacks against journalists in Somalia. Mukhtar is the fifth journalist to have been killed in Somalia since January 2009.

Shabelle Media Network has been experiencing horrible attacks on its journalists and its premises recently, and Mukhtar is its third journalist to have died since the beginning of this year. Many of Radio Shabelle’s senior journalists have fled from the country.

Somali Speaking PEN Centre expresses and sends its sincerest condolences to the family and colleagues of Mukhtar Mohamed Hirabe following the demise of their beloved son, brother and friend. SSPEN also hopes for a quick recovery for Ahmed Omar Hashi, who has been admitted to the Madina Hospital in Mogadishu.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

An interview with Binyavanga Wainaina

Mildred Kiconco Barya

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/57076

cc caineprize.comWith this year's Caine Prize for African Writing shortlist now announced, Mildred Kiconco Barya interviews Binyavanga Wainaina, the 2002 winner of the prize. The winner of the 2009 prize will be announced at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, on Monday 6 July.

Binyavanga Wainaina was born in Nakuru, Kenya, in 1971. His story, 'Discovering Home', won the Caine Prize in 2002. He is the founding editor of Kwani?, a literary magazine, and contributes regularly to South Africa’s leading online newspaper, The Mail & Guardian. He has also written for The East African, National Geographic, The Sunday Times (South Africa), Granta, The New York Times and The Guardian (UK). In 2007, he was writer-in-residence at Union College in Schenectady, New York. In the autumn of 2008, he was in residence at Williams College where he taught Creative Writing while working on a novel. Currently he is a Bard Fellow and the director of the Chinua Achebe Center for African Literature and Languages.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Why do you write?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Because I have been reading a book a day since I was six … was addicted to fiction, and I believe fiction is better than the real world.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: At what age did you start writing creatively?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Fourteen.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What are the thematic concerns in your writing?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: I am interested in how human beings find ways to be stable and search for goodness in a chaotic world. How we arrange ourselves and relate to each other fascinates me.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What inspired you to write 'Discovering Home'?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: It started as an email sent to a friend describing a trip to Uganda, then I worked on it as a memorial to my mother after she died.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How did you know about the Caine Prize?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: I saw Helon Habila interviewed on Kenyan television.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What was your initial response when you won the Caine Prize?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: When the prize was announced, Wangui wa Goro, a writer and a translator of Ngugi’s work, stood up and started singing a praise song, there in [Oxford's] Bodleian library. I started to cry.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What has been happening or not happening since winning the Caine?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: I co-founded Kwani?, and tried to open up opportunities for new writers.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to rewrite your submitted story what would you change?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Everything. I love to rewrite.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How often do you revise or redraft your stories?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Ten, twelve times or more…

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How do you deal with a writer’s rejections?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: These days I don’t feel anything.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Apart from writing, what else do you do and why?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: I run the Chinua Achebe Center at Bard College, where I am going to start an online master's programme for creative writers. I love creating opportunity for new talent.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Forty years from now where do you see yourself?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Writing.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your best quote?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Too many.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Which five authors do you admire most and why?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA:
i - Kojo Laing, writer of 'Search Sweet Country', the greatest novel to come out of Africa.
ii - Saul Bellow – love his riff and sentences...
iii - Ahmadou Kourouma, 'Waiting for the Wild Beasts to Vote', was a beautifully structured novel, and worked sooo well.
iv - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, 'Half of a Yellow Sun', is a book of true commitment and love – I love many things about it, most of all I love the idea of somebody writing about Biafra, which happened after she was born. A huge task, fraught with risks, but she did it.
v - Chinua Achebe – I love all his work, feel very privileged to work with him at Bard College.
vi - Witold Gombrowicz – love his absurd, dense books, with so many tiny human and natural transactions…

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: List your favourite five books.

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA:
i – 'Search Sweet Country' by Kojo Laing.
ii – 'The Street of Crocodiles' by Bruno Shultz.
iii – 'Waiting for the Wild Beasts to Vote' by Ahmadou Kouruma.
iv – 'A Way in the World' by V.S. Naipaul.
v – 'Mission To Kala' – still the funniest book. So funny.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your vision?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: I shall spend my life answering that…

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What genre do you read most and why?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: Fiction. Fiction. Fiction. Why? Because I am addicted to it.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to make a wish right now what would it be?

BINYAVANGA WAINAINA: To finish my novel!

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

An interview with Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor

Mildred Kiconco Barya

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/57077

cc caineprize.comWith this year's Caine Prize for African Writing shortlist now announced, Mildred Kiconco Barya interviews Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor, the 2003 winner of the prize. The winner of the 2009 prize will be announced at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, on Monday 6 July.

Yvonne Adhiambo Owuor roams inner and outer landscapes. She is the winner of the 2003 Caine Prize for her story 'Weight of Whispers'. Currently she is flirting with the Aga Khan University as they plan for a liberal education campus to be established in Arusha, Tanzania. Creative writing will feature on the proposed curriculum. She has just ended her long wrestling match with her first novel, which currently bears the title ‘A Season of Dust and Memory’. The novel won. Yvonne is sulking.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Why do you write?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: I like talking to myself and making patterns out of the letters of the alphabet on blank surfaces.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: At what age did you start writing creatively?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Anecdotal evidence. Two years old. The discovery of crayons and white walls.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Describe your writing journey.

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Long, erratic, fraught with misadventures, misanthropes, hiatus, celestial fun and shamanic interventions.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What are the thematic concerns in your writing?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Life, death, magic, humans and solitude in landscapes.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What inspired you to write ‘Weight of Whispers'?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Outrage, Binyavanga and the suppressed flame of story-telling finally seeping from my soul.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How did you know about the Caine Prize?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: I didn’t. Binyavanga Wainaina did.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What was your initial response when you won the Caine Prize?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Glee.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What has been happening or not happening since winning the Caine?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Life has been happening. More adventures in this delightful experiment of existence.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to rewrite your submitted story what would you change?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Nothing.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How often do you revise or redraft your stories?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Muse dependant. Sometimes once. Sometimes ten thousand and thirty three times plus one.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your take on writing?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Delicious.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How do you deal with a writer’s rejections?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Writing is a cosmos of learning. Rejection reads adapt, learn, improve, grow and grow.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Apart from writing, what else do you do and why?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Live. Why? I must. I must. So much to see, so much to do, so much to learn, so many people to meet. So many sunsets to inhale. What a wild grace and tremendously mysterious gift being [alive].

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Forty years from now where do you see yourself?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: On a farm by the Indian Ocean, in a community of mad, never-retiring artists and global misfits who smoke peace pipes, swimming four times a day and waving at dolphins and passing good angels while conducting exorcisms for pleasure while I wait for the call-up (and hope that among my peers I won’t be the one left behind to switch off the lights on my way out).

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your best quote?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: 'In the beginning was the Word.'

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Which five authors do you admire most and why?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Such a grown-up question. I love (luuuuuurve) so many, I admire even more. Why? Writers are other eyes and wisdom-givers. Daring travellers to unreachable parts of the cosmos, meeting people, suggesting views, angles that tease different parts of my spirit and dreams.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: List your favourite five books.

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: See my answer to the authors question above.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your vision?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Depends on which psychedelic experiences I am enjoying, enduring, figuring out. Vision – mhh, let’s see, peace on earth and love to all humankind.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What genre do you read most and why?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Landscapes. I want landscapes to like me and show me the secrets in their memories and tell me who else has passed through and what they did or did not do.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to make a wish right now what would it be?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: That laughter and joy will invade the lives of all creatures of existence and secure these with playfulness and holy mischief. (After Kenya’s post-election thing, I am deep into kumbayah – let’s make the world a better place.)

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to have the powers of a genie, what two things would you change?

YVONNE ADHIAMBO OWUOR: Er … I do have the powers of a genie. And I am about to change that three-wishes limit. It is now infinite. Wish number one: I wish the questions end… And they did.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Forgiveness doesn't mean ignoring justice

Sokari Ekine

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/57078

This week’s reviewed blogs are all drawn from the Shackdwellers.org social justice aggregator. The site covers websites and blogs writing on social justice campaigns and issues from across the world.


Abahlali baseMjondolo report from South Africa on the ongoing struggle between Durban City Council and local traders who are being forced to relocate to make way for a massive development including shopping mall. The traders asked for and were awarded a brief injunction to prevent the city from closing the market or allowing traders to enter. Nonetheless the police continued to harass the traders and in this case fired rubber bullets reminiscent of apartheid rule.

‘Roy Chetty, of Durban, said he had been walking past the market when he saw the police cordon off the area. He said traders with licences had moved into the market's parking area on the officers' orders when they were "viciously attacked" without provocation. "It happened quickly. The traders weren't being violent. The police jumped over the boundary wall and started shooting. People were shot in the face and some in the back," Chetty said.’


Lagos, Nigeria has been undergoing a beautifying project by the state government which has included limited street lighting, gardens, street names, new buses and taxis and the removal of millions of street hawkers and shackdwellers across the city.

Stealth of Nations comments on the closing down of The Shrine - the club owned by the late Fela and since his death run by his family. The Shrine is so much part of Lagos' history and remains a symbol of the defiance against the tyranny of corruption and repression – a place where the masses make claim to the city.

Fela's original Africa Shrine was shut by the military in 1977, and Fela himself was ‘dragged from the building by his genitals.’ Soldiers threw Fela's mother out the window, and she died from her injuries. Now, 32 years later, a democratic regime has closed the rebuilt club.

‘I know: it's a club. It's noisy and attracts marijuana smokers (Fela was big on that) and stays open till early morning. Still, it is one of the great attractions of Lagos...People salute Governor Babatunde Fashola for being a man of action, but from the outside (I haven't been back to Lagos in six months), it seems like he's taken imperial powers to new heights. And he certainly doesn't understand the importance of the informal economy to his city's survival – and the creative possibilities for harnessing it to create a truly African urbanism.’


Treatment Action Campaign reports on the death of young AIDS activist, Thembisa Ngubane. Thembisa became well known and to many a heroine when she began an audio diary chronicling the day to day life of herself, family and friends.


‘My mother, she clothed me, fed me, raised me, and now, at the end of the day, she must also bury me. I was supposed to be the one who was going to look after her...That is not right...My mother always said that you must be tough. Even if you are feeling hurt. You must not always be jelly belly, cry, cry, cry, cry.’

‘FORGIVENESS DOESN'T MEAN IGNORING JUSTICE’

The Lubanga Trial reports on the progress of the trial of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo at the International Criminal Court. Lubanga is a former rebel leader in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and is accused of conscripting, enlisting, and using child soldiers. This particular post documents the rape of young girls who were recruited as child soldiers. The witness in this case tells the story of what happened:

‘”The trainers and other guards from the [training] center took advantage of situation...I clearly said that there was rape – that is, carrying out sexual intercourse with someone who is not willing or doing so by force,” the witness explained. “That is what I qualify as rape.”’

Even more harrowing are the reports that children joined the militia to take revenge for the murder of their families:

‘“They had just arrived from their homes,” explained the unnamed witness, identified as a former soldier in the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC) who also trained young recruits…
“Many had lost their parents [in attacks on their villages]… and joined the army in order to get vengeance.”’


Chase Fire Liberia writes about the Truth and Reconciliation process taking place in Liberia. Here a survivor of the Rwandan genocide, Immaculée Ilibagiza, addresses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission at the Centennial Memorial Pavilion in Monrovia to share her experiences in the hope of passing on the message of forgiveness to Liberian survivors of war:

‘Immaculée told Liberians that the act of forgiveness does not necessarily mean that justice is ignored. Clarifying that there are a whole lot of misconceptions about forgiveness, she said: “Forgiving to me in a sense does not exclude justice because justice has to go on. Forgiveness is a form of justice. Reconciliation is a form of justice. Forgiveness to me means to be free in my heart of bitterness completely.”

Immaculée and seven other women spent 91 days huddled silently together in a cramped bathroom of a local pastor’s house during the Rwandan Genocide of 1994 that targeted Immaculée’s Tutsi tribe and reportedly claimed close to a million lives. Since then, she has been sharing her universal message with world dignitaries, school children, multinational corporations, churches, and at many conferences, with Liberia being just one of the many countries that have heard her side of the story of Rwanda’s terrible genocide.


Zimbabwean Women's Voices is a new group blog from the Zimbabwean Women's Resource Center. Here they discuss the importance of women in participating in the Constitutional process:

‘I have often listened with disbelief as some women in the movement have blithely dismissed civil and political rights, stating that the constitution disregards women’s concerns because it only deals with civil and political rights and yet a lot of women are located in the personal arena. Really? Are women not political animals? Isn’t there a slogan that says somewhere “the personal is political”? Isn’t the political also personal? If you get raped because your husband is the local organiser of political party X, isn’t that personal AND political? If you get abducted in the middle of the night leaving your children without a mother isn’t that personal and political? I have been left dumbfounded by some organisations which in the past sad year have claimed that they will only assist women who are victims of gender based violence and not women who are victims of political violence! That is how self-defeating we have become! We should be wary of propagating false dichotomies. What happened to the notion that human rights are indivisible?’


Black Looks publishes a video showing the execution of a young man by members of the Nigerian Army’s Joint Task Force [JTF] somewhere in the creeks of Delta State. The video was taken only last week and is shocking in it’s disregard for rule of law by a state army and brutality towards another human being. As we all come to terms with the US$15.5 million settlement in the Wiwa versus Shell case highlighted in last week’s Pambazuka editorial, we should be aware that it is in this environment in which Shell and others operate their dirty business.

Finally, the Nigerian government has just launched a ‘$5 million war’ against bloggers and online news media such as Sahara Reporters. The plan is to recruit a team of 700 bloggers and commenters who would then write lovely stories about the government and their actions. This is the action of a desperate and stupid government.

‘”The government has decided to mobilise a few individuals to set up online forums that promise to extend the frontiers of online journalism,” said a security source. He added that, in the initial stages, these websites would release a few detailed and seemingly credible stories calculated to garner credibility for them as well as a wide readership. “But the ultimate objective is to fully divert the websites to the task of acting as attack dogs for the government’s online critics,” said a source. She added that the government plans to fund and roll out about 50 of such new websites between now and the beginning of serious campaigns for the next round of elections scheduled for 2011.’

* Sokari Ekine blogs at Black Looks.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

China -Africa Roundup

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57158

Sanusha Naidu does a roundup of the week's Sino-African news
China shakes off image as climate criminal with green revolution
Stanbic IBTC: Nigeria, China strengthen ties
FirstRand to Battle Citigroup, Barclays in Africa
Ethiopia: Newly elected Indian government keen to scale up cooperation with Ethiopia: Ambassador Genet
China’s ICBC, Standard Bank to sign finance deal for Morupule expansion
New undersea cables to lower cost of doing business in SA – Neotel chief
Reforms, China, Africa’s chances for growth
De-Dollarization: Dismantling America’s Financial-Military Empire: The Yekaterinburg Turning Point
MTN may take GDR route for 25% stake in Bharti Airtel
China, Egypt pledge stronger ties on anti-graft chief's Cairo visit
Summit meeting of Brazil, Russia, India and China watched for signals on the dollar
BRIC dialogue and cooperation to promote international economic recovery
India Yes Bank sees 1st Africa farm project start 2011
Africa pioneers mobile bank push
China Courts Ruling Swapo Party
Africa No.1 target for CCCC as $4 bln projects mount up
Foreign Direct Investment in China Tumbles on Crisis
Integrating BRICs
ICBC mulls investment in Uganda's oil, agriculture sectors
ECI Telecom announces deals in India, Africa
‘Think textiles, think Tunisia’
Gabon leader's death revives debate over France's cozy ties with former colonies
Bric in search of elusive common cause
China is not a threat to Africa – Museveni
SouthAfrica FirstRand eyes Nigeria, others
Sinopec, KNOC face off in $8 bln-plus Addax battle
Step up vigil to stop fake Made in India drugs in Africa: Govt
China accused of hoarding minerals
CII India Business Forum launched in China
Chinese investment - good for Africa?
BRICs, emerging markets and the world economy: Not just straw men
Investment spending in China: Reap what you sow
India may opt out of trade talks with IOR countries
Global Land Grab
Uganda: Made in China - Do We Get Value for Money?
ENVIRONMENT: Central Africa's "Most Beautiful Waterfall" Under Threat
Chinese Overseas Enterprises Look for Specific Guidance on Environmental Behavior

China Quarterly Update - June, 2009

2009-06-19

http://go.worldbank.org/QR685IVMP0

China’s economy has continued to feel the brunt of the global crisis. Global economic activity continued to decline in the first part of 2009, even as tentative signs of stabilization have emerged recently in several countries. However, very expansionary fiscal and monetary policies have kept the economy growing respectably. Fiscal stimulus is centered on the infrastructure-oriented “RMB 4 trillion” stimulus plan and the monetary stimulus has led to a surge in new bank lending. Government-influenced investment has soared.

