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Reparations and regrets: Why is the US Senate apologising now?

Horace Campbell

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57374

cc Murky1With the US Senate approving a resolution formally acknowledging the historic injustice behind slavery and the country's 'Jim Crow' laws on 18 June, Horace Campbell asks 'Why now?' Coming in the same week as a call for a new, multi-polar world order from the BRIC countries of Brazil, Russia, India and China, the timing of the apology from a US Senate edgy about the internationalisation of reparations claims is no coincidence, Campbell argues. But with the Senate clear that the resolution offers no scope for any 'claim' against the United States, Campbell situates such action within an established tradition of pre-emptive apologies designed to inhibit further action. With political circles in the US keen to ensure the country's access to Africa's abundant resources, resolutions such as the US Senate's represent an attempt to replace crude conservative tactics with a more nuanced approach to imperial expansion, Campbell contends, an approach which must be countered by sustained will from progressive forces around the world to see reparative justice fulfilled.

On Thursday 18 June 2009, the US Senate approved a resolution formally acknowledging the 'fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws' that enshrined racial segregation at the state- and local-level in the United States well into the 1960s.

Congress apologised 'to African-Americans on behalf of the people of the United States, for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavery and Jim Crow laws.' The apology also recommitted members of the US Senate 'to the principle that all people are created equal and endowed with inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, call[ing] on all people of the United States to work toward eliminating racial prejudices, injustices, and discrimination from our society.'

The question however is why is the US Senate apologising at this time?

This articles argues that the US government is afraid of the recreation of a second Bandung where the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America and African-Americans come together to break the powers of the former slaveholders.

OUTCOMES OF THE STRUGGLES OVER THE 2009 DURBAN REVIEW CONFERENCE

Is the US Senate apologising in 2009 because of the new wave of reparative claims by India (over Gandhi’s glasses) and by China (over the bronze head) and the new activism on the part of Brazil? The government of Italy forced museums all over the USA to return looted artefacts. Africans are pressing UNESCO to support the return of looted cultural treasures. These global struggles for reparations should remind readers that the apology should not be read in isolation from a new moment in international politics.

The reparations movement among Africans is as old as the anti-slavery movement, but this movement has been growing in the past 20 years. The reparations movement continues to be a grassroots movement. So many of the present black leaders are compromised by their relationship to the former colonial powers, and so one cannot turn to governments to learn about this global movement. Moreover, as the late Pan-Africanist Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem argued in one of his statements on reparations, it is in the interests of the US government to see that there are no strong connections between the reparations movement in the United States and the reparations movement in Africa and in other parts of the pan-African world.

At the inter-governmental level in Africa, the former Organization of African Unity (OAU) Legal Committee for Reparations had been a vibrant force in exposing the criminal and genocidal actions of the colonial overlords. The OAU had established a group of eminent persons, headed by Chief Abiola of Nigeria. The imprisonment and derailing of the democratic process in Nigeria was linked to the fear of the Nigerian people's throwing their collective energies behind the reparations movement. Following the death of Abiola, the OAU committee of eminent persons on reparations became comatose. The African Union (AU) has not given the same measure of support to the eminent persons. Moreover, many European states have been opposed to the centralisation of reparations within the platform of the African Union.

Hence within the pan-African world the main supporters for reparations at the state level have been from the states of Latin America and the Caribbean (Barbados, Brazil, Cuba and Venezuela). There are over 150 million African descendants in Latin America and these forces came into international prominence in the formation of the African descendant caucus at the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR). These are the forces that provided a lot of pressure for the reconvening of the World Conference Against Racism through the Review Conference in Geneva in April 2009, which the US boycotted.

THE DURBAN MEETING 2001

The third World Conference Against Racism was held in Durban in 2001. This conference had agreed on language reflecting the mass support for the recognition of the transatlantic Slave Trade as a crime against humanity.
This was a great victory insofar as the caucus of Africans and African descendants had agreed on language relating to the three important points:

- The transatlantic Slave Trade, slavery and colonialism are crimes against humanity.
- Reparations due for Africans and African descendants.
- Recognition of the economic basis of racism.

These three points were studied and circulated widely throughout the African world before the meeting, and in the final declaration of the conference the language of the declaration reflected these positions. These points remain the core organising ideas within the pan-African movement for reparations. After September 11 2001, the US government and its propaganda apparatus used the scare of terrorism to close off debate on the question of reparations.

It was in light of the preparations of the peoples of African descent that the US and Britain intensified their cooperation to isolate and marginalise the discussion on reparations. It was also significant that, in the main, the European and North American Left never supported the reparations movement. The US went on a massive campaign to organise internationally to take the issue of reparations out of the agenda of the United Nations. Mary Robinson, the former president of Ireland, was forced out of her position at the UN Human Rights Commission because of her principled position in supporting the follow up to the WCAR.

The issues of Palestine, the Dalit in India, and the reparations question surfaced as major dividing points before the meeting and caused a sharp division between the countries that were formerly colonised and the countries of the EU and the USA. Time and space does not allow for the depth of the issues of Palestine, but it is important to note that the Palestinian question brought out more information on the real strength of the Israeli lobby in the United States.[1] The issue of the nature of the Israeli lobby in the United States again came to the fore in 2009 over the matter of US participation in the Durban Review Conference in Geneva.

THE DURBAN REVIEW CONFERENCE 2009

For every UN conference, whether on women, the environment or development, there had been a review after five years. Three of the five permanent members of the Security Council – the United States, Britain and France – opposed a review of the Durban conference. The supporters of the State of Israel within the US Congress mounted fierce opposition to the participation of the United States in the Review Conference. Regionally, Brazil and Cuba were supporting the Review Conference while in Africa, the South Africans supported this review. China and Russia were the two other firm supporters of the Review Conference. Western Europeans had always sought to set the agenda for the rest of the world and failing to set the anti-racist agenda, the leading members of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) boycotted the conference. In the US the boycott was premised on the basis of the supposed anti-Semitism of the final document of the Durban Review Conference.

The other 8 countries that boycotted could not put up this pretence.

This is what Samir Amin had to say about the reasons for the boycott of the Review Conference by the United States.

'Durban I was a double failure for the NATO powers because their scheme was blocked both by the majority of countries from the South at the conference of Member States, and by the NGO Forum. At the main conference, most of the governments of the countries of the South defended the principle of international law that prohibits any unilateral foreign intervention, whatever the pretext. History has taught them the real reasons for these interventions, and the hypocrisy of the discourse on a "civilizing mission", now branded as "the defense of human rights". Events that have taken place since Durban I confirm the wisdom of their decision. The United Nations Charter only permits intervention when there is agreement from the Security Council and even then, places severe restrictions on their scope and duration. It has been systematically violated by the NATO powers which have granted themselves the right to decide unilaterally whether to intervene or not. After the invasion of Iraq, on pretexts that we know were completely unfounded, the NATO powers are understandably fearful about another "failure" at Durban II.'

Remarking on the global mobilisation that was manifest in the thousands of activists present in Durban, Amin added:

'The NGO Forum at Durban I was equally strong in its condemnation of foreign interventions in the affairs of countries of the South. In no way did they condone the crimes committed by governments against their own people; nor did they contest the absolute legitimacy of organized campaigns to denounce these crimes, and welcomed the support of people in the North in their shared struggle for democracy. However, the NGO Forum, quite rightly, maintained the distinction between the necessary expression of international solidarity among people and unilateral decisions to intervene taken by governments in the North. This is hardly surprising. The people of the South know from their experience of history that imperialist domination has always been a major obstacle to democracy. They know that the justification used to legitimize intervention – the "defense of democracy" – has only ever been put forward when the proposed intervention served the real objectives of imperialist domination. It is for the people of the South to assume responsibility in their own struggle towards liberation, democracy, and social progress.'

Samir Amin’s position reflected the views and confidence of a new force that was rising in the countries that had supported the first Bandung meeting of Afro-Asian peoples. The fact that the Durban Review meeting took place in April and was successful, despite the press blackout by the Western news agencies, provided another diplomatic and propaganda setback for the United States.

On Tuesday 21 April 2009 it was announced that the outcomes document was adopted.

'High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay said she was very happy to announce the great news that the outcome document of the Durban Review Conference was adopted by consensus today.

'Among the most valuable additional elements contained in this outcome document were: that it reinvigorated the political commitment to the implementation of the DDPA [Durban Declaration and Programme of Action]; it highlighted the increased suffering, since 2001, of many different sorts of victims of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and similar forms of intolerance; it identified, shared and disseminated some best practices in the fight against racism; it unequivocally reaffirmed the positive role of freedom of expression in the fight against racism, while also deploring derogatory stereotyping and stigmatization of people based on their religion or belief; and it launched a process that will examine how the prohibition of incitement to hatred, as reflected in Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, has been implemented in various parts of the world.'

The document reaffirmed 'the Durban Declaration Program of Action (DDPA), as it was adopted at the WCAR in 2001'.

This simple affirmation is important given the continuing campaign by Western countries who signed the DDPA in 2001 to revise history and eliminate the tremendous steps which the DDPA represented in setting the concrete framework for resolving racism.

These steps include: the acknowledgment of the economic basis of racism; the declaration that the transatlantic Slave Trade and slavery were crimes against humanity; and that the descendants of those victims were due compensation (reparations).

Four basic directions emanated from this Review Conference in April 2009:

- A reaffirmation of the basic declaration of the Durban conference
- Strengthening of the units of the UN dedicated to combating racism
- Follow up support for peace and reconstruction in all parts of the world
- Strengthening international institutions that are central to anti-racism and social justice.

THE ISOLATION OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE COURT OF PUBLIC OPINION

After the WCAR in 2001 there had been a clear declaration that:

'Education content must serve to affirm and build people’s destroyed dignity … and there should be a review of the education curriculum so as to eliminate any elements that may promote racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance or reinforce negative stereotypes, including material that refutes such stereotypes.'

This was a tremendous task and the importance of this statement could be gauged from the tensions over the issue of the depiction of the Chinese in the Japanese history books. This challenge also struck at the national symbols of many former colonial states. Every former colonial state, whether Holland, Germany, France, Portugal, Spain and the United States, shudders at the implications of the acknowledgment of past crimes that were celebrated by their societies. In the particular case of Spain, the annual celebration of Christopher Columbus as a national hero on 12 October was called into question.

Throughout Latin America, the indigenous peoples recognised Columbus and the conquistadors as the initiators of the massive genocide in that region. For Britain, France, Belgium, Holland and Germany, the colonial heroes and heroines were now being labelled as criminals.

THE DEMANDS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

Indigenous peoples continued to make demands and organise to expose the crimes of genocide. Working pedantically over three generations, indigenous peoples have organised and lobbied the United Nations, until in September 2007, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples:

'The Declaration establishes a universal framework of minimum standards for the survival, dignity, well-being and rights of the world's indigenous peoples. The Declaration addresses both individual and collective rights; cultural rights and identity; rights to education, health, employment, language, and others. It outlaws discrimination against indigenous peoples and promotes their full and effective participation in all matters that concern them. It also ensures their right to remain distinct and to pursue their own priorities in economic, social and cultural development. The Declaration explicitly encourages harmonious and cooperative relations between States and indigenous peoples.'

Characteristically, the USA voted against the resolution, as did Australia, Canada and New Zealand. These were all countries where the indigenous peoples suffered from acts of genocide and mass slaughter.

One of the troubling questions for the United States was that at the Durban Review Conference the Human Rights Commission in Geneva had agreed to support the African descendants caucus that it would support the call for the establishment of a permanent caucus for African descendants at the United Nations.

It is therefore not by accident that the apology of the US Senate comes in the same week of the meeting of the new global power, as manifest in the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) summit. The US government is working to ensure that the reparative claims of black Brazilians and African-Americans are not linked in a more serious and rigorous manner in the international arena. The apology by the US Senate is meant to silence the reparative claims of the grassroots reparations movement in the United States.

APOLOGIES ARE NOT ENOUGH

It is now important for the reparations movement to take the struggle to the next step so that the textbooks in the United States are rewritten to reflect this apology by the US Senate. In their short-sightedness, the members of the US Senate could only think about monetary compensation for the crimes of slavery, so attached to the apology was the rider that,

'Nothing in this resolution (a) authorizes or supports any claim against the United States; or (b) serves as a settlement of any claim against the United States.'

The one claim that must be made is that Social Studies textbooks in the United States now properly reflect this resolution so that there is a process to reverse the ideas and practices that supported enslavement. The US Senate followed the path of a non-binding apology by the Australian government. In 2008, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a formal apology for the past wrongs caused by successive governments against the indigenous Aboriginal population. He apologised in parliament to all Aborigines for laws and policies that 'inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss'.

Rudd singled out the 'stolen generations' of thousands of children forcibly removed from their families. Yet so far there has been no concrete action to back up the words.

LESSONS FROM PAPAL APOLOGY

In the year of the Jubilee, Pope John Paul II apologised for the crimes of the Catholic Church at Sunday mass, March 2000. This was a solemn apology for the errors of the Roman Catholic Church over 2,000 years, especially for the Inquisition, the forced conversion of native peoples in Africa and Latin America, support for the crusades, and support for enslavement and other crimes. Yet there was nothing that the Catholic Church did to make this apology real in their day-to-day work. In fact, the Catholic Church has continued to stand in the path of the full rights for women, especially in relation to reproductive rights. This Church stands at the centre of a conservative movement to block the knowledge of modern science from being unleashed to support the health and well-being of humans. One lesson from the apology of the Pope is that apologies can be a cover for even more conservative actions and activities.

LESSONS FROM THE BELGIAN APOLOGY

In April 2000 the government of Belgium apologised to the people of Rwanda for the callous attitude of the government of Belgium at the time of the 1994 genocide. This same government has apologised for the assassination of Patrice Lumumba in January 1961. Yet these apologies can only make sense and be meaningful if the Belgian people are able to dismantle the whole economic, military and intellectual infrastructure that supported genocide and continue to provide justification for the criminal actions that were carried out by King Leopold II. Will the Belgian state rewrite the history of Belgian crimes?

The book 'King Leopold’s Ghost' has moved the discussion of Belgian genocide in the Congo beyond the benign view that Leopold II was carrying out a Christian and humanitarian mission in Africa.

A NEW MOMENT IN HISTORY

The diminution of US military and economic power in the face of the capitalist depression places great weight on Africa insofar as every sector of the world views the human and natural resources of Africa as a central component in the recovery of the world economy. Far-sighted elements of US ruling circles now understand that the crude and racist tactics of the conservatives must be abandoned and a new benign approach to racism and imperial expansion must be adopted. The apology for slavery is one manifestation of this realisation that there is a new moment in world politics.

Yet the apology has taken place without any real efforts to dismantle the modern day manifestations of enslavement, especially as they manifest themselves in the United States in the prison industrial complex.

The leaders of the African Union, in the main, have been compromised by their financial entanglements with the West. Others claim reparations but continue to reflect the same racist attitude of the Europeans. Colonel Gaddaffi, as current chairperson of the African Union made reparative claims against Italy. The government of Italy has made a payment of US$5 billion dollars. However, Gaddaffi as the chairperson of the African Union refuses to take a clear stand against racism against fellow Africans by the Libyan state and meets in secret with the conservative Italian leadership to deny the free international movement of African workers.

The US Senate has taken a pre-emptive act to seek to curtail a full discussion of the outcomes of the Durban Review Conference. In February, Attorney General Holder called the US a 'nation of cowards' when it comes to discussing race. This cowardice was further demonstrated when the US government boycotted the Review Conference.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, has encouraged all nations to 'find common ground, we need to work together in good faith, with open minds and constructive thinking.'

The progressive forces in the international community must now support this call for common ground so that reparative justice assists humans to move to a new mode of politics out of this depression. In the long term, it will be important for the peoples of Africa, Latin America and China to build a new spirit of Bandung to break the political and military power of the imperial forces that carried out genocide in the name of progress.

* Horace Campbell is professor of Political Science and African-American Studies at Syracuse University, New York. He is writing a book on Barack Obama and 21st century politics.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

NOTES
[1] John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israeli Lobby and US. Foreign Policy, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York 2007

We need leadership now, comrade Zuma

William Gumede

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57380

cc World Economic ForumWith South Africa in the throes of an economic crisis, William Gumede says it's time for the country's government to step up. With the rand's relative strength against the US dollar putting pressure on domestic manufacturing exports, Gumede calls for the Reserve Bank to intervene to weaken the country's currency. President Jacob Zuma must curb price increases, argues Gumede, and offer emergency measures befitting emergency times.

Job losses are increasing, food and fuel prices soaring and house repossessions increasing – yet, depressingly, one does not get a sense that the government is urgently doing anything to avert disaster.

The slower the response to the ballooning economic disaster, the more costly it will be and the longer it will take to undo its effects.

Of course, President Jacob Zuma’s cabinet is still setting up new departments, but South Africa just can’t wait another six to nine months for action on the economic front.

Firstly, we need the equivalent of a war council now to tackle this crisis.

Zuma must invite the best talent in the country – from civil society, business, government and academia – to forge an emergency strategy.

There must be an immediate stimulus – one short-term and the other long-term. The short-term element must be to freeze all home repossessions and call for a 12-month holiday for this in arrears, in which time the loans will be renegotiated.

Secondly, there has to be a big-bang drop in interest rates, rather than incremental decreases.

Thirdly, there has to be an immediate cap on basic food price rises.

It’s good that the Competitions Commission is investigating supermarket chains for possible collusion to keep the price of basic food stuffs high – yet it’s not enough.

The price of petrol increased by between 37 and 40 cents a litre, and the price of illuminating paraffin by an astonishing 62 cents a litre.

The Department of Mineral and Energy affairs says that from 29 May to 25 June the average price of petrol, diesel and illuminating paraffin has risen with the rise of the rand–US dollar exchange rate, which was at 8.1093 compared to 8.4371 during the previous period.

Surely the Reserve Bank should intervene directly to bring down the value of the rand?

To date this year the rand has gained about 20 per cent against the dollar and the euro, which makes it difficult for the struggling manufacturing sector to recover since it makes South Africa’s exports abroad more expensive.

Manufacturing used to contribute up to 22 per cent of GDP (gross domestic product). It’s now down to about 15 per cent and declining.

Those who say we should not directly intervene to weaken the rand because it might raise inflation must have their heads read.

What is the priority here – a small increment in inflation with better economic conditions, or low inflation with massive job losses, home losses, factory closures and fuel price increases with the related social costs?

Zuma must also put a ceiling on price increases by parastatals, municipalities and government agencies, effective immediately, and enforce it at least for the next year.

It is appalling that the National Energy Regulator of South Africa could approve Eskom’s price increase of 31.3 per cent.

Perhaps it’s time for a wage increase freeze at the top end of the public sector management, including for MPs and government ministers.

We are at the beginning of an economic disaster; there have to be drastic emergency measures.

We need firm leadership, Comrade Zuma, and quickly.

* This article was originally published by Sowetan.
* William Gumede is author of 'Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC'.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Mwalimu and stage fright?

Haroub Othman

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57386

cc Wikimedia CommonsThis week we received the tragic news of the death of the giant of Africa, Haroub Othman. Many have been devastated by the news of the loss of such a gentle giant. We carry several obituaries and tributes to the late Haroub Othman. In this short essay, Haroub shares a revelation about Mwalimu Nyerere: Although everyone assumed public speaking 'all came easy to him, water off a duck's back', Nyerere suffered from stage fright, something he mangaged so well that no-one knew this until he confessed it in 1996. This article appeared in the maiden issue of Chemchemi.

In 1996 Mwalimu Julius Nyerere with others founded the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. On 14 September 1996 the foundation held a fund-raising dinner at the Kilimanjaro Hotel (long before it became the Kempinski Hotel). Mwalimu Nyerere was the guest of honour and the main speaker at the function. The hall was packed, full of people who were eager to see and hear Mwalimu. Drinks started flowing. After a few preliminaries and introductions, dinner was served. The first course, followed by an intermission; the second course, another intermission; and the third, and again an intermission. Someone was apparently closely observing Mwalimu, and noticed that during all this time, he had touched neither food nor drink. The waiters who placed plates and glasses before him had to remove them, as clean as they had brought them. Just before coffee was served, Mwalimu was invited to speak. With his usual eloquence he made a plea for those present and the wider world to support the foundation in all aspects. Only after he had given his speech did he take a sip of the water placed before him.

The next day board members held an informal meeting at the foundation offices chaired by Mwalimu himself. The idea was to have a post-mortem of the previous night. But before we started, Al-Noor Kassum asked Mwalimu: 'But Mwalimu, I didn't see you eating or drinking last night. Was there anything wrong?' It was then that Mwalimu surprised us with his revelation. Apparently he got jittery before making a public speech. He could only relax when the speech was over. In fact, he said, at dinner parties he preferred to speak first and then have dinner served. That was the rule during state banquets at State House when he was president.

We were all amazed. None of us had even an inkling of this. Having watched him over the decades, delivering dozens of speeches, addressing thousands of people, in sombre or jolly mood, but always supremely confident, we had assumed that it all came easy to him, water off a duck’s back.

How wrong we were! I couldn’t help wondering what else we had gotten wrong about Mwalimu.

* This article first appeared in the maiden issue of CHEMCHEMI, Bulletin of the Mwalimu Nyerere Professorial Chair in Pan African Studies of the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and is reproduced here with the kind permission of the Editorial Board of CHEMCHEMI.
* The late Haroub Othman was professor of Development Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Isaias Afewerki and Eritrea: A nation’s tragedy

Selam Kidane

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57382

cc gordontourSince winning its de facto independence in May 1991, Eritrea has come to represent a tragedy, laments Selam Kidane. Having fought and suffered alongside one another during the country's liberation struggle, Eritreans have seen their country embroiled in conflicts with every one of its neighbours under the leadership of Isaias Afewerki. With President Isaias increasingly viewing power as 'a weapon of self-aggrandisement' and surrounding himself with a sycophantic clique of military associates, the hope of the post-independence years has tragically faded, Kidane concludes.

It is rare that a country's entire condition can be summarised in a single word. That is true of Eritrea today, however, and the word is tragic. There are many indices of this tragedy, among them Eritrea's appalling record in hunger, poverty, human rights and freedom of the press. But the most painful is that of stolen promise. Eritrea's people fought so hard and succeeded in so much that was deemed impossible, only for their achievement to be snatched away from them. Today, Eritreans both inside and outside their Horn of Africa homeland are living with the consequences, and trying to understand why their nation's history took such a cruel twist. The answer, for very many of us, lies in the political character of one man: Eritrea's president, Isaias Afewerki.

Africa's newest nation-state won its de facto independence in May 1991 after an arduous 30-year struggle against rule by Ethiopia (a status confirmed by international recognition in May 1993). By then, every Eritrean family had been touched by war, and many were blighted by its devastation. But the post-independence spirit was optimistic, even noble: Eritreans had maintained their ideals even under pressure of conflict, and vowed to build a state that embodied them. They were determined that their social cohesion, strong work-ethic, low levels of crime and corruption, and scarcity of ethnic or religious tension would become trademarks of their new state, a country worthy of its dignified citizens, a lasting tribute to those who sacrificed their lives to attain independence, and solace to their families. This was to be something new under the African sun.

Some falling short from such high aspirations is forgivable, but the cracks that started to appear in the first decade of independence were the harder to bear for being largely self-inflicted. Eritrea fought with every one of its neighbours, accumulating smouldering political and economic animosities with each crisis. This cycle culminated in a renewed conflagration with Ethiopia over the two countries' disputed border; the result, in the war of 1998–2000, was the death of countless young Eritreans and Ethiopians. The war, moreover, left the issue unresolved; it threatens periodically to erupt and create renewed devastation.[1]

The domestic repercussions of this war pushed Eritrea towards the abyss. In September 2001, President Isaias Afewerki – who had by then been in power for a decade – unleashed the full power of the state to crush opposition and dissent. He arrested 11 of his former comrades, all veterans of the independence struggle and members of parliament in independent Eritrea, closed all private media sources, and followed up by restricting or expelling global and regional organisations working in the country (including NGOs and charitable organisations who stood by Eritrea and the president himself during the independence struggle). The effect of all this was to turn Eritrea into a prison for its citizens.[2]

THE PATHOLOGY OF POWER

Eritrea's fall has led many today to describe it as the North Korea of Africa, and Isaias Afewerki as its Kim Jong-Il: a paranoid, irrational, eccentric and reclusive leader. There may be some truth in each of these descriptions, but in seeking to make sense of decision-making in today's Eritrea, they may also mislead. For to consign Isaias Afewerki to the realm of near-madness is to underestimate him; an examination of his political record during and after the fight for independence reveals him to be an often astute political leader, far from random or erratic in his approach.

Isaias Afewerki himself has attempted to explain the move to a more hard-line policy as necessary to maintain 'national integrity' against foreign plots and influences when 'the nation has and continues to suffer under exceptional circumstances.' The problem is that the same formulae were used when concerns about his authoritarian tendencies were raised in earlier years; this suggests the existence of a long-term pattern of ideological rationalisation rather than a genuine response to new circumstances. The increased centralisation of power in Eritrea and the erosion of other centres of influence seem to reflect the view that all actions are justified if they serve the president's needs and ambitions.

Everything comes back to the excessive need for power, which is manifest too in forceful actions that can include physical assaults, verbal threats, accusations and reprimands for even the mildest challenge.

Some of those who were close to President Isaias during the pre- and post-independence years add a further layer of understanding. They say that he takes an immensely detailed interest in policy- and decision-making, finds it very difficult to delegate tasks, and has a strong (perhaps inflated) sense of his own ability to influence what happens outside as well as inside Eritrea.

By a familiar historical twist, the very traits that fuelled Isaias Afewerki's rise to power allowed him to consolidate it in ways that damaged everyone around him. Eritreans and to a degree the rest of the world had been beguiled by the dashing hero's charisma and ability to get results. But in time it became evident that he saw power not as an instrument for social and national progress but as a weapon of self-aggrandisement that nothing would be allowed to put at risk.

THE LOST SACRIFICE

President Isaias's conduct during the 1998–2000 conflict with Ethiopia is a case study in his political character. In February 1999, the international community – shocked at the unfolding brutality in the Horn of Africa – mounted a great diplomatic effort to bring it to an end. The combined influence of the United States, the European Union and the Organization of African Unity (OAU – later the African Union) contributed to a peace deal agreed by the Eritrean cabinet and backed by an OAU-organised mediation committee. At that point, President Isaias declared to the national media that to withdraw from the town of Badme – the flashpoint of the war whose evacuation by military forces was a central element of the peace accord – would be equivalent to the sun never rising again. The deal fell apart.