Chinese experiences in development: Implications for Africa

Li Anshan

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57079

'China’s rise' is becoming an event, a phenomenon, a topic and a theme, while China’s engagement in Africa has also aroused a lot of interest, even tension, in international academia and politics. There is also some talk about a 'Beijing Consensus' or 'China model'.[1] There are some debates within Chinese academia regarding these terms, yet the Chinese leader seems to be reluctant to accept these terms. The very reason could be that China had some negative experiences of copying others' models.

China’s development is simply a process of learning, learning from anybody who can provide a better way for development, and the process is still going on. To apply others’ experiences and lessons, that is, their success and failure, to your own conditions, is the only applicable lesson that China can offer. Obviously, there are some experiences of China’s development. In this paper, I will simply discuss four fields more relevant to Africa. The four issues of political leadership, social stability, agricultural production and reasonable use of foreign aid shed some light on the course of African development.

POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

In China, the political leadership is strongly emphasised. The Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) leadership is supposed to represent the people’s will and serve the people’s interests, with party school, party commission and party branch as the organisational guarantee. The leadership comprises two contents: the paramount party leadership and political leadership itself. The party leadership over almost everything has existed for a long time and will continue for some time. Here I only want to discuss political leadership and its succession.

Chairman Mao once pointed out 'When the political map is determined, cadres are the decisive factor.'[2] After the Cultural Revolution, there was a difficult time in the selection of a new generation of leadership. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping emphasised this issue and later put forward the standards for the young CCP leaders, which was termed 'four-way transformation' ('sihua') of the cadre corps, i.e., younger leaders around the age of 40 who were 'revolutionary, younger, more educated, and more technically specialized' ('geminghua, nianqinghua, zhishihua, zhuanyehua').[3] Both Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao also put a great emphasis on the political leadership of the CCP.

In order to train good leadership and guarantee a healthy power transition, various ways are adopted, such as a strict process of selection, fieldwork, party school training and shift work experiences. Young carders are usually sent to the local level for field study or fieldwork at the grassroots. There are continuous and systematic theoretical trainings which are usually held in party school in different levels, among which the central party school is the top one. Promising leaders are also shifted from one position to another, in order for them to get different work experiences.

Yet the power succession is a key issue in the history of the CCP. It is true that in the history of the CCP, the moment of power succession is sometimes accompanied with political crisis, interruption or disturbances. According to the theory of political science in the West, 'authoritarian regimes' like China are inherently fragile because of their weak legitimacy, over-reliance on coercion, over-centralisation of decision-making and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms. This presumption has been less convincing with China’s experience of development. Andrew Nathan, in his article published in the Journal of Democracy in 2003, pointed out that China’s leadership was stable and the regime resilient, which presents a new challenge to classical political science.[4]

In his article, Andrew Nathan listed several phenomena indicative of the institutionalisation of the succession process:

- Jiang Zemin finished his full term in office and did not stay in office past the time when the rules said he should leave. Jiang was the first leader in the history of the People's Republic of China (PRC) not to select his own successor.
- The retired elders did not attempt to intervene in the succession or, indeed, in any decision; the military exercised no influence over the succession.
- The selection of the new politburo was made by consensus within the old politburo. According to his judgment, meritocracy played a larger role, and factionalism a smaller role, in the rise of the fourth generation than was the case with earlier generations of Chinese leaders.
- Five of the nine members of the new Politburo Standing Committee were alternate members of the Central Committee as long ago as 1982.
- Never before in the PRC's history had there been a succession whose arrangements were fixed this far in advance and whose results were so unambiguous in transferring power from one generation of leaders to another.

His observation was fairly good, but his presumption is somewhat inaccurate or incorrect.

His judgment of the CCP’s 'weak legitimacy' is definitely wrong, obviously biased by his perspective on the communist party. 'Over-reliance on coercion' is not an accurate statement, which is more or less contradictory to the reform which is going on right now in China. It is noticed that the process of going up-and-down has frequently been practiced in either political reform, economic development or social experiments; take the medical reform for example. The statement about the 'over-centralisation of decision-making' is not accurate. Ironically, centralisation has proven to be more workable and effective than the liberal way in the current financial crisis, in both its cause and its solution. The criticism of the 'predominance of personal power over institutional norms' is true in some sense, but not a reasonable generalisation.

Chinese people have, along with the West, realised that thanks to the staunch leadership of the CCP, China has kept its pace in development constantly, although with some setbacks and failures along the way. China will definitely continue its own way of development with great momentum.

SOCIAL STABILITY

In a recent conference to celebrate 30th anniversary of China’s reform, President Hu Jintao talked about 'bu zheteng'?' When Hu Jintao finished his expression, every Chinese participant laughed, which indicated that they understood and agreed. Yet the English translations afterwards such as 'don't flip flop', 'don't get sidetracked', 'don't sway back and forth' and 'no dithering' could hardly express its real meaning, which has its cultural background in Chinese politics. Every Chinese knows what 'zheteng' means, but there is no equivalent in English. The essence of 'bu zheteng' simply means do not create disturbance by yourself. Why did President Hu put forward this expression? That is because the CCP and the Chinese people once had a very negative experience of 'zheteng' and have had wasted a lot of time. This is a hard lesson they learned from their contemporary history. In other words, we should maintain a stable social order in order to achieve our goal of development.

With the opening-up policy, the CCP realised that in order to maintain social stability, China should put more emphasis on economic construction. Deng Xiaoping made this very clear by saying 'Stability is more important than everything.'[5] For a society to develop in a consistent way, a stable political order is extremely important, especially for a developing country. Samuel Huntington also stressed the importance of stability in the process of modernisation. What’s a 'stable social order', or simply 'social stability'? It means that there is no destruction of or threat to the present social order or legislative system by any person, organisation or social group within the society, and the social life in the country runs normal and orderly. Stability is only a presentation of a peaceful and orderly society, and by no means indicates there are no social contradictions or confrontations. If the contradictions and confrontations between different political forces and interest groups do not present a threat to the frame of present social order and the legislative system, and cause open conflicts and chaos, the society should be considered as stable.

We may define three types of social stability: traditional order, coercive order and institutionalised order. Traditional society is characterised as having lower productivity and less social stratification and social mobility, and therefore the social order is rather stable. In Chinese academia, this kind of stability is termed 'super-stability', which exists mostly in the pre-capitalist stage, and is therefore out of our discussion here.

Coercive stability means to achieve social stability by force. When social contradictions and political conflicts cannot be solved within the present political frame and legislative system, the government, out of a certain motivation, decides to control or even suppress the acute contradictions by force or violence to maintain or strengthen the present social order, therefore to keep the socio-political situation in order.

Institutionalised stability is a situation where all the social contradictions and political conflicts can be controlled or constrained in the frame of politics and law, which can be adjusted or settled through the channel of democracy or social reform, and the reorganisation or improvement of the political system, so that both politics and society can maintain stability.

Of course, none of the three types of stability is pure, yet institutionalised stability is the most ideal one. Yet this kind of stability could not be easily realised, especially in developing countries, and the realisation of institutional stability needs some preconditions. While coercive stability is not all negative, that may create a temporary situation suitable for adjustment, which is necessary in some occasion.

Generally speaking, institutional stability would not change to coercive stability, yet there is an occasional exception. Coercive stability could not last long and it may transform into two different directions. In some case, with the improvement of social and political conditions and the legal system, institutional stability is gradually established. In other cases, coercive stability could only last for a while before it may turn out to be a disaster. The better transformation depends on the orientation of the government’s interest and the choice of its policy.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION

China is a country with a long history of agriculture. Africa also has a long tradition of agriculture. In China, 90 per cent of the population used to be rural; now this figure has decreased to about 900 million, yet it is still an agricultural state. China has put a great emphasis on rural development, with agricultural production on the top. There is a very common expression, 'wu liang bu wen', which means 'without grain, there is no stability'. The stressing of agricultural production in policy has been practiced since the founding of the PRC.

With the opening-up of 1978, although there was a shift of emphasis on economic development, agriculture remained a key issue on the agenda of the Chinese government. It is well understood that China, with such a big population, simply could not afford to depend on the international market for food, something which has been taken seriously as a strategic issue in every generation of Chinese leadership. Although there was a neglect of peasants’ interests occasionally, agricultural production is always stressed and food provision is kept as the number one issue.

Since poverty is concentrated in the rural areas, and the food issue is the key factor of poverty, the CCP keeps a sharp eye on three rural issues: agriculture, peasants and the countryside. As early as 1982, the first document issued by the Central Party Committee of the CPC and the State Council was on the agricultural issue. Since then, this first document of the year has mostly been on peasants or rural issues, such as the agricultural economy, agricultural planning, peasants’ income and the new socialist countryside. For example, the number one document of 2009 is to improve the stable development of agriculture and achieve a continuous increase in peasants’ income. Since great attention has been paid to the rural issue, China has speeded up the successful solution of its poverty. The absolute impoverished amount of the population decreased from 32 million at the end of 2000 to 23.65 million in 2005. A total of 8.35 million people were lifted out of poverty within five years, down by 5.87 per cent per year.[6]

Africa's cultivable land represents about 26.41 per cent of the total land of the continent, yet we have a picture of uncultivated land and a large population of poverty. In fact, in many African countries, food production could have been self-provided following the first decade after independence. Yet the later period witnessed the deterioration of the food situation, and food crises have occurred more frequently in recent years. Kenya is a good example, so is Zimbabwe. Why? There are external problems and obstacles, such as the fluctuation of food prices of international market, and foreign interference (the Berger Report, for example), yet we should also ask this question: Do African governments pay enough attention to agricultural production and its rural population?

If a government could not feed or clothe its people, then you would be in a very difficult situation. You need either food aid or have to spend precious foreign currency to buy food. When Ghana needed both food and money for its development in the past years, the World Bank agreed to lend some money under the condition that Ghana open its market for rice. The condition was accompanied by the unfair trade rule of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which opened the market for cheap American rice. Although Ghanaian rice is better nutritionally, Ghanaians prefer the cheap rice from the US.[7] In many other African countries, they is still a shortage of food. They may consider their strategy again and put more emphasis on agricultural production.

INITIATIVE AND AID

The last subject is initiative and aid, a very important issue for developing countries. The 'initiative' and 'aid' here have various aspects; while the former comprises individuals, the local level and the state, the latter encompasses the internal and external, including individuals, companies, the state, and international organisations. Obviously, only the needy need aid.

Although China has gradually changed its position in recent years from aid beneficiary to aid provider, the country has a long history of receiving aid. Internally, providing financial support to the poor individual or area has always been an important issue in poverty reduction in China, and the notion has changed constantly. At first, the measure called 'blood-transmission' is adopted, with money provided to the less developed areas to solve the problem. The result is not ideal; money is spent but the situation does not change, year after year. The policy proves less effective, necessitating reflection. Then another notion of 'blood-making' is introduced, meaning to mobilise the initiative of the poor area and make the best use of local conditions to realise the purpose of development. All the financial aid – whether money, personnel or technology – is provided to support measures beneficial to contextualised development of the locality.

The policy of 'blood-making' seems to work better than that of 'blood-transmission'; it is much more successful than the former. Yet with the new idea of scientific development, it is realised that in some areas the environment is targeted for particular protection. In those areas, blood-making certainly works for material development. Yet from a longer-term perspective, what is workable for the locality may not be good for the whole region. Or worse still, it is not a sustainable development and brings disaster to the people. What is more, the less developed area is usually the better ecological area which is chosen for environmental protection. In other words, for some particular areas which should serve an ecological role and thus not be suitable for industrial development, the government should compensate for environmental protection through blood-transmission in order to support the strategy of sustainable and scientific development. In sum, blood-transmission and blood-making should be combined in policy making.[8]

No matter what the notion, it is realised that for poverty reduction, only if the needy realise the importance of poverty reduction and get down to solid work can the aim be achieved, with or without support from outside.

Internationally, China has for a long time received financial support from outside, either international organisations or individual countries. The 1950s witnessed the financial support of the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics), comprising 156 projects, which contributed a great deal to China’s early infrastructure building. In 1979, Deng Xiaoping pointed out that we also needed to borrow some money for development. For more than 20 years, the overseas development assistance (ODA) from Japan has been number one among some 24 countries, and it provided ODA to China worth some 3225.4 billion yen, about 60 per cent of the total aid from foreign countries.[9] Yet China consistently adheres to the principle of 'self-reliance first, foreign aid second'. This principle is important in that it guarantees that China can develop according to its own strategy and own needs.

First, while China can compromise on some issues, it would never give up its sovereignty for aid. In 1958, when the USSR asked China to make a concession in the issues of long-wave transceiver and allied fleet, Chairman Mao Zedong realised its intention to control China and thus refused resolutely. Second, China would not let the aid provider interfere with its internal affairs and would make its own strategy of development, with foreign aid as a subsidiary measure. Third, China will put foreign money in the most needed place, thus making the best use of foreign aid. How to make the best use of money provided by external sources has always been a serious consideration of the Chinese government. Fourth, China would always try to keep foreign aid, especially aid in the form of debt, on a controllable base. If a country relies on foreign aid too much, it will gradually develop a mentality of dependency on aid. When you depend on aid yet cannot get aid, you may yield your sovereignty for financial support.

Most of the African countries have received foreign aid for quite a long time. According to William Easterly’s figure, for the past 40 years the West has spent more than US$568 billion on foreign aid to Africa. Easterly also observed that very little improvement occurred in Africa.[10] For example, Tanzania has been heavily depended on foreign aid, with a great percentage (40 per cent) of its revenue as foreign aid. Yet there is a high percentage of maternal death, with 24 maternal mothers and 144 new-born babies dying everyday. How to make the best use of foreign aid is a serious issue facing African countries. First, it is not proper to rely on foreign aid, yet most African countries still need foreign aid to promote economic development. There should be a balance in the introduction of foreign aid and the mobilisation of initiative at the local level. Second, foreign aid should be put at the most suitable place. In Africa, it is a common practice for the top leaders, whether presidents or ministers, to use the foreign aid or foreign-aided project to benefit their own home villages. I am not sure whether this is the best way to serve the whole country, or is this the best way to use foreign aid? Probably it is not usually so.

With a great reservoir of human resources and rich natural resources, Africa would make its own leap forward soon if both its leaders and people work hard on their own. As the Nigerian historian Akomolafe Femi pointed out, 'China’s rapid economic transformation holds special lessons for those in Africa. Whilst the Chinese opted for an indigenous solution to their economic backwardness … China’s economic performance is nothing short of a miracle. It shows what a people with confidence, determination and vision can achieve.'[11]

Let’s wait and see; the bright future of Africa is before us.

* Li Anshan is a professor at the Institute of Afro-Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Peking University, China.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

NOTES

[1] Joshua Cooper Ramo, The Beijing Consensus, London: The Foreign Policy Centre, 2002. Since Joshua Ramo’s frequently quoted phase was out, there are quite a few discussions relevant to China’s engagement in Africa, as well as China’s soft power. See for example, Drew Thompson, 'China’s Soft Power in Africa: From the ‘Beijing Consensus’ to Health Diplomacy,' China Brief, 5:21 (October 13, 2005), pp.1-4; 'CHINA/AFRICA: Emerging Beijing consensus shapes policy', Oxford Analytica Daily Brief Service. Jan 24, 2006. p.1. For a recent application of 'China’s model' in Africa, see Johan Lagerkvist, 'Chinese eyes on Africa: Authoritarian flexibility versus democratic governance', Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 27:2 (April 2009), pp.119-134.