The Ethiopians responded by launching an offensive on 23 February 1999, which they named 'Operation Sunset'. By 26 February, the media in Eritrea announced that the country's forces had withdrawn, leaving Badme in Ethiopian hands. A year and much carnage later, an agreement was signed that ended the war, established a United Nations force to monitor the ceasefire, and put the issue to international arbitration (in April 2002, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague settled the border and implicitly awarded Badme to Eritrea, a decision that Ethiopia refuses to accept).

Afewerki, required to account for his decisions and actions amid the fallout of war, responded by severe repression, which, in addition to the measures described above, included elevating to power a new cohort of handpicked cronies who owed their promotion to their obedience to and fear of the president's whim.

Issaias Afewerki is surrounded by military associates whose single purpose is to maintain him in power, while those who played key roles in Eritrea's astonishing feat of winning independence against so many odds either languish in unnamed dungeons or survive in temporary homes as exiles and refugees. Many others have fallen victim to the president's suspicious plotting.

Today, Eritreans in the diaspora are discussing an unconfirmed report that Chinese bank accounts hold millions of dollars of funds in the names of President Isaias Afewerki (who trained at a military college in Nanjing in 1966–67) and his son. If true this would be yet another insult to tens of thousands of hardworking Eritreans – housekeepers in Italy, domestic workers in the Middle East, taxi drivers in the US, factory workers in Europe – including many who long supported the president, lived austere lives in the greater cause of their country's well-being, and once considered Afewerki one of them: a brother, a son and a fellow-combatant.

There are no systems of accountability or free information in place which could allow the Eritrean public to verify or dismiss a report which, if true, would align their country with Gabon or Equatorial Guinea. The Eritrean tragedy continues. It seems, after all, that there was really nothing new under the African sky in May 1991.

* Selam Kidane is an Eritrean human rights activist.
* This article was originally published by openDemocracy.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

NOTES
[1] See Edward Denison, 'Eritrea vs Ethiopia: The shadow of war', 18 January 2006.
[2] See Ben Rawlence, 'Eritrea: Slender land, giant prison', 6 May 2009.

Kenya's civil society needs a new vision

Zaya Yeebo

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57383

cc MothersFightingForOthersWhile acknowledging that Kenya's Grand Coalition Government (GCG) has given rise to much debate and commentary, Zaya Yeebo argues that civil society's ability to influence change without violence is often ignored. Though other African countries see their people's voices expressed through groups such as trade unions and youth organisations, Kenyans' voices are muted by the noisy contestations of the country's political elites. The tendency of the last few years to 'franchise' the role of civil society out to international NGOs must be challenged, Yeebo contends, and Kenyans must look to the recent examples provided by Ghana, Sierra Leone and South Africa of how people power can bring about change. But while Kenyan civil society can draw inspiration and even support from outside, it alone must work to stoke popular pressure if effective and lasting political reform is to be achieved, Yeebo concludes.

Kenya is at a crossroads of history. A lot has been written and said about the effectiveness of the African Union-led coalition government. Undoubtedly, the success or otherwise of the Grand Coalition Government (GCG) will determine where Kenya goes from its current flip-flop of collation politics. First, we have to discount the doomsday analysts who preach a more severe crisis for Kenya. I think this is over-hyped by vested interests. The coalition government, despite is shortcomings, will succeed, mainly because Kenyans want it to succeed. In the same vein, let us also discount those fly-in experts who claim to have an antidote to the current political impasse stalling the work of the GCG. Threats by foreign ambassadors with dubious interests will not lead to the collapse of this experiment.

However, what we cannot discount is the reality that there is too much suffering and too much uncertainty among the wananchi, and that the government has to find effective ways of reassuring the population. Impunity is real, while disadvantaged and vulnerable groups suffer from the lack of activity from ‘office bearers’. What is becoming apparent is the total lack of popular participation and the lack of political will to implement reforms, which will affect vested interests.

Look at the scenario: students have rioted, the Mungiki have risen to the occasion with murderous rage, while ordinary people have also responded in the only way they know how – murderous rage. Youth who are impatient at the government’s perceived lack of interest in protecting national boundaries have resorted to removing railway lines. Civil society has also responded, especially human rights groups, with demands for structural reform in the judicial sector. National and local peace movements and initiatives are springing up everywhere. Yet sometimes the impression created by the international media is that Kenyans have become passive; some even claim that the only ‘opposition’ in Kenya today is the US ambassador to Kenya. Is this deliberate mischief-making or ignorance? I will go for the latter.

Should reform be undertaken because Kofi Annan threatens to present some envelope to the International Criminal Court (ICC), or because it is in the interests of Kenya to have these reforms? In every country under transition, reforms are necessary, and will be undertaken because it is in the national interest to do so. The youth were calling for reform, women’s groups have called for reforms, and political parties are calling for reform. Religious bodies, businessmen and women, and indeed the body politic is interested in reform. Reform will come not because Kofi Annan or US President Barack Obama threatens hell and brimstone, but because Kenya needs it. The constant haranguing by ambassadors from so-called ‘powerful’ countries is not only counterproductive, but has implications for the sovereignty and cohesion of Kenya.

However, this question leaves out another. What is the real chance of civil society contributing in an effective and open way to and leading these reform agendas that Kenya needs so badly? What are the chances of the coalition government working hand-in-hand with civil society to bring about structural reforms that will push Kenya forward? While so much attention has been paid to the GCG, what is often ignored is civil society and its ability to influence these events without resorting to threats and hectoring. It is not comforting to think that what passes off as civil society in Kenya today is restrictive, closed and self-serving.

In some African countries such as Ghana and Nigeria, at moments such as these the voices of the people are expressed through trade unions, journalists' associations, teachers’ organisations, civil servants’ unions, market women and traders’ associations, youth organisations, chiefs and rural development organisations. In Kenya however, such broad voices are lost in the cacophony of contest between politicians, elite groups and ambassadors' foreign missions, who behave like colonial overlords. Sometimes it appears as if social commentary has become an end and not the means to an end, the preserve of the few, leaving the resulting action to the most frustrated and those who feel abandoned or betrayed by the political system in the country.

It would also be churlish to suggest that the GCG is not interested in engaging with civil society in its current form. The Governance, Justice, Law and Order Sector (GJLOS) reform programme was founded as a partnership between government and civil society to push for reforms, partly in recognition that in some cases governments need a push from below to implement changes. Of course, any impression that the state defines the role of civil society will defeat the very notion of civil society itself, and will horrify civil society activists. However, the government of the day defines development priorities and attempts to deal with issues of human security, including the protection of vulnerable people from abuse and deprivation. In the same way, the government and civil society must agree methods of cooperation and engagement.

On the flipside of the coin, civil society has also to define its role in these broad parameters, ensuring that the voice of the voiceless is heard. In any society, developed or developing, the role of civil society, including all third-sector organisations, is to plug the gaps in development left by government – human rights protection, micro-credit, children’s rights, women’s rights and access of services. Sometimes, it achieves this by helping vulnerable groups to access justice and welfare. This is where the synergy between government and civil society becomes apparent. Indeed, the two are not on a collision course, but working hand-in-hand to promote social development and bring about improvement in the lives of ordinary Kenyans.

In the last 20 years, it appears that both governments and civil society have allowed the agenda for development to be dictated and defined by external forces and external interests. What we see is no longer solidarity between the peoples of Europe–America and Africa, but an attempt at what some people referred to as ‘re-colonisation’ through the backdoor, using financial aid and donor money to leverage influence and in fact in some cases even ‘regime change’. In this process, the role of civil society has been franchised to international non-governmental organisations, leaving very little for home-grown solutions and strategies for collaboration with governments and the private sector.

This process has led to a widening gap between government, the private sector and civil society, to the extent that some civil society organisations think that adversarial advocacy is one of their roles. This view is reinforced by some donors who preach the gospel that all African governments are bad, self-serving and corrupt. Now we know that corruption is not an African problem, but a global one. Yet African civil society is yet to make this ideological paradigm shift in thinking and engagement.

While Kenyans and Kenyan civil society argue and fret about the lack of reforms, there is a lot they can learn from world events. Recent events in South Africa, Ghana, Sierra Leone and even the United States of America demonstrate two things. Firstly, the power of the vote and Africans' capacity to organise and run clean and effective elections. Secondly, the power of the movement from below. President Obama owes his rise to the most powerful position in the world to the power of the grassroots movement in America. In Ghana, Professor John Atta Mills defeated an incumbent party, the New Patriotic Party (NPP). In South Africa, Jacob Zuma and the African National Congress (ANC) won the recent elections in spite of negative campaigns against them from all kinds of hostile groups, most of which were directed at now President Jacob Zuma. In all cases, they triumphed in spite of adversity and hostile internal and external forces with vested interests because they believed in the power of the people to bring about change.

Kenyan civil society in its broadest sense, in spite of its strength and vitality, can still learn a number of lessons from these events. The first lesson is that only Kenyans can bring about the change they desire. Leaving this to politicians and their parties alone will stall the process. Political parties represent the interests of Kenyans, and are therefore vital to this process, but the definition of parties should go beyond the leadership. Reading Kenyan newspapers, one gets the impression that political parties in Kenya do not have branches, and if they do, these branch officers have no opinions to offer. It is always this MP or this leader. Where are the voices of grassroots membership?

Secondly, foreigners – foreign ‘experts’ and ambassadors – can talk about Kenya and change, they can write and pontificate, they can hector the government, and pretend in their arrogance that they have the antidote to Kenya’s (indeed Africa’s) problems, but ultimately, the voters of Kenya – the people of Kenya – are the only ones with real power to bring about popular democracy and radical change.

Thirdly, Kenyans must resist the temptation to run to the international community every time there is a political challenge. The Kenyan leadership must also not allow itself to be ‘blackmailed’ by threats from the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Kenyan leadership must stand up to the international community and defend the national interest.

Kenya is endowed with huge natural and human resources, so please use them. In my lifetime (I may stand corrected on this), I cannot remember anytime in Ghanaian history when we called on the ‘international community’ to intervene in any shape or form to bring Ghana back on course. We fought as a nation, and defined what we would like to see Ghana become. It is a journey, but we have started. I would imagine that if the US ambassador in Accra behaved like the one in Nairobi, Ghanaians would have a lot to say to him, and it would not be pleasant. It is about having pride and confidence in what you have as a nation – the people – what Kwame Nkrumah called the 'African personality'.

Kenyans must believe in the power of their own institutions, including traditional ones, and their own power to help resolve intractable political and social problems, including poverty and social deprivation. Outsiders can offer advice, support – both moral and financial – counsel (and it is needed), and the occasional insight, but to turn that into an art form is mind boggling and sometimes counterproductive. Have we abandoned the counsel that too many cooks can spoil the broth?

Finally, Kenyan civil society in its broadest sense should rise up to the challenge. For civil society to have an impact and be able to influence political and developmental reforms positively, it needs to redefine its role and rethink its strategic relationship with the government, political parties and other stakeholders of development. Kenyan civil society has been recognised as one of the ‘most dynamic’ in Africa today. Yet such dynamism could be wasted without clear direction and a sense of purpose. Civil society needs to reinvent itself as broad-based, as a people-based community and as people-driven, and become a genuine voice and representative of the voiceless – those stuck in timeless potholes of grinding poverty, abuse and deprivation – and be able to engage the grassroots with a view to building a movement from below.

Building a movement from below requires expertise from civil society, political will and a broad consensus within Kenyan society that it is the best way forward. Only popular pressure from within Kenya can drive the reforms that are required. There is nothing new here since the days of Harambee, the Mau Mau resistance, and civil society efforts leading to the NARC (National Rainbow Coalition) era. What is required is to build on these past people-based successes and to find more innovative ways to reignite the movement from below.

THE NEW APPROACH

One of such initiatives is led by the UNDP’s (United Nations Development Programme) Civil Society and Democratic Governance facility, aimed at helping community-based grassroots movements with the organisational skills, the expertise and the financial support to lead change from below. This is not only aimed at financial support, but practical capacity building and people-to-people engagement which enable community-based and civic groups to network, share information and knowledge, and build a nation founded on the principles of equality, social justice and fairness. The underlying reason behind this is that change can only come from below and through solidarity with peoples from other nations. This initiative seeks to give a voice to citizens to enable them to benefit from the reforms. Only an empowered and motivated people can demand accountability and transparency from institutions (both public and private), human dignity and security. This facility believes that existing Kenyan institutions have the capacity to deliver change and promote effective participation of the broad masses. However, the people should be empowered to demand and receive the change they need.

There is also the recognition that there is a great deal of interest among community leaders and activists in community-based organisations to contribute to this movement from below. Sometimes they are successful, sometimes they are not, but overall they are motivated by public good and selflessness. Enabling community grassroots organisations to work with the more experienced and financially endowed groups in urban Kenya will eventually lead to a mass movement for change which can engage with the political class to bring about the Kenya that people deserve. What is required is a process that is national and which recognises ethnic and cultural diversity, but which enables civil society to reclaim its role in society. The view that civil society is made up of ‘well-to-do middle-aged professionals who passionately despise the privileged class’ might not hold true, but it will become so if civil society itself refuses to engage the other half in the equation.

This can sometimes be achieved by pressurising through popular non-violent action, persuading where necessary, and cajoling when this fails. The aim is not to get into a confrontation as to who is right and has the moral authority or can impress foreign nations, but to engage with it for the common good. That will be the continuation of the building of a new democracy built around popular participation, popular power and social justice.

The founding fathers of Africa have demonstrated time and again that a committed leadership with a national vision can reform a country and bring about the desired changes that Kenyans deserve. But it has to be a popular movement from below, reflecting all ethnic, social, cultural, gender and faith groups. Either Kenyan civil society is committed to a change and emancipation or it will continue to serve other people's agendas. I believe that Kenyan civil society is capable of reinventing itself as leaders of the new African agenda and that it has the will and confidence to work with government to achieve its goals.

As Issa G. Shivji posed: ‘Who are we, Pan Africanists committed to African liberation and human emancipation, or neo-liberal impostors serving "imperialist" vultures?’ Frantz Fanon put it another way when he said: 'Every generation, out of relative obscurity, must discover its own mission, fulfil it or betray it.' This is the moment for the youth of Kenya to seize the time. Kenyan civil society should carve for itself a niche that enables it to build a prosperous and dynamic country which does not pander to the whims of bullies, but lives to the expectation of its founding fathers. Dedan Kimathi and other heroes did not die for Kenya to return to the gambling house of colonialism. Kwame Nkrumah said on the dawn of Ghana’s independence: ‘Ghana is out of the gambling house of colonialism and will not return to it.' I believe that is the adage of our time. Kenyans deserve a better future and a Kenya that Africa can be proud of.

* Zaya Yeebo is programme manager for the Civil Society Democratic Governance (CSDG) programme. He writes in his own capacity.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Propping up Africa's dictators

Khadija Sharife

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57392

cc TV Boy‘Lone-ranger’ dictators Bongo (Gabon), Nguessor (Congo) and Obiang (Equatorial Guinea) have in fact been sustained by neocolonial relationships set up by France and the international financial system, writes Khadija Sharife. Françafrique, France's postcolonial Africa policy, was designed to create structural dependence and domination by reasserting geostrategic control over natural resources through the use of black 'governors', says Sharife. Illegitimate governments representing external interests have shaped and normalised the inherited legacy of colonialism, Sharife argues. These leaders, Sharife adds, have thus subsequently ‘internalised the economic, cultural, and political imperialism and cultivated an atmosphere of compliance concerning French interests in Africa.’ Unlike the United States, Sharife notes, ‘France treads lightly, attracts little or no attention, and leaves few footprints behind.’

'We cannot assure our development on our own,' stated France's pet dictator and Africa's longest-serving ruler, Omar Bongo. The Gabonese leader was talking about national economic development, but he might just as well have been talking about his own personal economic development. Transparency International's French chapter singled out Bongo, who died this month at 73 after ruling his country for 41 years, for a spectacular misappropriation of state funds. The lawsuit, lodged via civil party petition, charges Bongo, Denis Sassou Nguesso of the Congo, and Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea, of acquiring vast patrimonies in France including expensive real estate, capital, villas, and cars that cannot be justified by official income.

One example is the son of Equatorial Guinea's dictator, who owns a US$1.4 million Bugatti and a US$35 million Malibu mansion, all on a US$4,000 monthly salary. His father, meanwhile, has siphoned over US$2 billion overseas, half of it housed in Washington's Riggs Bank under multiple bank accounts. The suit lists Bongo's assets, and those of his relatives, as 70 bank accounts and 39 luxurious apartments in Paris and Nice. Sassou Nguesso and family's asset sheet revealed over 110 bank accounts.

The investigation, denounced by Sassou Nguesso as 'neocolonialism', was given the go-ahead by French magistrate Francois Desset in early May – much to the dismay of France's public prosecutor. The case could result in the restitution of state wealth as well as initiate mandatory corporate country-by-country reporting, automatic exchange of information, and public disclosure as to state revenue.

There is indeed an air of neocolonialism to the investigation, but not for the reasons Sassou Nguesso suggests. Obiang, Bongo, and Sassou Nguesso have benefited enormously from the neocolonial relationships that France and the international financial system have set up with key African countries.

A PEEK AT FRANÇAFRIQUE

The portrayal of Africa's strong-arm leaders as lone rangers obscures the system underpinning the dictatorships and delinks dictators from their primary source of sustenance. The rhetoric of French-controlled development endorsed by Bongo is a subset of France's postcolonial Africa policy – Françafrique – designed to create structural dependence and domination by reasserting geostrategic control over natural resources through the use of black 'governors'. The pulse of the Françafrique ideology – fric is slang for cash – is rooted in shadow economies sustaining respectable corporations, various intersecting shadow networks, secret services, private lobbies, and political and diplomatic relationships between the official and unofficial political elite. These forces are individually and collectively able to mobilise substantial economic, political, and military support.

This web of influence is itself dependent on Africa's ambitious but compliant dictators and their respective armies. The policy of continuity is revealed in the number of French military interventions in Africa. Between 1997 and 2002, for example, France intervened over 34 times, 26 of which were conducted outside of the UN's umbrella. During the past five years, French military troops in Gabon, Chad, Central African Republic, Senegal, and Cote d'Ivoire have either increased or remained the same. France's minister of defense admits to 10,000 specialised soldiers active on the continent (2004-07).

France meticulously devised its decolonisation policy to tie the vested interests of handpicked native governors with French national interest. France drew up secretive defense agreements, which are still active today, that authorised it to legally maintain military bases in Cote d'Ivoire, Gabon, Togo, Cameroon, Djibouti, the Central African Republic, Senegal, and other countries. These bases facilitated direct French military intervention, which dictators feared could be used for them as much as against them.

Clauses contained within the agreements also ensured that France was legally entitled to be informed of and maintain priority access to natural resources including uranium, oil, and gas. African governments were forbidden from engaging in military, trade, and other forms of cooperation with nations regarded as a threat to their former colonial overlord. France signed these Military Cooperation Agreements with 27 African countries from 1960s onward.

INSURANCE POLICY

The network of agreements with African countries represent France's de facto insurance policy. Following the example of Félix Houphouët- Boigny – the former French civil servant, first president of Cote d'Ivoire's from 1960 to1993, and architect of Françafrique – African leaders have shaped and normalised the inherited legacy of colonialism. In doing so, they have also subsequently internalised the economic, cultural, and political imperialism and cultivated an atmosphere of compliance concerning French interests in Africa.

'The cause of poverty is very simple,' said François-Xavier Verschave, former president of the French NGO Survie. 'We have illegitimate governments which represent external interests. A number of these presidents are paid by Elf [the former French oil company later merged with TotalFina], for example. They serve Elf and France but not their own country. They get their medical treatment in France, their children study in France: They therefore don't concern themselves with health and education at home.'

Dictator Gnassingbé Eyadéma, for instance, ruled Togo for nearly 40 years until his death in 2005. But the country was really run by telephone, as Jacques Foccart, France's chief advisor for Africa and the mastermind behind the Françafrique system, made all the key decisions. 'They knew my telephone numbers and I knew theirs,' Foccart stated coyly. Houphouët-Boigny, another crucial instrument, was allegedly in the habit of conversing weekly with his close friend Foccart. When asked what Foccart's role was in French policy, Louis Joxe, de Gaulle's deputy Prime Minister Louis Joxe stated, 'Nursemaiding presidents and making sure that African civil servants were paid at the end of the month.'

Known as Monsieur Africa, Foccart also handpicked, interviewed, and found satisfactory the future leader of Gabon, Omar Bongo. 'Bongo has been protected by hundreds of French troops in Libreville, who sit (still today) in barracks connected to one of his palaces by underground tunnels,' says Nicholas Shaxson, author of Poisoned Wells. Gabon, the focal point of the system, is also known as Foccartland. The Elf Affair, Europe's biggest corruption scandal since World War II, was centered in Gabon.

'Gabon's oil industry served as a source of secret offshore financing that was made available to sections of the French élites, and for the furtherance of French interests abroad,' says Shaxson. 'Congo's oil industry was treated as an appendage of Gabon's.'

THE CORRUPTION CONNECTION

Resource-rich nations such as Gabon, dependent on payments from multinationals, are particularly vulnerable to corruption. Through contracts, often negotiated in secret, regimes deliver huge concessions to corporations in exchange for generous gifts. These concessions include tax holidays, low royalty rates, exemption from environmental and human rights regulations, and control of national infrastructure. As 80 per cent of Africa's exports are primary commodities exploited by multinationals, Africa's political economy – largely shaped by lopsided contracts – renders states accountable only to corporations. Each year, more than US$148 billion leaves Africa in capital flight, routed through offshore financial centres before ending up in secrecy jurisdictions such as Switzerland.

‘At the root of it all was this strange intercontinental relationship which – of course – snaked through a whole menagerie of tax havens. This offshore source of slush funds was used notably for the secret financing of French political parties,’ said Shaxson. ‘French companies were able to get access to the Elf system in order to source huge bribes to win overseas contracts in a range of countries from Germany to Spain to Venezuela to Taiwan.’

France doesn't deny the existence of Françafrique. Indeed, by publicly acknowledging the system, France has neutralised, sanitised and interpreted the nature of its reality. In 2008, for example, France's foreign aid minister Jean-Marie Bockel speech recognised the active state of the network's political machinery when he said that he wanted ‘to sign the death warrant for Françafrique.’

But it doesn't seem like Françafrique will be buried any time soon. In the early 1990s, President Chirac – who would call on Foccart to serve as his Africa hand at the age of 81 – said of Africa, ‘(the continent) is not yet ready for democracy.’

Now fast-forward to 2008. Last year, French President Nicholas Sarkozy sent in troops from Gabon to defend the throne of Chad's brutal dictator Idriss Deby, a repeat of 2004's intervention. Since the year 2000, France has stealthily engaged with Mozambique, Madagascar, Senegal, Ethiopia, Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire, Congo, Liberia, and the Gulf of Guinea. Unlike the United States, though, France treads lightly, attracts little or no attention, and leaves few footprints behind.

*This article first appeared in Foreign Policy In Focus
* Khadija Sharife is a journalist and visiting scholar at the Centre for Civil Society (CCS). She is based in South Africa.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

When do ‘settlers’ or ‘natives’ become ‘citizens’?

Chambi Chachage

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57416

cc ChadicaChambi Chachage explores when and how ‘settlers’ or ‘natives’ become ‘citizens’, in the first of a series of three articles exploring the idea of dual citizenship with reference to Tanzania. Definitions of citizenship in modern nation-states in ‘societies other than Euro-American ones’ were influenced by how the notion developed in Euro-America and how it was ‘selectively applied in the Africa, Asia, Australia and Latin America in the context(s) of colonialism, imperialism and developmentalism,’ Chachage argues. ‘It is this colouring that we need to unpack as we trace the historical and political trajectories and implications of the idea and praxis/practice of citizenship in Africa,’ says Chacage.

In 2005 Tanzania issued new passports to its (eligible) citizens. Now it wants to issue national identity cards. At the same time it is expected to start allowing dual citizenship.

What is Tanzania really up to? Why a sudden shift in its conception of citizenship? When did dual citizenship become an issue? Who is behind the move to formalise Tanzanian identity/identities?

There are many answers to these questions. Some are speculative. Others are concrete. Whether patriotic/matriotic or not, those answers are either driven by collective and/or self-interests.

All this, claim the opportunists, is about becoming citizens of the world. We are living in a global village therefore we need to be able to move here, there and everywhere. After all Tanzania will benefit a lot if it allows us to share freely the privileges of our citizenship in developed countries.

But hey, exclaim the alarmists, this is about doing away with our nationalism! It is about opening the doors for settlers to appropriate the land we fought so hard to reclaim from colonialists! Just look at the way foreign biofuel companies are acquiring thousand of hectares to farm jatropha!

So, how do we separate the factual from the fictional? How do we make sense of conspiracy theories that claim it is The Prevention of Terrorism Act of 2002 that is redefining and regulating our identities? Or how do we come to terms with racial practices of rendering us second-class citizens?

More concretely: When – and how – does one acquire (full) citizenship? Whither – and what is – the relationship between (dual) citizenship and first/second class citizens? Who – and which community – benefits from (multiple) citizenship? Why – and to whom – is (transnational) citizenship becoming a popular discourse?

History has a cruel way of reminding us of who we are and how we became who we are. The history of how we fought to become citizens in the first place sheds a lot of light on the prospects and pitfalls of being dual citizens in a dual world of citizens and subjects. Let’s revisit this history.

The idea of citizenship in its modern, or rather contemporary, sense developed in Euro-America in the context of modernity and its quest for universality. However, this by no means implies that there was no such idea or closely related ideas outside the Euro-American polity/polities. But it implies that the definition(s) of what it means to be a citizen of a modern nation-state in societies other than Euro-American ones became coloured by the way that notion developed in Euro-America and particularly in the way it was selectively applied in the Africa, Asia, Australia and Latin America especially in the context(s) of colonialism, imperialism and developmentalism.

It is this colouring that we need to unpack as we trace the historical and political trajectories and implications of the idea and praxis/practice of citizenship in Africa/Tanzania. Mahmood Mamdani’s question ’When does a Settler become a Native?’ [PDF 61kb] offers an insightful starting point. Any attempt to address that question would also lead us to note that people become natives or indigenous to a place when there are other people who can be defined as not being native to that place. By virtue of coming (late-r) to settle in that place they become settlers. As Mamdani aptly put in his inaugural lecture at the University of Cape Town (UCT) on 13 May 1998, the two categories belong together therefore to do away with one we have to do away with the other, since it is the relation between them that makes one a settler and the other a native.