[2] Mao Zedong, Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Vol. 2, Beijing: People’s Press, 1991, p.526.

[3] Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol.2, Beijing: People’s Press, pp.190-193, 261-265, 384-388.

[4] Andrew Nathan, 'China’s Changing of the Guard: Authoritarian Resilience', Journal of Democracy 14.1 (2003), pp.6-17.

[5] Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol.3, Beijing: People’s Press, pp.284-285.

[6] Zhang Lei, ed., The Course of Poverty Reduction in China (1949-2005), Beijing, 2007, p.337.

[7] Refer to Oxfam Annual Report (2005-2006). African cotton peasants also face the threat of the cotton from the U.S. where cotton producers are subsidized for $230 every acre of cotton. Lucy Bannerman, 'The farmers ruined by subsidy,' The Times, April, 9, 2007.

[8] Zhang Lei, et al., eds., Poverty Monitoring and Evaluation, Beijing: China Agriculture Press, 2008; Li Xiaoyun, et al, eds., Status of Rural China (2006-2007), Beijing: Social Sciences Documentation Publisher, 2008.

[9] Zhu Fenglan, 'The position and evaluation of Japanese ODA to China', Contemporary Asia-Pacific, Issue 12 (2004); Dai Yan, 'Does China need foreign aid any more?', Half-Monthly Talk, from China.com.cn. http://www.china.com.cn/international/txt/2008-02/07/content_9661029.htm

[10] William Easterly, 'Can foreign aid save Africa?' Saint John’s University, Clemens Lecture Series 2005, No.17, p.3.

[11] Femi Akomolafe, 'No one ss laughing at the Asians anymore,' New African, 452 (June, 2006), pp.48–50.

Chinese investment: Good for Africa?

Sanusha Naidu

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57074

2006 is a long timeframe in China’s rapid footprint into Africa. In the intervening years until the global financial crisis struck, Beijing had not only increased its investment portfolio in Africa through the launch of its US$5 billion China-Africa Development Fund, announced during the 2006 Forum on China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC) Summit, but had managed to achieve more than US$100 billion in bilateral trade with Africa, which was two years ahead of the 2010 schedule. And so the debate remains juxtaposed between two competing trends, of whether Chinese investment promotes development across Africa or is mainly driven by mercantilist market-seeking imperatives.

It is difficult – and perhaps dangerous – to actually compartmentalise this debate into such dichotomies. Simply because both sides make compelling arguments justifying their positions, but also due to the push and pull factors that underscore the investment benefits. This is definitely the case in respect of the infrastructure projects that Beijing is constructing across the continent. If viewed from a complementary perspective it is seen as connecting people to markets and in some case providing the impetus for markets to be created, hence providing an enabling environment in which Africa’s people can carve out niche areas for their livelihoods. But this is where the market driven approach of China’s investment trajectory in Africa perhaps reaches a cul de sac.

While we cannot deny that China has created new markets in Africa, stimulated access to cheaper goods for African consumers and even provided an opening for Africa’s migrant petty traders to trade in cheap exports in Africa’s formal and informal sectors, we should be asking whether this is enough. But, more importantly, we should be asking which Africans are benefiting from this investment.

Second, as the costs of the current financial crisis are being measured, questions remain whether China will continue with its large-scale investments in Africa. Fahamu’s China in Africa programme has discussed this matter in several of its China-Africa Watch newsletters and it would seem that the conclusion is yes. But the real question is whether Beijing will become more strategic and perhaps more prudent around which of its investment projects it wants to initiate based on overall benefits and viability. As much as China can reassure African governments about their commitment to deals and contracts signed, it is not a fait accompli that Beijing will operationalise these immediately simply because the domestic challenges facing China would definitely weigh far more, given the massive unemployment crisis that faces the 20 odd million Chinese economic migrants.

So to bank on China’s massive foreign reserves should be done cautiously, since it cannot be assumed that the US$500 billion plus stimulus package that China unveiled late last year is going to stimulate Africa’s supply and demand commodity dynamism.

Therefore, while pundits may predict that the current financial crisis may be a catalyst for speeding up China’s African investments, market gurus would do well to remember that following narrow derivatives of financial packages is what created the current global credit crunch in the first place. And in Africa’s case, the trickle down effect of Chinese investment to the people is a slow drip, which is causing restlessness and unease amongst sections of Africa’s citizenry.

Third, the type of development that is being floated through Chinese investments is not one that is unique or differs with Africa’s other development partners. Like all other investments they, amongst other things:

- Cause environment hazards
- Displace local producers
- Challenge labour rights
- Displacement of communities.

Having said this, it is also critical to highlight that African leaders and governments must bear responsibility for their complacency in allowing investors, including the Chinese, to get away with such injustices.

So if – as the chairman of the China African Development Fund (CADF) recently said during the launch of the fund’s first African office – Chinese investment will lead to a better life for all, then the point of departure is a bottom-up approach that recognises the daily social justice struggles of ordinary Africans for socio-economic survival rather than intensifying them.

* Sanusha Naidu is the research director of Fahamu’s China in Africa Programme, based in Cape Town and Oxford.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Chinese Investments in Africa – A Summary

Africa Labour Research Network

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57159

During the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese relations with African countries were driven by ideological considerations, with China presenting itself as an alternative to both the West and the Soviet Union. During that time, China’s support consisted mainly of moral and material support for liberation struggles. During the 1980s, the relationship shifted towards economic co-operation based on common aims. After the end of the “Cold war”, China attached importance to both political and economic benefits and portrayed itself as an attractive economic partner and political friend.
During the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese relations with African countries were driven by ideological considerations, with China presenting itself as an alternative to both the West and the Soviet Union. During that time, China’s support consisted mainly of moral and material support for liberation struggles. During the 1980s, the relationship shifted towards economic co-operation based on common aims. After the end of the “Cold war”, China attached importance to both political and economic benefits and portrayed itself as an attractive economic partner and political friend. For African governments, this presented an alternative to the “Washington Consensus” and was termed the “Beijing Consensus”, i.e. support without interference in internal affairs.

China’s engagement with Africa today is less motivated by ideological considerations but based on a commercial agenda that aims to sustain rapid industrialisation and economic growth rates. China’s “socialist market economy” is driven by marketoriented State-Owned Enterprises and its interests in Africa are geared towards energy resources and minerals to feed its industrialisation programme. Chinese investments in and trade with Africa have increased significantly over the past few years, although Europe and the USA are still the predominant sources of foreign investments and the main markets for African exports. China is now Africa’s third largest commercial partner after the USA and France and – like the former colonial countries – backs its trading relations with aid, debt relief, scholarships, training and the provision of specialists. China also accounts for about 8% of Africa’s military hardware imports.

However, Africa is by no means a major destination of Chinese investments as only about 3% of China’s overall FDI outflows were destined for Africa in 2007.

Overall, there are about 450 Chinese-owned investment projects in Africa: 46% in manufacturing, 40% in services and 9% in resource-related industries. The latter accounts for 28% of investment value. This scenario differs significantly between individual countries as Chinese investors focus on oil extraction or uranium in some countries and on construction and retail in others. China’s main export destinations in
Africa are South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria and Algeria while the main African exporters to China are Angola, South Africa, Congo and Equatorial Guinea. Africa’s main exports to China are minerals, petroleum and timber, involving very limited processing on the continent. Africa’s imports from China consist mainly of capital and consumer goods. Overall, the trade balance is slightly in Africa’s favour, although several countries like South Africa, Morocco and Ghana have substantial trade deficits.

Since 2003, China has become the second largest consumer of oil and is expected to overtake the USA by 2030. China relies on outside energy resources for its continued industrialisation and currently covers about a quarter of its oil needs through imports from Africa, especially from Sudan, Angola, Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea, Algeria,
Chad and Gabon. China’s demand for raw materials has driven up world market prices for several of Africa’s commodities but Africa also needs to consider the utilisation of its resources for sustainable industrialisation on the continent instead of remaining merely an exporter of raw materials.
There is a danger of the Africa-China economic relations following the colonial pattern of relegating Africa to the role of a supplier of raw materials. The major challenge facing African countries is how to shape this relationship differently and to ensure that beneficiation takes place in Africa, resulting in job creation and economic development. The nature of the current trade relationship needs to be altered, if
Africa is to substantially benefit from trade with China.

Since 2000, China has established trade and investment promotion centres in Africa and also signed investment promotion agreements with over 20 countries. By 2008, the number of sizeable Chinese enterprises in Africa had reached about 800 with South Africa attracting the largest share of Chinese investments. South Africa is also the only African country with significant investments in China, mainly in mining, brewing and the financial sector.

In the 10 countries covered by this study, Chinese investments were concentrated mostly in the energy, mining, manufacturing, construction, retail and finance sectors.
The emphasis varied between countries but investments in large infrastructure projects as well as mining ventures were common across the continent. Chinese investments in small retail outlets (“China shops”) are mostly undertaken by private business people and hardly create linkages to the local economy as they source cheap consumer goods from China, which are popular amongst poorer consumers. In some instances, however, this has negatively affected local traders as well as local manufacturers who could not withstand the Chinese competition. As a result, thousands of jobs were lost in countries like Zambia, Ghana, South Africa, Nigeria,
Ethiopia and Sudan.

Chinese construction projects in Africa, on the other hand, are usually carried out by
State Owned Enterprises and they often resort to the utilisation of large numbers of
Chinese workers. In some cases, like the construction of a stadium in Ghana, Chinese migrant workers accounted for up to two-thirds of the labour force.

China’s presence in Africa is welcomed by African governments due to the offer of trade, aid and investments without strings attached. China is also seen as a solution to the creation of local infrastructure where local capacity is lacking. In general, African leaders consider their engagement with China as a viable alternative to the often neo-colonial relations they have had with the West as exemplified by the neo-liberal policies of the “Washington Consensus”.

Labour relations in Chinese firms in Africa as well as working conditions in China are a bone of contention. China has a labour force of 770 million of which 193,5 million are urban workers. China has achieved a significant reduction of people living in poverty during the last 30 years but levels of inequality have increased and reached a level comparable to Latin America. A new middle class emerged in the cities while the earnings of farmers in rural areas declined. Rural farmers account for 47% of the population but earn only 19,9% of the national income.

One strategy used by China to address the problem of unemployment is to send workers overseas to work on projects carried out by state-owned companies or through labour brokers. This explains the relatively large number of Chinese workers at construction sites as well as in some manufacturing ventures in Africa. Within
China, workers in SOEs earn significantly higher wages than migrants from the rural areas. Migrants are also excluded from benefits such as maternity and unemployment benefits and social assistance. The “household registration system” makes it very difficult for rural workers to change their status to urban workers.

The number of labour disputes in China has risen significantly in recent years as workers resorted to work stoppages, sabotage, go-slows and court action to defend their rights. The global economic crisis has affected Chinese workers directly as more than 10 million migrant workers had to return to their hometowns with little hope of finding jobs.

The All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) is the world’s biggest union and played a crucial role in the struggle against imperialism. Today it is closely linked to the Chinese Communist Party and plays the role of linking the party with workers.
The ACFTU is widely regarded as an extension and “relief agency” of government as it does not support militant workers’ action. Most industrial actions in China are spontaneous and not supported by the ACFTU. Attempts to form independent trade unions in China did not succeed thus far.

Although working conditions at Chinese companies in Africa differ across countries and sectors, there are some common trends such as tense labour relations, hostile attitudes by Chinese employers towards trade unions, violations of workers rights, poor working conditions and unfair labour practices. There is a virtual absence of employment contracts and the Chinese employers unilaterally determine wages and benefits. African workers are often employed as “casual workers”, depriving them of benefits that they are legally entitled to.

Chinese employers tend to be amongst the lowest paying in Africa when compared with other companies in the same sector. In Zambia, for example, the Chinese copper mine paid its workers 30% less than other copper mines in the country. In general,
Chinese companies do not grant African workers any meaningful benefits and in some instances ignore even those that are prescribed by law. Wages above the national average were only found at those Chinese companies with a strong trade union presence. Chinese staff members enjoy significantly higher wages and more benefits than their African counterparts.

Collective bargaining hardly takes place in Chinese companies. They resort to union bashing strategies to discourage their workers from joining a trade union. In many instances, Chinese businesses were supported by host governments who defended Chinese investments against the demands of labour. Trade unions see the practices of
Chinese companies as a threat to the limited social protection that unions have achieved over the years through collective bargaining.

Chinese employers violate several of the core ILO conventions. These include the rights to join trade unions, to bargain collectively, to receive equal remuneration and to be protected against discrimination. Basic rights such as paid leave are often ignored and workers are forced to work overtime – at times without any additional remuneration. They feared that refusal to do so would result in their dismissal. A particularly grave case of workers’ rights violations is the “locking-in” of workers during working hours, which led to deaths during fires in Nigeria and Kenya.
Health and safety issues receive very little attention at Chinese companies as precautionary measures are ignored and no training on health and safety issues is provided. In some countries, Chinese employers terminate the employment of female workers once they fall pregnant. Chinese companies tend to employ African workers for basic tasks at very low pay while importing Chinese managers and supervisors for higher paid positions.

Following the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS) with privatisation policies and the resulting mass retrenchments of the 1980s and 1990s, Africa’s trade unions are relatively weak and face a host of challenges today. Union membership has declined as labour struggles to recruit and represent non-permanent workers and those in the informal economy. Employers, including the Chinese, take advantage of flexible labour markets and undermine collective bargaining. Trade unions expect government support for the enforcement of local labour laws and international labour standards but in many countries, host governments are reluctant to intervene for fear of losing foreign investments.

Organising workers and improving their working conditions through direct action and collective bargaining is undoubtedly the most effective way to redress the current problems at Chinese companies. The aggressive union organising strategy in Zambia, for example, has had some success. In many cases, however, this proves to be very difficult and thus supplementary strategies could be used. These include national minimum wages and basic conditions of employment that are enforced by trade unions and labour inspectors alike. Building alliances aimed at promoting Africawide and sub-regional framework agreements may also help to improve working conditions. Furthermore, African trade union bodies as well as the global union federations can take up the labour rights violations at continental level and also bring it to the attention of the All China Federation of Trade Union (ACFTU) in an effort to exert pressure on Chinese companies in Africa. Likewise, unions could use the political linkages to call on the Chinese government to pressurise companies through the Chinese Embassies in Africa.

Other steps that might strengthen trade unions’ ability to deal with Chinese companies include courses in the Chinese language (Mandarin) for African union organisers, improving the capacity for organising and negotiations amongst trade unions, translation of documents outlining labour laws and regulations for Chinese companies into Mandarin, broadening the decent work agenda through social dialogue at national and international level and ongoing campaigns for minimum wages and their enforcement.

There is a need to develop meaningful exchanges between African and Chinese workers beyond the high level visits of trade union leaders. Exchange programmes must target workers at grassroots level and must be driven by a will to develop joint strategies in the fight against exploitation. Understanding each other’s environments and struggles may not only counter racism and divisions but may also pave the way for co-ordinated actions at international level in future.
The common trends found in most African countries point to the urgent need to develop coherent continental approaches to Chinese companies and foreign investment in general. The current practices of attracting investments “at all costs” has led to a downward spiral in terms of labour and environmental standards.
Continental and sub-regional trade union bodies need to spearhead a campaign for a common approach towards foreign investment that is more selective and strategic than the current “open door policy”. A government policy of sacrificing labour issues for the sake of attracting foreign investment cannot lead to sustainable development.
Currently, the relationship between African states and China is not equal and requires significant changes to become mutually beneficial. African governments must strengthen their bargaining position and ensure local processing. They must also improve monitoring to ensure that investors do not divert their focus away from manufacturing and that skills and technology transfer actually takes place.

Instruments like tender requirements, work permits, labour laws and investment conditions can be used to achieve the desired outcomes.
A new economic relationshsip relationship will have to be built around Africa’s own strategic development agenda. The Chinese cannot be blamed for pursuing their particular deveopment development objectives, including access to the raw materials and energy resources needed to sustain China’s industrialisation programmes.
African governments will have to set their own agenda and then industiralisation negotiate the best possible deals with potential investors, including those from China.

In the absence of a strategic approach by African governments, Chinese investments in Africa will remain of limited benefit for Africa’s development.

The many problems associated with Chinese companies in Africa should not be seen in isolation from the broader challenge of dealing with the consequences of neoliberal globalisation, which places economic growth above all social considerations.

The trade patterns that characterised Africa’s relations with Europe and the USA are replicated to a significant extent in the Sino-African relations. Thus the quality of the economic relations needs to be altered substantially if Africa is to benefit in future.

The global economic crisis provides trade unions with an opportunity to intensify advocacy campaigns for alternative policies to the neo-liberal agenda with a view of placing redistribution and Africa’s development priorities at the centre of all external relations.

What to make of China's growing economic power

Saliem Fakir

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57089

Think Darfur, think genocide and then straight to China. Think Tiananmen Square, think China and repression. Think Africa, think neocolonialism, think China. Think Tibet, think the Dalai Lama and the South African government buckling under Chinese government pressure, denying the Dalai Lama entry.

Think Wal-Mart, cheap labour and the countless Chinese suppliers producing cheap goods for US consumers. Think Google, think censure, as Google bends to the Chinese government’s pressure to block dissident websites.

Think back on the SARS virus and the way in which Chinese authorities dealt with the epidemic. It was rough and swift. Think Olympics and one remembers most spectacular opening and closing ceremonies. Think of last year’s earthquake in China and remember how President Hu Jintao, within a few hours, was himself orchestrating a national rescue mission. Recall the works of Gavin Menzies or Joseph Needham and one is reminded of the great Chinese civilisation and its splendid gifts of invention and thought to humanity for eons to come.

These associations of negativity and positivity bring conflicting emotions at every calling of China’s name. They at once display an array of ways, the construction of China’s image is being built and even fought for both within and outside of China.

At best we can rely on a chimera of views and images that can lay claim to being authentic pieces of knowledge about China.

Neither must one take lightly attempts by the mainstream media to caricature the Chinese global footprint, especially in Africa, under the guise of moral platitudes, given the jealous rivalry between old and new powers where old powers are losing their grip in the wake of deft Chinese inroads in their former fields of spoils.

Everything said about China must be judged astutely. Nothing is black and white. What we want to know about China depends on the vantage of bias we adopt when we enter its world to understand its logic within the present. China is not one picture, but many.

China is a vast country with a vast population sprawled across its varying landscapes overlaid with economic, cultural, historical, natural and social diversity yet governed by a one-party state that has kneaded itself throughout the fabric of Chinese life and left its indelible stamp on the modernisation of China.

Despite the country being run by the Communist Party its relations with the rest of the world have been driven remarkably by pragmatic concerns rather than ideology. In contrast to the Western world’s evangelical promotion of democracy and free market ideas, the Chinese make no mention of wanting to convert the world to a communist world order.

In fact, the Chinese are reluctant to use the word 'jueqi' (rise) to describe their mission and prefer the word 'development' as a substitute which is partly, as Mark Leonard in his book ‘What Does China Think?’ argues, for reasons of deliberate obscurity or wanting to go about their business without attracting too much attention to what they do elsewhere.

The late premier Deng Xiaoping’s slogan, 'hide brightness, nourish obscurity', guides most of China's strategy as far as the world is concerned. The policy was designed to avoid conflict, seek to reinforce multilateralism, play to neutrality and focus on domestic economic development within the international setting.

Much of what Xiaoping articulated remains part of Chinese thinking. There was a point in 2003 where Xiaoping's approach was abandoned to encompass a slogan that was less shy of China’s intents, ‘peaceful rise’, by hawkish elements.

But later, under President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, this slogan was once again modified to reflect a modest stance of ‘peace and development’ and ‘a harmonious world’.

China contentiously and relentlessly sticks to the view that the domestic politics of its trade partners and allies are an internal matter. This partially explains why many developing countries are more than willing to foster relations and trade deals with China – it sets no conditionalities on how they should behave.

The Chinese strategy goes against the liberal political establishments' interest in promoting democracy and free markets. In many cases, China is busy undermining the liberal project.

China understands the world as a complex terrain just like it understands its own country’s diversity as a complexity of different interests that require tailored responses, not evangelical-like political prescriptions.

China itself is not new to ideological evangelism. It had its own share and dose of this during the Mao era with horrible consequences.

From radical experiments and the piloting of state-led capitalism through its myriad of state enterprises, China’s biggest concern is domestic stability and dealing with inequality.

Despite having taken 400 million people out of poverty, every year China is witness to 80,000 reported incidences of strikes and civil unrest. It is one of the reasons why it won’t so easily liberalise its political system. China is too afraid of sudden and mass upheaval.

Neither is it entirely accurate to suggest that the Chinese pursuit of foreign interests in the form of assets, commodities, construction contracts or movement of people are signs of an active imperial agenda. China is merely in pursuit of strategic interests, like everybody else, in order to ensure secure lines of trade and the movement of commodities. The only difference is that its interests are much larger, given the size of its fast-growing economy.

The Chinese journey into world dominance may partly be conscious engineering, but certainly a spate of historical accidents have favoured its ascendance as an economic power – not all of which is its own doing. It, like the US, may accidentally be given the throne to run with.

The economic collapse that followed General Mao’s rural collectivisation ('the great leap forward') and the Cultural Revolution necessitated a process of reform that has strengthened the current policy of state-led capitalism and accumulation. One thing has led to another.

China is a great power in the making – not a great power yet. It doesn’t have all the balance of power and forces on its side to universalise its preferred world order, making somewhat spurious the claim that China is about to take over the world.

The very countries cheering on anti-Chinese sentiments are also encouraging China to buy bonds in their countries or facilitate a greater role for their multinationals to gain access to China's market. China is being given an economic lending hand by the very hand that chooses to – now and then – bite it.

China has over 2,000 industrial development zones designed for foreign investment. Much of this investment comes from the Western world, South Korea, Japan and others. So, the China problem, if you want, is not entirely a Chinese creation.

Its economic growth is fuelled by a global surge in demand for Chinese goods. China has been made into the world's factory for cheap goods.

This shift has, in turn, allowed China to accumulate surpluses, as it has become the envied beneficiary of Western capital flows (China's foreign reserves, funds and other assets amount to about US$3 trillion). While one half of the major economic powers are running current account deficits, China has one of the largest current account surpluses.

As, Brad Setser, in an essay from the World Security Institute (2008) noted, 'Never before has a country as poor as China lent so much money to a country as rich as the United States. And never before has the United States relied so heavily on another country’s government for financing.'

Where China is relying on its Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) to finance its recovery, the US has had to print more money and increase its deficit spending.

The rise of SWFs, nonetheless, parallels the liberalisation of global markets and finance. The instinctive reaction of those who can afford it was to establish SWFs as a way to insure themselves against global volatility, speculation and currency fluctuations. It is a perfectly rational thing to do in unregulated markets.

The result though, inadvertently, is that the accumulation of SWFs has given China more bargaining power in international economic, global and regional politics.

The Chinese approach to economic development and political reform is fast becoming an alternative model for other admirers of China.

The first speaks to an approach of economic gradualism rather than radical transformation, going against the false thesis that economic approaches in one socio-political context can be universalised in another, as the practitioners of a Washington Consensus-type economic shock therapy had envisaged developing countries should undergo in order to succeed.

Second, China has somewhat debunked the idea that there is necessarily a relationship between democracy and economic development.

They have shown the opposite is possible and have influenced some governments to go the route of engaging economic development and reform first before introducing political liberalisation.

By changing the facts on the ground, or what Leonard calls 'building pockets of alternative reality', China is hoping to shape the world order in its image. As the West is mired in extracting itself from the financial crisis, it is simultaneously losing ground and influence in those countries it once had exclusive rites of passage.

As Leonard writes in his concluding chapter, 'And China’s own emancipation from the West has created an alternative, non-Western path for the rest of the world to follow. The ideal of a "Walled World" where nation states can trade with each other on global markets but maintain their control over their economic future, their political system and their foreign policy is emerging as an ideological challenge both to the US philosophy of a "flat world" and the European preference for liberal multilateralism.'

A series of historical events and accidents seem to have favoured China. But these events have been used astutely to guide China from its inward focus and obscurity from the world, to a more confident measure of itself and its potential future role as a great power.

Former President Bill Clinton once made the barbed comment that China was on the wrong side of history. It feels more and more like the US is having to swallow a dose of its own wisdom; rather than China, it is the US that may be on the wrong side of history in the making.

China is unlikely to displace the influence of the US and Europe anytime soon, but it is forcing a rethink on the character and structure of the future world order.

* Saliem Fakir is an independent writer based in Cape Town.
* This article was originally published by the South African Civil Society Information Service.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

4 detained WOZA members, badly beaten and denied medical treatment

2009-06-19

http://www.swradioafrica.com/News180609/Update180609.htm

It has been established that five WOZA members and three journalists were arrested after six peaceful protests were violently broken up by police in Harare on Thursday. Four women, including Clara Manjengwa and Maria Majoni, remain in custody in Harare Central Police Station. One woman who had been arrested with her baby, and the three journalists, have been released.

PM Tsvangirai visits Brussels, secures financial assistance

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/m7693r

Zimbabwe's Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai had talks with senior European officials on the political and economic situation in his country and secured financial assistance for the administration. Tsvangirai, who is on a working visit to Brussels, told a press conference at the end of discussions that he was satisfied with the financial commitments made by the European officials.

Gambia: Reaching the FGM/C tipping point

2009-06-19

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84895

“In politics and sociology you reach a tipping point and once you’ve reached it, things change,” says Min-whee Kang of the UN Children's Fund. “This is what we’re aiming at to stop female genital mutilation and cutting in The Gambia.” But a strong attachment to the practice in the country means anti-FGM activists must combat the custom indirectly through focusing on improving girls' and women's health and education.

Global: Violence against women: Mandate of special rapporteur must be strengthened

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/57151

The mandate of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences (SRVAW) must be strengthened if the elimination of all forms of violence against women is to become a reality. This was a key recommendation from the parallel event ‘15 years of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women: gains, challenges and the way forward’ held at the Palais des Nations, Geneva, Switzerland on June 5, 2009, in parallel to the 11thsession of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC).
Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development (APWLD) - World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) - World YWCA

Joint Communiqué

Mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women must be strengthened, say women’s rights activists and experts during the 11th session of the UN Human Rights Council

The mandate of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences (SRVAW) must be strengthened if the elimination of all forms of violence against women is to become a reality.

This was a key recommendation from the parallel event ‘15 years of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women: gains, challenges and the way forward’ held at the Palais des Nations, Geneva, Switzerland on June 5, 2009, in parallel to the 11thsession of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC).

Organised by the Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development (APWLD), together with the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and World YWCA representing the Geneva NGO Working Group on Violence against Women and Girls, the event reviewed the 15 years of the SRVAW to guide and strengthen the mandate of the SRVAW and other stakeholders, including the UN, member states, civil society and international and regional institutions in pursuing and intensifying their efforts to eliminate violence against women as well as to protect, promote and realise all human rights of women.

Ms. Yakin Ertürk, appointed as the SRVAW in 2003, spoke about her experience in the position as “incredible” and one that requires a constructive balancing of rage and courage”.

Rage, contained within the word courage symbolizes this balance. The rage against the enormity of violence in DRC, for instance, had to be addressed through effective recommendations. “We need to develop more effective mechanisms at the international level to immediately respond. Our generation does not have the excuse of our parents’. We need to have the courage and rage to act. The [UN Special Procedures] mandates are important and need to be strengthened to make a greater difference.”

Ms. Ertürk stated that at the beginning of her term there were many states that described women as ‘poor victims’ only. She asserted that there is no question there are victims of violence against women who need healing but the mandate is ultimately about empowerment. If we do not tackle it in that vein, it is only superficial.

Ms. Madeleine Rees, Head of the Women’s Rights and Gender Unit at the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, spoke of how state understanding and state responsibility around violence against women has evolved in the last 15 years. She highlighted that many states have a more comprehensive sense of such violence and recognise the intersectionality. “We must look at rights as part of empowerment. The special rapporteurs have met, listened and interacted with women as part of their work,” she underlined.

The significance of the mandate has also been highlighted by Ms. Renu Rajbhandari, chairperson of Women’s Resource Centre in Nepal. She stated that for the women’s movement globally the establishment of the mandate of SRVAW has been considered as an achievement of the movement itself. Ms. Rajbhandari also outlined how the mandate has fostered dialogue with the Nepali government.

Ms. Madhu Mehra, researcher and drafter of the critical review on “15 Years of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, its Causes and Consequences (1994-2009)” and member of APWLD stressed the importance of the SRVAW report on the cultural discourses that justify certain forms of gender-based violence. “The report has legitimised the advocacy work of women’s rights activists to question the hegemonic cultural values that represent an obstacle to the fight against gender-based violence,” she stated.

Key recommendations for the way forward for the SRVAW included:

· The SRVAW mandate is vitally important and needs to be strengthened to make a greater difference, including by an increase in human and financial resources;

· For the purpose of implementation, there is a need to further consolidate issues dealt with across the SRVAW mandate’s reports;

· Ways must be explored to channel the recommendations of the SRVAW into concrete action at country level, including through a follow-up funding mechanism such as the United Nations Trust Fund on Violence against Women

· There needs to be a reduction in the fragmentation of human rights mechanisms. The SRVAW mandate, along with other mandates must undertake systematic cross-fertilisation and ultimately feed into the Universal Periodic Review and into the work of the UN Treaty Bodies.


Contact Persons:

1. APWLD: Misun Woo, Programme Officer, misun@apwld.org
2. World YWCA: Natalie Fisher-Spalton, Deputy General Secretary,natalie.fisher@worldywca.org
3. OMCT: Mariana Duarte, Coordinator, Violence against Women, md@omct.org

Global: women's groups seek gender equity at summit

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsterraviva.net/europe/article.aspx?id=7490

An international coalition of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), mostly comprised of women’s groups, is calling for a "gender equitable" response to the global financial crisis, which is to be debated at a UN summit of world leaders next week. "The United Nations, not the international financial institutions (IFIs), must lead this process," Gigi Francisco, general coordinator of Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN), told IPS.

South Africa: Quarter of men admit rape, survey finds

2009-06-19

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/17/south-africa-rape-survey

One in four men in South Africa have admitted to rape and many confess to attacking more than one victim, according to a study that exposes the country's endemic culture of sexual violence. Three out of four rapists first attacked while still in their teens, the study found. One in 20 men said they had raped a woman or girl in the last year. South Africa is notorious for having one of the highest levels of rape in the world. Only a fraction are reported, and only a fraction of those lead to a conviction.

Southern Africa: Call for Contributions “I” Stories: Polygamy Series

2009-06-19

http://www.genderlinks.org.za/page.php?p_id=529

Gender Links is inviting submissions from women and men across Southern Africa who are involved in polygamous relationships. We will select an assortment of these experiences and life stories to be included in a special collection of "I” Stories, that will be published in a book series, on the GL website and offered to in the mainstream media across the region. Each "I” Story will share the personal experience of someone who has been involved in a polygamous relationship – husbands, wives, and children. Those wishing to use a pseudonym are welcome to do so, and should indicate this when submitting.

Zimbabwe: World Bank urged to increase reproductive health funding

2009-06-19

http://www.radiovop.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6586&Itemid=171

Thirty-three civil organisations from across the world, including a Zimbabwean organisation, have urged the World bank to increase funding for reproductive health and HIV/AIDS in developing countries where the bank manages investments and development projects. This follows a demonstration by Gender Action, the only organization dedicated to monitoring International Financial Institution (IFI) investments for their gender impacts, that the World Bank’s funding for reproductive health and HIV/AIDS projects during 2000-2007 constituted less than one percent of total World Bank spending during this period.

Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe Women's Voice blog launched

2009-06-19

http://www.zwrcn.org.zw/blog/

Zimbabwe Women's Resource Centre and Network has the pleasure of announcing the launch of its blog platform, Zimbabwe Women's Voices. The blog will begin on the Constitutional Reform Process and seeks to provide Zimbabwean women and community at large an opportunity to voice their perspectives on the Constitutional Reform process between now and November 2009 when public consultations are scheduled to be complete.

DRC: ICC commits Bemba to trial

2009-06-19

http://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/exeres/852AE61D-E05C-489A-9172-E6F68D87F182.htm

On 15 June 2009, Pre-Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court confirmed some of the charges brought by the Prosecutor against Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo for crimes committed on the territory of the Central African Republic from on or about 26 October 2002 to 15 March 2003.

Global: Open letter to members of Human Rights Council

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/57133

We are civil society organizations from throughout the world that have contributed to the Human Rights Council and its work since its establishment. We have observed with increasing concern developments in the Council, including at the current 11th Session, that are undermining the work of the Council’s Special Procedures. This session has seen extraordinary personal attacks by some States on the integrity of mandate holders and specific threats to their independence.
We are civil society organizations from throughout the world that have contributed to the Human Rights Council and its work since its establishment. We have observed with increasing concern developments in the Council, including at the current 11th Session, that are undermining the work of the Council’s Special Procedures. This session has seen extraordinary personal attacks by some States on the integrity of mandate holders and specific threats to their independence.

The attacks at this session of the Council have focused in particular on the current Special Rapporteurs on freedom of expression and on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions. These particular Rapporteurs were subjected to threats of disciplinary action because they offered their expert analysis and recommendations on important human rights issues that they brought to the attention of this Council in the proper exercise of their mandates.

Many States engaged in this conduct. Some States have been more direct than others in their threats to remove mandates holders from their functions if they fail to conform to those States’ particular interpretation of the experts’ mandates. There has been what appears to be a coordinated effort to intimidate Special Procedures, individually and collectively.

We view these attacks and threats as fundamentally an attack on and threat to the Council itself and they are severely eroding the Council’s legitimacy and credibility.

We understand that any State that is criticised by a mandate holder will feel the need to respond. We accept its entitlement to endeavour to rebut criticism, to correct any errors and misunderstandings, and to argue its case. It is normal that a State will also offer its interpretation of a Special Procedure mandate. It should do so, however, respectfully and with appropriate measure, just as the mandate holder is required by the Special Procedures Code of Conduct to act with respect and appropriate measure.

Contrary to this approach, however, there is an escalating tendency among too many States to utilize the Special Procedures Code of Conduct as the basis for political attacks on the independence of individual Special Procedures and the entire Special Procedures system. Too often any difference of views about a situation, a mandate or a recommended course of action is turned into an issue of the Code of Conduct. This is a highly selective interpretation of the Code of Conduct, ignoring its fundamental requirement that States refrain from undermining the independence of the Special Procedures mandate holders.

The misuse of the Code of Conduct was anticipated when it was being debated by the Council in its first year. Many States and NGOs argued at the time that the Code needed to be complemented by a Code of Conduct for States. Experience since then has established that need beyond doubt. States should be required, in the words of General Assembly resolution 60/251, ‘to cooperate fully’ with the Council’s Special Procedures. To bring a proper balance back to the Council’s relations with its Special Procedures, the Council must urgently commit to, develop and adopt a Code of Conduct for States to guide them in their cooperation with the Special Procedures.

We therefore appeal, in the strongest terms, to member and observer States to act more responsibly and respectfully in their relations with Special Procedures and refrain from all attempts, by word or action, to interfere with the independence of mandate holders or to otherwise undermine their work.

We further call on all States to act in good faith to ensure that the long term integrity and credibility of the Human Rights Council itself are not sacrificed to political expedience.

Yours sincerely,

1. Action Canada for Population and Development (ACPD)

2. Al-Haq

3. Amnesty International

4. Arab Sisters Human Rights Forum

5. Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI)

6. ARC International

7. ARTICLE 19

8. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)

9. Asian Legal Resource Centre

10. Association pour la Défense des Droits et Libertés (ADDL)

11. Association of World Citizens

12. Association for World Education

13. Baha'i International Community

14. Bahrain Centre for Human Rights

15. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)

16. Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network

17. Centre for Economic and Social Rights(CESR)

18. Conectas

19. CREA (Creating Resources for Empowerment in Action)

20. Damascus Center for Human Rights (DCHR)

21. Democracy Coalition Project (DCP)

22. East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (EHAHRDN)

23. Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (ECAPE)

24. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR)

25. Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR)

26. Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme (FIDH)

27. The Federation for Women and Family Planning

28. Human Rights Council of Australia

29. Human Rights First Society-Saudi Arabia

30. Human Rights Watch (HRW)

31. International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)

32. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)

33. International Women's Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW Asia Pacific)

34. New Woman Research Foundation (NWRC)

35. Palestinian Human Rights Organization in Lebanon (PHRO)

Liberia: Charles Taylor's trial continues next month at The Hague

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/l6vxzu

The trial of former Liberian President Charles Taylor will continue on 13 July at the International Criminal Court at The Hague, the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone has announced."The lawyers for the former President of Liberia, Charles Taylor, will begin their defence against charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity on 13 July," the court said in a statement.

Sudan: Continue scrutiny of rights- UN Human Rights Council

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/lh6ux8

The United Nations Human Rights Council should reject the Sudanese government's request to terminate the mandate of the special rapporteur on human rights in Sudan, Human Rights Watch has said in a letter to the council members.

Zimbabwe: Rights situation still precarious

2009-06-19

http://zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=5717

Zimbabwe is still suffering "persistent and serious" human rights violations, Amnesty International says. The organisation's secretary general, Irene Khan, made the comments at the end of a six-day visit to the country. "Although the level of political violence is significantly less compared to last year, the human rights situation is precarious," she said.

Africa: Distressed asylum-seekers in Israel lack state support

2009-06-19

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1090650.html

Two hours later, there was no sign of what had taken place. The park in the Shapira neighborhood of southern Tel Aviv was again teeming with life. Foreign workers gradually arrived, filling the place up, children came to play and only a green garbage bin located at the foot of a tree in a corner of the park remained as evidence that a short while earlier, at 3:30 P.M., someone's life had come to an end. Abrehale Misghina, a 28-year-old refugee from Eritrea, dragged the bin to the tree, climbed on top of it, placed a noose around his neck, threw the other end of the rope over one of the branches, and committed suicide.

Chad: Going home to deadly danger

2009-06-19

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/19/chad-going-home-deadly-danger

Members of armed paramilitary groups are a serious threat to civilians who fled violence and insecurity and are now returning to their villages, Human Rights Watch has said in a report. People who have returned to their home regions have been killed, forcibly recruited into paramilitary groups, and threatened with death by armed men who in many cases have seized their land.

East Africa: Prevent forced return of refugees

2009-06-19

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/06/19/tanzaniauganda-prevent-forced-return-refugees

The Tanzanian and Ugandan governments should ensure that refugees living in camps due to close on June 30 and July 31, 2009 are not forcibly returned to their home countries and are immediately given full information about their options, Human Rights Watch has said. Human Rights Watch also urged both governments to avoid repeating Rwanda's unlawful forced return of up to 504 refugees to Burundi at gunpoint on June 2, after it closed its last refugee camp for Burundians.

Global: The worst places to be a refugee

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsterraviva.net/europe/article.aspx?id=7492

Gaza, South Africa and Thailand are among the world's worst places to be a refugee, according to the latest annual World Refugee Survey released here Wednesday by the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI). The survey, which was issued in advance of World Refugee Day Jun. 20, found that the number of refugees had dropped modestly worldwide in the past year – from 14 million to 13.6 million, according to USCRI.

Somalia: Latest Gulf of Aden smuggling mishap leaves 18 dead, 29 missing

2009-06-19

http://www.unhcr.org/4a3a46a06.html

Eighteen people drowned and another 29 are missing and presumed dead after a smuggling boat capsized in the Gulf of Aden due to strong winds and rough seas this week off the coast of Yemen. The boat, which departed June 11 from the Somali village of Marera, east of the northern port of Bossaso, sailed for four days across the Gulf of Aden prior to reaching the shore of Yemen's Hadramout region Monday morning.

Africa: Protect the African Child! Protect Africa's Future!

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/socialmovements/57148

On the occasion of Day of the African Child, the Africa Public Health Alliance & 15%+ Campaign is calling on African governments to end the "5 by 5 Tragedy" of an estimated 5 million African infants and children under the Age of 5 dying annually of preventable, manageable or treatable health causes. Rotimi Sankore Coordinator, Africa Public Health Alliance & 15%+ Campaign stated: "While there may have been some progress over the years on infant and child mortality, such progress is clearly not enough and there is nothing to celebrate today."
On the occasion of Day of the African Child, the Africa Public Health Alliance & 15%+ Campaign is calling on African governments to end the "5 by 5 Tragedy" of an estimated 5 million African infants and children under the Age of 5 dying annually of preventable, manageable or treatable health causes.

Rotimi Sankore Coordinator, Africa Public Health Alliance & 15%+ Campaign stated:

"While there may have been some progress over the years on infant and child mortality, such progress is clearly not enough and there is nothing to celebrate today."

"Not only is the scale of the loss a tragedy, the idea that there should be a celebration is a travesty. In reality the Day of the African Child should be a day of mourning across our continent."

"5 million child deaths a year is equal to roughly 13,700 African children dying every day of malnutrition, malaria, measles, diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections, and other causes most of which are preventable, treatable or manageable. The rising levels of Mother to Child Transmission of HIV which is almost 100% Preventable will further increase Child Mortality. This is not what the children of Soweto whose struggle June 16 commemorates died for"

"By even the most generous standards, its difficult to see how the existing situation can be described as anything other than a failure of government policy on child health and protection in particular, and health development and financing in general."

He further stated that: "Even for those lucky or privileged to make it past their 5th birthday, their future is bleak."

"Healthy life expectancy across Africa is now at an average of 41.4 years [38.7 for Sub-Saharan Africa], compared to between 66.1 and 72 years for more developed countries. Its difficult to be optimistic about Africa's long term viability under such circumstance unless health development and financing policy improves drastically."

He underlined that: "For their to be any hope of meeting the `Millennium Development Goal 4 on reversing and ending Child Mortality, African governments have to meet their pledge to allocate 15% of national budgets to health, and per capita investment in health must also be doubled, tripled, quadrupled, or sextupled as needed. Strategic investment in vaccinations, health systems, human resources for health, and social determinants of health such as clean water, sanitation, food security and nutrition must also be implemented."


Special Notes:

1) The Africa Public Health Alliance and 15%+ Campaign salutes the life and work an outstanding African: Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem, Deputy Director for Africa, UN Millennium Campaign. 1961 - (Physical Departure) May 25th 2009. We also commiserate with our partners the UNMC team. Taju not only dedicated himself selflessly to the achievement of all the Millennium Development Goals. He was also a tireless campaigner for all the Health and Health Related MDGs, especially on Child and Maternal Health. We call on colleagues across Africa and globally to join in the 40 day prayers and activities to commemorate his life from the 3rd and 4th of July. (For list of activities please contact: africa.millenniumcampaign@undp.org , info@africapublichealth.org, and editor@pambazuka.org ).

2) The Africa Public Health Alliance and 15%+ Campaign commends the African Union Commission on the launch of the Campaign for Accelerated Reduction of Maternal and Child Mortality in Africa (CARMMA), and calls for mass support for the campaign including urgent implementation of its goals by all governments.

3) The Africa Public Health Alliance and 15%+ Campaign believes that: Child health and protection should be at the top of every countries social justice and social development agenda. The first priority of governments is to ensure all citizens are alive and healthy. Without African children of today being able to equal the healthy life expectancy of more developed countries, Africa has no viable future - whether on a unified or un-unified basis - and the whole African integration and United States of Africa Project could shudder to a halt under the weight of the death of Africa's children, and overall falling healthy life expectancy.

Global: Venezuela and AU presidents meet to prepare for summit

2009-06-19

http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news/4509

The president of the African Union (AU), Gabonese economist and politician Jean Ping, met with Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and other government officials in Caracas to prepare for the Africa - South America Summit scheduled to take place in Caracas in the last week of September. "Venezuela and especially President Hugo Chávez has become a spokesperson for those nations that do not have a voice, not only on this continent but in the world, especially in Africa," Jean Ping told the press in Caracas.

South Africa: Photo essay of Macassar land occuptaion

Abahlali baseMjondolo

2009-06-19

http://abahlali.org/node/5416

This is a photo essay of the recent occupation of a piece of land in Macassar. On Tuesday 19th backyarders in Macassar, desperate for homes, built shacks on municipal land on a field adjoining the N2

South Africa: Power shift to the leftnot yet enough to quell grassroots anger

Patrick bond

2009-06-19

http://www.zcommunications.org/zspace/commentaries/3895

With high-volume class strife heard in the rumbling of wage demands and the friction of township 'service delivery protests', rhetorical and real conflicts are bursting open in every nook and cranny of South Africa. The big splits in the society are clearer now. Distracting internecine rivalries within the main left bloc - which saw off the main trade union federation's presi

Africa: Attitudes to democracy building in Africa

2009-06-19

http://www.eldis.org/go/country-profiles&id=43623&type=Document

The central questions addressed in this bulletin concern the fate of democracy, especially as seen by Africans themselves. Do they say they want democracy, a preference that we call the popular demand for democracy? And do they think they are getting it - do they perceive that their leaders are providing a supply of democracy? Moreover, if there is evidence of democratic development in Africa, to what extent are democratic regimes established, stable, or consolidated?

Africa: Comoros to hold legislative, local government elections on 2 August

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/msxpvw

The Comoros autonomous islands will hold legislative and local government elections on 2 August, the permanent representative of the African Union (AU) in Moroni, Mourad Taiati has told journalists. The AU official, who was speaking at the end of a meeting in Moroni with the Comoran Foreign Relations Minister, Ahmed Ben Said Jaffar, stressed that the elections were the expression of a “fervent wish” of the Comoran authorities.

Gabon: Will Bongo's death signal a new chapter?

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsterraviva.net/europe/article.aspx?id=7489

As Omar Bongo Ondimba, the Gabonese president who died at age 73 in Barcelona on Jun. 8, is buried in Franceville in the south-west of Gabon on Thursday, his 41-year-reign as absolute ruler of this oil-producing country of 1.5 million has received mixed reviews. In neighbouring Congo, a seven-day period of national mourning has been declared. Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso was closely aligned with Bongo; his daughter, Edith Lucie, was married to the Gabonese president at the time of her own death in March.

Niger: Former PM calls for “political responsibility”

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/lhzgdl

Niger's former Prime Minister, Hama Amadou, has urged the country's political class to exhibit more responsibility in a bid to avoid some "useless rifts" about the debate on President Mamadou Tandja's bid to change the constitution through a referendum to have a third five-year term. “It is important that our political class shows a keen sense of responsibility in a bid to avoid in our dear country some useless rifts, by respecting constitutional legality,” he said.

Zanzibar: 12 opposition parties form new alliance

2009-06-19

http://www.dailynews.co.tz/home/?n=2554&cat=home

Twelve political parties operating in Zanzibar yesterday revived their ‘alliance’ vowing to win the next Zanzibar general elections by strengthening the partnership including placing one candidate for presidency. “There is no way we can manage to remove the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) from power in Zanzibar without reviving our alliance and field one candidate for presidency,” the parties leaders said at a meeting.

Africa: Crisis facing Africa can be turned into an opportunity

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/57134

The financial crisis has underscored Africa’s vulnerability, notwithstanding a decade of solid progress, the APP said at the launch of its annual report today. The key conclusion of the report is that Africa needs to drive its own development agenda as the basis for partnership and shared responsibility for progress. “The global economic crisis can serve as a wake-up call for both African leaders and their international partners,” the Panel said.
The Africa Progress Panel (APP), chaired by Kofi Annan, has called on African leaders to turn the current global economic meltdown into an opportunity for the continent on the basis of shared responsibility with their international partners.