We ought to always bear in mind that when early Euro-American explorers, civilisers, traders and missionaries reached the shores of the African continent in varying times and spaces, they encountered inhabitants. These inhabitants varied from those who thought of themselves as having always been there to those who knew they – or their ancestors – had migrated into those areas at a certain point in time. Of particular interest here is the fact that by the time the West, or Euro-America as it now widely known in academic circles, encountered Africa again – for that was not the first time – in the age of mercantile capitalism it found societies that had varying forms of social organisations and a sense of belonging in those communities.

Whether they referred to that belongingness as ‘citizenship’ or not is not the main concern here, as important as it is. The main concern is that these communities in Africa had that sense, and thus they developed forms of governance to regulate belongingness. They also developed discourses that differentiated who belongs, who does not belong and who could or could not belong – a cursory look at a cross-section of names/ terms, such as ‘Chasaka’, ‘Umnyamahanga’ and ‘Mnyika’ from African languages attest to that for they literally meant those coming from far lands in and/or beyond the ‘bush.’

As such, as expected in any grouping or community, the idea or discourse of a ‘stranger’ and someone who want to ‘settle’ or even ‘invade’ for that matter was present in Africa prior to its encounter with Euro-America. The history of the so-called Bantu migration in Africa, though still a contentious area of study with varying accounts of it, is a classical case. So is the history of the migrations of the so-called nomadic tribes of which the Maasai is seen as its epitome. The Hamitic Myth and the Rwanda Genocide of 1994 have rendered the Tutsi migration another classical case. There is also that migration of Nguni speaking people in the wake of the Mfecane war in South Africa in the 19th Century. If there were such cases of settling within Africa prior to colonialism what then makes the settling that was ushered by Euro-American colonial modernity a very peculiar case?

A clue to an answer can be found in Mamdani’s 1998 Inaugural Lecture on When does a Settler become a Native? Reflections of the Colonial Roots of Citizenship in Equatorial and South Africa [PDF 61kb] . Another clue can be found in Frantz Fanon’s 1952 reflections in Black Skin White Masks.

Mamdani differentiate between what he calls ‘Settler Proper’ and ‘Native Settler.’ The former included the ‘whites’ who came from Euro-America. These did not have an ethnic home in Africa therefore they were not tied to any specific ethnic or tribal territory. The ‘Settler Proper’, also contends Mamdani, included Asians who came from Euro-American colonies outside Africa, and Arabs who came from both within and from outside Africa as well as the Tutsi who, though wholly from within Africa, were turned into settlers by the colonial state. According to the Mamdanian conceptual categorisation, these cases and particularly that of the Tutsi shows that in the context of Euro-American colonisation you didn’t have to be ‘white’ to be a settler or to be considered one. The latter paradoxical category thus defined his UCT Inaugural Lecture:

‘But the homeless people [Settler Proper] were not the only settlers. There was also a category of settlers, those away from home, Native Settlers, even if this designation should sound contradictory. From the point-of-view of this kind of state, every native outside his or her own home area was a settler of sorts, someone considered non-indigenous – precisely because that person had an ethnic home elsewhere, even if within the same country. The distinction between the indigenous and the non-indigenous had ceased to be racialised; it was ethnicised. Every ethnic area made the distinction between those who belonged and those who didn’t, between ethnic citizens and ethnic strangers.’

Imperfect as it is, this Mamdanian categorisation helps one to make sense of why within the same century the Nguni speaking people who ‘trekked’ all the way from South Africa to the area that is now within what is known as the United Republic of Tanzania settled and became (ethnic) strangers-cum-natives in the eyes of other (ethnic) natives of that area – including those they bitterly fought with – while the Afrikaner speaking people who trekked northward from the southern tip of Africa remained (racial) strangers in the eyes of (ethnic) natives of an area that is now known as the Republic of South Africa. The ‘whites’ saw themselves and were thus seen by non-whites as a racial category whilst the non-whites did not see each other as racial categories.

Thus the battle between the then settling Ngoni and the then settled Hehe for land among other things was a battle between natives and natives of Africa but the battle between Ngoni alongside the Hehe against the Germans during the Maji Maji War of Resistance (1905-1097) was a battle between natives and settlers. The same can be said about the skirmish between the then settling Ndebele and the then settled Shona in what is now known as Zimbabwe vis-à-vis the battles between the Shona alongside the Ndebele in the battles against white settlers. Other more or less similar cases include the making/remaking of the Kingdoms of Basotho, Bunyoro and Buganda vis-à-vis their opposition to white settlement/colonisation. The former’s native consciousness could not ‘nativise’ the latter. Here is where Fanon’s 1952 analytical toolkit comes in handy.

Drawing from John Paul Sartre’s analysis of Jews being overdetermined from the inside – in the context of the anti-Semitism of World War II – because they appeared as white outside and hence could only be precisely recognised as being Jewish by other whites through their actions, Fanon argued that the ‘black man/woman’ does not have a similar guise – s/he is simply recognised as soon as s/he appears. What follows below is the classical scenario that the black person encountered in contrast to a white person who happened to be a Jew:

‘All the same, the Jew can be unknown in his Jewishness. He is not wholly what he is. One hopes, one waits. His actions, his behaviours are the final determinant. He is a white man, and, apart from some rather debatable characteristics, he can sometimes go unnoticed…The Jew is disliked from the moment he is tracked down. But in my case I am given no chance. I am overdetermined from without. I am the slave not the “idea” others have of me but of my own appearance…When people like me, they tell me it is in spite of my colour. When they dislike me, they point out that it is not because of my colour…’

It is this form of racialisation, of overdetermining the native vis-à-vis the settler from without during colonisation that led to the conflation of being settler with being white and native with being black. Thus, as Mamdani aptly puts it, the proto-type settler was, of course, the white who came to be known in Kiswahili and many other African languages as Mzungu, that is, someone who performs an act of Kuzunguka, that is, trek or wander from one place to another. Even in the case of the Tutsi, which appears to be the exception, it is the so-called ‘caucasian’ or ‘white’ features of theirs that were used to construct them as a Hamitic race that was distinct from other people of Africa such as the Hutu. Thus the Hamitic Hypothesis was a colonial attempt at overdetermining the Tutsi vis-à-vis the Hutu with respect to blackness/whiteness from without.

This differentiation between two main sets of opposite categories, that of (1) the (African) native vis-à-vis (African) settler-cum-native and the (African) native vis-à-vis (Euro-American) settler as well as that of (2) the (African) native vis-à-vis (Asiatic/Arab) settler and the (Asiatic/Arab) settler vis-à-vis (Euro-American) settler is what informed the colonial state formation and the making of citizenship within colonies in Africa. At the heart of this citizenship problematic was the notion of race, for the term African did not simply denote someone of or from a geographical space known as the continent of Africa and its islands. African was – as still is – virtually synonymous to black. It this paradox of identity that made it possible to form a tautological identity known as ‘black African’, that is, ‘black black’ or ‘African African’ in an attempt to distinguish those ‘native proper’/‘native settler’ from those ‘settler proper’ who were neither white/Euro-American nor black/African. In the spirit of the Lugardian doctrine of ‘divide and rule’ such categorisation was constructed to enable yet another construction, that of ‘citizen and subject’, in order to consolidate the colonial state in Africa as – and more than – elsewhere.

How, then, does someone belonging to those categories of settler/native became or become a citizen of the-called modern nation-state? That question can only be answered by analysing why people/communities belonging to some of those categories and who have/had their forms of citizenship prior to colonial/imperial conquest and migration became ‘uncitizen’ in the first place, to use a term popularised by Issa G. Shivji’s article ‘From Citizen to Uncitizen’ that appeared in The Citizen on 25 May 2007. To that issue of the ‘unmaking of citizenship’ we turn.
- Next week Chachage looks at how ‘subjects’ become ‘citizens’.

* Chambi Chachage is an independent researcher, newspaper columnist and policy analyst.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Nigeria: Mass-based student unionism could counterweight cultism

Kola Ibrahim & Ayo Ademiluyi

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57387

cc loukreuCampus cults have ‘entrenched their diabolical tentacles’ across Nigeria’s institutions of tertiary education, write Kola Ibrahim and Ayo Ademiluyi, despite a mass movement against them in 1999 after five students were killed at Obafemi Awolowo University. Cults are to blame not only for the recent killing of twenty people in Edo State, but also for incidences of robbery, intimidation of students and the community and rape in a number of universities. Poor economic prospects make cultism an attractive option for youths, but there are also reports of officials allegedly using cults to protect their economic and political interests by suppressing student union activists, write Ibrahim and Ademiluyi. Noting that affected institutions lack a ‘viable, radical, independent and issue-based students' movement’, they suggest that this is what is needed to tackle the ‘monster of cultism’.

After the mass movement against cultism in the wake of the 10 July 1999 cult killing of five students of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, one would have thought that the menace is gone for good on our campuses, but the story is completely different today.

Over twenty persons including students were recently killed by cult groups in a suburb town of Benin, Edo State. This is aside from various criminal activities such as broad daylight robbery, intimidation of fellow students and the community, rape, etc which are going on in various campuses and affiliated communities.

At the University of Ibadan, the Polytechnic Ibadan, the University of Benin and Ambrose Alli University, students witness these horrible situations daily. Even in private universities, cultism is fast rearing its ugly head in a wild form that will be worse when they got to outside society, as these are children of the wealthy few in the society. One general trend in most of these institutions is the absence of a viable, radical, independent and issue-based students' movement that will be at the head of students' agitations.

Tragic-comically, it is the same tertiary institutions' managements that proscribed (or bought over) active students' unionism on the basis of causing 'riots' on campuses that are now spending millions on security votes or worse still paying cult groups not to cause clashes on campuses! However, even in Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, where there is history of radical student unionism, cultism is rearing its heads again. Just few weeks ago, cultists were heard threatening student leaders, while cases of rapes and robbery are being reported on campus. Also, internet fraudsters otherwise known as 'yahoo-yahoo boys' along with their 'money-freaky' girlfriends are becoming wilder on campus than ever.

With the bloodlust and merciless killings going on in the name of cultism, the need arises to look into the rise, background and possible overflow of cult violence in the coming period. Hiding under the guise of caring for their devotees, these campus cults have over the past two decades entrenched their diabolical tentacles across the different institutions of tertiary learning, while pre-varsity and secondary schools have become a viable breeding ground for these outlawed elements leaving in their trail the blood of their prey.

As it were, successive political administrations, while masquerading to be bent on halting this hydra-headed monster, have been found out to have been willing tools in the campus cultists' maiming of genuine students' rights activists, eliminating perceived political enemies and sustaining their hold on power.

Cultism has even become an alluring enterprise for many youths who are daily traumatised with the forlorn state of the economy, in which the barely-literate politicians of the ruling class heap millions into their private pockets while the average Nigerian graduate can hardly find a suitable job to eke out a living for himself. Cultism to the intellectually-blind youth is therefore an alternative as it is a fast and easy route to riches. They engage in 'goldmine’ crimes, ranging from armed robbery, gunrunning, drug pushing and online fraud to prostitution, all of which have one form of attachment or the other to cultism.

Campus confraternities can be traced to the formation of Pyrates Confraternity at University of Ibadan (UI), then a university college under the tutelage of London University, Britain. The Pyrates Confraternity ascribed to itself the task of combating perceived colonial induced societal ills, especially with regards to cultural colonisation. This agitation against cultural colonisation is justified when one considers the fact that Nigerian students (of University College, Ibadan, and other quasi/pre-tertiary educational institutions) were forced to turn into adopted Europeans but only get second hand jobs even if they have the same qualification with a typical European.

However, the problem of the founders of Pyrates is the contradiction created by their approach. While they claim to be fighting colonisation, they adopted one of the features of western students' lives – formation of fraternities on campuses for which many American campuses are notorious. Worse still, students were then seen as elite, as there were less than 400 undergraduates in the whole country then. Student activities were isolated from the struggle of the nation's oppressed class workers (in Udi Coal mines, railway, etc), peasants and petty traders, who were then waging economic and political struggles against the European overlords, that later culminated in flag independence that put the Nigerian bourgeois class of different shades in power. The failure of these conscious section of privileged Nigerian students to link their agitation with that of the oppressed class isolated them from the general perspective of struggle for change. This was even expressed by their secret methods of organisation, which led to uncontrollable internal chasms and opportunism.

It was this that led to the breakaway of a group that formed Eiye Confraternity. Further breakup of the Pyrates and Eiye confraternities formed the Bucaneers with others like Klansmen Konfraternity (KK), Supreme Vikings Confraternity and Adventurers emerging under military rule. As against the noble ideals with which these confraternities claimed they started with, they have heightened tension within campuses from the 1980s to the 90s and the 2000s with fierce struggles for supremacy among the groups. Female cults like Daughter of Jezebel and Black Brassiere also emerged as responses to the all-pervasive chauvinism and male domination on campuses combined with coincidental interest of the girl friends of members of the male cult groups.

It is worth stating that one of the causes of the degeneration of these cult groups from the ideals of its founders is the mismanagement of the economy and the bankrupt political tendencies exemplified by the military rulers and their civilian collaborators.

As the economy grew worse, no thanks to the plunderers in power (and their foreign collaborators), coupled with attacks on fundamental human rights with impunity by the powers-that-be – which saw attacks on platforms of resistance against economic and political plundering (ASUU, NANS, labour movements, NBA, etc) – many youth and students used the vehicle of isolation, secrecy and egotism provided by confraternities to participate in the ‘might-is-right’ macabre dance of the ruling class.

This was ably funded by children of the rich and powerful in the society who wanted to create identity for themselves, the same way their parents create theirs through the use of armed security agents, bull-dogs and private securities. In fact, many big businesses use cult 'guys' to maintain and protect their obscene wealth, and settle scores with their business and political opponents. Therefore, it can be summarised that campus cultism in Nigeria is deeply rooted in our dysfunctional society where obscene inequality, degrading poverty, mismanagement, corruption and political bankruptcy, etc hold sway.

Cult groups across campuses in Nigeria have been affirmed to be deeply connected with militant groups in the Niger Delta, who use the genuine agitation of the people for selfish pecuniary interest.

At best, the activities of cult groups can only be classified as individual terrorism, as certain members of the society claiming to be seeking for solutions to societal ills exclude themselves from society instead of mobilising it to fight for social change, and continue to vent their anger on rival cult groups.

What is more is that these cult groups are averse to genuine mass-based students' unionism that will adopt collectivism in tackling the security challenge of these campuses. This fact is strengthened with the brutal execution of Yemi Iwilade and other four students on 10 July 1999 by cult members in the wee hours of that day. Afrika, as Iwilade was commonly known, had been at the forefront of anti-cultism struggle and agitation against mismanagement of the then university authorities, whose top officials were fingered in the cult attacks. It took this act of martyrdom for the monster of cultism to be sacked from the terrain of that campus then.

To paint the sepulchre of cultism white by claiming that fraternal orders in Western societies are organisations with positive inclinations is celebrating neo-fascism. The rise of the hawkish ex-US President George Bush has been traced to such cult groups. It cannot be generalised that only presidents that had cultic youthful lives are hawkish or imperialist, although most American presidents are – including the present one. But it should be stated that using confraternities to gain privileges, even if not a violent manner as in Nigeria, is a sign of a sick nation no matter the tag of industrialised or developed given to such nation.

To forward the argument that confraternities should be legalised is giving license to vampires in human skins. Notably, the Nigerian bourgeoisie depends largely on the neo-fascist elements to vent their rage on their political opponents and dislodge genuine students' and workers' activists.

In fact, several government officials including governors from southern Nigeria have been fingered in criminal connivance with and use of cultic elements from campuses to sustain their economic and political interests. Also, many university managements have been reported to be using cultists to attack active union leaders, or even sponsor cultists to take over student unions. What can be deduced from this is that the Nigerian society has not changed from its terrible past of the military jackboot absolutism and political bankruptcy. This is not unexpected in a society where despite over US$280 billion that had accrued to the nation's purse since the emergence of civilian rule in 1999, nothing tangible has come the way of the poor. Unemployment rises by leaps daily, while the already rich few, many of whom participated actively or passively in the dethroned military rule, are becoming fatter in both physical size and bank accounts. With governments' (federal, state and local) commitment to neo-liberal policies of privatisation, commercialisation, deregulation, retrenchment, etc, which are necessary ingredients for pervasive poverty and misery of the majority, the trend of cultism is easily predictable forward.

What is needed to tame the monster of cultism across the campuses is to build a genuine mass based student movement that will be a counterweight to cultism. In this regard, the ban and proscription of student unions on many campuses is a deliberate attempt by the authorities of the tertiary institutions to give a free hand to cult groups which are controlled by them to strafe off genuine student activists. This is why campaign against attack on democratic student unionism must be championed by students across campuses.

However, the building of mass based student movement as against the current degenerate NANS, which will call for the lift of ban on proscribed unions, reinstatement of victimised activists and the democratisation of decision-making organs on campuses will thwart such neo-fascist attempts.

It will provide a platform for students to resist cult elements and fight collectively for better welfare conditions and society where secure jobs will be provided, education massively funded and democratically managed at all levels, among others.

Thus, a genuine student movement will have to join forces with the working class organisations to agitate for the formation of a genuine, mass based working people’s party that will throw overboard the present neo-colonial, neo-liberal, anti-poor capitalist system and its operators, which is in a neck-deep connivance through policies and action with cultism. Such a working class party, while it will fight for immediate social, economic and political demands, will also have to struggle to form a government committed to the public and common ownership of the nation's resources under the democratic control of the working and poor people themselves, unlike the present rotten system where the economy is monopolised, which engenders racketeering and lays the material basis for cultism to germinate. This is the challenge before the current generation of conscious youth and students.

* Kola Ibrahim and Ayo Ademiluyi are at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Nigeria.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

US committed to tackling racial discrimination?: The Troy Davis case

Keith Jennings

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57375

cc abardwellAwaiting execution on death row in the US state of Georgia, Troy Davis is an innocent victim of entrenched racial discrimination within the US judicial system, writes Keith Jennings. With his legal representatives not 'claim[ing] his innocence in a timely fashion', Davis faces the prospect of being murdered by Georgia's authorities simply for not submitting his papers on time. If the US is to practise what it preaches and show the world that it is genuinely tackling domestic racial discrimination, such a flagrant human rights violation must be put right immediately, Jennings concludes.

The state of Georgia is preparing to murder Troy Davis, an innocent black man. This may not be news to some, given that at least five innocent men who were on Georgia’s death row have been exonerated and released. However, the Troy Davis case raises to a new level the willingness of some in the criminal justice system, who are sworn to uphold the rule of law, to be more than willing to remove lady liberty’s blindfold so that she can see that 'it’s a black man' and therefore determine that his life is expendable. Or as the racist US Supreme Court’s Chief Justice said in the infamous Dred Scott decision, someone who 'has no rights which a white is bound to respect'.

THE TROY DAVIS CASE

The Troy Davis case clearly displays the arbitrariness and absurdity of the death penalty, especially with respect to issues of fairness, claims of innocence and safeguards guaranteeing the protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty. Here are the facts:

- The information used to convict Troy Davis of killing a police officer was solely based on eyewitness testimony. No murder weapon was ever found and no physical evidence was presented that connected Davis to the crime
- Seven of 10 witnesses have recanted or contradicted their testimonies and several have even admitted that their testimony amounts to nothing more than coerced statements they were forced to sign by the Savannah police department
- Several citizens of Savannah have come forth to identify another man as the person responsible for the murder of the off-duty police officer
- Troy Davis has consistently maintained his innocence.

Here is a young man who was found 'guilty' on perjured testimony. The courts however have repeatedly said that since there were no 'procedural' or 'technical' errors in the case Troy Davis should not be granted a new trial or be allowed to exercise his habeas corpus review rights simply because his lawyers did not claim his innocence in a timely fashion at the state level in the manner required. This sick logic confounds commonsense about basic conceptions of justice.

WHAT’S GOING ON?

Some may say the system today cannot be deemed to be racist or viewed as the problem because in Georgia you now have a black state attorney general, a black district attorney for the judicial circuit that has jurisdiction over the case, a black warden who is head of Georgia’s prisons, African-Americans on the Board of Pardons and Paroles, African-Americans on Georgia’s Supreme Court (one of whom is the chief justice), and finally because the US Supreme Court has a black man from Georgia who has the final review of cases from that state. Besides, Georgia has the largest congressional delegation from the South in the US Congress led by civil rights movement icon John Lewis, and certainly they would be crying out if racism were at play in this case.

The truth of the matter is that the legacy of centuries of institutionalised racism continues to manifest itself most clearly in the criminal justice system. Moreover, simplistic reasoning which does not take into account the fact that there have been 2–1 court of appeals decisions, a 3–2 decision by the pardon and parole board or 4–3 decisions by the Georgia Supreme Court or that the black man on the US Supreme Court is Clarence Thomas – whose decisions on racial justice cases suggest that he has taken self-hatred to an unimaginable level and who is one of the most right-wing justices on the court – is flawed and can be confusing.

At the end of the day, the reality is that a system-wide structural bias cannot be overcome by citing the presence of a few highly placed individuals, especially if they perpetuate or gloss over the system’s flaws at the expense of the poor or worse, remain silent in the face of an obvious injustice. At the same time, the recent statements by Congressmen John Lewis of Atlanta and Hank Johnson of Decatur stating that they believe Troy Davis is innocent are encouraging.

RIGHT-WING JUSTICE IN THE NEW SOUTH

The political economy of racial discrimination and its intersection with what today is known as the prison industrial complex has been in operation in Georgia since it moved from being a penal colony to being the state that first introduced the prison contract labour system and later the notorious 'chain gangs'. Slave codes and Jim Crow segregation have now given way to economic marginalisation and social exclusion, but the functions of the criminal justice system continue to operate as designed, that is, in a manner reflecting and reinforcing the racial hierarchy within the society.

Since the 1980s this has intensified as Georgia’s prison population increased by approximately 600 per cent. Today, one in 15 adults in Georgia are currently under the authority of the criminal justice system. This billion-dollar prison system is composed of over 62 per cent African-American inmates. African-American women are almost 60 per cent of all the women behind bars in Georgia. The Georgia Department of Juvenile Justice’s Youth Detention Centers, the prison system for young people in the state of Georgia which just came from under more than a decade of federal monitoring in May, are composed of over 80 per cent African-American youth. Additionally, as a result of the Georgia legislature passing a so-called 'School Safety and Juvenile Justice Act' (SB 440) in 1994, of the youth aged 13–17 tried in adult courts and confined to Georgia’s adult facilities, 90 per cent currently are and have been African-American. African-American and Latino youth are 45 per cent of Georgia's youth population but comprise over 77 per cent of the youth arrested under SB 440. White youth are 84 per cent more likely than African-American youth charged under SB 440 to have their cases transferred back to juvenile court.

THE RACIST DEATH PENALTY IN GEORGIA

In United States, the death penalty has been shown to be a racist and class-based instrument in the repressive arsenal of the state. Those without capital are the only ones facing capital punishment. In fact, there has never been a rich person executed in the state of Georgia.

Georgia’s history of racial discrimination in the administration of the death penalty is a long and despicable one. In 1924, the first person executed in the state’s electric chair was a black man. The oldest person ever executed in Georgia, 72 years old, was black. The youngest person ever executed, 16 years old, was black. The most people executed at one time, six, were all black. The first woman executed was black. Of the first 355 people executed in the state’s electric chair (once state-sanctioned killing replaced the lynch mob), 291 or 82 per cent were black.

In the post-civil rights era, race, class and gender factors have dominated public decision-making regarding who is to be executed and who is to be sentenced to prison. In fact, this affects whites as well. For example, of the 107 persons currently on death row, the overwhelming majority are there for killing whites even though the murder rate of African-American men in Georgia by other African-American men is one of the highest in the nation. Of those currently facing the death penalty, 53 per cent are people of colour. African-Americans alone are 52 per cent of Georgia’s death row population awaiting a lethal injection, the current method of execution.

Georgia has been at the centre of the death penalty debate in the United States for some time. Three of the most celebrated death penalty cases in American jurisprudence history are from Georgia (Furman vs. Georgia, Gregg vs. Georgia, and Mcklesky vs. Kemp).

Evidence of arbitrariness and racial discrimination in the imposition of the death penalty played a key role in the 1972 US Supreme Court’s Furman decision that temporarily outlawed the death penalty in the US. The 1976 US Supreme Court’s Gregg decision was meant to eliminate discrimination in the application of the death penalty. The court's decision in the 1987 Mcklesky case graphically revealed how racial disparities remained the most significant factor in determining who received the death penalty in the state of Georgia, but the statistical data supporting contentions around Mcklesky was nevertheless ignored.

THE WORLD IS WATCHING, THIS TIME

The work of Amnesty International USA and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has led to protest and calls to stop the execution throughout the country and around the world. Troy Davis should not have to die for us to see what’s wrong with the death penalty in Georgia and the United States; we already know. As Judge Rosemary Barkett of the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals said in her dissent, 'the concept of punishing an innocent defendant with the death penalty simply because he did not file his papers as early as he should have … would be an atrocious violation of our constitution.' In the eyes of the world it would also be a gross violation of international human rights standards.

There is also no need for us to wait to see the movie on this one. For all those high-ranking officials and media pundits who argued passionately that the United States did not need to go to Geneva to participate in the Durban Review Conference in order to prove that it is serious about 'fighting racial discrimination of every form in every context', the Troy Davis case is an opportunity to show the world where you really stand.

Whatever happens from this point on, the scrutiny of the international community will be there regarding the US human rights record. If Troy Davis is executed no one should be surprised if the international community sees our pleas for respect for human rights in Cuba or China or Sudan as being nothing more than hypocritical posturing. Others may find our calls for respect for the rule of law in Zimbabwe, Burma or Venezuela to be a shameful, moralising mockery. Still others, friends and enemies, will see us as a nation that constantly fails to practice what it preaches.

* Keith Jennings is a human rights and democracy expert. He is the president of the African-American Human Rights Foundation, a United States-based NGO dedicated to the promotion and protection of international human rights standards.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

The African Group: Friend or foe of Africa's aspirations?

Korir Sing’Oei

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57376

cc United Nations PhotoUnsurprised by the African Group's defence of Kenya at the UN, Korir Sing’Oei considers whether the group's actions should historically be regarded as positive or negative for the African continent it represents. Just as it has often stood in the way of some of the more radical action proposed against human rights violators, the group also has the dubious distinction of regularly championing the right of autocratic regimes in Africa to 'territorial integrity', Sing’Oei notes. In marked contrast however, the African Group has also proven a key advocate for international appreciation of the continent's economic difficulties. Concluding that the African Group should be regarded more as a champion of Africa's development rather than human rights, Sing’Oei cautions that such an approach should not be permitted to jeopardise the creation of a culture of accountability in governance.

Kenya has a strong defender at the UN, the African Group. It comes as no surprise that the African Group has condemned the harsh indictment of Kenya’s prosecutorial and policing authorities by the special rapporteur on arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston. Any keen observer of the attitude of this regional grouping of 56 countries will have noticed that its actions have consistently been statist in orientation and largely anti-human rightist. To its credit however, the African Group appears strongly interested in ensuring that issues of global economic inequality are mediated and that Africa benefits from globalisation. It is important to consider the genesis, contested role and achievements of the African Group, lest its recent defence of Kenya be overemphasised or ignored.

Arising from Africa’s historical marginalisation from the more domineering UN Security Council charged with ensuring global peace and security, the choice of forum for the African Group's diplomatic activities has largely been the UN General Assembly (GA), where it commands a significant numerical majority. It is therefore within the GA that the African Group flexes its muscles and dramatises its role, often in coalition with the other developing countries’ groupings, notably Asia. The GA is the chief deliberative, policy-making and representative organ of the United Nations, comprising all 192 members of the UN. Indeed, it provides a unique forum for multilateral discussion of the full spectrum of international issues covered by the charter, including the promulgation and codification of human rights standards, both declarative and treaty instruments. To the extent that the GA has adopted a number of significant human rights instruments that have a bearing on human rights in Africa – from the veritable International Bill of Human Rights to the recent Disability Convention – it can be admitted that the African Group has contributed to the overall universalisation of human rights norms and language. Nonetheless, it must be appreciated that such treaties, although duly adopted, would still require action at the state level, particularly where such states are monistic in orientation. The import of this is that African states often adopt and even ratify instruments but do not provide domestic imperatives to enliven these treaties. The limits of the actions of the African Group in terms of standard setting must therefore be considered from the less significant place of the GA within the larger institutional framework determinative of global policy.

With 13 members out of 47 at the new Human Rights Council, a subsidiary body of the GA specifically responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the African Group (working with the Asian Group, which has an equal number of representatives at the Council) has often stood in the way of more radical action against human rights violators, particularly in developing countries. Hence the council, originally designed to place human rights at the centre of global policy in the context of UN reform, has failed to rise to meet this intended purpose. Even the council’s flagship strategy, the Universal Periodic Review, a mechanism intended to systematically assess the human rights situations in all 192 UN member states, has been significantly watered down due to the recalcitrance of the African Group and its coalition of the complicit, backed by China and sometimes, Russia.

But the worst form of malfeasance on the part of the African Group has been its brazen defence of autocratic regimes in the continent in deference to notions of territorial integrity and national sovereignty. For instance, the African Group has strenuously counselled against stronger sanctions towards Zimbabwe in spite of the latter’s flagrant abuse of human rights, including the worst forms of arbitrary arrests and intimidation targeting civil rights activists. In the same vein, the group has stood up for the Khartoum regime to challenge the Security Council’s reference of the genocide in Darfur to the International Criminal Court (ICC). That over 300,000 people have been killed and millions displaced appears to have had no effect on the African Group’s determination to defend the continent’s hard-won sovereignty. In 2006, the African Group also led those opposed to the adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples on the grounds, inter alia, that the declaration’s provision on consultation of indigenous people in development programmes was an affront to the sovereign rights of states, a fallacy of superlative magnitude. It is also to the Human Rights Council that the UN Special Procedures, including Professor Alston’s rapporteurship on extrajudicial executions, report. Consequently, the condemnation of Alston’s recommendation with regard to Kenya, and the ongoing lobby for the non-renewal of Alston’s mandate is consistent with the African Group’s disdain for strong international censure of the continent’s semi-authoritarian regimes.

In contrast to its dismal record as defenders and promoters of human rights, it must be stated that the African Group has strongly advocated for the international appreciation of the economic plight of Africa. Starting in the 1960s in the context of decolonisation and the new economic order led mainly by Eastern European countries, notably Tito’s former Yugoslavia, the African Group sought to reformulate its relationship with its former colonial masters in the West.

Specifically, the adoption of the Declaration on the Right to Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources in 1962, which has subsequently become part of customary international law, signalled Africa's intention to thwart the iniquitous appropriation of natural resources on the continent by Western states’ multinational capital enterprises in the guise of economic investments. Specifically, the declaration asserted the right of peoples 'to freely dispose of their natural wealth and … [that a people be] not deprived of its means of subsistence', a provision reiterated in Article 28 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

The recent forays of the Chinese capital in the extraction of the African continent’s natural resources from timber to fossil fuels reveals however a duplicity in Africa’s approach towards natural resource exploitation. More recently, the African Group has engaged with international trade issues with a view to ensuring that Africa’s interests are articulated and protected. For instance, in the context of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the group has questioned TRIPS' (trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights) requirement for mandatory patenting of some life forms and some natural processes. It did propose clarity that plants, animals and micro-organisms should not be patentable. It also sought clarification that a 'sui generis' system of plant varieties protection would include systems that protect the intellectual rights of indigenous and farming communities. These proposals represent important milestones for the protection of vulnerable farming communities in Africa that would otherwise be further marginalised by a more circumscribed international intellectual property regime.

Whether the African Group at the UN is indeed a friend of Africa is thus a question that must be assessed from the context of the foregoing outline of its performance. It is clear that rather than a champion for human rights, the African Group appears more and more to be a champion for Africa’s development. This approach however is counterproductive since it is often the case that sustainable development is a coefficient of respect for human rights. The African Group’s posture, moreover, has succeeded in reviving the dichotomisation of human rights into civil–political rights that resonate with Western states, and economic, social and cultural rights that purportedly go well with countries burdened by poverty and want, especially Africa. This dichotomy however fails to appreciate the universality of human rights, acknowledged since the Vienna Human Rights Conference in 1993. As such, the approach creates excuses for African dictators to run amok rather than encouraging the entrenchment of a culture of accountability in governance.

* Korir Sing’Oei is an international human rights scholar at the University of Minnesota Law School and a co-founder of the Centre for Minority Rights Development (CEMIRIDE). He can be reached at singo003@umn.edu.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Kenya: Government commitment necessary for police reforms

Louise Edwards

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57391

cc DEMOSHThe Kenyan government has conceded that the country has a problem with the widespread and systematic use of extrajudicial killings by the Kenya Police Force, as highlighted in a report by UN special rapporteur Professor Phillip Alston, writes Louise Edwards. Now, however, the focus must shift to action to be taken to address the problems with policing the report raises, says Edwards. ‘Police reform is a daunting and long-term process,’ Edward notes, that ‘requires substantial law reform, a radical shift in policing culture from one of impunity to accountability and the restoration of trust between police and the community.’ But, Edwards cautions, ‘None of these urgent reforms will happen in Kenya without the political and financial commitment of the government.’

The United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, presented his detailed report on Kenya at the recent 11th Session of the UN Human Rights Council. In an extraordinary week of political manoeuvering, reinforcing the internal tension that plagues Kenya’s Grand Coalition Government, the Kenyan delegation responded with an oral statement to the council that contradicted their earlier written response. Having initially denied Professor Alston’s accusations of the widespread and systematic use of extrajudicial killings by the Kenya Police Force, the delegation conceded that there is a problem, but stopped short of acknowledging government complicity.

The proceedings and outcomes at the 11th Session have received much local and international press. Now, two weeks later, the focus must shift to action taken by the Kenyan government to address the issues raised by Professor Alston and the fall out from the publication of his report, which included the killing of two human rights defenders that had previously cooperated with his mandate. Despite the eventually positive response from the Kenyan delegation in Geneva, early signs of action are not necessarily promising.

Professor Alston’s report articulated what concerned local and international organisations have been saying about the Kenya Police Force for many years – and which the Government failed to acknowledge until their oral statement to the Council – that extrajudicial killings are part of the policing landscape in Kenya. The oral statement also contained a public acknowledgement of Kenya’s weak police oversight mechanisms, the need to establish a local independent police commission and assurances that no human rights defenders would be intimidated or harassed as a result of their cooperation with the UN special procedures mandate-holders.

Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the promising outcomes in Geneva will translate into credible action in Nairobi. Successive promises of reform articulated in a number of strategies and processes over the past 10 years have not been completed or sustained by the Kenya government. Kenyans continue to be policed by an organisation that lacks sufficient accountability structures, fails to protect or uphold basic human rights and is continually subject to illegitimate political interference. Millions of dollars have been invested in the development and publication of commission reports, task force findings and reform strategies without any genuine steps by the government to implement systemic reform.

The concerning state of policing in Kenya has received significant national and international attention over the past 18 months. The police response to the 2007 post-election violence brought the issue of political partisanship, impunity and brutality to the fore. The Waki Commission report [PDF 3.1MB] into the violence strongly recommended comprehensive reform of the Kenya Police Force and Administration Police and Professor Alston’s report reinforced the brutal and corrupt practices that have been permitted to flourish by the unreformed, colonial policing model.

Police reform is a daunting and long-term process. It requires substantial law reform, a radical shift in policing culture from one of impunity to accountability and the restoration of trust between police and the community. None of these urgent reforms will happen in Kenya without the political and financial commitment of the government to undertake reforms of this scope. The recent establishment by the president of a special Police Reform Task Force represents a positive step towards delivering credible advances. However, the government must translate the task force’s recommendations into actual reform that goes beyond improving operational capacity to address governance, accountability and legal structures. Otherwise the task force, for all its good intention, will become another failed reform vehicle.

Drawing on the previous recommendations and those foreshadowed to appear in the current task force findings, the government should implement the following minimum reforms:

- Constitutional and legislative amendments that clearly separate the operational control of the police from the direct control from the political executive and provide for transparency in monitoring police performance and conduct
- Strengthening internal and external oversight mechanisms, including the enactment of legislation and budgetary allocation to give full effect to the police oversight board, plus the establishment of an independent complaints mechanisms
- Establish a clear demarcation between the role of the Kenya Police Force and the Administration Police
- Improve police human rights training and resourcing to strengthen human rights compliance and operational effectiveness in the prevention, detection and investigation of crime, and
- Establish clear legislative guidelines on the use of force, torture and adherence to basic due process that accord with Kenya’s existing obligations under international law.

If the government is serious about reforming the police, a commitment to implementing past and current recommendations is not enough. It must also take immediate steps that both demonstrate its firm commitment to reform and restore public confidence in the reform process. A positive first action should be the investigation, prosecution and punishment of those police officers who commit or acquiesce to illegal acts including, but not limited to, those responsible for the 2007 post-election violence and the perpetrators of extrajudicial killings.

Other immediate steps must include measures to implement the government’s guarantee of protection to individuals who have been intimidated or subject to retribution for their cooperation with the UN special procedures mandate-holders. Human rights defenders, including members of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights have been subject to threats and some have been forced to flee Kenya. The high profile execution of two prominent human rights defenders, who cooperated with Professor Alston, and the failure by the police and government to identify those responsible, highlights the inadequacy of protection and security for human rights defenders. While Kenya has a witness protection programme, reform is urgently required to ensure the integrity of its internal processes (including accountability, executive control and information storage and sharing) before those who are most in need of protection will have confidence in the systems that are designed to deliver it.

The 2007 post-election violence, followed by the findings in Professor Alston’s report, and the tragic consequences for human rights defenders who cooperated with his mandate, have kept the problems with Kenyan policing firmly in the international spotlight. Whether the political will to commit to genuine reform is present in the Grand Coalition Government remains to be seen, but what is clear to the international community is that the need for police reform is more crucial than ever.

* Louise Edwards is the Access to Justice (East Africa) programme officer for the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Hypocrisy and internal contradictions threatening to tear Kenya apart

Antony Otieno Ong’ayo

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/57401

cc computerwhiz417With Kenya's exploitative elites continuing to monopolise the country's resources, Antony Otieno Ong’ayo argues that profound change is needed to halt a debilitating 46-year status quo of marginalisation and impoverishment for much of the Kenyan populace. While change will ultimately need to come from below, Otieno Ong’ayo contends, Kenya's leadership will need to moderate its relentless appetite for wealth if 'business-as-usual' is to be prevented.

That there are historical injustices in Kenya is not a myth, or some conspiracy theory. It is truth and a reality whose continued denial, sidestepping, and deflection of its victims' perceptions to imaginary enemies in the name of other ethnic groups or individuals is what many commentaries have noted and even the recommendations in the agenda four have emphasised as putting Kenya on a bleak path. The question is, why this hypocrisy, why this contradiction and why does it take so long for Kenyans – regardless of their ethnic background and even basic intelligence – to recognise this mine trap, which has often been camouflaged by statements such as 'our presidency', 'it is our turn' or 'our time to...' and so on. Forty-six years after 'independence' is such a long time to keep lying to oneself, let alone to a nation of more than 40 million people who presumably have some level of intelligence. The only problem is that while the same Kenyans with high intelligence as noted in many parts of the world and at home where their competence is unmatched by African standards, through numerous individual pursuits, there are conspicuous signs that this intelligentsia has not been made to good use, especially for nurturing Kenya into a vibrant nation that is multicultural and diverse (whether by default or otherwise).

Kenya’s major problem is deeply rooted in the birth of the nation, especially during the first few years of 'independence'. The wrangles that took personality, regional and ethnic dimensions, and finally culminated into a single party dictatorship after KADU (Kenya African Democratic Union) was swallowed by KANU (Kenya African National Union) and KPU (Kenya People's Union) figures subjected to detentions and imprisonment, set the main trajectory of malgovernance in Kenya. The violence that followed in an attempt to subdue alternative voices, the concentration of powers in the presidency and intolerance and arrogance of ethnic chauvinists in the corridors of power became a hallmark of Kenya’s system of governance. The current crop of elites in the ruling positions in Nairobi are just reading from the same old script, however what they seem not to grasp is that it is more than 30 years later and the dynamics within Kenyan society have changed immensely and that citizens' reactions may not be possible to contain in the same old way.

In the context of ethnic politics and mechanisations about power and resources in Kenya, other Kenyans, especially groups that were not part of the power axis or part of the rightful owners of Kenya as has been insinuated in many narratives on post-independence Kenya, have been expected to be loyal and accept their position in the Kenyan matrix without question or even a fight. Kenya started off from a platform where the big-man syndrome shaped the national psyche, and those who did not believe in this modus operandi had very little to count as their stake in the national affairs. For this reason, there has been constant agitation for 'one of our own' to be in the state house, statements which reflect a reality which though often mentioned only in passing are critical for understanding the underpinnings of power struggles in Kenya, struggles which have taken a more ethnic dimension than ever before.

WHO FOUGHT FOR KENYA’S INDEPENDENCE AND WHO OWNS IT?

The other mystery which has been kept out of analysis is who the real fighters for the independence were? Who really sacrificed their lives for land in formerly British-occupied regions in Kenya, especially in the Central, Rift Valley and Coast provinces? Where are the names such as Dedan Kimathi, Harry Thuku, General China, Koitalel Arap Samoei, Gopal Singh Chandan, Pio Gama Pinto, Kungu Karumba, Fred Kubai, Mbaruk al Amin Mazrui, Mwangeka, Waiyaki wa Hinga, Madan, Desai, Makhan Singh, Ochwada, Cege Kibacia, Moraa, Siutuna, Mary Nyanjriu, Muindi Mbingu among others. These names are conspicuously absent in Kenyan history books and analyses or are only mentioned in passing, yet they are critical for understanding the concerted efforts by all Kenyans of diverse backgrounds during the independence struggle.

No one dares explain the role played by many other Kenyans, even though it is well-known that some communities suffered more than others at the hands of the British occupational forces in the 1950s. This distortion in Kenyan history, especially the silence about the true Mau Mau fighters, and the indirect role played by millions who supported the independence struggle is a great disservice and omission that continues to create confusion in the nation-building process. And even in recent times, those who are enjoying and supporting the status quo have very little to do with both the first and second liberation. The discomfort about marginalisation is not only about one ethnic group against others, but it also exists within the same communities that have had a chance to rule the country. For instance, not all in Central Province or Rift Valley communities have benefited from the state largesse and political patronage as often perceived, but they are always painted by the same brush because the rhetoric used by their ruling elites confirm these fears for other Kenyans. For instance, politicians from Central Province urged their co-ethnic vote to the last person to protect 'their presidency', and such statements imply that everyone stands to benefit, but the reality shows the contrary. The elites from the two communities that have ruled Kenya since independence often colluded to protect their wealth (land) – a wealth basically in the hands of a few – at the expense of their co-ethnics who continue to live in squalid conditions in many urban areas in Kenya. Here too lies the hypocrisy, for instance among the intellectuals from Central, Rift Valley, and Coast provinces who do not dare tell it as it is. This silence is what creates a mythical gap being exploited by the political elite, through rhetoric that pits these communities against others. The wrong things done in the name of these communities have to be exposed for other Kenyans to know that they suffer just as much as their counterparts in the regions where the ruling elites originate.

The ruling elite and a middle-class preoccupied with primitive capital accumulation by any means are what is behind the problems in Kenya, especially on the issue of corruption, the stagnation in the democratisation process, nation-building and cohesion. Kenya is a developing African country endowed with significant human capital which it can utilise for its prosperity. If these two groups were visionary and progressive, the reform process could have been on track, but because they are schooled in the old framework where wealth creation is guided by a stomach philosophy, there will always be obstacles to reform in Kenya. The character of those who were part of the second liberation has shown a changed language, tone and colour once in power, something which further dampens the hope of a sustained democratic transition and the establishment of an equitable society in Kenya.

The problems bedevilling Kenyan today, especially in relation to social justice, were raised earlier on by the likes of Bildad Kaggia, Oginga Odinga, J.M. Kariuki and Seroney among others. Those who have attempted to raise similar concerns in recent times, especially on the devolution of resources, have been branded Majimboists, or power hungry, seeking to grab power through the back door.

Even in the context of a plural society where political competition is the norm, the Kenyan elite, whose psyche is often clouded by ethnic chauvinism, continues to flagrantly display insincerity and hypocrisy on issues that they themselves have at one time defended when it suits them and rejected when it does not. It baffles many minds when analysis of where the political problems that bedevil Kenya are often skewed to defend partisan interests that have nothing to do with ordinary members of the communities from which the ruling elite originate. Here too one would question the intelligentsia of these elites, because any critical mind, be it a mind for making money or gaining power to make money or protect the already acquired wealth, would think strategically and long-term. In other words, this would be a realisation that such a status quo cannot continue for long and if it is upset, then they and their communities are the mostly likely to suffer, depending on the nature and way in which societal transformation in Kenya might take place (peacefully or otherwise). They could adopt the old adage of 'eat and let eat', or just disburse some portions of the booty to keep the rest busy.

It is undoubtedly true that it is the same elite that owns the major investments in Kenya, the skyscrapers in Nairobi, posh beach hotels in Mombasa and large swathes of farm land in different agriculturally viable areas in Kenya. Yet it is surprising that the same class has failed to secure their long-term interests by ensuring that other Kenyans get their share in the form of small projects such as health centres, roads and funds to start one's own business. The Kenyan elite could therefore have more space for their accumulation and protection of the same. The history of the developed countries in Europe points to a paradigm shift by those who were in charge of capital (the 'old money'), who saw the sense in allowing the welfare system to be introduced, reasons that have been captured in political science and historical analyses of socio-economic and political development in Europe. In the current state in Kenya one might even say that they need this strategy in order to have space to keep eating or looting without much fury from the masses or diplomats and development agencies who oversee their interests in Kenya. However, here too lies the problem of deep slumber, ignorance and lethargy in the Kenyan masses that have been pacified for too long, to such an extent that within their different communities today, they would still kill a neighbour for reasons that they cannot explain.

THE LAND QUESTION

The truth with regard to the land question – in Central province, for instance – is that there is no Luo, Somali, Ogiek, Digo, Rendile, Borana, Abagusi or Kenyan Indian who grabbed land in that province when the British settlers partially left the region. The fact is that land did not revert to its original owners, some of whom were killed in the numerous massacres and atrocities by the British forces operating in the region, or later displaced by the new colonialists who are sons of Central Province. Jomo Kenyatta in this context betrayed the Mau Mau and the landless freedom fighters through such conspiracies as willing seller–buyer in order to buy back land which was stolen by settlers.

The draconian land laws based upon the Crown Lands Ordinance of 1915 are also what underpin the outrageous grants of agricultural leases for such periods as 99 or 999 years for settlers, whilst local populations went without even space to grow food. The Ndungu report on illegal and irregular allocation of public land provides an insight into this episode of the struggles over ‘land’ and ‘graft’ in Kenya, and anyone who might not want to face this truth is being ignorant of real issues that upset Kenyan society, some of which underpin the recurrent land clashes during elections and the restitution demanded by the victims of land grabbing in Kenya. As long as no one wants to face the truth that the rightful owners of land taken by the British settlers and Kenyan elite from Central, Rift Valley and Coast provinces, are those who bore the brunt of such annihilation, either as dead souls or grandchildren still languishing in various schemes as squatters in different parts of Kenya, long-lasting peace and coexistence in some parts of Kenya and even in the country as whole might just be an illusion.

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC MARGINALISATION

Marginalisation in Kenya has taken many forms. however, the two major ones are economic and political. The two are key in that they go hand-in-hand as far as who partakes in the process and resource allocation is concerned. These two factors have shaped what is available or not in any region in Kenya in terms of basic services such as schools infrastructure and finance for small enterprises and local production in terms of the development of different agricultural and natural resources in regions whose inhabitants are seen as enemies or members of the opposition. There are several examples of the exclusionary characteristics of Kenyan politics if seen within the context of political and economic marginalisation. Culturally, the constant references to physical markings and initiation rights to justify exclusion and marginalisation is common knowledge, yet even those who share the same traditional practices often fall out when the politically expedient use of such characterisation has been realised. For instance the Masaai, Turkana, Ogieks, Luhya, Samburu, Kamba, Somali and the Mijikenda who go through the same rituals have been some of the most marginalised in all spheres since Kenya’s independence, so where is the argument for their man and womanhood informed by the nature of rituals they have gone through?

Discrimination and internal marginalisation also exist within the same communities, contrary to claims that if one of their own is in power then his co-ethnics stand to benefit. Furthermore, politicians from the same region or ethnic groups are often used against their own or against other communities through political patronage, which has been one tool used in controlling communities. The politics of use-and-dump in its extreme form in Kenya has often culminated in the deaths of prominent members of some communities that are assumed unlikely to revenge or revolt. It has been the main tool for bringing down opponents, or propping up individuals and the manipulation of their communities, to toe the line, if one of their own is on board. But appointment to the cabinet does not translate into any communal benefit, yet Kenyans are always made to believe in this myth, to the detriment of their community development which a right and not a privilege.

The other area of marginalisation and one which is critical is in the distribution of resources, often in the form of development projects, infrastructure and the provision of basic services such as schools, health centres and nursery schools. With many communities deprived of these fundamental developmental inputs, there is a high degree of vulnerability, especially in terms of poverty levels, and disease, as shown in the case of North Eastern and Nyanza provinces, where such services have never existed or ceased to exist four decades ago. These skewed allocations can be traced to the government departments and ministry budgetary allocations meant for infrastructure development in different parts of the country. It is an issue which has been highly politicised and linked to the protest votes in 2002 and 2007 against community or elites from the ruling community, yet not given much attention.

Another example of political and economic marginalisation is the intentional stifling of the economies of certain regions, especially those that have been perceived as enemies or in the opposition. To toe the line as demanded by the politics of patronage in Kenya meant that whole communities and their leaders had to align themselves with the ruling elite or party in order to access the very basic services which are their rightful claims as Kenyan citizens.

Here we have seen the demise of the fishing industry in Lake Victoria as women sit for whole days waiting for trucks from Nairobi and Thika to buy their fish at throwaway prices due to lack of cold storage facilities. The same applies to fishing on Lake Turkana and along the Kenyan coast from Lamu to Shimoni. There is also the strangling of sugar farmers in Nyanza and western provinces through imports of the crop by elites and the death of sugar farming in Ramisi in Coast Province. Cotton production in Nyanza died 30 years ago, yet an activity which could have spurred economic growth in the region and urban areas where textile industries such as Rivatex and KICOMI were located.

In Coast Province, the cashew nut and salt industries have not been developed that much to uplift the living conditions of its inhabitants. While in areas where tea, coffee and pyrethrum are grown and dairy farming takes place, farmers received STABEX funding and loans were written off in 2003 to the tune of millions, yet their counterparts in Nyanza, North Eastern, Eastern and Coast provinces never had those subsidies. Close scrutiny of which regions have been served by National, Kenya Commercial Bank and the Agriculture Finance Corporation in terms of loans made available to local communities in different parts of Kenya will show that these lending institutions are more active in some regions that others. Whether this is a policy choice or intentional omission is yet to be explained, even in parliament. Therefore arguments that some communities are either lazy or incapable of effective economic engagement are all baseless and largely intended to spread the notion that only certain communities are hardworking and thus a justification for the status quo. Were there an equal playing field in which loans were made available to all farmers, business-men and -women, juakali artisans and other small enterprises from all parts of Kenya, who were supported by equal infrastructure for intensive production yet who nonetheless failed to make use of such opportunities, only then would there be the justification that some communities are more hardworking than others.

The issues around Mungiki and similar groups, high levels of crime in urban centres and even in rural areas, the high unemployment rate among the youth and the desperate actions of many Kenyans to secure their livelihoods in the context of politically motivated exclusion and marginalisation have their roots in the wrong start in Kenya immediately after independence. With the gap between the rich increasingly reaching alarming proportions, a sound system of governance and the use of national resources for the benefit of all Kenyans are the only remedy to the bleak future that Kenya as a nation faces in terms of the threats posed by its internal contradictions and historical injustices. And any political party or leader not paying attention to this is just exacerbating the already vulnerable situation in Kenya today.

There is no valid point in explaining these problems using colonialism as an excuse. The case of the miscarriage of justice in the case of the grandson of the colonial rancher Lord Delamare points to the colonial legacy which is very alive in the post-colonial Kenya where the ruling elite are the beneficiaries of the draconian laws and the status quo.