The financial crisis has underscored Africa’s vulnerability, notwithstanding a decade of solid progress, the APP said at the launch of its annual report today. The key conclusion of the report is that Africa needs to drive its own development agenda as the basis for partnership and shared responsibility for progress. “The global economic crisis can serve as a wake-up call for both African leaders and their international partners,” the Panel said.

The report, which was launched at the World Economic Forum on Africa today by panellists Kofi Annan, Graça Machel and Linah Mohohlo, states that the global economic crisis imported from the North is hitting Africa harder than any other region. Nevertheless it presents “a unique opportunity” for Africa to pioneer a low-carbon development model. More investment is needed in Africa’s real economy, particularly infrastructure, renewable energy, agriculture and communications. The report notes that “investment in these sectors will not only generate jobs and boost trade in Africa, but also create markets for the world”. The Panel states that “we believe that, if given the chance, Africa can provide a valuable growth platform for the global economy and pioneer clean development models that contribute to global efforts to manage climate change”. Foreign direct investment in Africa illustrates the promising growth potential for the continent to become a reliable business partner for the world.

“Africa has transformed in my lifetime and the progress reached so far is proof that concrete achievements are possible amidst adversity,” Annan said at the APP launch. “The economic, climate change and food security crises are all linked. They cannot be tackled separately. We need a new development model that provides security, stability, and addresses peoples’ needs. Everyone needs to contribute. Business has a key role, as do Africa’s trading and donor partners. But the primary responsibility to make it happen rests with Africa’s political leaders.”

Africa now faces the extraordinary task, at a time of economic crisis, of maintaining stability and progress, including growth, poverty reduction and achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, the Panel said. Many countries are showing that determined leadership can bring about impressive results even in tough circumstances – for example, Rwanda, Mozambique, Malawi and Ghana. At a time when financial flows such as domestic revenues, investment and remittances are dropping, jobs, food security and health are all directly affected. Not just livelihoods but lives are at stake.
Calling for clear-sighted African leadership, the report states that “primary responsibility for Africa’s progress rests with her political leaders”. And that:

* Priority needs to be given to job creation, integrating climate change into development strategies, and addressing food security noting that national capacities to tackle these challenges are still very limited;
* African leaders must champion a strong common African position on climate change on the run-up to Copenhagen (this is an international conference in December this year in the Danish capital on climate change and global warming);
* African leaders must “heed their commitments regarding governance, accountability and transparency”, adding that “the trust of their own citizens is the best possible basis for success”.

The report also states that African leaders have succeeded in securing progress on multiple fronts over the past decade but that they cannot tackle the continent’s current challenges alone. There is a shared responsibility for the crisis that requires a joint response based on strong partnerships. “Africa’s leaders and her international partners, whether industrialized countries or the emerging economies, donors or corporations, each have a role to play,” according to the Panel. The report highlights that:

* Africa needs immediate assistance to maintain financial flows and stability. The APP specifically calls on G8 and OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries to extend the cut-off date for the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Programme from the end of 2004 to the end of 2008 to give Africa’s poorest countries more economic leeway;
* Donors must deliver on their aid commitments to help governments meet urgent needs, leverage financial flows and in the long run reduce aid dependency;
* Emerging partners – such as Brazil, China and India – can become champions of development in Africa. “Their development experience, particularly with respect to food security and health, uniquely positions partners from the global South to support achievement of the Millennium Development Goals in Africa”;
* International partners should support a stronger African voice in the international institutional architecture.

Africa: Why wealthy nations are stiffing Africa

2009-06-19

http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1904339,00.html

It may be no surprise, in light of the global economic recession, that the world's richest nations have failed to deliver much of the aid they promised Africa four years ago. But campaigners are not letting the Group of Eight (G-8) industrialized countries off the hook. According to ONE, an advocacy group founded by U2 singer Bono, most of the blame for the shortfall in pledges made at the high-profile Gleneagles summit in 2005 rests on just two countries — Italy and France.

North Africa: AfDB in talks with Egypt over budget loan

2009-06-19

http://af.reuters.com/article/investingNews/idAFJOE55I0EO20090619

Egypt has asked the African Development Bank (AfDB) for a budgetary support loan to offset the impact of the global economic crisis, a senior bank official said on Friday."We are in discussions over a budget support loan with the Government of Egypt to address the impact of the financial crisis and to support the reforms that are under way," Gabriel Negatu, the AfDB's financial reforms director, said.

Africa: Award for NGO using dance in HIV prevention

2009-06-19

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84902

An initiative that uses music and dance to convey HIV prevention messages to young people, dance4life, has won an award for Excellence in HIV/AIDS Communication in Africa from the African Network for Strategic Communication in Health and Development (AfriComNet}. "Adults are still guessing but dance4life has already taken a giant step," their press release quotes one young man, Mugalu, from Uganda, as saying.

Global: New development in TB treatment

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/ns8942

Pharmaceutical giant Tibotec and the non-profit Global Alliance for TB Drug Development (TB Alliance) have teamed up to expedite the development of TMC207, which could become the first TB drug with a new mechanism of action in 40 years. Interim data from an ongoing Phase II study of TMC207 was recently published in the New England Journal of Medicine. In the placebo-controlled study of 47 patients with multidrug-resistant TB (MDR-TB), it was found that 48 percent of patients receiving TMC207 in combination with standard treatment converted to negative sputum culture after eight weeks compared with 9 percent of those who received placebo and standard treatment.

Mozambique: Civil servants hard hit by HIV/AIDS

2009-06-19

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84889

Nearly 20 percent of Mozambique's civil servants are HIV positive, but given that several government ministries lack reliable data, this number could even be higher, a study has warned. According to a Demographic Impact Study by the government, around 19.2 percent of 167,420 public employees were found to be HIV positive, which is higher than the national prevalence rate of 16 percent.

Mozambique: Islamic schools join HIV prevention efforts

2009-06-19

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84905

It is prayer time at the Nur madrassa (Islamic religious school) in Pemba, capital of Cabo Delgado Province, on the northern coast of Mozambique. At this school, education does not stop at religious studies; on Saturdays, the malimo (teacher), Mitilage Rashid, talks to the 120 students about HIV and AIDS. In 2008 Rashid attended a course on HIV run by the Islamic Council of Mozambique, in partnership with other organizations, where he and 30 other teachers learned about the epidemic and how to conduct education campaigns at their schools.

Mozambique: Scant progress with paediatric HIV

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=47219

Mozambique has one of the world’s highest infant mortality rates, with more than ten percent of babies not reaching the age of one, according to the United Nations Children Fund’s 2009 State of the World’s Children Report. The main cause of child death in Mozambique is malaria, closely followed by HIV/AIDS, the report states.

South Africa: A chance to provide proper health care for all

Di McIntyre

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/57198

The South African health system is in deep crisis. We need a major transformation of our health system and we need it now. Problems in the public health sector are splashed across the front pages of our newspapers on a weekly basis: patients being turned away from public clinics and hospitals and some dying as a result, some provinces running out of antiretroviral drugs, the doctors’ strike, and so on.
Public sector badly underfunded, private sector hugely expensive

A chance to provide proper health care for all

The South African health system is in deep crisis. We need a major transformation of our health system and we need it now. Problems in the public health sector are splashed across the front pages of our newspapers on a weekly basis: patients being turned away from public clinics and hospitals and some dying as a result, some provinces running out of antiretroviral drugs, the doctors’ strike, and so on.
These problems are a direct result of underfunding of the public health service for more than a decade.
From 1996, government spending on health care did not keep pace with inflation and population growth, let alone the Aids epidemic. It was only in 2005 that spending levels on public health services returned to 1996 levels. Health budgets have increased in recent years, but the years of severe underfunding had taken their toll on staff morale and on buildings and medical equipment that could not be maintained.
Although given far less media coverage, the problems facing the private health sector are no less severe. Medical scheme contributions have increased yearly at rates far exceeding general inflation, since the 1980s. The range of services covered by schemes has declined and scheme members have to pay more and more out of their own pockets to cover the portion of the bill charged by a health care provider that the scheme will not cover.
A far greater share of our salaries is being consumed by medical scheme contributions than 20 or even 10 years ago. It is becoming increasingly unaffordable for South Africans to belong to medical schemes. And medical scheme members seem to be dissatisfied with this situation. A recent national household survey found that 71 percent of medical scheme members were willing to join a publicly supported health insurance scheme if their monthly contribution was less than for current medical schemes.
The private health sector in South Africa is rapidly becoming a mirror image of the US health system - a system that Americans themselves want completely transformed. To quote a highly respected American Professor of Medicine (Arnold Relman, Emeritus Professor at Harvard) “… most of the current problems of the US (health) system - and they are numerous - result from the growing encroachment of private for-profit ownership on a sector of our economy that properly belongs in the public domain. No health care system in the world is as heavily commercialised as ours, and none is as expensive, inefficient, and inequitable - or as unpopular … there is now much evidence that private businesses delivering health care for profit have greatly increased the total cost of health care and damaged - not helped - their public and private nonprofit competitors.”
While the public health sector in South Africa has been drained of financial and human resources, the private health sector has seen massive increases in funding. In 1996, spending on medical scheme members was about 3.5 times greater than that spent by government per person dependent on public sector services. This gap had increased to nearly six times greater spending by medical schemes by 2006.
What is important to note is that although medical schemes account for well over 40 percent of health care funds, they only benefit 16 percent of the population. What this means in reality is that those who have the greatest need for health care do not get their “fair share” of benefits from using health services - what happens in one sector impacts on what happens in the other. A recent study undertaken by the Health Economics Unit at UCT found that the richest 20 percent of the population receive 36 percent of the benefits from using health services (public and private) in SA, although they only account for 10 percent of health care needs (or the burden of poor health). The poorest 20 percent of the population receive less than 13 percent of the benefits but have more than 25 percent of the need for health care.
Some argue that these inequities are unavoidable because we have such an unequal distribution of income. The recent Income and Expenditure Survey from Statistics South Africa indicated that the richest 10 percent of South Africans have 47 percent of total income while the poorest 10 percent have a mere 0.2 percent of all income - one of the greatest levels of income inequality in the world.
I would argue that because we have such large income inequalities, we must have a health system that better meets the needs of the entire population, and that this can only happen through a strong, publicly funded health system. Substantial public funding of health services, and other key social services, has been internationally shown to be the key vehicle for ensuring that all citizens have the opportunity to live healthy, secure and productive lives.
Substantial public funding is also in line with the 2005 call by the World Health Assembly for member states to provide universal health financing coverage “ … in order to guarantee access to necessary services while providing protection against financial risk”.
What would be the core features of a National Health Insurance (NHI)? It is not yet clear what the ANC proposals on an NHI will include, but the following are likely to be some key elements: an NHI would be universal; every South African would be entitled to benefit from the services it covers. It would be funded partly by compulsory contributions by employers and employees and partly by tax funds, all placed in a single “pool”. In this way, every South African would be contributing to funding health care - even the poorest bear a heavy tax burden through VAT and other indirect taxes such as fuel levies (which are built into taxi and bus fares). In effect, tax funds would be used to pay the NHI contributions of those who are not formally employed. The rich will pay more than the poor, but given the massive income inequalities, so we should.
Some argue that an NHI will be unaffordable for South Africa, and point to what it would cost to extend medical scheme cover to all South Africans. The question is, why would we want to follow this path anyway? This would lead us even further down the route of the American nightmare, where over 15 percent of GDP is devoted to health care but where millions remain uninsured and unable to get the health care that they need (as graphically illustrated in Michael Moore’s movie Sicko). The NHI that is envisaged for South Africa would be more akin to the excellent publicly funded health systems found in countries such as Costa Rica, where the NHI as a large, single purchaser of health services is able to improve resource use in the overall health system and to get “value for money” for its citizens.
But, for the vision of the NHI to be fulfilled, it is critical that the services that South Africans will be entitled to under the NHI are seen to be of acceptable quality. Even if the NHI purchases services from public and private providers, public hospitals will be the backbone of the system. This is not only because most of the beds are in public hospitals but also because purchasing a large share of services from private for-profit hospitals at their current, excessive fee levels is simply unaffordable in a universal health care system.
It was not too long ago that South Africans from all walks of life were entirely confident in the services provided by public hospitals. I believe it is possible for public hospitals to once again be regarded as the provider of choice of the vast majority of South Africans. Actions that would be required to achieve this include:
# Addressing health worker conditions of service through implementing the long-awaited “occupation specific dispensation”.
# Increasing the staffing in the public health sector - a recent report by the Development Bank of South Africa indicates that compared with 1997, we need an additional 80 000 staff in the public health sector simply to address the increase in the population size and the greater burden of ill-health from Aids.
# Address the backlog created by inadequate funds to maintain buildings, equipment and other infrastructure.
# Grant greater management autonomy to public sector hospitals so that problems arising in the hospital (eg broken toilets) can be immediately resolved rather than having to send requests through to the provincial head office.
We currently have a window of opportunity to transform our health system from a highly inequitable and unsustainable system to one that meets the health care needs of all South Africans in an efficient and sustainable way.
That window of opportunity is presented by the ANC’s commitment at its policy conference in Polokwane in December 2007 and in its recent election campaign to implement an NHI. Strong political commitment is essential to successfully introduce health system change of the magnitude required. We must seize this opportunity and implement the changes required in a carefully planned and phased manner, and with widespread engagement and communication with the general public, whose support for these changes is also critical.

* Professsor McIntyre is the South African Research Chair of “Health and Wealth”, Health Economics Unit, University of Cape Town.

* This story was first published in the Cape Times on June 18th 2009

Sudan: Health workers report rise in HIV

2009-06-19

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84874

Healthcare workers in Yambio, capital of Sudan's Western Equatoria State, have warned that the number of HIV-positive people receiving treatment has risen, and they cannot keep up with the demand for medication. About 700 HIV-positive people are being treated by a local faith-based group, the Christian Brothers. "The issue of HIV in Yambio is getting bigger and bigger every day; we even find difficulty to provide services due the big numbers of people who are infected with HIV and AIDS," said Brother Daniel Pius.

Malawi: Give girls a chance

2009-06-19

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=84854

Caroline Mbewe, 14, would prefer to be in school, but instead is a domestic worker for an affluent family in Malawi's capital, Lilongwe. "My bosses treat me well but I don't want to continue working. I want to be like their daughters; I want to go to school," she told IRIN. As in the rest of the developing world, poor families in Malawi are often forced to send their children out to earn a wage rather than complete their education.

Zimbabwe: Debate threatens to split church

2009-06-19

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=zimbabwe&id=2162

The gays and lesbians debate threatened to split the Zimbabwe Christian Alliance into two at the just ended Constitutional Indaba held in Bulawayo as the men of cloth exchanged harsh words in defence and against the accommodation of homosexuals in the new constitution, Zimbabwe Telegraph reports. A larger fraction of the pastors who attended the Indaba felt it was the role of the church to push for the accommodation of homosexuals in the new constitution as it was left upon the church to fight for the rights of the gays and lesbians so as to win them to Christ.

South Africa: Xenophobia still smouldering

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=47285

"My worry is that my children are going to be slaves because they won't have anything. These foreign people come to South Africa with nothing, but tomorrow he has cash, third day he owns a shop and fourth day he has a car. Where do these foreign people get this money?" Small business owners are venting their frustrations on 'foreign nationals' - among them many Somalis - who own shops in the country's townships, causing experts to warn that xenophobic violence could increase.

Africa: Africa weather information network launched

2009-06-19

http://www0.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=31193

About 5,000 new automatic weather stations are set to be deployed across Africa, under a climate change initiative announced today by the United Nations World Meteorological Organization (WMO), the Global Humanitarian Forum, the Earth Institute at Columbia University, and mobile telecommunications companies Ericsson and Zain. Sub-Saharan Africa is the region facing the most immediate risk of droughts and floods due to climate change, according to a recent Global Humanitarian Forum report. Agricultural yields in some areas are expected to fall by 50 per cent as early as 2020.