Forty-six years is too long for a country to keep crying over issues that it could directly address without looking sideways if there is the political will and ability of the national leadership to grasp the long-term communal and national interests. It is not possible in any modern society that someone can kill two unarmed and defenceless human beings and the matter treated so lightly as if the person just killed two birds in shooting practice. That is only possible in Kenya where the political and judicial systems seems to serve the interests of the elite – both local and international – whose interests often converge in a very intricate relationships that have their roots in the historical injustices in Kenya.

The Tom Cholmondeley case is just one of the many examples of how far things have gone wrong in Kenya, especially the culture of impunity which is mainly an elite privilege. These happenings are not bypassing the ordinary person, they are watching hence developing a tendency to take law into their own hands when redress in the courts prove futile. Cholmondeley could have been one of the most humble persons of British origin in Kenya as way of appreciating the wealth which the Masaai and Kalenjin communities have bequeathed on his family. He could do this by sharing this wealth or just allowing people living around his 3,000-hectare ranch to access the few natural water points that are now part of his property. Cholmondeley’s case mirrors ‘a distinctly colonial view of the rule of law, which saw the British leave behind legal systems that facilitated tyranny, oppression and poverty rather than open, accountable government’ as noted by Elkins. But it is not only a problem with Tom Cholmondeley; there are local Kenyan Cholmondeleys, both in Central, Rift Valley and Coast provinces, whose sense of communal interests is long gone.

Displacements and evictions in many regions in Kenya are often motivated by elite interests in certain prime plots – whether public or otherwise – and many Kenyans have taken all these in a prostrate position in the past. However, times have changed and people are beginning to react and the unfortunate thing is that this reaction might be brought under control, depending on its magnitude. In short Kenyans may not be able to stoop too low too long, as shown by the recent post-election violence. One may want the world to believe that it was ethnic violence, however the truth is that Kenyans are disillusioned and have very little hope in the national leadership and the elite who have time and again manipulated their vulnerable conditions for political expediency. This vulnerability is exemplified by the acts of such immortal beings as Tom Cholmondeley and the Kenyan elite of his ilk who were behind some of the post-election atrocities. In this regard, genuine reforms in Kenya are only likely when the local ruling elite and middle-class experience some pain, especially in the event of a disruption of the status quo and their current comfortable lifestyle in Nairobi.

WHICH WAY TO GO?

I wish to highlight a few issues that must be addressed if one would want to envision a long-lasting peace in Kenya or even a united country. This is not a doomsday prophecy but a realistic assessment which has been repeated time and again after some level of normalcy returned, with Kofi Annan’s intervention.

The first point is that any person or a community whose daughter or son or party may ascend to the political power in Kenya must seek ways and means of addressing the historical injustices in Kenya? That is, finding ways of restitution in the context of landlessness and squatter conditions caused by the unlawful and immoral acquisition of land belonging to ordinary Kenyans in Central Province, Rift Valley and Coast Provinces by the elite regardless of their ethnic background. They should either pay for those parcels at the market rate and the money be used to compensate the victims of their acts and those of the British, or the government of the day should repossess them and redistribute them equally, because there is no justification for owning 3,000 hectares of land which one never bought from its original owners in the first place or owning such land while millions do not even have a place to put up a house in their own place of birth.

Alternatively, the government may find money to compensate the victims of this horrific act in Kenyan history. The argument for the right to private property does not hold any water in Kenya and must be addressed head on by opening a new chapter, including the reversal of the unlawful and immoral leases of 99 and 999 years given to some people in Kenya. I say this because any close scrutiny of land or property ownership in Kenya will show that land owned by individuals in most urban areas and prime agricultural areas are fraudulently acquired and the papers and title deeds often flashed in the face of public outcry are not often genuinely and honestly acquired. The original maps showing city planning and so on are also clear on this, yet no one is prepared to accept that truth as various forces and interests keep fiddling with official records at the Ministry of Land. The farms that the British settlers left after the so-called £20 million compensation are in the hands of a few people who were not even residents of those locations by virtue of birth or ancestral connection, and if they acquired them through purchase, none of them has shown any proof of the price paid and which government authority authorised such a purchase and on what grounds. These suggestions may sound radical or even impractical, but it is better to face the truth and pain of accepting this reality. Without doing something about the land issue, no matter where, Kenyans will not have any peaceful coexistence, especially now that so much blood has been shed over land.

The second point is that every community in Kenya must wake up to the reality that Kenya belongs to all who belong in it and that anyone from one of the numerous communities can ascend to its leadership if he or she has the qualities to fill such a position. Any myth that puts 'us against them' or implies that only certain groups have more claim to the independence struggle and its fruits are hypocritical insinuations that will continue to breed hatred. Eventually, such hatred will explode once ignited by other circumstantial factors, especially those that relate to deprivation, marginalisation and insecure livelihoods. The elite who are managing the country in the name of their ethnic groups are not helping any member of those groups. Instead they are creating hatred and enmity that might be silent for a while only to explode during an electioneering period. The arrogance and blatant looting of public coffers and open defence of such culprits in the name of a community and open tribalism in public service appointments are some examples of the hypocrisy that does not augur well for Kenya’s future. No sane person would literally stuff a whole ministry with people from his ethnic group, no matter how qualified they are. This is a sign of arrogance, which Kenyans tolerated under duress during the Kenyatta and Moi administrations, but their objections to such political immorality only appears in situations where they take matters into their own hands. It is the ruling elite of whichever ethnic group that is in power that always incites Kenyans to violence through their rhetoric, arrogant actions and massive looting of public coffers, or skewed allocation of resources. This is incensed by the fact that many communities have not seen a nursery school or health centre for the better part of Kenya’s 46 years of independence.

The third point is that it is only through the establishment of a system which provides for equity in the distribution of national resources and development opportunities; for institutional effectiveness, efficiency, and insulation from the executive and foolproof accountability; that will respect and guarantee the democratic rights of all Kenyans in their choice of leadership at all times and that is all-inclusive and addresses the diverse nature of the Kenyan polity – one in which the citizens will not mind who is in power, but are still guaranteed of service delivery regardless of their ethnic background – that past injustices can be remedied and the country kept together. Anything short of this will push Kenya closer to the edge of the cliff. Ordinary Kenyans have very painful experiences with bad leadership, political betrayal, political corruption, dictatorships and violence that transcend all areas of their lives. They experience these in their homes, in the hands of the state, through corporal punishment in schools and harrowing experiences in the hands of criminals.

The fourth and most important point is that the government of the day should start addressing the potential of all regions by focusing on how to exploit such potential. Dry regions in Kenya can still have water if there is the political will. There is water in Lake Victoria which can reach North Kenya, to the Samburu, Turkana, Somali and Ukambani regions where drought and hunger are part and parcel of life despite 46 years of Kenya’s independence. These people cannot live in such a condition any longer; they are more aware of the inequalities in Kenya and what causes them through the media and increased mobility, therefore any lies to the contrary will not hold any more than handouts and relief food during electioneering periods will. Their level of consciousness is not the same as in the 1960s and in the 1970s or during the Moi dictatorship in the 1980s when they could not make their voices heard. Furthermore, there is no justification for an oil pipeline from Mombasa to Western Kenya and not one for water the other way round. The question of cost cannot be an excuse here because it is the life and well being of millions of Kenyans that is at stake. Therefore any investment to secure livelihoods is justified beyond economic reasoning.

Some of these projects could even be the breakthrough points for Kenya’s proper economic growth and wishes to realise the millennium development goals (MDGs) in the long term. Nyanza has great potential to provide Kenya with sugar, alcohol energy, fish for domestic consumption and export, cotton for the textile industry and horticulture. Eastern Province can become a second breadbasket for Kenya with its fruits, horticulture and mining while also providing exports. Northern Kenya has the potential for cement production, mineral exploration and as a transport corridor to Central and Northern Africa, connecting them with the Indian Ocean. The pastoral communities in Northern Kenya could be another source of domestic, regional and international meat and sufficient leather for foreign exchange and the transformation of lives in those communities, if there was the political will. Central Province and Rift Valley could still play major roles by focusing on cash crops from those regions, while also serving domestic needs, but even more so if they were supported with funding to modernise their production and processing of these products in order to fetch good prices on the international market. Such initiatives will create jobs and secure livelihoods, thus reducing the conflict that is often exacerbated by struggle and competition for scarce land and other resources in those regions and the impact of climate change affecting food production in many parts of Kenya today.

Finally it should be emphasised that to continue ignoring these concerns would not auger well for the stability of the nation. Power struggles that have been there since the first republic are increasingly becoming transformational in character, and the ethnic card has been one of the main tools of trade. However, the class issue must also be incorporated into the analysis in order to understand the extent of the rot in governance in Kenya. After 46 years and quite an advanced level of education and literacy in Kenya, one would expect the political elite not to fail to address the major issues affecting their communities and society in general.

The recent power-sharing arrangement and current coalition government being tried are not long-lasting solutions. Their usefulness in the Kenyan context is almost over since the nature of Kenyan political practice lacks the decorum and principles that could build on such mechanisms to address pressing leadership crises, nation-building and cohesion. The Kenyan political elite is very much focused on capital accumulation at any cost and by all means necessary, hence the ineptitude and laziness. In most cases, it seems like a conscious decision not to upset the status quo or attempt to address the fundamental institutional and constitutional issues which could pave the path for a progressive society, and for posterity. The wrangles in the coalition are examples of the failure of the Kenyan elite to think long-term and to moderate their appetite for wealth. For this reason, the responsibility lies with the Kenyan masses to wake up and take charge of their destiny.

However, the major obstacle to any major change from below is the fact that the collusion of the Kenyan ruling elite and their insatiable appetite for quick wealth will keep obstructing any attempt by the ordinary citizenship to effect change in Kenya. The local elite, which is not only confined to politicians but also includes elite civil society representatives and the so-called Kenyan middle-class, is also a major stumbling block, especially when one may begin to ask for a new crop of leaders to emerge and fill the gaps left by the past and current letdowns. The development partners may support civil society activities to influence the reform agenda, but this is also a symbiotic relationship whose outcome always maintains the status quo even if there are sometimes significant incremental gains, such as an expansion of the space for alternative voices. Kenya’s strategic geopolitical position might sometimes be its undoing, since external interests may opt for the current order over upsetting the status quo which serves many interests in Kenya and in the region.

However there is still some hope, but in my view a much more painful experience is what might lead to a change of hearts and minds and force Kenyans to have paradigm shift on how they relate with each other. Nothing else except for something dramatic and much more painful and hard-hitting on the elite and middle-class in Kenya will force them to change their behaviour, since everything has gone back to business-as-usual even after what happened during the post-election violence. The victims of the post-election violence were ordinary Kenyans and not the elite, hence the reluctance to change. Violence in Nairobi was largely confined to the suburbs, leaving the elite neighbourhoods untouched, including the extravagant lifestyle in the posh modern malls within their exclusive and high-walled residential areas. I say this because if the violence had had any impact, or if the elite had been starved of their daily extravagance and their children deprived of milk supplies, among other things, then the political elite would have changed tack for the sake of their wealth and there would be no IDPs (internally displaced persons) still in camps and a blueprint for equal distribution of resources would have been made and implemented, even if in phases, and a speedy, genuine truth and reconciliation process would have been instituted. Kenyans would have changed their language to something different from what is currently found on various blogs and news commentaries in the three Kenyan dailies, where the rhetoric is not that different from the referendum period in 2005 or prior to the 2007 general elections. You can only imagine what might happen in 2012 if agenda four is not implemented and business-as-usual is not brought to a halt.

* Antony Otieno Ong’ayo is a researcher at the African Diaspora Policy Centre and the Transnational Institute in Amsterdam.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

8th Pan African Congress needed to redeem movement

Vincent Nuwagaba

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/57388

cc xrichxThe Global Pan African Movement is a ’dying institution’, writes Vincent Nuwagaba, and the whole continent and Africans in the diaspora must ‘rededicate their efforts to revive it’. Dismayed by its half-hearted commemoration of the day of the African child, Nuwagaba writes that the problem is that the Uganda-based ‘global’ secretariat ‘has been reduced to a branch and extension of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and State House’. In order to de-link a mass movement from a partisan movement, argues Nuwagaba, ‘all Africans of goodwill must demand the holding of the 8th Pan African Congress and a shift of the ‘global’ secretariat.’

The mess at the Pan African Movement secretariat in Kampala Uganda has reached extreme levels. This calls for all Pan Africanists to stand up in unison and save the institution and the movement that was started to push for the welfare of the African and black people wherever they are. While the rest of the world was celebrating the day of the African child on the 16 June, the ‘Global Pan African Movement secretariat’ teamed up with two little known NGOs in Kampala to mark the celebration of the day of the African child. While there is nothing wrong with doing that, I maintain that a genuine Global Pan African Movement secretariat would have the capacity to do far more than that. It would use the opportunity to make strenuous demands for the African child who is relegated, denigrated, abused and neglected and the whole continent would realise the Pan African Movement. As we stand now, the Pan African Movement is not even visible in Kamwokya where the secretariat is housed.

I wrote an article about the African Child that was published in the Daily Monitor. As I reached Serena Hotel before the function began, I engaged some of the organisers, decrying the current shape and form of the Pan African Movement and Trade Union Movement. Thereafter, I went to parliament briefly and had to go back to Serena Hotel before the function started. As I reached the entrance of Katonga Hall where the function was to take place from, Mr Othieno who masquerades as the executive assistant to the general secretary asked me, what brings you to Serena Nuwagaba? I replied, ‘What has brought you is what has brought me, the Day of the African Child’. I went and sat with the Member of Parliament Hon Toskin and we started a conversation.

Around twenty minutes later, someone I suspect to be an Internal Security Organisation (ISO) operative appeared and told me I need to talk to you outside briefly. I left behind my diary and notebook with all my contacts and my human rights research work I have been doing since February. Once we were out, security guards were called, pulled me by the collar and without any sense of decorum threw me out of the function, leaving my valuable diary and notebook. When I told them I needed to pick my diary and notebook, the touts became too much.

I was later told by Othienno Stephen himself that the reason I was embarrassed and manhandled that way is because I was mudslinging the leadership of the secretariat. I have reported the matter with the police but I also thought it prudent to raise this matter in this medium so that the whole mess at the Global Pan African secretariat can be known thereafter all of us prescribe a cure for the dying institution. I am a Ugandan but I feel it is high time the secretariat shifted to another place because it has not only desecrated the Pan African Movement but also has portrayed it in such a picture that whoever is associated with Pan Africanism has the problem of moral turpitude.

This is not the first time Othienno is doing such a weird thing to me. In April last year, I went to share with the Pan Africanists my ordeal at the hands of police and medical staff who wanted me dead and he ordered goons to beat me. I think this is utterly inhuman and unexpected of a Pan Africanist. Pan Africanism denotes love for Africa and Africans. Sadism and Pan Africanism are not concomitant.

I am an ardent believer and promoter of Pan Africanism. A Pan Africanist I am, a Pan Africanist I will die. The problem we have is that the Pan African Movement has been reduced to the branch and extension of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and State House respectively, which I vehemently oppose. In order to de-link the two movements; the mass movement and the partisan movement, all Africans of goodwill must demand the holding of the 8th Pan African Congress and a shift of the ‘global’ secretariat. I put global secretariat in inverted commas for I don’t see anything global about it.

Some of us – the genuine Pan Africanists – commit our meagre resources-time, money and knowledge to influence and redirect the trend of Pan Africanism so that it can reflect its ideals of fighting for social justice, social welfare and the common good of the African people and the entire black race, the ideals espoused by people like Marcus Garvey, W.E Dubois, Rossa Parks, Martin Luther King, Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere; the ideals that came to fruition with Africans getting rid of slavery, attaining self determination in form of political independence and recently having our very own off-spring in the USA White House. I would not at all write about Stephen Othienno in this celebrated paper, but I am sure because he occupies an office that reflects on the entire continent and the Africans in the diaspora there is no better place to write about his character. I pray that this article generates debate about Pan Africanism, its present state and what future we would want for it. Stephen Othienno is a son of a senior military officer in the Uganda People’s Defence Forces. This is what entitles him to head the secretariat. I am sure that by the time Comrade Tajudeen died, he was already disenchanted with the manner in which Pan African Movement was being abused by the powers that be in Uganda. Possibly that partly explains why he had started being scathingly critical of the Ugandan president in his writings.

Mr Othienno and the group he hobnobs with, which masquerade as the leaders of the Pan African Movement Uganda chapter, are engulfed in fear and paranoia because of the scam they have effected and orchestrated at the Global Pan African secretariat. They have also been uneasy because of what I wrote in Pambazuka because they are averse to the truth because of what they do. Instead of repenting and putting right what has gone wrong – for many genuine Pan Africans view them as enemies to the Pan African Movement – they view Vincent Nuwagaba as their enemy. They are stark wrong for I never have time to concentrate on trivia. I am no simple mind who focuses on personalities. I believe we should focus on issues and these include giving accountability for the Ugandan tax payers’ money which they have constantly and consistently pilfered.

I state without any fear of contradiction that Uganda has failed the test by running down the Pan African Movement secretariat whose offices are no better than a local community based organisation that has been in place for less than a year. I am convinced that we can only organise and refrain from agonising if we have clearheaded people with clean track records. I am sure we are not suffering from a dearth of genuine Pan Africanists who are guided by the Ubuntu philosophy. Let the whole continent and Africans in the diaspora rededicate their efforts to revive the Pan African Movement. A luta continua!

* Vincent Nuwagaba is general secretary of the Pan African Movement Uganda Chapter
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Why I love-hate Euro-America

Chambi Chachage

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/57393

cc catface3Chambi Chachage doesn’t hate America, he actually loves it ‘a lot’. It ‘could be a model for deracialising the continents’, Chacage believes, as ‘probably the only habitable continent for humans that is not really seen as a continent that belongs to a particular “race”.’ But says Chachage, America is also haunted by what President Obama describes as the 'original sin of slavery and racism', epitomised by the Atlantic slave trade and the genocide of native Americans. Chacage concludes that what he feels is actually what historian Colin Legum describes as a ‘disappointed love’ – the colonised ‘believe there has been no proper recognition of, nor retribution for, the injury of colonialism’, while the colonisers ‘feel let down because Africa has not lived up to the expectations of European liberal values.’

When and why did I 'cynically' encounter the West/Euro-America? In fact I didn't spend a lot of time in Euro-America, unless South Africa is also regarded as a part of it. My great disappointment in 'America the Beautiful' was to see a lot of Tanzanians there who had given up what might have been a bright future back home in search of the 'American Dream'. I am saying 'might have been' because the 'Biblicanism' in me says I cannot afford to play God who sees the end from the beginning. Yet the testimonies of some of those I have met here in Tanzania after at least five years of their search for 'makaratasi', that is, the 'papers' such as green cards that can guarantee their return home without the possibility of being denied a visa to go back to the land of the 'American pie in the sky' have made me sense their shock at how their 'Tanzania' has left them behind.

On my second visit to 'The Land of the Brave', what came as a revelation to me was a graduate class discussion on a book that I used to see in our home library here in Tanzania, even though I never bothered to read it in spite of its tantalising title: Habits of the heart. It was that discussion that made me understand what the subtitle of that book – Individualism and commitment in American life - really mean. It also made me understand why the 'famous' Euro-American sociologist who visited the 'Home of the Statue of Liberty' at a time when the lynching of African Americans was a common thing and their right to vote was denied, could claim that 'America is the best model of democracy in the world' in his 'influential' book entitled Democracy in America. Of course that was a time before a Ben Carson, whom I admire a lot and who is on record for saying that he never saw a 'white' person in the US until he was a teenager, could make it from a ghetto boy with D grades to arguably the best neurosurgeon in the world and thus preach that you can also make it 'anywhere' if you THINK BIG. Yes it was a time before the skinny boy with a funny name could become the president of the United States (of America) by reclaiming, nay, rehabilitating the seemingly elusive American dream as 'change we can believe In' through The Audacity of Hope embodied in that motto: 'Yes we can!'

Well now it is a long time since I have been in 'The Land of Opportunity' so I don't really know what is going on the ground there. That is why I keep asking rhetorical (cynical) questions so that I (and interested others) can get updates of what is going on from those who are sojourning there. However, when I read the critiques of 'Obamamania' such as the ones by Nawal El Saadawi on Obama in Cairo: Playing the political game, Marieme Helie Lucas on Obama speech omits women and secularists as well as Paul Tiyambe Zeleza on Obama in Cairo: Equivalences and silences and yet hear some of my compatriots talk about the possibilities the US offers them and can offer all of 'us' – especially in the so-called 'Age/Era of Obama' if we just 'work hard' – I can't help but wonder if maybe that 'blind spot' which made the author of Democracy in America gloss over the then 'Negro question' is the same myopia that make us overlook the 'Muslim question' among other very hard questions.

So, do I hate 'America' or Euro-America for that matter? Am I one of those who were supposed to answer George W. Bush question 'WHY DO THEY HATE US?' No. I actually love America a lot. In fact I am one of those who believe it could be a model for deracialising the continents since, as the de facto North America, it is probably the only habitable continent for humans that is not really seen as a continent that belongs to a particular 'race' the strereotypical way Africa is seen as belonging to the 'blacks', Europe to the 'whites' and Asia to the 'yellows'. As a melting pot, it has the potential of being the model of a cosmopolitan society that is not racialised. Unfortunately it is this same America that is haunted by what the 'new orator on the bloc' refers to as the 'original sin of slavery and racism' epitomised by the Atlantic slave trade and the genocide of native Americans. Yes, unfortunately it is this America that is still leading a 'crusade' renamed 'War on Terror' that ended up terrorising many innocent and peaceful people from Kismayu to Kabul. For a long time I have tried to understand why I still love such a Euro-American country. Luckily one renowned historian helped me to understand that what I feel is actually a disappointed love. His description of how I – and probably many others out there – feel about Euro-America is a fitting 'curtain closer' for my conclusion of this 'American Memoir' of mine. Here it is:

'Nevertheless, attitudes to the West are strongly ambivalent, expressing both admiration of the Western achievements and hatred of its hypocrisies and Eurocentric relations; this ambivalence is matched by Western attitudes and feeling toward Africa and Black people in general. The Indian poet [Rabindranath] Tagore traced the source of this ambivalence to the civilisation of the West – the upholding of dignity and of human relationship had no place in the administration of its colonies. Tagore's explanation was reduced to a brilliant single Shavian sentence by [Jawaharlal] Nehru when asked what he thought of Western civilisation. “It would,” he replied, “be a good idea.” To understand contemporary attitudes in postcolonial Africa and the West it is useful, indeed necessary, to keep in mind this love-hate relationship between the formerly colonised people and the colonisers; the former believe there has been no proper recognition of, nor retribution for, the injury of colonialism; while the latter feel let down because Africa has not lived up to the expectations of European liberal values; and, of course, Western racialists – an ancient and self-perpetuating breed – see all their own prejudices about black people justified by the selective headlines provided for them by the myopia of a media society which traps them in non-thinking stereotypes such as presenting Africa as 'a basket-case continent.’” - Colin Legum in 'Africa Since Independence' published in 1999.

I, 'the man of colour', as Frantz Fanon said in Black Skin White Masks, ‘want only this: That the tool never possess the man. That the enslavement of man by man cease forever. That is, of one by another. That it be possible for me to discover and to love man, wherever he may be.’ Amen.

* Chambi Chachage is an independent researcher, newspaper columnist and policy analyst.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Pambazuka News 106 : L'UA face aux urgences de l'agriculture africaine

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summaryfr/57439

Tanzania, stop forcible repatriation of Burundian refugees

Amnesty International

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57395

TANZANIA: BURUNDIAN REFUGEES MUST NOT BE INTIMIDATED TO RETURN HOME

29 June 2009

The Tanzanian authorities must ensure that thousands of Burundian refugees who have been living in the Mbatila camp are not sent back to their country under coercion, as suggested by recent reports received from a number of refugees and organisations, Amnesty International said today.

‘We are worried about reports of refugees being pressured to leave the Mbatila camp. Some of their homes have been set on fire, while other refugees have received threats of arson,’ said Godfrey Odongo, Amnesty International’s East Africa researcher. ’It is all the more worrying that these actions have been carried out by individuals said to be directly instructed by the Tanzanian authorities.’

More than 36,000 refugees have been hosted over the years in the Mbatila camp after fleeing from the conflict in Burundi. The Mbatila camp is set to close by 30 June 2009 as part of a repatriation programme that will see all refugees returned to Burundi.

The programme is being implemented under a tripartite agreement agreed to by the Governments of Tanzania and Burundi and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in April 2002. In a joint communiqué, signed in December 2008 the programme was described as ‘voluntary’ and justified on the basis of ‘recent developments galvanizing the peace and reconciliation process in Burundi’.

Amnesty International understands, however, that contrary to international and regional law, there is no procedure in place to assess any individual claims by refugees and asylum-seekers of well-founded fears of persecution.

‘Both Burundi and Tanzania must make it clear to the refugees that any repatriation programme is voluntary and offer the refugees alternative and durable solutions such as local integration,’ said Godfrey Odongo. ‘Any coercion of refugees to return to their original country would be a breach of international and regional law.’

‘Any repatriation must respect the relevant principles of refugee protection. Voluntary returns must be based on a free and informed decision taken in safety and dignity. Intimidation, removing assistance or closing camps can amount to coercion which means repatriations would be involuntary and potentially unlawful.‘

Background:

Under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1969 Organisation of African Unity Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, the governments of Tanzania and Burundi are obliged to refrain from any action that would result in the forcible return of refugees or asylum-seekers to a country of their origin where they may have a well-founded fear of persecution. The determination of any well-founded fear of persecution requires the institution of a formal and fair cessation procedure that would allow refugees to challenge any decision to end their refugee status and to present their case for a continued fear of persecution.

For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW, UK www.amnesty.org

Mt Elgon conflict affects women and children

Urgent Action Fund-Africa

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57397

KENYAN WOMEN AND CHILDREN BEAR THE BRUNT OF THE MT ELGON CONFLICT
URGENT ACTION FUND-AFRICA

It has been slightly over a year, and the guns have been silent in the Mt Elgon region of Western Kenya, but the trauma remains etched in the minds and bodies of the women from this region. What started as a conflict between the Sabaot and the Dorobo sub-clans over land, spiraled out of control in 2006. Women and children were trapped in between.

Every once a week, Tuesdays to be precise, the armed militia would emerge from their caves in the forest and strike terror in the hearts of the men, women and children. They spared no one. Not even women as old as their grandmothers. They raped them in the presence of their husbands and grandchildren. The husbands who resisted were killed. And for two years the women of Mt Elgon suffered in silence. Those who dared to speak out had their ears and lips chopped off, those who dared to seek medical attention in hospitals after the sexual violence would be attacked the same night. The militia had succeeded in intimidating the civilians into silence.