Africa: An African Renaissance in Greenpeace

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/57140

Greenpeace is pleased to announce the appointment of two prominent African activists into senior positions in the organisation, Kumi Naidoo as Executive Director of Greenpeace International, and Michelle Ndiaye Ntab as Executive Director of Greenpeace Africa. Kumi Naidoo from South Africa and former General
Secretary of CIVICUS(1), will take over from Gerd Leipold in November 2009, and Michelle Ndiaye Ntab from Senegal assumed her appointment in April.
Greenpeace is pleased to announce the appointment of two prominent African activists into senior positions in the organisation, Kumi Naidoo as Executive Director of Greenpeace International, and Michelle Ndiaye Ntab as Executive Director of Greenpeace Africa. Kumi Naidoo from South Africa and former General Secretary of CIVICUS(1), will take over from Gerd Leipold in November 2009, and Michelle Ndiaye Ntab from Senegal assumed her appointment in April.

“The appointment of Kumi and Michelle to these leadership roles is significant and timely. It signals further commitment by Greenpeace to a truly global approach to solving environmental problems, while at the same time building strong legitimacy and traction for the rights of Africans to a healthy environment” said Greenpeace Africa Board member, Charles Abani.
Both Kumi and Michelle bring substantial expertise in campaigning, advocacy, policy work and management.

Kumi Naidoo was a founder of Global Call to Action Against Poverty in 2005, which has grown into a coalition of anti-poverty campaigners from over 100 countries, engaging the public to maintain pressure on leaders to fulfill their promises on: aid; trade; debt; climate change and gender equality.
Currently Chair of the Global Campaign for Climate Action(2), of which Greenpeace is a member, Kumi will continue to focus on generating civil society pressure and cooperation to demand a strong deal at the UN Climate Summit to be held in Copenhagen this December.

“I have long been an admirer of the work of Greenpeace, from my days as a young anti-apartheid activist in South Africa and currently as a member of the Greenpeace Africa Board” said Kumi. “The way Greenpeace works on all levels - from confrontation to cooperation with governments and corporations - is an inspiration. The mix of pragmatism and passion really gets things done and effects real change in the world. I believe that Greenpeace is one of the most precious assets the global community possesses, and plays a critical part in reversing the current fatal trajectory of our planet.”

Michelle Ndiaye Ntab has a strong background in international relations, public law, communication and community development. She was most recently Chief Executive Officer of the African Institute of Corporate Citizenship. Prior to that, she worked for AKENA Research and Consulting. Michelle also served as Regional Director – Africa with the World Association of Radio Broadcasters, and has worked with the United Nations development programme, the African Union, and with other international agencies. Michelle started her career as Program Manager at the African Institute for Democracy, a UNDP project based in Dakar, Senegal.

“The strategic direction of Greenpeace Africa will be driven by a collaborative framework for action aimed at optimizing links with our African partners to advance environmental and social change both at the African and global levels. I believe that environmental issues are inevitably linked to human development. By investing in environmental justice and equitable sustainability we also hope to tackle the challenges facing the continent “ said Michelle.

Greenpeace works in Africa to end environmental destruction and fights for the right of Africans to a healthy environment. Our campaigns focus on preventing and mitigating dangerous climate change, halting the destruction of tropical forests and stopping the plunder of Africa’s oceans.

Africa: Uganda could be a desert in 40 years

2009-06-19

http://www.afrol.com/articles/33590

A new global report on Environment has warned that Uganda could be a total dessert in 40 years if the government fails to protect the country’s forests. Uganda has reportedly lost more than 30 percent of its forest between 1990 and 2005. The findings of the State of the Environment Report for 2008, has blamed the great loss of forest cover to human activities, which include among others agriculture, a fast growing population and rapid urbanisation.

Tanzania: Protecting the world's most expensive tree

2009-06-19

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=47280

With the snow-capped peak of Mount Kilimanjaro providing a backdrop under simmering tropical sunshine, a group of women in Mijongweni village break into song. The song, in Swahili, praises the benefits of protecting the environment and living in harmony with nature for the survival of generations; values vital to the survival of one of the rarest hardwood trees in the world, the African blackwood. Known to locals as mpingo, the African blackwood (dalbergia melanoxylon) is a tree that has been exploited to extinction in southern Ethiopia and Kenya and is currently only found in Tanzania and northern Mozambique. Tanzania boasts large tracts of natural forest and woodlands

Uganda: Legislators want climate change report

2009-06-19

http://allafrica.com/stories/200906180662.html

MPs in Uganda have demanded an explanation on the fluctuating rainfall pattern, which they said had become difficult for farmers to understand. Discussing the looming famine in many parts of the country, several MPs said farmers could not tell when to plant the crops due to the erratic rainfall patterns. Samuel Odonga Otto (FDC) said Pader district had experienced drought in the last two months which weather experts had said would be a rainy season.

South Africa: Farmers' union critices land reform plans

2009-06-19

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE55I0FJ20090619

South Africa's biggest farmers' union on Friday criticised the government's plans to scrap a voluntary system of buying land from white farmers to give to poor blacks. Johannes Moller, president of farmers union AgriSA said the move to scrap the willing-buyer, willing-seller model, under which the government negotiates with owners to buy land, would be unconstitutional unless the system were replaced with a similar one.

Gambia: Detained newspaper publisher charged

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57142

Abdul Hamid Adiamoh, managing editor of Today, a privately-owned newspaper who has been in detention since his arrest on June 10, 2009 was on June 12 charged with “ publishing and broadcasting false information”, contrary to Section 181 (A) of the Criminal Code of the Gambia. Speaking with the pro-government Banjul-based Daily Observer newspaper, ASP Sulayman Secka, Public Relations Officer of the Gambia Police Force could not tell whether the journalist was still in police detention or not.
Abdul Hamid Adiamoh, managing editor of Today, a privately-owned newspaper who has been in detention since his arrest on June 10, 2009 was on June 12 charged with “ publishing and broadcasting false information”, contrary to Section 181 (A) of the Criminal Code of the Gambia.

Speaking with the pro-government Banjul-based Daily Observer newspaper, ASP Sulayman Secka, Public Relations Officer of the Gambia Police Force could not tell whether the journalist was still in police detention or not.

Secka, however, revealed that Adiamoh was arraigned before both the Banjul and Kanifing magistrate courts on June 11 but his case was not called because the courts were busy with other cases.

Adiamoh is being detained at the Major Crime Unit of the Gambian police following what the Daily Observer described as a “controversial publication” on the June 8 edition of the newspaper.

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)’s sources reported that the story was in connection with an alleged dismissal of two ministers of state by President Yahya Jammeh.

MFWA sources said the Today newspaper had since retracted the story and offered apologies to President Jammeh and the two affected ministers. The newspaper also stopped circulating about 90 percent of that particular edition.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

Gambia: GPU slams President Jammeh over late Deyda Hydara

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57143

The Gambian Press Union (GPU) has in a statement issued on June 12, 2009 condemned President Yahya Jammeh’s deliberate attempt to vilifying Deyda Hydara, editor and a former critic of his repressive administration, brutally murdered in 2004 by unknown assailants, immediately after his newspaper celebrated its 13th anniversary.
The Gambian Press Union (GPU) has in a statement issued on June 12, 2009 condemned President Yahya Jammeh’s deliberate attempt to vilifying Deyda Hydara, editor and a former critic of his repressive administration, brutally murdered in 2004 by unknown assailants, immediately after his newspaper celebrated its 13th anniversary.

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)’s sources reported that since the murder, official investigations into his murder have not produced any serious results and that the government of President Jammeh has consistently waged a smear campaign on Hydara as an attempt to shield the perpetrators, who are believed to be members of his “Green Boys”.

Speaking in an interview on the state-owned Gambian Radio and Television Stations (GRTS) on June 9, President Jammeh once again quoted the findings of his notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA) which concluded that Hydara’s gruesome murder could be as a result of personal revenge by a jealous husband, whose wife committed adultery with Hydara.

According to the Gambian Press Union (GPU), the character assassination of Hydara by President Jammeh was “most unfortunate; that (as he has been claiming to be) champion for the promotion of … African … traditional norms and values”, “and someone, who claims to have total respect for religion (in general) and Islam in particular, finds it appropriate to ridicule and speak ill of the dead. Such behavior and countenance is most unreligious, un-cultural and certainly discredits traditional African norms and values”.

Hydara, managing editor and co-owner of the independent newspaper The Point, was shot in the head by unidentified assailants while he was driving home from his office in Banjul, late on December 16, 2004. At the time of the incident he was waging a strong campaign against repressive media laws introduced by the regime.

President Jammeh, in that interview, claimed that the country enjoys freedom of expression. This the GPU refuted by cataloguing a number of arbitrary arrests and detentions of Gambian citizens and journalists including Chief Ebrima Manneh, a reporter of the pro-government Daily Observer newspaper.

Concerning repressive laws introduced under the government, the GPU said they were “surprised” that President Jammeh claimed that freedom of expression exists in the Gambia.

“Mr. President, we beg to differ. The legal environment, in particular the Newspaper Amendment Act 2004, the Criminal Code Amendment Act 2004, the Newspaper Registration Act and the recently passed Communications Bill 2009 make it practically impossible to practice efficiently as a journalist and yet remain within the ambits of the law”, the statement emphasised.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

Niger: Live discussions on privately-owned media banned

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57136

Niger's media regulatory body, the High Communication Council (CSC), on June
8, 2009 banned all live discussions on the prevailing political situation in
the country by privately-owned electronic media outlets. The CSC Chairman, Daouda Diallo, who announced the ban, said it has become necessary as it would prevent what he termed as "risk of media excesses".
Niger's media regulatory body, the High Communication Council (CSC), on June
8, 2009 banned all live discussions on the prevailing political situation in the country by privately-owned electronic media outlets.

The CSC Chairman, Daouda Diallo, who announced the ban, said it has become necessary as it would prevent what he termed as "risk of media excesses".

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)'s correspondent reported that the ban comes in the wake of recent political tensions in the country, following unsuccessful bid by President Mamadou Tandja to prolong his stay in office, which ends in November.

After failing to gain legislative support, President Tandja dissolved the country's parliament and in an address to the nation on May 29 announced an impending referendum to adopt a new constitution for the country.

The correspondent said the President's address sparked heated debate spearheaded by the electronic media, giving opportunity for Nigeriens to express diverse opinions on the issue.

MFWA is worried about the tendency of the CSC to ban the media in Niger as this is censorship and undermines media freedom.

Suspensions of the media in Niger have become rampant under the administration of Tandja. Since a Tuareg armed group, Mouvement des Nigériens pour la Justice "MNJ" (the Niger Movement for Justice), launched a rebellion in the northern part of the country in 2007. The government outlawed the group and through the CSC banned the media from covering its activities. Some media houses were closed down and a number of journalists were arrested for flouting the government's order.

We call on the CSC, as matter of urgency, to lift the ban and allow the media to operate freely without interference from any quarters.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

Sierra Leone: SLAJ declares blackout on judiciary

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57156

The Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) on June 15, 2009 imposed a news blackout on the country’s judiciary, as part of its sustained campaign to get the Supreme Court to expunge the obnoxious Public Order Act of the 1960 from the laws of Sierra Leone. A source told the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) that the action is as a result of the Supreme Court’s long delay in giving its verdict on the case filed by SLAJ challenging the constitutionality of the Public Order Act which is very inimical to media freedom in particular and freedom of expression generally.
The Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) on June 15, 2009 imposed a news blackout on the country’s judiciary, as part of its sustained campaign to get the Supreme Court to expunge the obnoxious Public Order Act of the 1960 from the laws of Sierra Leone.

A source told the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) that the action is as a result of the Supreme Court’s long delay in giving its verdict on the case filed by SLAJ challenging the constitutionality of the Public Order Act which is very inimical to media freedom in particular and freedom of expression generally.

SLAJ has directed its members to desist from carrying or reporting activities of the judiciary until June 20.

SLAJ initiated the suit in February 2008 for a repeal of the law which the authorities used to send a number of journalists to prison.

Even though, the verdict should have been given within three months, as required by the Constitution, the parties had closed their arguments more than the stipulated period.

SLAJ threatened that should this action fail to achieve its purpose, it would adopt other new methods of protest.

Meanwhile, the Association has expressed its resolve to mobilize civil society groups, human rights organizations and the international community to mount pressure on the authorities to repeal the law which infringes upon the right to free expression.



Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

DRC: Mutinous troops fire at UN

2009-06-19

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8104984.stm

A UN base in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo has been fired on by army soldiers in a dispute over pay. It is the latest in a string of mutinies in North Kivu by soldiers who have not been paid for six months. A senior UN peacekeeper told the BBC that army commanders are not handing over soldiers' wages.

Nigeria: Militants blow up pipeline

2009-06-19

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8109013.stm

Militants in Nigeria's oil-producing region say they have blown up a major pipeline belonging to Italian energy firm Agip. Agip has not yet commented on the claims. A military spokesman denied that a pipeline had been hit but said there had been a "skirmish". He also denied the militants' claims to have disarmed seven soldiers.

Nigeria: Seizing the Moment in the Niger Delta

2009-06-19

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=6080&l=1

The report of the government-constituted Technical Committee on the Niger Delta, submitted to Nigeria’s President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua on 1 December 2008, offers an opportunity to reduce violent conflict significantly and begin longer-term regional development in the oil-rich region. The government needs to respond urgently and positively, in particular by accepting a third-party mediator to facilitate discussions of amnesty and demobilisation of militants, in order to dispel growing misgivings in the Delta, save the region from further violence and organised criminality, and ensure Nigeria’s continued reliability as a leading source of energy for the world.

Somalia: Suicide bomb toll rises

2009-06-19

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8109188.stm

Five more people have died of their injuries after a suicide attack on the Somali security minister, bringing the total number of dead to 35. Omar Hashi Aden was buried hours after the blast at a hotel in Beledweyne, north of the capital, Mogadishu. The funerals for some of the other victims, who included Somali diplomats, are being held on Friday.

Africa: Kenya, South Africa, Tunisia top innovation poll

2009-06-19

http://tinyurl.com/kpv7l2

Kenya, South Africa and Tunisia have emerged as the top innovators of Africa in a report on the continent's competitiveness launched last week. The three countries — which scored highly on ratings of their scientific capacity — are on a par with such innovative countries as Brazil and India, according to The Africa Competitiveness Report 2009, produced by the World Economic Forum, the African Development Bank and the World Bank Africa.

Africa: Climate change action, Who will pay?

AfricaFocus Bulletin Jun 18, 2009 (090618)

2009-06-19

http://www.africafocus.org/docs09/cc0906.php

This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains a briefing note based on the full Stamp Out Poverty report entitled "Assessing the Alternatives: Financing climate change mitigation and adaptation in developing countries (http://www.stampoutpoverty.org). This report evaluates the options for new funding mechanisms, and advocates a mix, including a currency transaction tax. Also included in this Bulletin are a selection of links and brief descriptions of other recent reports on the issue of climate change, particularly as it affects Africa.

Africa: Call for papers on the African Youth Charter

AfriMap

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/57144

2008 was the Year of African Youth, yet the African Youth Charter, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union in July 2006, has still only been ratified by 13 countries –needing two more ratifications before it can enter into force. In January 2009, the Assembly declared the years 2009-2019 as the decade of youth development in Africa.
2008 was the Year of African Youth, yet the African Youth Charter, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union in July 2006, has still only been ratified by 13 countries –needing two more ratifications before it can enter into force. In January 2009, the Assembly declared the years 2009-2019 as the decade of youth development in Africa.

Among the priority issues identified for action are: education, employment, safe spaces for recreation and leisure, participation in policy-making processes at national, regional and continental levels, and health issues. The Pan African Youth Union is the focal point for the AU on youth matters.
AfriMAP invites submissions of papers on the African Youth Charter and its implementation in Africa. Among the different approaches that could be adopted are:
· A comparative analysis of the African Youth Charter with other international instruments relating to youth, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses.
· An analysis of the ways in which the Youth Charter relates to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and other African human rights standards.
· An analysis of the extent to which one or more countries already respect the standards established by the Charter .
· An outline of the trends among the youth movements on the continent, highlighting ways of organizing or principal topics of concern.
· A description of a particular youth organization and its work, highlighting its successes and challenges.
· A focus on a particular article of the Charter: especially Article 11 on Youth Participation, highlighting best or worst practices in one or more countries.
· The extent to which the standards established by the Charter are adequate, in the face of the situation of youth on the continent.
· Proposals for implementation of the Charter by the African Union Commission under Article 28 or by other organs of the AU.
· Proposals for implementation of the Charter at national level.
· The role of Africa’s development partners in ensuring respect
for the Charter.

The deadline for submissions to be received is 30 June 2009.

Our objective is to encourage and promote new thinking and debate on issues that AfriMAP is exploring through its research. We are particularly keen to encourage submissions based on primary sources, personal research and innovative thinking. Papers are accepted in English, French and Portuguese, between 1,500-2,000 words in length, and those selected will be published on our website. Winners will receive an honorarium of US$250. See the Guidelines on Call for Papers on the AfriMAP website <http://www.afrimap.org/papers.php> for further details on submitting a paper.
The winning papers from our previous calls for papers are available on
the AfriMAP website. If you would like to contact AfriMAP for advice on
topics for your paper, please email us at info@afrimap.org

Global: Barefoot guide to working with organization on social change

2009-06-19

http://www.barefootguide.org/index.php

This is a practical, do-it-yourself guide for leaders and facilitators wanting to help organisations to function and to develop in more healthy, human and effective ways as they strive to make their contributions to a more humane society. It has been developed by the Barefoot Collective.

Global: World Humanism Day vidoes

2009-06-19

http://www.youtube.com/omroepHUMAN

To celebrate World Humanism Day on June 21st Hivos and the Dutch public broadcaster VPRO made a selection of the best Metropolis TV movies on the theme ‘independent people’. The central idea of the movies is: 'people are in control over their own lives'. We have chosen beautiful movies from China (Jiang and his globe), Zambia (walking hunger striker), Burkina Faso (photographer of mad people), Kenya (anti-circumcision village) and Turkey (young ambitious politician).

Global: WYMD Essay contest

2009-06-19

http://www.wymd.org/contests.html

Submit your essay on democracy, and get your free ticket to the world’s largest gathering of democracy and human rights activists in Jakarta, Indonesia, in 2010! The World Youth Movement for Democracy (www.wymd.org), a youth network of the World Movement for Democracy (www.wmd.org), is pleased to announce the launch of its Global Essay Contest. Fifteen winners (3 in each region: Asia, Central/Eastern Europe & Eurasia, Middle East & North Africa, Latin America & Caribbean, and Sub-Saharan Africa) will be invited to participate in the upcoming 6th Assembly of the World Movement for Democracy in Jakarta, Indonesia, in April 2010.

Kenya: Bliss Women and Children project

2009-06-19

http://www.blisswomenandchildrenproject.org/

The Bliss Women and Children Project is a Christian, non-profit organization. Our aim is to provide opportunities for women and children who are living in extreme poverty, are abandoned, orphaned, internally displaced, widowed or living with HIV/AIDS. More than 100 women and 80 children benefit from our programs every day.

South Africa: Goedgedacht - 10,000 trees

2009-06-19

http://www.goedgedacht.org.za/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=35&Itemid=1

In celebration of the 10th Anniversary of the Path out of Poverty Programme we are launching a new campaign: 10 000 olive trees planted at Goedgedacht to support 10 000 children on the Path out of Poverty from 5 POP centres in the next ten years (2018). After ten years we are convinced that the Path out of Poverty offers new hope to rural children who still live their lives without hope for the future.The POP model has been noticed and is now ready to be replicated in other places

Africa: All Africa Dance festival and conference

9th Dec- Sun 13th December 2009

2009-06-19

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/57150

History and current experience shows that so deep are the pains of most of the conflicts experienced in Africa that the popular individualized and rationalistic approaches to healing and transformation simply lack the language and resources to solidly address the challenge of holistic peaceful transformation. “Arts approaches” provide an accessible language, compelling processes that affirm everyone’s creativity and, above all, an inclusive space that enables healing, genuine dialogue and transformation to happen particularly where the violent conflicts and pains are experienced by masses of people. African countries that are victims of conflicts, can use dance and drama to subtly address the issues among community members.
1. Dates: Wed 9th Dec- Sun 13th December 2009
2. Conference Theme: “Celebrating the Role of Cultural Dance in Peace Building and Human Understanding”
3. Venue: Kenyatta International Conference Centre, Nairobi Kenya
4. Conference Organizers: Purple Images Productions and Capacity Concern Africa
5. International Partner: Art Action

Conference Brief:
Many African countries have been affected by conflicts leading to the deaths of about five million people in the last fifteen years. Armed Conflicts in Sudan, Rwanda , Burundi, Congo, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Liberia, Angola and Somalia have been the most publicized at the international level but inter-ethnic conflicts are the order of the day in most of the African countries, The result of these conflicts is bloodshed with millions of Africans been resettled from their homes. There are still unresolved conflicts in Somalia, Sudan , Uganda , Burundi , Congo and Chad . These countries have a lesson to share in the use of the arts to promote peace and healing while striving to prevent armed conflicts in the future. Kenya is just overcoming a political conflict that would have forced the country into anarchy seriously threatening social order and security of the Eastern Africa region

Why the Dance Festival and Conference?
History and current experience shows that so deep are the pains of most of the conflicts experienced in Africa that the popular individualized and rationalistic approaches to healing and transformation simply lack the language and resources to solidly address the challenge of holistic peaceful transformation. “Arts approaches” provide an accessible language, compelling processes that affirm everyone’s creativity and, above all, an inclusive space that enables healing, genuine dialogue and transformation to happen particularly where the violent conflicts and pains are experienced by masses of people. African countries that are victims of conflicts, can use dance and drama to subtly address the issues among community members. Dance promotes the sense of belonging and can promote and motivate change, unite communities for a cause and rally them to a common vision including promoting peace, conflict prevention, Human Understanding and democracy.
Inspired by the indigenous African motif of the “drum,” Peace Drum Project introduced by Purple Images Productions and Capacity Concern Africa will “drum up” a most significant call to artistes-peace builders and peoples in Africa to take greater leadership in intentionally and imaginatively transforming ideologies of violence and, above all, (re)constructing a narrative of just peace.

The festival will provide a rich, inclusive and challenging forum for reflective practitioners to celebrate their creative richness; critically and deeply engage; dream and act jointly in producing alternative cultural and dance products and in shaping new narratives of just peace. The festival will bring together over 1000 committed artistes-peace builders – including educators, dance artists, development workers, community animators and cultural activists – from Africa and the Diaspora who continue to apply various shades of dance arts approaches in their social change work. The one week intensive program of applied training, performances, exhibitions, and direct skills-building experience will take place in Nairobi, Kenya , between 9th to 13th December 2009. A select number of the participants will be awarded partial scholarships to attend the conference and festival
Various Artistic groups, producers, choreographers development workers, cultural activists and teachers from Africa and other parts of the world will participate in the festivals and workshops that will not only impart skills in dance for peace and development but will celebrate the use of dance as a tool for social change and development in Africa.

The Dance Conference
There will be a three day Dance Conference from 9th to 11th December to share effective communication skills in the use of dance to promote peace and Human understanding:
Technical Dance Workshops:
• Dance Choreography
• Movements and patterns creation
• Dance Drama/ Dance Theatre
• Dance Journalism
• Dance Production and presentation
• The role of Community Dance
• The language of dance
• Dance festival productions
• Mime Dance
• Story Development in dance

Dance for Peace workshops and plenary

• The role of Indigenous dances in peace education
• Community Based Peace Education
• Indigenous Arts and Philosophy of Peace Storytelling in dance drama,
• Integrated Arts Approaches in Healing, Dialogue and Transformation
• Advocacy and Dialogue using Dance
• Facilitating Community Based Arts and Peace programs
• Training for Dance Choreographers and producers in Peace building
• Arts Approaches to Peace building & Development
• Forgiveness & Healing using Dance
• Dance for peace and conflict prevention and management
• Democratizing Africa using Dance

The International Dance festival
December 12th and 13th will focus on the International Dance Festival where the dances created during the conference will be performed before live audiences of about 10,000 people. Outstanding presentations will be awarded with cash awards and trophies. The Best Dance Troupe to come up with the best peace and human understanding dance presentation in two days will win the top cash award of US$ 5,000 which the dance group can use as seed funds for peace building and peace education on return to their country!

Registration fees
Delegates from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan $150 per Dance group
Dance delegates from the rest of Africa $ 200 per group
Dance delegates from the rest of the world $ 500 per group
Individual delegates such as consultants/ development officials $150 per person
The payments will cater for festival registration and materials. Delegates must also meet the costs of their travel , meals and accommodation in Kenya. If you need the conference to organize accommodation and travel arrangements in Kenya for you please inform us immediately.
For information about Kenya please visit: www.magicalkenya.com Please share this information with your contacts!

All correspondence should be emailed to the attention of:
Karegwa Muchiri
Festival Director
All Africa International Dance Festival
Mbuchia House, 3rd Flr, West Wing, Westlands, Nairobi, Kenya
P.O BOX 58182 - 00200 Nairobi
Tel + 254-20-4450937/ 4452674
Cell: + 254-20-722 634947
Email: africadancefestival@gmail.com or info@purpleimages.com
www.purpleimages.com

Africa: New Path

Call for articles

2009-05-29

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/publications/56690

The NEW PATH: AFRICAN FORUM FOR INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT is published quarterly by the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF) and provides a forum for innovative thinking about our common future and about how we need to tackle the most intractable problems facing Africa today – focusing on Eastern Africa.
CALL FOR ARTICLES

The NEW PATH: AFRICAN FORUM FOR INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT is published quarterly by the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF) and provides a forum for innovative thinking about our common future and about how we need to tackle the most intractable problems facing Africa today – focusing on Eastern Africa.

NEW PATH provides Eastern Africa with an opportunity to discuss African issues, aimed at a broad audience, from the perspective of rigorous intellectual thought and inquiry, so as to shed imaginative light on African affairs, both past and present. It is erected on the foundation of editorial independence, and the promotion of original and rigorous thinking on alternative paths for effecting fundamental change in Eastern African politics and governance, economic development capable of eliminating mass poverty, and contemporary trends in our arts, culture and humanities.

The editor invites your articles (opinion and analysis) for the June 2009 edition. This edition of 'New Path' will cover two themes:

1. Environment

2. Agriculture and Food Security

Please send your articles of not more than one thousand (1,000) words to:admin@arrforum.org or research@arrforum.org by 15th June 2009.

Honoraria: ARRF will pay modest honoraria for the published articles.

Africa: Core Team - AFRODAD

Executive Director and Policy Advisors (3 positions)

2009-06-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/57084

AFRODAD, a pan-African regional organization providing research-based lobby and advocacy in issues of Debt, Development Aid and Economic Governance is seeking to recruit a Team of competent people to fill the positions of Executive Director, Policy Advisor on Debt, Policy Advisor on Fair and Transparent Arbitration Mechanisms on Debt; Policy Advisor on Economic Governance and Development Aid. The Team will be based at the AFRODAD Secretariat in Harare, Zimbabwe. Application deadline is 28th June 2009.
AFRICAN FORUM AND NETWORK ON DEBT AND DEVELOPMENT (AFRODAD)

AFRODAD, a pan-African regional organization providing research-based lobby and advocacy in issues of Debt, Development Aid and Economic Governance is seeking to recruit a Team of competent people to fill the positions of Executive Director, Policy Advisor on Debt, Policy Advisor on Fair and Transparent Arbitration Mechanisms on Debt; Policy Advisor on Economic Governance and Development Aid.

AFRODAD activities are intended to contribute to the following outputs, outcomes and impact on African development:

Outputs: Research based Policy alternatives
- Contribution to debates on sustainable development
- Strengthening African capacity to engage in debates for policy change

Outcomes: adoption of policy alternatives by African Governments and Inter-Governmental institutions

Impact: towards African sustainable development defined or measured by
- Efficient and effective use of resources
- Reduced poverty
- Widened democratic economic governance space

The Team will be based at the AFRODAD Secretariat in Harare, Zimbabwe. Specific requirements are as follows:

1.0 EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

The Executive Director will be accountable to the Board of Directors for planning and implementation of all AFRODAD program activities; sourcing and management of human and financial resources and will among other things represent the organization at high-level meetings.

Qualifications & Experience

Preference will be given to applicants with the following attributes:

- 3-10 years experience in running an NGO.
- Strong development research and policy analysis skills and experience
- Excellent written and spoken English, Knowledge of French and any other African Union official language will be an added advantage.
- Experience in human and financial resources management (Office management)
- Computer literate.
- Planning, Reporting and evaluation skills
- Leadership skills

Qualifications:
Ph. D. or equivalent in development studies, economics or social studies.

2.0 POLICY ADVISORS:

The Policy Advisor will lead the design, planning and implementation of a thematic AFRODAD program. They will report to the Executive Director. The specific positions are as follows:

2.1 POLICY ADVISOR ON DEBT.

The Policy Advisor will lead the design, planning and implementation of the AFRODAD program on Debt. The key objectives of this program are: to contribute to finding sustainable solutions to Africa’s debt crises; and to contribute to aversion of future debt crises. During the period 2009 -2011 this program will undertake research, lobby and advocacy activities related to Loan contraction processes and Debt Management in African countries, Domestic Debt, Ecological Debt, Emerging Lenders (BRIC) and African Debt Profiles.

Qualifications & Experience

Preference will be given to applicants with the following attributes:

- 3-10 years experience at Senior Programme Officer or higher level
- Demonstrated interest in the area of African Debt issues
- Demonstrated research and policy analysis skills and experience
- Excellent written and spoken English. Knowledge of French and any other African Union official language will be an added advantage.
- Ability to work well in a team with minimum supervision
- Computer literate.
- Planning and Reporting skills
- Good interpersonal skills

Qualifications:
Ph. D. or equivalent in development studies, economics or social studies.

2.2 POLICY ADVISOR ON FAIR AND TRANSPARENT ARBITRATION MECHANISMS ON DEBT (FTA).

The Policy Advisor will lead the design, planning and implementation of the AFRODAD program towards establishment of Arbitration mechanisms at the national, regional and global levels. The adoption of an FTA mechanism is expected to contribute to elimination of illegitimate and odious debts and in general lead to responsible lending and borrowing.


Qualifications & Experience
Preference will be given to applicants with the following attributes:

- 3-10 years experience at Senior Programme Officer or higher level
- Interest in African Debt issues
- Demonstrated research and policy analysis skills and experience
- Excellent written and spoken English. Knowledge of French and any other African Union official language will be an added advantage.
- Ability to work well in a team with minimum supervision
- Computer literate.
- Planning and Reporting skills
Good interpersonal skills

Qualifications:
Bachelors or Masters Degree in Law.

2.3 POLICY ADVISOR ON ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT AID.

The main objectives of the economic governance program are: to contribute to accountable and inclusive economic governance in Africa; and to strengthen the CSOs’ capacity to engage in democratic economic governance advocacy. During 2009 -2011 AFRODAD will undertake activities related to civil society macro-economic training, policy analysis on Taxes, Extractive Industries, and Foreign Direct Investments in Africa.

In relation to development cooperation and development Aid the main objectives are: to contribute to sustainable and effective aid architecture and to contribute to contribute to African exit from aid dependency. Focus will be on Aid Effectiveness and the Reality of Aid in Africa.

Qualifications & Experience
Preference will be given to applicants with the following attributes:

- 3-10 years experience at Senior Programme Officer or higher level
- Demonstrated interest in the above issues
- Demonstrated research and policy analysis skills and experience
- Excellent written and spoken English. Knowledge of French and any other African Union official language will be an added advantage.
- Ability to work well in a team with minimum supervision
- Computer literate.
- Planning and Reporting skills
- Good interpersonal skills

Qualifications:
Ph. D. or equivalent in development studies, economics or social studies.


Application Details

Interested applicants should email their application letters and updated CVs to afrodad@afrodad.co.zw by not later than 28th June 2009. Applicants should specify the post they will be applying for and their interest and competence in that area.

Only successful applicants will be contacted for interviews.

AFRODAD will provide additional information prior to application if required.

Fahamu