The women of this region were pushed to the limit of human capacity. The militias were coming to them at night and demanding food, money, their husbands and even their sons. When the women didn’t comply their houses would be burned, their food stores destroyed and livestock stolen. They would not let them continue to work on their farms. Their husbands would be maimed. Their limbs broken and sometimes, killed.

With the arrival of the Kenya Army in March 2008, the villagers saw a glimmer of hope, but it was short lived. It lasted only three days. In Cheptais division which was the flashpoint of the violence, the military arrested every male from the age of 15 to 80 – every single one of them. They were transported Kapkota Military camp for “scanning” (interrogation and torture). The torture they endured as the military forced information out of them has been untold and it shows on the faces of those who survived. While some came back with severe injuries, others did not. One year on, their wives and children have been waiting in vain for their return. Their stories made our hearts bleed. Most of the children witnessed their own mothers being raped and their fathers murdered. They have since been struggling with this trauma.

Urgent Action Fund-Africa, in partnership with the Rural Women Peace Link a network of Community Based Organizations based in Mt Elgon and the Nairobi Women’s Hospital, carried out a medical camp for three days in Eldoret. 52 women were offered psycho-social counseling, gynaecological and general medical treatment and Voluntary Counseling and Testing for HIV.

Some of the women discovered during the camp that they had contracted the HIV virus as a result of rape.

Two doctors from Nairobi Women’s Hospital, Dr Caroline Mwangi and Omondi Wasunna led a team of nine (counselors, lab technicians and pharmacists) who came to help the women begin to reconstruct their shattered lives.

We saw a woman who has been walking around with her uterus hanging between her legs. She was attacked while in the process of delivering a baby at home. When the SLDF kicked the door, she got frightened and pushed the baby out suddenly. It came out with the uterus. Said Dr Wasunna.

‘If ever have more money I must give to local philanthropy. These women need our help.'

There is still a lot to be done as the women who were treated were only a drop in the ocean of the post-conflict challenges that women from this region experienced.

UAF-Africa, Rural Women Peace Link and Nairobi Women’s Hospital will continue to lobby for more services for these women. But today, we feel happy that our collaborative efforts have brought a smile to the woman’s face.

Urgent Action Fund-Africa
CVS Plaza, 2nd Floor,
Kasuku Road, off Lenana Rd,
Kilimani
P.O Box 53841-0200
Nairobi Kenya
Tel: +254-20-2301740
Website: http://www.urgentactionfund-africa.or.ke

Kenya: Bring prosecutions for torture in Northeast

Human Rights Watch Press

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57398

KENYA: BRING PROSECUTIONS FOR TORTURE IN NORTHEAST
Brutal attack in Mandera Districts underscores urgent need for Police reform

(Nairobi, June 29, 2009) – Kenyan security forces beat and tortured hundreds of civilians in several communities during an October 2008 disarmament operation in Kenya’s northeastern Mandera districts, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Human Rights Watch called on the Kenyan government to establish an independent inquiry without further delay to investigate and then prosecute those responsible.

The 51-page report, Bring the Gun or You’ll Die: Torture, Rape, and Other Serious Human Rights Violations by Kenyan Security Forces in the Mandera Triangle, documents rampant abuses during the operation and provides detailed accounts of the events in four of the 10 communities that were targeted. Across all 10 communities the evidence collected by Human Rights Watch indicates that security forces tortured scores of men, wounded at least 1,200 people, including one man who died from his injuries, and raped at least a dozen women over the course of the three-day operation. Human Rights Watch said this is part of a broader pattern of similar abuses by security forces.

‘Instead of protecting Mandera’s residents, the military and police systematically beat and tortured them,’ said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. ‘Unless the behavior of the security forces changes, and perpetrators and especially commanders are held to account, all the government talk about police reform is meaningless.’

The security operation by a joint force of military and police personnel, ostensibly to disarm local militias, took place from October 25 to 28, 2008, in towns and villages in Mandera East and Central districts. The operation followed deadly clashes between the local Garre and Murulle clans, which had killed 21 people during July and August.

In February 2009, Human Rights Watch researchers visited five of the towns, documented consistent accounts from more than 90 victims about how the security forces entered early in the morning, rounded up all of the men they could find, and severely beat them for hours to try to extract information about the whereabouts of firearms and militias.

Other security officers went house to house, searching for firearms. In several communities, these searches devolved into widespread looting, and women in two locations told Human Rights Watch that members of the security forces raped them after finding them at home while their husbands were being beaten.

In many cases, the beatings were so severe and prolonged that they rose to the level of torture. Hundreds of men were made to lie on the ground for hours and were beaten with rifle butts, sticks, canes, and iron rods. Members of the security forces tortured some men by twisting,crushing, or ripping open their testicles, in several cases causing lasting harm.

In some communities, the operation ended when local elders begged police and army commanders to stop in return for promises that they would find and hand over weapons. Some of these weapons were recovered from community members or local militias, but others were purchased from arms dealers in Somalia with money raised from the community and then immediately handed over to the Kenyan security forces.

In the week following the operation, the Kenya Red Cross treated more than 1,200 civilians who said they had been wounded by the security forces. Hundreds of men sought medical treatment in the hospital at El Wak, a large town that was among the worst-affected by the operation.

Local clinics in Wargadud, Lafey, and other towns treated dozens of other victims for injuries, including broken limbs, mutilated genitals,and difficulty breathing or urinating. Most of the rape victims interviewed by Human Rights Watch fled to the countryside and did not seek immediate treatment, although the Kenya Red Cross airlifted one rape victim in critical condition to Nairobi.

In three communities, witnesses said that senior civilian officials as well as police and military commanders were present during the beatings and torture, supervising the operation and giving orders.

‘This is not a question of a few bad apples disobeying orders,’ Roth said. ‘This operation was the result of a strategy devised by senior officials to use brutal force against Kenyan citizens.’

The Mandera operation is not the first police or joint police-military operation to have violently targeted civilians. During a counter insurgency operation in Mount Elgon in March 2008, police and military personnel arbitrarily detained over 4,000 people and systematically tortured hundreds – 100 men are still missing. There were accusations of similar abuses during operations against cattle rustlers in Kuria in February 2009 and Samburu in March that require further investigation.

Over the past few decades, the Kenyan police have accumulated a grim record of torture, extrajudicial killings, and other human rights violations. The Waki Commission, formed to investigate the violence that followed the controversial December 2007 elections, concluded that the police were responsible for the deaths of 405 people – including 50 demonstrators in Kisumu, the majority shot from behind – when they used live ammunition to quell street protests and riots.

The UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary, or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston, visited Kenya in February and found that the police ‘kill often and with impunity.’ Both reports made extensive recommendations for police reform and accountability, including replacing the police commissioner and the attorney general. The special rapporteur also called for the dismissal of the police commissioner and attorney general on the grounds that both officials are directly responsible for the climate of impunity that surrounds these serious abuses.

In May, President Mwai Kibaki announced a national task force to put police reforms on a fast track, and the government agreed on the need for such reforms at the UN Human Rights Council in June. Human Rights Watch called on Kibaki to make it an urgent priority to carry out recommendations of the Waki Commission and the UN special rapporteur, and to prosecute police and military commanders responsible for serious crimes in Mandera, Mount Elgon, and elsewhere.

‘Kenya needs to make absolutely clear to security forces that they will be held accountable for serious abuses,’ said Roth. ‘The right way to start is to conduct independent inquiries into these brutal operations in Mandera and elsewhere, and to remove the police commissioner and attorney general.’

Accounts from the report:

‘At about 5.30 a.m., I saw about 20 police coming down the street, driving people [in groups], beating them, going into each house, dragging people out and beating them and shouting: ‘Go to the pitch.’ …In front of the police station, they made us lie down. They were beating us with sticks, rungus [clubs], anything. They weren’t saying anything except beating us and then, ‘Bring the gun or you’ll die.’
– A victim from El Wak

‘At the camp they made us lie on our backs then they aimed the stick at my balls, he was smashing me with a stick that he was wielding with two hands.’
– A torture victim in El Wak

‘One held my head on the ground, and the other one started raping me. …I fainted because I was pregnant, and when I woke up I just found myself damaged from the rape. I ran to the bush where our livestock are. I went with the five children that I could see there at home. After three days, I found the rest of my kids in the bush. I came back after six weeks to give birth in Elele. I haven’t seen any doctor or hospital.’
– A woman in Elele who was raped while the security forces detained the
men of the village

‘Kenya has done something that no human being can tolerate. They are supposed to send their forces to where the bandits are. Instead of killing bandits, they are trying to kill their citizens. The provincial police officer and the provincial commissioner were here.’
– An elderly man, dragged from his home in El Wak and tortured

The Human Rights Watch report,‘Bring the Gun or You’ll Die’: Torture, Rape, and Other Serious Human Rights Violations by Kenyan Security Forces in the Mandera Triangle,’ is available at:
http://www.hrw.org/node/83973

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Kenya, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/kenya

For more information, please contact:
In Nairobi, Ben Rawlence (English, Swahili) +254-724-919813
In London, Tom Porteous (English): +44-20-7713-2766; or +44-79-8398-4982
(mobile)
In Washington, DC, Chris Albin-Lackey (English, French) +1-202-612-4343;
or +1-347-886-7733 (mobile)

Civil society recommendations for UN development conference

International Trade Union Confederation

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57389

CIVIL SOCIETY KEY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE UN CONFERENCE ON THE WORLD FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON DEVELOPMENT AND ITS FOLLOW-UP

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

We are facing a global systemic financial and economic crisis, which originated in the increasing financialization of the global economy, coupled with deregulation, over-reliance on trade liberalization and the use of financial instruments that created systemic risks and asymmetries. These factors have resulted in a financial industry disconnected from the real productive economy and in a severe slow-down in the real economy, with tremendous human and social costs. Before the financial crisis, the world was already suffering from a food crisis, and facing environmental challenges of historic dimensions. With this Conference, the UN as the most comprehensive intergovernmental forum, has a historic opportunity to start a longer-term inclusive process for a fundamental transformation of the economic and financial system and to make social and gender justice and the fulfillment of human and environmental rights the key objectives of all crisis-related measures. As a first step, global fiscal stimulus measures are crucial, both for industrialized countries, economies in transition, and developing countries, to stimulate their economies in a sustainable manner, and implement counter-cyclical policies, without, however, reverting to the same export-led growth model based on unsustainable over-production and over-consumption patterns. However, equally important are concrete commitments for an intergovernmental time-bound process towards long-term structural reforms to prevent future financial bubbles and economic busts. This UN Conference must be the beginning of a process for systemic change, crisis resolution and economic justice between developed and developing countries and economies in transition.

INTERNATIONAL STIMULUS PACKAGE FOR DEVELOPMENT

- Stimulus packages or support programs in industrialized countries must not distort the economic playing field or create a new form of financial protectionism.
- In the interest of all, developed countries should help to finance rescue packages in developing countries, and as proposed by the "Stiglitz Commission" they should invest part of their own fiscal stimulus packages in developing countries in a way that respects national ownership of their own development processes. This support should be additional to existing commitments on aid.
- Developing countries must benefit fully from these stimulus packages, through special grant arrangements and ODA, and not through debt-creating loans. All crisis grants must come without any policy conditions except for conditions necessary to fulfill fiduciary obligations.
- Donor countries have to deliver on their aid promises and must convert them into legally binding commitments under the appropriate UN forum. They should step up efforts to reach the target of 0.7% and not back-track on the G8 promise to increase annual aid by US$50bn (half of which would go to Africa) by 2010. We acknowledge the EU proposal regarding short-term ODA commitment. However, more ambitious measures are needed. According to DESA, a compensatory and development financing plan, totaling $1 trillion for 2009-2010, is needed for developing countries. Implementation should be overseen by a stimulus working group that should report to the General Assembly in September on steps taken.
- Governments should introduce an internationally coordinated Financial Transaction Tax in order to mobilize additional resources for a short-term Global Stimulus Fund and the longer-term implementation of the internationally agreed development goals, including the Millennium Development Goals.
- International stimulus packages should serve the goals of economic recovery, social justice, environmental protection and sustainable use of natural resources.
- Unconditional debt cancellation and repudiation of illegitimate debt are immediate steps that must be taken to increase the availability of needed resources in developing countries. Governments should establish a new debt architecture that is inclusive, participatory and democratically accountable to all, and provides for fair and transparent resolutions.
- Fiscal stimulus should be spent on social protection measures with a focus on vulnerability populations, especially women and ethnic minorities, and on building equitable and sustainable growth. It is vital to promote investments in human capital, in particular in education and health, as well to invest in job creation.
- Fiscal stabilizers such as unemployment benefit schemes must be supplemented by direct job creation schemes, with an emphasis on decent jobs. Fiscal stimuli should target increases in aggregate demand of sufficient magnitude to revitalize the real economy: employment, wage and household disposable income growth in ways that are compatible with the urgent need to address climate change and ecological destruction. In addition, non-debt generating resources and transfer of appropriate technology have to be made available to developing countries to cover the costs of mitigating and adapting to climate change, in accordance with the Climate Convention.

SYSTEMIC REFORM TO PROVIDE GLOBAL FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC REGULATION

- In the short-term, a Global Panel on Systemic Risks in the World Economy should be established, following the model of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, bringing together academics, civil society and policy makers.
- Further to strengthening ECOSOC, the Outcome Document should commit members to establish a Financial Products Safety Commission. The Commission would be a low cost means for evaluating proposed financial products submitted anonymously by national regulatory authorities to determine the degree of their risk for the financial system and their potential benefits for realizing UN member agreed goals.
- The Committee of Experts on International Cooperation on Tax Matters should be upgraded to an intergovernmental Commission on Tax Matters as a functional commission of ECOSOC by the end of 2009, with a commitment to formulating globally-enforceable rules that will put an end to tax evasion and avoidance. For the longer term, the Outcome Document should envisage the establishment of a new international institution for tax cooperation.
- In line with the general consensus on the need to revamp and strengthen regulatory tools for finance, the trade and investment negotiations at all levels, especially WTO negotiations on financial services and regional and bilateral free trade negotiations, must be put on hold.
- The discussion started within the G20 on a "Global Charter for Sustainable Economic Activity" must take place in the only legitimate body to develop and endorse such a framework – in the UN.
- In line with the general consensus on the need to revamp and strengthen regulatory tools for finance, the trade and investment negotiations at all levels that affect the utilization of such tools, especially WTO and regional and bilateral Free Trade Agreement negotiations on financial services, should be put on hold.
- There should be a new agreement of cooperation between the UN and the Bretton-Woods-Institutions in order to enhance coordination and policy coherence.
- The governance structure of the International Financial Institutions must be based on democratic principles, with the involvement of all stakeholders - not just shareholders - in a transparent, consultative and inclusive process. As a first step, the World Bank would move to a parity of voice and vote for borrowing and lending countries, as called for by the G24.
- Many new and ongoing programs of the International Financial Institutions still contain unwarranted conditionalities. We therefore call for an end to the practice of policy conditionality, which has undermined democratic decision making and often imposed harmful policies on countries. All countries have the democratic sovereign right to govern their own economies, to implement countercyclical policies aimed at stimulating aggregate demand, and achieve sustainable growth with equity in the real economy. Policy conditionality impedes this sovereign right.
- The right of developing countries to determine their own policies must be respected; this necessitates elimination of policy conditionalities imposed by IFIs and restrictions on national policy space instituted through trade and investment agreements.
- The IMF and World Bank should cease to intervene in the development and implementation of national trade and investment policies. Trade and investment agreements should be reviewed so as to redress the asymmetric impact that development finance institutions and agencies have had on the negotiating space of recipient countries. The remit of quasi-juridical forums, such as the World Banks ICSID, should be reviewed and reversed to determine what future role they may have in financing for development. There is need for urgent establishment of effective mechanisms to redress the asymmetric impact that development finance institutions and agencies have had on the negotiating space of recipient countries.
- In the longer-term, a Global Economic Council should be created within the UN system - as a globally representative forum to address areas of concern in the functioning of the global economic system in a comprehensive way. The Council would provide oversight to deal with pressing economic and financial issues in a comprehensive way.
- A Global Reserve System should be created in a way that will support the development needs of poorer countries and serve to stabilize the global financial system. As a first step, allocations of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) through the IMF should be regularized, made on the basis of need and not quota, and subject to the oversight of a specially created, democratic body. Costs for developing countries’ use of SDRs should be made fixed, and preferably financed from other resources.
- An important first step after the UN Conference is the creation of a robust follow-up mechanism, which ensures all member-state and institutional participation at the appropriate and highest level. Working groups on the follow-up on specific agreements of the Outcome Document have to be created immediately to discuss how the proposals would be implemented. The working groups would have to report to the General Assembly meeting in March.

CONCLUSION

The outcome document of this UN High Level Conference should reflect the urgency of the situation and contain short-term measures, to be implemented immediately as a response to the crisis. These measures must include sufficient non-debt generating funding for a global stimulus package for developing countries and economies in transition. Donor ODA commitments must be upheld according to a binding schedule

We trust that the outcome document will specify the necessary short-term measures and also contains concrete commitments for an intergovernmental time-bound process towards long-term structural reforms. This UN Conference must be the beginning of a process for systemic change, crisis resolution and social economic and environmental justice among developed and developing countries, and economies in transition.

International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
ITUC United Nations Office
211 East 43rd St. Suite 710
New York, NY 10017
Tel: +1 212 370 0180 Fax: +1 212 370 0188
Email: matt.simonds@ituc-csi.org
Website: http://www.ituc-csi.org

Civil society background document to UN development conference

International Trade Union Confederation

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/57390

Civil society background document to UN development conference
International Trade Union Confederation

A coalition of over 200 civil society organisations and networks gathered at a forum New York on 23 June, before the UN Conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development. This is the background document the International Trade Union Confederation prepared for the conference.

CIVIL SOCIETY BACKGROUND DOCUMENT ON THE UN CONFERENCE ON THE WORLD FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON DEVELOPMENT

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

We are facing a global systemic financial and economic crisis, which originated in the increasing financialization of the global economy, coupled with deregulation, over-reliance on trade liberalization and the use of financial instruments that created systemic risks and asymmetries. These factors have resulted in a financial industry disconnected from the real productive economy and in a severe slow-down in the real economy, with tremendous human and social costs. Before the financial crisis, the world was already suffering from a food crisis, and facing environmental challenges of historic dimensions. With this Conference, the UN as the most comprehensive intergovernmental forum, has a historic opportunity to start a longer-term inclusive process for a fundamental transformation of the economic and financial system and to make social and gender justice and the fulfillment of human and environmental rights the key objectives of all crisis-related measures. As a first step, global fiscal stimulus measures are crucial, both for industrialized countries, economies in transition, and developing countries, to stimulate their economies in a sustainable manner, and implement counter-cyclical policies, without, however, reverting to the same export-led growth model based on unsustainable over-production and over-consumption patterns. However, equally important are concrete commitments for an intergovernmental time-bound process towards long-term structural reforms to prevent future financial bubbles and economic busts. This UN Conference must be the beginning of a process for systemic change, crisis resolution and economic justice between developed and developing countries and economies in transition.

We, the members of more than 200 society organizations and networks from around the world have gathered here in New York, for a Civil Society Forum held 23 June, just prior to the official UN Conference at the highest level on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development. We reviewed the ongoing processes to respond to the global financial and economic crisis and looked at the impact of the crises on people, particularly in developing countries.

INTRODUCTION

We are facing a global systemic financial and economic crisis, which originated in the advanced developed economies of the North. It emerged in the context of other global crises, in particular the crises of social development, food, energy and climate change. Loose monetary policy and inadequate regulation together with insufficient supervision and transparency created financial instability. The socially effective use of financial means is essential for the achievement of sustainable development. With this Conference, the UN as the most comprehensive intergovernmental forum, has a historic opportunity to start a longer-term inclusive process for a fundamental transformation of the economic and financial system and to make social justice the key objective of all crisis-related measures.

THE DAMAGE DONE

The impacts on developing countries – especially the Least Developed Countries – are particularly severe. According to the updated World Economic Situation and Prospects 2009, at least 60 developing countries will suffer declining per capita incomes in 2009. The loss of perhaps 100 million jobs by 2010 will require four to five years to recover to pre-crisis employment levels once economic growth resumes. Some 2 billion people – nearly one-third of our planet’s population - live in poverty, and they are experiencing the crises’ worst impacts. Slashed inflows from exports, Foreign Direct Investment and remittances (up to 20 percent of GDP for some countries) impose serious difficulties on their social and economic situation. Progress on poverty reduction, child mortality and primary school completion, among other UN Millennium Development Goals, is expected to be reversed in most developing countries. Women compensate for social and economic gaps left by government and market failures and take responsibility for life’s most basic needs. such as food and health care. Yet they are marginalized by our socio-economic structures and in times of crisis they, along with the children of families in poverty, are put in the most vulnerable positions. Their plight reflects the greatest failure of our current systems. The fundamental reform of the international financial and economic systems will be measured by how the new systems address the needs of vulnerable people in developing countries.

FROM FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC REGULATORY FAILURE TO POLICIES FOR RECOVERING FROM THE CRISIS

Policy responses to the global crisis must address its root causes, which lie in the increasing financialization of the global economy, coupled with deregulation, and the use of financial instruments that created systemic risks and asymmetries. These factors have resulted in a financial services industry disconnected from the real productive economy and in a severe slow-down in the real economy, with tremendous human and social costs. Recovery packages should include policies to re-regulate the financial sector, and address the imbalances between finance and the real economy, between advanced and developing economies, and between capital and labor. Trade is one of the main channels by which the financial crisis is making its impact felt on the real economies, with a projected 11 percent global decline in trade projected for 2009. With the massive reversal of capital inflows to developing countries, at least 30 have insufficient reserves to pay for even three months of essential imports, such as food and medicine. The rapid spread of the financial and economic crisis shows that the fate of developing countries in the trade system lies more on meaningful reforms to the international financial architecture in which context such trade is conducted than on the achievement of enhanced market access. Therefore, the trade dimensions and impacts of any financial reforms should be factored into any proposed reforms of the global financial system.

Countercyclical policies should prioritize the strengthening of labor markets through physical, social and green infrastructure investments that generate employment opportunities. Emphasis should be placed on ensuring a just transition of workers to green and decent jobs.[1] Fiscal stabilizers, such as unemployment benefit schemes, social insurance and cash transfers to poor households must be complemented by direct job creation schemes. Fiscal stimuli should target increases in aggregate demand of sufficient magnitude to revitalize the real economy: employment, wage and household disposable income growth.

Developing countries must be allowed the policy space, without conditionalities, in order to implement countercyclical policies aimed at achieving sustainable growth with equity in the real economy. It is in the interest of all UN members that developing countries receive financial resources to recovery economically and avoid a contagion of political destabilization.

THE ROLE OF THE UN TOWARDS A NEW GLOBAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM AND DEVELOPMENT ARCHITECTURE

The global crises need a global response involving all societies affected by the crisis. Therefore, we strongly welcome the decision of governments in Doha to hold this UN conference on the World Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development. It is vital that this conference produces an ambitious outcome. The recommendations of the "Commission of Experts of the President of the General Assembly on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System" (the Stiglitz Commission) are an important contribution and should be included in the follow-up process. The Conference should agree to concrete and bold measures to help vulnerable countries to weather the financial and economic crisis, to reform the international financial system and to enter the path towards green, sustainable and equitable economic growth.

The UN has the political legitimacy to be a pre-eminent decision-making body as envisioned in the Charter, in economic as well as in security matters. The execution of global governance needs a globally representative forum. The UN can ensure accountability to all its member governments of all global financial and economic bodies and specialized agencies of the UN. This accountability mechanism extends to those agencies and bodies currently involved in The Financing for Development process and also others such as the Financial Stability Board, the Basel Committee, and the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB), that deal with finance, development assistance and trade, as well as ensuring collaboration in tax matters.

This crisis provides a historic opportunity to achieve a fundamental transformation of the economic and financial system. This Conference must take the long term view and make social, economic and environmental justice – including decent livelihoods and climate justice - the key objectives of all crisis-related measures, including the necessary changes to the international financial and monetary system. The UN is the most comprehensive forum for negotiations towards a new global economic system and development architecture. Such a new approach to global governance must be based on human and environmental rights, integrating gender equality, women´s rights and recognizes the central role of the social economy.

SHORT TERM MEASURES OF AN INTERNATIONAL STIMULUS PACKAGE FOR DEVELOPMENT

A global fiscal stimulus is key both for industrialized countries and developing countries to reverse economic contraction and implement counter-cyclical policies. The Stiglitz Commission has pointed out that unfortunately, some of the measures taken by rich countries may actually further increase global imbalances, creating financial protectionism and further distorting the economic playing field. Conversely, many developing countries lack the resources for fiscal stimulus measures. G-20 countries committed to replenishing the International Monetary Fund with about $750 billion , just $50 billion of which is intended for low income countries. However, even if these commitments are kept, IMF loans continue to come with pro-cyclical conditions that have failed and likely will continue to fail to stimulate the real economies of loan recipients. Nor will the promised billions, even if free from such conditions, suffice to compensate for the World Bank estimated $1 trillion in developing country net capital outflow declining tax and export revenues. Developing countries must benefit fully from these stimulus packages, through special grant arrangements and increased Official Development Assistance, and not through debt-creating loans. Accountability mechanisms should be established for all participants in the stimulus programs.

Therefore, the Outcome Document should state that stimulus packages or support programs not distort the economic playing field or create a new form of financial protectionism. In the interest of all, developed countries should help to finance rescue packages in developing countries, and as proposed by the 'Stiglitz Commission,' they should invest part of their own fiscal stimulus packages in developing countries. This support should be additional to existing commitments on aid. Economic policy conditions must end and all crisis financing should come without any conditions except for fiduciary concerns. Fiscal stimulus should be spent on social protection measures for the poor, especially women and minorities, and on building equitable growth. It is vital to promote investments in human capital, in particular in education and health, as well to invest in job creation.

We, therefore, demand that donor countries deliver on their aid promises. They should step up efforts to reach the target of 0.7% of GDP for ODA. They should not back-track on the G8 promise to increase annual aid by US$50bn (half of which would go to Africa) by 2010. According to DESA, a compensatory and development financing plan for a total of 1$ trillion for 2009-2010 are needed for developing countries. We acknowledge the EU proposal regarding short term ODA, but see the need for more ambitious measures to be overseen by a stimulus working group that should report to the General Assembly in September on steps taken.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT REQUIRES INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ON TAX MATTERS

We support the work of the UN Committee of Experts on International Tax Cooperation on issues such as transfer pricing. Strengthening of the UN Committee of Experts into a powerful inter-governmental body is essential in order to counter tax evasion and avoidance, particularly by transnational corporations. Trans-national companies must account on a country-by-country basis.

There is a need for durable systems of domestic resource mobilization so that countries can finance and control their own development, including provision for greater budgetary expenditures on social protection (including education, health, etc.). But financial liberalization, both in the North, and, at the behest of multilateral institutions, in the South, has facilitated the huge increase of concentration of wealth in a few hands and allowed corporations to evade national tax regimes, thus deepening the gap between the rich and the poor. Between $456 and $506 billion leaves developing countries every year through corporate tax evasion and tax avoidance. This has been facilitated by regressive and inefficient tax policies and systems, often promoted by the IMF and World Bank, diversion of public revenue to shore up foreign currency reserves, and inappropriate and ineffective regulation to reduce capital flight and tax evasion.

Elimination of all instruments for tax avoidance and banking secrecy is crucial. Bilateral, non-binding cooperation agreements on tax reporting have not sufficed to prevent avoidance and evasion. Governments must negotiate a multilateral agreement that requires all financial centers to establish transparent and accountable mechanisms for the sharing of tax information automatically. Transparency and accounting are essential to good supervision and the building of trust in international economic relations.

Stronger and progressive taxation rules should be pursued and support provided to revenue authorities as a necessary complement to ensure developing countries’ access to their fair share of revenue generated by cross-border trade flows. Bond issues should also be used as an option for domestic resource mobilization.

We furthermore support the introduction of global taxation schemes, such as a financial transaction tax, which could raise significant funds for global public goods. An appropriately-designed financial transaction tax could also discourage some of the excessive speculation that contributed to the financial crisis, without undue hindrance of productive financial flows. We therefore welcome the decision of the Leading Group[2] to establish a new Working Group on the Currency Transaction Levy to finance a global health fund. Also measures for the adaptation and mitigation of climate change need enormous amounts of additional resources.

SYSTEMIC REFORM TOWARDS PROVIDING GLOBAL FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC REGULATION

The recommendations presented by the “Stiglitz Commission” reflect many of our demands:

In the short term, a 'Global Panel on Systemic Risks in the World Economy' was proposed by the “Stiglitz Commission”. This Panel should be created to offer advice to the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council, as well as to relevant international organizations.

Further to strengthening ECOSOC, the Outcome Document should commit members to establishing a working group to consider how to implement the Stiglitz Commission recommended Financial Products Safety Commission. The Commission would be a low cost means for evaluating proposed financial products submitted anonymously by national regulatory authorities to determine the degree of their risk for the financial system and their potential benefits for realizing UN member agreed goals. For example, the Commission could evaluate Green House Gas emission permit derivatives.[3] This proposal could bear on the already existing work programs of the UN, ILO, UNCDF, World Bank, CGAP as well as national authorities. The UN adopted “guidelines for consumer protection” already in 1985 and is regularly issuing consolidated lists of products that are banned or restricted by governments owing to their adverse impact on health or the environment. This is an inter-agency activity that is coordinated in DESA. The key reason for producing the consolidated lists is that poor and small countries do not have the resources for comprehensive product safety testing. It would thus not be a too difficult initiative for the UN to coordinate this activity in the consumer protection area of financial products.

There is a need for a new framework to deal with the process of lending and sovereign borrowing that establishes standards of responsible behavior for all parties. Governments should establish a new debt architecture that is inclusive, participatory and democratically accountable to all, and provides for fair and transparent resolutions of cases of illegitimate and odious debt as well as sovereign debt restructuring. The UN should play a key role in the framework negotiations. The institutions and mechanisms to implement the framework agreement should be subject to international human rights norms and treaties. The new binding institutional framework should revise the current debt sustainability framework so as to prioritize human development and environmental and climate justice considerations in designing loan projects.

We also support the effort to stabilize the Global Reserve System as outlined in the “Stiglitz Commission” report. This effort is imperative to make the most rational use of global resources. As a first step, allocations of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) through the IMF should be allocated on a regular basis, in particular during times of crisis. Costs for developing countries’ use of SDRs should be made fixed, and preferably financed from other resources. Transfers of SDRs from rich to poor countries should be allocated based on need.

The discussion started within the G-20 on a 'Global Charter for Sustainable Economic Activity' should take place in the only legitimate body to develop and endorse such a framework – in the UN. Such a process should be informed by the long experience of UN related bodies, the results of UN conferences and their sequels ( Rio, Cairo, Vienna, Copenhagen, Beijing etc), as well as by the vision and experience of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Moreover, negotiations towards this Charter must engage the voices and experience of workers, farmers and peasants, women, youth, children, indigenous and other groups whose experience and wisdom is usually ignored by orthodox economic managers.

Governments should engage in the UN process to identify potential new bodies for regulating the global financial and monetary system. In the longer term, a Global Economic Council at head-of-states level should be established - as a globally representative forum to address areas of concern in the functioning of the global economic system in a comprehensive way. This Council, where all states would be formally represented in a constituency system, should super-cede the economic governance roles that have heretofore been played by the G-7, G-8, and G-20. Those groupings are not global fora that can provide the global response to the financial crisis.

We trust that this Conference will result in the creation of robust follow-up mechanisms, which ensure all member-state and institutional participation at the appropriate and highest level. The new global economic and development architecture must be fully informed by and integrate gender equality, human rights and ecological accountability at its heart. Mechanisms have to be created to evaluate and replace economic and development policies that are severely straining the carrying capacity our planet with policies and practices that promote genuine improvement in the quality of life, especially at the margins, while reducing our impact on the earth. Working groups on the follow-up on specific agreements of the Outcome Document have to be created immediately to discuss how the proposals would be implemented. These working groups would have to report to the General Assembly meeting in March. What is needed is a holistic and serious cross-ministerial, cross-institutional, public and private sector discussion of global economic and financial concerns. Such a new mechanism should be a first step toward more integrated, effective and democratic governance of the world economy.

KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

INTERNATIONAL STIMULUS PACKAGE FOR DEVELOPMENT

Stimulus packages or support programs in industrialized countries must not distort the economic playing field or create a new form of financial protectionism.
- In the interest of all, developed countries should help to finance rescue packages in developing countries, and as proposed by the 'Stiglitz Commission' they should invest part of their own fiscal stimulus packages in developing countries in a way that respects national ownership of their own development processes. This support should be additional to existing commitments on aid.
- Developing countries must benefit fully from these stimulus packages, through special grant arrangements and ODA, and not through debt-creating loans. All crisis grants must come without any policy conditions except for conditions necessary to fulfill fiduciary obligations.
- Donor countries have to deliver on their aid promises and must convert them into legally binding commitments under the appropriate UN forum. They should step up efforts to reach the target of 0.7% and not back-track on the G8 promise to increase annual aid by US$50bn (half of which would go to Africa) by 2010. We acknowledge the EU proposal regarding short-term ODA commitment. However, more ambitious measures are needed. According to DESA, a compensatory and development financing plan, totaling 1$ trillion for 2009-2010, is needed for developing countries. Implementation should be overseen by a stimulus working group that should report to the General Assembly in September on steps taken.
- Governments should introduce an internationally coordinated Financial Transaction Tax in order to mobilize additional resources for a short-term Global Stimulus Fund and the longer-term implementation of the internationally agreed development goals, including the Millennium Development Goals.
- International stimulus packages should serve the goals of economic recovery, social justice, environmental protection and sustainable use of natural resources.
- Unconditional debt cancellation and repudiation of illegitimate debt are immediate steps that must be taken to increase the availability of needed resources in developing countries. Governments should establish a new debt architecture that is inclusive, participatory and democratically accountable to all, and provides for fair and transparent resolutions.
- Fiscal stimulus should be spent on social protection measures with a focus on vulnerability populations, especially women and ethnic minorities, and on building equitable and sustainable growth. It is vital to promote investments in human capital, in particular in education and health, as well to invest in job creation.
- Fiscal stabilizers such as unemployment benefit schemes must be supplemented by direct job creation schemes, with an emphasis on decent jobs. Fiscal stimuli should target increases in aggregate demand of sufficient magnitude to revitalize the real economy: employment, wage and household disposable income growth in ways that are compatible with the urgent need to address climate change and ecological destruction. In addition, non-debt generating resources and transfer of appropriate technology have to be made available to developing countries to cover the costs of mitigating and adapting to climate change, in accordance with the Climate Convention.

SYSTEMIC REFORM TO PROVIDE GLOBAL FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC REGULATION

- In the short-term, a Global Panel on Systemic Risks in the World Economy should be established, following the model of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, bringing together academics, civil society and policy makers.
- Further to strengthening ECOSOC, the Outcome Document should commit members to establish a Financial Products Safety Commission. The Commission would be a low cost means for evaluating proposed financial products submitted anonymously by national regulatory authorities to determine the degree of their risk for the financial system and their potential benefits for realizing UN member agreed goals.
- The Committee of Experts on International Cooperation on Tax Matters should be upgraded to an intergovernmental Commission on Tax Matters as a functional commission of ECOSOC by the end of 2009, with a commitment to formulating globally-enforceable rules that will put an end to tax evasion and avoidance. For the longer term, the Outcome Document should envisage the establishment of a new international institution for tax cooperation.
- In line with the general consensus on the need to revamp and strengthen regulatory tools for finance, the trade and investment negotiations at all levels, especially WTO negotiations on financial services and regional and bilateral free trade negotiations, must be put on hold.
- The discussion started within the G20 on a 'Global Charter for Sustainable Economic Activity' must take place in the only legitimate body to develop and endorse such a framework – in the UN.
- In line with the general consensus on the need to revamp and strengthen regulatory tools for finance, the trade and investment negotiations at all levels that affect the utilization of such tools, especially WTO and regional and bilateral Free Trade Agreement negotiations on financial services, should be put on hold.
- There should be a new agreement of cooperation between the UN and the Bretton-Woods-Institutions in order to enhance coordination and policy coherence.
- The governance structure of the International Financial Institutions must be based on democratic principles, with the involvement of all stakeholders - not just shareholders - in a transparent, consultative and inclusive process. As a first step, the World Bank would move to a parity of voice and vote for borrowing and lending countries, as called for by the G24.
- Many new and ongoing programs of the International Financial Institutions still contain unwarranted conditionalities. We therefore call for an end to the practice of policy conditionality, which has undermined democratic decision making and often imposed harmful policies on countries. All countries have the democratic sovereign right to govern their own economies, to implement countercyclical policies aimed at stimulating aggregate demand, and achieve sustainable growth with equity in the real economy. Policy conditionality impedes this sovereign right.
- The right of developing countries to determine their own policies must be respected; this necessitates elimination of policy conditionalities imposed by IFIs and restrictions on national policy space instituted through trade and investment agreements.
- The IMF and World Bank should cease to intervene in the development and implementation of national trade and investment policies. Trade and investment agreements should be reviewed so as to redress the asymmetric impact that development finance institutions and agencies have had on the negotiating space of recipient countries. The remit of quasi-juridical forums, such as the World Banks ICSID, should be reviewed and reversed to determine what future role they may have in financing for development. There is need for urgent establishment of effective mechanisms to redress the asymmetric impact that development finance institutions and agencies have had on the negotiating space of recipient countries.
- In the longer-term, a Global Economic Council should be created within the UN system - as a globally representative forum to address areas of concern in the functioning of the global economic system in a comprehensive way. The Council would provide oversight to deal with pressing economic and financial issues in a comprehensive way.
- A Global Reserve System should be created in a way that will support the development needs of poorer countries and serve to stabilize the global financial system. As a first step, allocations of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) through the IMF should be regularized, made on the basis of need and not quota, and subject to the oversight of a specially created, democratic body. Costs for developing countries’ use of SDRs should be made fixed, and preferably financed from other resources.
- An important first step after the UN Conference is the creation of a robust follow-up mechanism, which ensures all member-state and institutional participation at the appropriate and highest level. Working groups on the follow-up on specific agreements of the Outcome Document have to be created immediately to discuss how the proposals would be implemented. The working groups would have to report to the General Assembly meeting in March.

CONCLUSION

The outcome document of this UN High Level Conference should reflect the urgency of the situation and contain short-term measures, to be implemented immediately as a response to the crisis. These measures must include sufficient non-debt generating funding for a global stimulus package for developing countries and economies in transition. Donor ODA commitments must be upheld according to a binding schedule

We trust that the outcome document will specify the necessary short-term measures and also contains concrete commitments for an intergovernmental time-bound process towards long-term structural reforms. This UN Conference must be the beginning of a process for systemic change, crisis resolution and social-economic and environmental justice among developed and developing countries, and economies in transition.

NOTES

[1] The ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization (2008) commits Member States to placing “full and productive employment and decent work at the centre of economic and social policies,” based on the four strategic objectives of the Decent Work Agenda: promoting employment, developing social protection, promoting social dialogue, and respecting fundamental principles and rights at work.
[2] 'The Leading Group on Solidarity Levies to Fund Development' brings together 55 countries, various international organizations and NGOs. It was founded after the Paris Ministerial Conference on Innovative Development Financing Mechanisms in 2006. Its action stems from the joint Declaration by Presidents Chirac and Lula against hunger and poverty at the United Nations in September 2004. Since then, it has become a leading international forum for discussions on innovative development financing mechanisms: www.leadinggroup.org
[3] This proposal could bear on the already existing work programs of the UN, ILO, UNCDF, World Bank, CGAP as well as national authorities. The UN adopted “guidelines for consumer protection” already in 1985 and is regularly issuing consolidated lists of products that are banned or restricted by governments owing to their adverse impact on health or the environment. This is an inter-agency activity that is coordinated in DESA. The key reason for producing the consolidated lists is that poor and small countries do not have the resources for comprehensive product safety testing. It would thus not be a too difficult initiative for the UN to coordinate this activity in the consumer protection area of financial products.

International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
ITUC United Nations Office
211 East 43rd St. Suite 710
New York, NY 10017
Tel: +1 212 370 0180 Fax: +1 212 370 0188
Email: matt.simonds@ituc-csi.org
Website: http://www.ituc-csi.org

African leaders won't see need for women's empowerment

Department of Women and Gender Studies, Makerere University

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/57400

Situation of Burundian refugees at Mtabila camp

Ngenda Joas

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/57402

Thank you for calling humanity to act so that forcibly repatriation be stopped. I would like to inform you the situation of Burundian refugees living at Mtabila camp in Kasulu District, Kigoma Region,United Republic of Tanzania.

The actual Representative of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Mr. Msajiri Frederiko, doesn't respect the Human Rights of refugees since he has been appointed to work in this camp. As he tells refugees that he is'alpha and omega', he does whatever he think to oblige refugees to repatriate.

He closed all markets, limited the liberty of worship,restricted refugees to grow even vegetables at the plot to supplement the food they receive... He told that the Tanzania government gave him the mission to do whatever he can to oblige refugees to repatriate.Currently, he is moving them day after day from one Zone to another.

He begun by Zones AC and G and the process continues. But what he didon Monday 18 May 2009 was surprising to everyone: while refugeeswere at the food distribution centre, he went with his Police in Zone AC and burnt all remaining houses and all that was inside. This needs an urgent action to end this situation because on Monday 25 May 2009 he publicly told refugees in a meeting that he intends to burn other houses in other zones.

It is regrettable to read in magazines and internet that Tanzanian and Burundian governments in accordance with UNHCR proclaim that Burundian refugees from Tanzania are repatriating on voluntary basis.

This is the information I needed to let you know and, if possible to take an urgent action on Tanzania Government to end this way of threatening refugees.

Haroub Othman: A friend and a comrade

P. Anyang’ Nyong’o

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/57394

For all intents and purposes, and for a day like that the night was still young. It was just after 11 o’clock and we had just finished attending the official opening of the Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF) and we walked down to Forodhani to have dinner on the streets. Having been done with that we walked back to attend the music extravaganza at the same place, the Old Fort. On entering we saw Haroub chatting with friends. Fatma Alloo, our host, was excited: We had been looking forward to meeting Haroub from early that evening. I went straight to Haroub and hugged him as Fatma informed him that the whole board members of the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF) was here and we would be delighted to meet him, including Michael Chege.

We exchanged pleasantries as usual. I congratulated Haroub once more for his excellent tribute to Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu when he published I saw the future and it works in Babu’s memory. Michael, unfortunately, had not seen the book since its publication in 2001. I promised I would get him a copy somehow. But Mike reminded Haroub that all the debates he has been involved in regarding the viability of the capitalist world order are now more relevant than ever. Indeed, he added, 'Samir Amin and Mahathir Mohammed must be having their last laugh as the USA nationalises banks.'

As usual Haroub was quietly composed and responded by requesting us to get together with him the following day to chat further as if to cover lost ground. He then beckoned Saida to join us as she was standing at a distance with other friends. A pleasant moment followed and we promised we would meet Haroub the next day at one o’clock before departing for Nairobi. It was never to be.

Sunday morning, 28 June 2009: I had just finished having breakfast at the Tembo Hotel at nine o’clock when the ARRF administrative secretary Ms Doreen Ndenda informed me that Fatma had called the hotel urgently looking for me. I called Fatma from my cell phone.

'Are you at the hotel,' she inquired in panic.
'Yes,' I replied.
'Then wait for me at the entrance. I have very bad news for you. Haroub has passed on!'
'What?' I shouted back.
'Yes it is true! Just wait for me. I’ll be there in a second.'

For a moment I stood there dazed. Everything around me seemed empty. I quickly had a flash back to May 2002 when the news of my brother Aggrey passing on in an accident in Nairobi also reached me in a similar manner through a phone call. Such moments are better to be heard about from others and not to be experienced in person.

Fatma arrived looking completely dazed and confused. She simply beckoned me to follow her as she tried to relate the story in staccatos. We were soon in Haroub’s hotel room to meet his wife, Saida, sitting next to him on the bed they had just shared full of life for their last night. The pain that had gripped this gracious lady, crying and weeping for her loved one, reaching out to us for help to try and bring him back as we were last night, was simply unbearable.

'Peter, Peter! Haroub ametuwacha jameni! Ah, ah, Haroub, Haroub, uko wapi?'

In his book, Intellectuals at the Hill (1993), Issa Shivji describes Haroub as 'a long time academic activist and sometime chairman of UDASA – University of Dar es Salaam Academic Staff Association.' There can be no better summary of the essence of the political and intellectual contribution of Haroub to us than in these words. Haroub used the pen and his brain to engage people to analyse, explain and understand problems which faced humankind so as to solve them. That was the meaning of his academic activism.

Like his close comrade Babu, Haroub believed in making definite and clear statements about the solution to social, economic and political problems once he satisfied himself with analysing the evidence and facts before him. In this regard, his research skills as a historian and his intellectual depth in political economy came in handy. The book I enjoyed reading most was the tribute to Babu that I have referred to earlier. And with this I would like to appreciate the life of Haroub.

I saw the future and it works is the only book that gives us a concise publication of the political thinking of Babu and how his ideas helped shape the politics and future of Zanzibar and Tanzania. Babu’s other book, African Socialism or Socialist Africa (1981) had a slightly different concern: It was intended to produce the first comprehensive Socialist Programme for Africa and it did.

The first key question that Haroub asks in his introduction to I saw the future is still pertinent in contemporary Zanzibar. The question is: Should a party (like the Umma Party that Babu led) proclaiming itself to be socialist and a vanguard of the working class maintain its independent status, or should it allow itself to be submerged under a broad alliance, hoping its cadres would be able to influence the course of events? In the case of Zanzibar, the latter did not happen; from that time the initiative was lost to Babu and his comrades (p2).

In other words, the making of a purely Zanzibari socialist revolution was lost first when the Umma Party joined the Revolutionary Council and the Afro Shirazi Party after the revolution of 1964, and second after the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar to form Tanzania in April the same year. It is worth speculating whether Zanzibar would have been another Cuba in the Indian Ocean had Babu and his comrades in the Umma Party succeeded in carrying out the socialist revolution.

According to Babu, pushing Zanzibar into Tanzania meant poverty for the people and almost permanent stagnation (p18). Having taken the Spice Trail (the tourists visit to the spice farms on the island) on Sunday on the morning when Haroub passed on, I am left wondering whether this statement is still applicable to present day Zanzibar. This rich island that is home to thousands of cherished flora and fauna; this wonderful soil from which sprouts trees of lychees, guavas, mangoes, oranges, bananas and all tropical fruits known to man with little of this man’s efforts except to harvest and carouse; this home of bees and butterflies and a weather comfortable to both man and his earthly foes alike; why should this land remain so virgin and so unproductive in this age of technology and fail to put Zanzibar in the league to which she belongs globally – with Singapore and Cuba or both combined?

Up to his passing on Babu was not really against the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar, i.e. the United Republic of Tanzania. It was for Tanzania as long as the union would release the highest productive potential of its component parts and not simply be used as a political base for the reproduction of a parasitic society that underdeveloped its component parts. If this was to be fate of the people of the component parts then, as Lenin had said much earlier, self-determination of Zanzibar would be justified up to and including secession.

Babu is very concise and precise when talking about Zanzibar and the Future (pp. 26-38). The capacity of Zanzibar to bounce back as an economic dynamo is almost unlimited provided a serious strategy for economic revival is consciously worked out now, without further delay p29).

Haroub very often echoed these words, but apparently little seems to be happening during this first decade of the 21st century. Why the delay when reality that urgent change is needed to uplift the life chances of our people are staring us in the face?

To plan the strategies that will make a positive difference in the lives of our people requires two things, according to Babu. First of all, we need to appraise the reality of the era in which we are: In this all political economists concur. Progress today depends more on manufacturing rather than trade in primary commodities such as cloves. Value addition prior to exporting the many fruits of the soil that Zanzibar is endowed with is a necessary condition for the island’s economic take off.

Secondly, we need to look critically, and dispassionately, at the country’s past without allowing contemporary political imperatives to influence our investigation (p 29). This dispassionate diagnosis of the past will inform us that it contains the potential riches of the present; it gives tremendous comparative advantage of the island as a tourist destination with a high potential of being a service economy that is backed solidly by modernised agricultural production.

'Though wise men at their end know dark is right,
Because their words had forked no lightening they
Do not go gentle into that good night.'

These are the words of the English poet, Dylan Thomas from his poem Do not go gentle into that good night, written some time between 1934 and 1952.

Just like Babu, Haroub worked very hard and was singularly dedicated to his work and his people. Fatma Alloo had just warned me that morning that she was losing too many intellectual friends and comrades who 'work themselves to death!' (her own words).

Dylan Thomas had made this observation many decades before, and he philosophically thought that the drive to make ideas be heard and to bring change in society almost drives committed intellectuals to this rather 'suicidal mission.' Even when our 'words spark no lightening' to awaken society or the powers that be, we soldier on: We do not go gentle into that good world!

Haroub, soldier on. Do not go gentle into that good world; rage, rage into the night!

* P. Anyang’ Nyong’o is Kenya's minister of medical services and founder of the African Research and Resource Forum (ARRF)
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Sad and shocking news from Zanzibar

Friends of Haroub Othman

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/57411

I have just received very sad and shocking news from Zanzibar. Our beloved Professor, Horoub Othman, passed away in his sleep. The last time I saw him was three weeks ago when we travelled together to the the third European Conference on African Studies, as usual he looked healthy and composed. I am at lost for words. I will keep you posted as soon as I get more information on the plans for the funeral among other plans.
- CHAMBI CHACAGE

My uncle, my hero, my guardian, my role model, my Prof..

The family is at lost,
Tanzania is at lost,
ZANZIBAR is at lost,
Africa is at lost,
Palestine is at lost,
The left is at lost,
U should not leave us now Prof Othman...

Not now when we need ur wisdom,
Not now when we need ur patience,
Not now when we need ur ideals,
Not now when we need ur values,
Not now when we need ur integrity,
Not now when we need u most...

Yes u have given us the most,
Yes u have stand for us during the worst,
Yes u have taught the greatest
Yes u have inspired the best,
Yes u have done ur share,
But u shouldn't leave us the earliest.....

Ur the best,
Ur the greatest,
Ur the LEFT,
Ur the THA PANAFRICANIST,
Ur the teacher, ur the wisdom, ur the hope, ur the role model, ur THA comrade, ur the friend in the struggle...
- OMAR ILYAS


I have just been informed that the funeral will take place tomorrow noon in Zanzibar. Some young intellectuals are organising to travel tomorrow to Zanzibar to join the family and other friends who are already there. There also plans to meet in the evening at the University of Dar-es-Salaam for a vigil in remembrance of our beloved Professor. Will keep you posted as soon as I get more information on these plans.

The funeral of Prof. Haroub Othman took place yesterday in Zanzibar. A number of us from this side of the ocean joined throngs of those from the beautiful Island to bid farewell to our beloved Professor, Mentor and Colleague among many other titles. I have been informed that there are plans to hold a commemoration event in the very near future at the University of Dar-es-Salaam. His wife, Prof. Saida Yahya-Othman, and son, Tahir, are still in Zanzibar. I am not sure when they will come back to Dar-es-Salaam. When they do so it would be befitting to pay them a visit.
- CHAMBI CHACAGE

This is too troubling a moment for us all; pass our condolences to Saida.
- GODWIN MURUNGA

This is so devastating. I have no words. And here I am sitting in Toronto in transit to Dar tomorrow arriving Dar on July 1st afternoon. I have no one here to share my sorrow with except Parin and amil. Don't know what to do. Feeling so helpless. I am with you in spirit. Collectively express my profound shock to Saida, my dear friend. Give the best farewell ever to my dear dear friend of over 40 years. Buriani rafiki yangu, ndugu yangu, kamaradi Haroub.
- PROFESSOR ISSA SHIVJI

What depressing news it is about Prof Othman's passing on. He was such a mentor to most of us, and motivated us over the last three decades. Issa please convey our condolences to his family
- SAM MOYO

In adding my voice to the shock and sorrow expressed here, which is shared with others I have been talking to who knew him, I am also struck by what an immense contribution Mwalimu made in his life to so many. This week, we have visiting us in Nairobi a young graduate student from Tanzania, who was the first to break the news to me on Monday morning as soon as I got into work, and I am impressed by how Prof touched lives even amongst those he did not directly teach or interact with. As those who had known even slightly (or known of him) shared about him to those who did not, the sense of loss was tangible amongst us all.

We often talk about the celebration of a life – and certainly, here is one that is to be celebrated as a teacher (in the true sense of the word), a mentor and a role model. Please pass on our condolences and gratitude for a life well lived to his family.
- MSHAI MWANGOLA

On the sideline of Mwalimu Nyerere Intellectual festival, April in Dar es Salaam university... Dr Willy Mutunga who happened to have been a student in Dar ... invited me to greet his Professor, a great teacher Prof Haroub... He defended the unity of Tanzania and he said in one of the debates that he was navigating on unity of Tanzania during the intellectual festival.. that he, HOPED in his lifetime Tanzania will remain in Peace and United... I also captured another one from Prof Horoub Othman... That...Mwalimu... in reference to Nyerere... Delayed Tanzania independence to wait for Kenya... independence in order to unite Kenya and Uganda to create an East africa state.

I send my comradley... condolences to students of UDSM and Prof Issa Shivji, Prof Chris Maina Peter. Willy Mutunga... and all comrades.

It was great while we were in Dar, Prof Haroub also wellcomed as students and non-students , peasnts , workers... etc to enter in classes Dar es Salaam University , If we wished... to learn a bit... a privilege today reserved for middle class family...
He inspired my hope... that university education can be democratised and qualification and acess to the university education be only the desire to learn.

Am sure Cabral, Fanon and Walter Rodney... will well come his remains in the... Immortal intellectuals revolutionary square in the soil of africa and Latin America...for the south- south students. Aluta Continua... Mwalimu.
- GACHEKE GACHIHI

Transition of a titan: Professor Haroub Othman

Don Deya

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/57396

On Monday 29 December 2007, as the full import of the detestable electioneering, acrimonious elections, contested election results, the furtive, evening 'swearing in', the accompanying media clampdown and the rumblings of all-out war were tumbling down upon us, I was in Nairobi, receiving a flurry of phone calls, text messages and emails from friends all over the world. Commiserations, lamentations, remonstrations and damnations. One phone call was different. It was from Professor Haroub Othman. In his usual inspiring, self-effacing manner, he asked me 'Don, I have seen what is going on. WHAT do we DO?'

Unlike the majority of callers, and true to his form, style and substance, he was already very clear in his mind WHAT we should DO. He was merely rallying troops, energising friends and refining strategy. Within three short days, he had already organised (with Mama Helen Kijo-Bisimba) a meeting of legal, human rights and advocacy organisations in Dar es Salaam, and a ‘kamukunji’ of scholars of the University of Dar es Salaam. Their statements (‘communiqués’ in diplo-NGO-speak) were shared with local and international media and, more importantly, were delivered to the Kenya High Commission and State House Dar es Salaam. They pre-dated civil society or scholars' statements from anywhere else in the world, including Kenya itself. The influential Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ) Coalition was being formed at precisely the same time as the first of Professor Othman's Dar es Salaam parleys, and was comforted by his efforts. Meanwhile, in the streets and parks of the city, angry citizens and politicians battled with frenzied police officers for their right to protest.

I earnestly believe, and have passionately propagated, that those early exertions helped ensure that ‘officialdom’ in Dar es Salaam took a more cautious, pragmatic and long-term view on how to address the unfolding situation in Kenya than did, for example, ‘officialdom’ in Kampala. This was the ‘without-which-not’ that helped veer the ‘narrative’ in Kenya from hurtling down the precipice towards prolonged civil strife or state collapse. In the geo-politics of the region, had the president or government of Tanzania taken a similar line as did the president of Uganda, the trajectory of the conflict – and the prospect for an early cessation of hostilities – could or would have been different. Unfortunately – or possibly fortunately – these are the nuances that the prominent story-tellers (such as the mainstream media) often miss.

Such was the man. The professor. The activist. A sophisticated city gent with an amazing grassroots and rural touch. Knowledgeable, knowing and known. Wise, skilled, experienced. Self-assured and quietly assertive, yet so humble to a fault. A strategic thinker, who published prolifically, networked furiously and patiently planted small seeds now that would reap whirlwinds later. One of a diminishing breed of genuine, gentle, generous pan-Africanists who could see clearly where we were coming from and what we urgently needed to do in order to get to where we so desperately need to go. An age-less, agile and dynamic pragmatist. A breath of fresh air from the suffocating pseudo-nationalists and debilitating vampire entrepreneurs who corruptly prey upon our communal, national and regional treasures (and their glib apologists). A person indeed. A titan indeed. A hero indeed.

Never seeking the truly deserved glories for his efforts, Prof was a prime mover of the East African Community Civil Society Organisations' Forum (EACSOF) which he chaired from its inception until his untimely demise; also (with Professors Chris Maina Peter and Edward Frederick Ssempebwa) the colloquium of eminent legal and other scholars on the EAC; and the nascent Eastern African Access to Justice Network. Among many, many other things!

I am out of words. This is a great loss: to his family, to the Zanzibaris, Tanzanians, East Africans, Africans and the world at large. It is also a great loss to me, and to my family, for he was a mentor and a friend. Prof, in the days to come we will name our children after you; start schools, scholarships and research fellowships in your name; try as much as mere mortals can to immortalize you. But it will never fill the gaping hole in our hearts, the gap in our social fabric or the rapture in our body politic. Or the decent ‘goodbye’ we wish we had.

Buriani. Fare thee well.

Mwenyezi Mungu amlaze mahali pema peponi. May the Almighty God rest his soul in eternal peace.

Kullu nafsi dhaika tul mauti. Innalillahi wainna ilayhi raajiun. (Kila nafsi itaonja mauti. Sote tumetoka Kwake na sote tutarejea Kwake.) .Every soul shall taste death. We surely come from Him and to Him we shall all return.

* Don Deya is chief executive officer of the East Africa Law Society.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Review of Lindsay Whitfield's (ed) 'The Politics of Aid'

David Sogge

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/57381

cc Wikimedia CommonsDavid Sogge reviews 'The Politics of Aid: African Strategies for Dealing with Donors'. Edited by Lindsay Whitfield, the book finds that donors continue to call the shots on aid, despite the promise behind new recipient-friendly policies. If anything, donor dominance and influence are becoming even greater.

Who calls the shots in the aid encounter? In the main, it’s the donors. But surely this is now improving, thanks to new recipient-friendly aid policies? Alas, that is not the case. If anything, the dominance of donors and their entanglement in African governance are becoming more intense.

Such are the conclusions, in brief, of this substantial book documenting the findings of a study by a team of researchers at the University of Oxford. The main question: In aid negotiations, particularly since the late 1990s, have recipient African governments gained more power over actual policy outcomes? Given the earnest talk about ‘partnership’ and ‘country ownership’, that’s a good question.

The first chapter casts a critical glance at some of the concepts that are routinely used to explain how recipients and donors behave. The ‘rational actor’ model, for example, sees negotiators as utility maximizers. But this perspective cannot explain much real behaviour, especially of anyone who would question mainstream aid notions such as ‘sound economic policy’. Consequently, the researchers favour a political economy approach, in which donors and recipients are not merely calculating players in a game, but actors whose interests and preferences are driven by ideas, memories and other forces that construct their political contexts.

The second chapter chronicles aid recipients’ loss of sovereignty as driven by the emergence, proliferation and regimentation (supervised from Washington, DC) of aid institutions. By 2000 this process had culminated in what the researchers chillingly but justifiably call a ‘complex conditionality and surveillance regime’. This history recounts some, but by no means all, cases of how recipients have responded – sometimes with collective self-assertion, but mainly with passive resistance – and how they have faced defeat, self-inflicted and otherwise.

The following chapter focuses on the period after 1999, the ‘partnership era’, when the aid industry, eager to restore its legitimacy and spending power, began promoting a new paradigm. This included recipient-formulated strategies meant to address poverty, to fast-track a way out of debt, and to codify new, harmonised, recipient-aligned rules of the game. All of this had the noble aim of getting aid on the high road to effectiveness by putting recipients in the driver’s seat.

Bracketed between these solid introductory chapters and a forceful concluding chapter are eight case studies of sub-Saharan African countries that probe the aid encounter in terms of the participants’ ‘negotiating capital’, negotiating strategies and outcomes.

Have recipient governments in fact taken charge? In all but two cases, the short answer is ‘no’. The governments of Ghana, Mali, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia still have little control over implemented policy. Rwanda’s has only slightly more sovereignty. Their economies remain weak, as do the development visions of their political classes. Their leaders are thus left with little negotiating capital. ‘Ownership’ of policy proves hollow. Recipients are permitted to ‘own’ only those policies that meet donor approval – a concern that triggers yet more intrusive aid conditions, more vigorous indoctrination and deeper penetration and engineering of recipient governments by donors. Under the pretence of ‘ownership’, the elites in these countries accept subordination as a means of maximising aid flows, which can figure usefully in domestic political affairs.

Ethiopia and Botswana, in contrast, have largely defended their sovereignty, and their officials exercise large measures of control over policy. Both governments inherited structural advantages and translated them into negotiating capital. Crucially, they have kept donors ‘out of the kitchen’, thus confirming Joseph Stiglitz’s accounts (not cited in the book) of how both countries improved their economies because they sent the IMF (International Monetary Fund) packing.

This study is part of a research programme on global economic governance, a realm badly needing investigation given the relentless migration of power from national to supra-national levels where the aid system’s commanding heights are found. This convincing book leads to a sobering hypothesis: a precondition for national ‘good governance’ is good global governance.

* Lindsay Whitfield (ed) (2008) 'The Politics of Aid: African Strategies for Dealing with Donors', Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-956017-2.
* This review was originally published by The Broker.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

10th Caine Prize winner to be announced on 6 July

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/57379

The winner of the 2009 Caine Prize for African Writing will be announced on Monday 6 July at a celebratory dinner at the Bodleian Library in Oxford. The Caine Prize, widely known as the ‘African Booker’ and regarded as Africa’s leading literary award, celebrates its 10th anniversary this year. The winner of the £10,000 Caine Prize will be given the opportunity of taking up a month’s residence at Georgetown University, Washington, DC, as a ‘Caine Prize/Georgetown University Writer-in-Residence’. The award will cover all travel and living expenses.

The 2009 shortlist comprises:

- Mamle Kabu (Ghana) ‘The End of Skill’ from ‘Dreams, Miracles and Jazz’, published by Picador Africa, Johannesburg 2008
- Parselelo Kantai (Kenya) ‘You Wreck Her’ from the St Petersburg Review, NY 2008
- Alistair Morgan (South Africa) ‘Icebergs’ from The Paris Review no. 183, NY 2008
- EC Osondu (Nigeria) ‘Waiting’ from Guernicamag.com, October 2008
- Mukoma wa Ngugi (Kenya) ‘How Kamau wa Mwangi Escaped into Exile’ from ‘Wasafiri’ No54, Summer 2008, London.
_
This year the shortlisted writers will be reading from their work at the Royal Over-Seas League on Friday 3 July at 7pm and at the London Literature Festival at the Southbank Centre, on Sunday 5 July at 7pm. There will also be a seminar at the Institute for English Studies, Senate House, University of London, on Wednesday 8 July at 1.30pm.

An interview with Mary Watson

Mildred Kiconco Barya

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/57378

cc caineprize.comWith this year's Caine Prize for African Writing shortlist now announced, Mildred Kiconco Barya interviews Mary Watson, the 2006 winner of the prize. The winner of the 2009 prize will be announced at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, on Monday 6 July.

Mary Watson is the 2006 Caine Prize winner for her short story 'Jungfrau'. Her collection of interlinking stories, 'Moss', was published by Kwela in 2004. She has contributed several short stories to published anthologies, including in translation in Afrikaans, Italian, German and Dutch. She was a lecturer in Film Studies at the University of Cape Town until 2008. Currently she lives in Galway, Ireland.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Why do you write?

MARY WATSON: At the moment, because there isn’t much else I can do. Having resigned from my day job during a global economic recession, I find I have two options: write or be bored silly.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: At what age did you start writing creatively?

MARY WATSON: Five. My first book with illustrations. But I’m not sorry that some of my teen efforts have since been lost.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What was the inspiration behind your story submitted for the Caine Prize?

MARY WATSON: I dreamt the image of the moss garden, and its significance, when I was 16. I dreamt that I wrote it into a book and called it 'Moss'. So, many years later, I did.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How did you know about the Caine Prize?

MARY WATSON: I first heard about the prize in the early 2000s – I’m not sure how. But I remember associating it with Leila Aboulela, whose work I enjoy.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What was your initial response when you won the Caine Prize?

MARY WATSON: It’s hard to recall an initial response a few years on, but what endures is an acknowledgement of the fine talent that was shortlisted with me.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What has been happening or not happening since winning the Caine?

MARY WATSON: I’ve been working on a novel. I worked full-time as a lecturer at the University of Cape Town, and I graduated with my PhD in 2007. I had a baby in May last year and December, I left the university and moved away from South Africa.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to rewrite your submitted story what would you change?

MARY WATSON: I don’t think I could rewrite it. That was one of the first that I wrote, and there is a kind of rawness that I don’t think I could capture now even if I tried.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How often do you revise or redraft your stories?

MARY WATSON: A lot. I work in small detail.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your take on writing?

MARY WATSON: That it’s hard, lonely work. I’m a bit suspicious about the loftier ideas about writing, the whole tortured artist thing. The only torture for me is remaining seated at my desk trying to capture ideas, moods and images, and then communicating them without them seeming contrived, and without eating too many biscuits.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: How do you deal with a writer’s rejections?

MARY WATSON: The same way I deal with praise: don’t let it get to me too much.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: Apart from writing, what else do you do and why?

MARY WATSON: We moved to Ireland at the beginning of this year. So much of 2009 has been about resettling and looking after my little boy who has just turned one. I loved living in Cape Town so the move has been a big adjustment. Becoming a mother and then leaving home in the same year means that the ground beneath my feet doesn’t feel quite so secure – my old life has completely changed. And writing has become even more important than ever—it’s one of the things that links me to the time before. And it’s one of the things that, at least for now, I do for myself. It’s a small bit all for me, which I find vital when I’m on 24-hour call for an adorable but not yet reasonable little boy.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What’s your best quote?

MARY WATSON: I have a thing about first lines and a favourite is from 'Tracks' by Louise Erdrich: 'We started dying before the snow, and like the snow, we continued to fall. It was surprising there were so many of us left to die.' It’s a wonderful way to start a book and she writes, as I did with 'Moss', interlinking short stories but hers are largely set in American Indian communities.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: List your favourite five books.

MARY WATSON: These change every week or so. At the moment, 'Goodnight Moon' and Sarah Water’s new book top my list. I loved 'The Little Stranger' – it has so many resonances with the book I’m working on. An old favourite is 'The Monk' by Matthew Lewis.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: What genre do you read most and why?

MARY WATSON: I read a very wide range; it depends on my mood. I need to read good, well-written books because these inspire my own writing – it’s a bit like having a dialogue – but I also read detective novels because I love good plots, and intelligent chick-lit because they make me laugh out loud.

MILDRED KICONCO BARYA: If you were to have powers of a genie what two things would you change?

MARY WATSON: I would wish for a magic transporter, not a carpet, more like in Star Trek, a 'beam me up Scotty machine' so I can move between Cape Town and Galway in the blink of an eye. And a time contracter/expander so that I can fit more into a day and speed up the bits I don’t like.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

What about the children?

Bev Reeler

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/57377

On Friday the Tree of Life team sat with parents from Epworth and Whitecliffe communities and heard about their fears for their children.

This time last year
when the youth militia rampaged through their neighbourhoods in ‘preparation’ for the elections
the children went through the most terrifying ordeals one can imagine.
They were taken to the militia bases,
they watched their mothers being raped,
their fathers beaten and tortured
and they were beaten and raped themselves
they watched their houses being burned down
and their parents killed

the fabric of their lives destroyed

and a year later they still live in the ashes
with old memories haunting their dreams

Nothing has been done for the children

‘They visited hell’ said one mother who had her 8 year old son taken for 3 months
‘and they still live in fear – for it has not gone away
they are still training the militia for the next elections’

And then we began speaking of the healing
and of Chiyedza offering her skills in drama and counselling
to go out to the communities to help teach new ways of working
We heard people offer their small houses as venues
and their time to learn techniques of counselling
These people who have been stripped of their livelihoods
volunteering to help protect the orphans
and repair the damage
what little they had – they were prepared to share.

‘For these children are the parents of the new generations’ they said

Utterly shaken we came out of the meeting
to the news that the years funding we had asked for
had been reduced to a bridging loan for 3 months

Throughout civic society
those groups who, on meagre budgets, have helped with the healing
and with gathering the orphans
the groups that help hold the dignity of the nation
are struggling to survive

'there is no money for Zimbabwe (global economic crisis/ unstable government/uncertainty/hold up in funding/etc.) sorry for that'

so we have to wait
wait for the children
a year
a lifetime

It is mid-winter
the leaves are falling
the grass is dry
beige-gold world lit by the first crimson lucky bean trees
and filled with butterflies

* This poem was originally featured on Kubatana.net.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

What African bloggers say about Michael Jackson

Sokari Ekine

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/57399

The week Michael Jackson died, the media came to a standstill for three days, including dropping the Green Revolution like a bag of hot coals. Twitter and Facebook followed suit in the biggest media hyped death since the advent of 24-hour news, social networks and online media. On the social networks, there appeared to be three groups – those who ignored it completely, those who joined in the mourning and the few who tentatively dared to decent to the remaking of MJ as Black man who was a victim of racism from record companies and the media (referring to allegations of child molestation).

Despite the risk of being accused of committing sacrilege, I do not wish to dwell on MJ and his musical genius and flawed self. But for those who are interested in what African bloggers were saying, they can go to African bloggers pay tribute to Michael Jackson, published on Global Voices.

Having said that there is one particular post that stands out from the weeping and wailing at the loss of one musical icon. Koluki - K Faktor uses two videos to deconstruct the ‘formation and deformation’ of MJ and the future (struggle) of race in America.

The Zeleza Post takes an unusual and critical look at Civil Society discourse in Africa:

‘The civil society discourse ignored the realities that neither the state nor civil society has a monopoly on political truths, on either virtue or vice. As the pages of history around the world including Euroamerica drenched with civil conflict and unrest have amply demonstrated, civil societies can be uncivil. This is the subject of Celestine Monga's interesting reflections on the difficulties of defining civil society, which social realms and actors to include in its conceptual and ethical bosom, and how to assess the role of civil society and the production of social capital in both the generation and decomposition of democracy.’

App+Frica points to two recent articles on the ‘scientific realities of the African continent’ and Africa’s possible contribution to the overall sustainability of the increasing world population.

The first, published last year argues that the vastly uninhabited regions of the northern continent where the Sahara desert stretches, could be used to build massive solar farms that could theoretically power the whole planet. The second, published more recently, suggests that Africa could also feed most of the world’s population with its vast stretches of fertile soil and uninhabited land.

The Arabist reinforces the fickleness of the media and blogosphere with these two cartoons of Western hypocrisy over the Green Revolution in Iran.





A year after the xenophobic attacks, mainly against Zimbabweans, which took place in South Africa, Sokwanele reports the harassment of foreigners by Johannesburg police. The report was sent by a Zimbabwean living in SA:

‘I met three guys, so they showed me their police cards and demanded to search me. Since they were police I accepted and they did their work very fast. When they finished, I think they wanted unlicensed guns because here in Johannesburg robbers carry guns. They asked me questions like where am I going, what is your name only to identify which language to speak. They know that most of those who speak Zulu here in Johannesburg chances are high to be Zimbabwean. I am very fluent in Zulu because Zulu and Ndebele are almost the same and I have spent seven years here in South Africa of which the two years I was in KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.’

Last Monday evening Channel 4 [UK] television broadcast a new series Inside Nature’s Giants which exposes anatomical secrets of the some of the animal kingdom’s largest species. The first to be dissected was the elephant. We found that elephants are in fact very human in that they mourn the loss of their loved ones and even bury them if they can.

With this new evidence to hand, I was even more saddened to read this story from Gorilla CD about the killing of animals including elephants, chimpanzees, antelopes and hippos in the Congo National Park, by militants.

To put the killings in perspective, in 1987 there were 27,000 hippos. Now there are less than 300. No doubt without an end to the fighting in a few years there will be no hippos left in the Congo National Park. This is not to make comparisons with the violence which has impacted on human life but to recognise that those in the animal world also have a right to life and are part of the great ecological system in which we all should be free to live in.

White African reports on the release of new mobile phone applications developed in Uganda by the Grameen Foundation’s AppLab.
- Farmer’s Friend: a searchable database with both agricultural advice and targeted weather forecasts
- Health Tips: provides sexual and reproductive health information
- Clinic Finder: helps locate nearby health clinics and their services
- Google Trader: matches buyers and sellers of agricultural produce and commodities as well as other products. Local buyers and sellers, such as small-holder farmers, are able to broaden their trading networks and reduce their transaction costs. (known locally as ‘Akatale SMS’)

Black Looks links to an article by Wole Soyinka on the proposed amnesty offered by the Nigerian government to the Niger Delta militants:

‘The attempt in some quarters to confuse issues by refusing to separate the principled militants, such as members of MEND and its affiliates, from the opportunistic mercenaries and criminals, has always struck me as dishonest and diversionary.

‘Extortionists? Hostage takers? Thrill killers? Since when was any liberation movement throughout history exempt from its quota of deviants! Was the Nigerian Federal Army itself even free of such human dregs when it was launched to prosecute a war dedicated, with all due sanctimoniousness, to “keeping the nation one”. We shall bypass for now, the question of what, and whose nation it has proved – an imperial delusion, or the genuine product of a people’s will?’

* Sokari Ekine blogs at Black Looks
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

Africa-China relations: Strengthening symmetry with soft power

Adams Bodomo

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57385

INTRODUCTION[1]

Scholars on Africa-China relations engage in much debate about the exact genesis of the relationship. Two important periods and events, one in distant political history – the travels of Admiral Zheng He of Yunnan in the Ming dynasty (in the 1400s) to Africa, the other a relatively recent political event – the Bandung Conference of 1955, are often evoked by Afro-Sinologists and Sino-Africanists to mark the beginnings of Africa-China relations. Whatever date is established as the real beginning, Africa-China relations have suddenly gathered steam since the turn of the Century. The relationship has been marked by high-level travels by Chinese leaders to African capitals and high level travels by African leaders to Beijing. There are now even biennial Forums on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) gatherings alternating between Beijing and African capitals.

Why is it that this relationship has all of a sudden gathered momentum, what are the major issues involved in this momentum; who is driving the relationship, are there equal benefits or is the relationship skewed in an asymmetrical fashion to the benefit of one partner over the other? If there is this tendency how can one redress this; what is the role of soft power or cultural diplomacy as a solution to this?

These are some of the questions that this paper will address. We will claim that the view that there is an asymmetry skewed in favour of China has been largely exaggerated and that there are even areas in which Africa plays a greater role than China. We will then propose strategies for ensuring that the symmetry is well achieved and sustained. These strategies will involve prominent African economies like South Africa, Egypt, and Nigeria playing counter-balancing roles in the Africa-China relationship in order to sustain symmetry.

A GOLDEN ERA OF AFRICA-CHINA RELATIONS

Three main facts indicate that Africa-China relations have begun a golden era. The first is the fact that there are very high-level political visits and meetings at ministerial and even head of state levels involving the Chinese and African governments. President Hu Jintao has visited Africa three times already since coming to power and many state ministers have followed suit. In 2006 there were more than 40 African heads of state gathered in Beijing for the FOCAC, the largest gathering of African heads of state outside of the UN.

Second, trade has all of a sudden increased to such an extent that China is now the second largest trading partner to Africa after the United States, beating well-established partners like Britain and France. Investments by Chinese governments and businesses in Africa have almost tripled in value since 2000.

A third fact signalling the booming of relations between Africa and China is the rapid establishment of African and Chinese migrant communities in both continents, as has been described in many works such as Large (2008), Bertoncello and Bredeloup (2007), Bodomo (2007a, 2007b, 2008), Li (2007), and Sautman and Yan (2007).

These facts all signify what may be described as golden era of cordial diplomatic relations between Africa and China, involving a lot of interaction between not just governments but ordinary Africans and Chinese.

In terms of the reasons for this sudden increase in momentum, we may state, in brief, that China as a fast developing economy has realised that it needs a lot of raw materials such as oil, gold, diamond, and iron ore which Africa has in vast reserves. Africa on the other hand realises that it needs to seek new partnerships for development beyond the Western economies that it has relied on over a long period of time. African countries are thus badly in need of Chinese investment to kick-start their troubled economies.

But the question then arises as to whether we are dealing with an equal partnership within this relationship, or whether it is the case that one or the other of these friends is dictating the relationship. We will examine this in the next section.

IS THE RELATIONSHIP ASYMMETRICAL?

The relations that we have talked about so far have not always been seen to be on equal terms. There is a lot of chatter especially from Western sources that Africa-China relations are asymmetrical in favour of China.

1. ASYMMETRICAL NOMENCLATURE

This may sound true from some angles. For instance, even the very conceptualisation of the relationship designates an unequal nomenclature: The hypothesis here is that more people, writers from all parts of the world, see the relationship as China-Africa rather than as Africa-China.

To test this hypothesis we did a search on three academic databases, the largest and most prestigious Chinese language academic database called CNKI and two of the most prestigious English language academic databases, ISI and SCOPUS, for published articles with either Africa-China/Afro-Chinese or China-Africa/Sino-African as titles. Here are the results:

CNKI (June 24, 2009) (Timespan: 1915-2009):
Africa-China/ Afro-Chinese (feizhong guanxi): One paper (馬哈茂德·阿拉姆, 2006)
China-Africa/ Sino-African (zhongfei guanxi): 139 papers (search in titles), 7 theses (in titles)
- 217 papers (search in keywords)
- 278 papers (search in topics)

ISI (June 24, 2009) (Timespan: 1970-2009):
Africa-China/ Afro-Chinese: One paper (Maswana, 2009)
China-Africa/ Sino-African: Eight papers (Large, 2008; Lagerkvist, 2008; Xiang, 2008; Zhan, 2008; Xu, 2008; Liu, 2008; Taylor, 2008; Lin, 2004)

SCOPUS (June 24, 2009) (Timespan: 1960-2009):
Africa-China/ Afro-Chinese: Two papers (Mohan & Power, 2009; Anonymous, 1976)
China-Africa/ Sino-African: Fourteen papers (Large, 2008; King, 2008; Xiang, 2008; Liu, 2008; Lagerkvist, 2008; Shiming, 2008; Xu, 2008; Breslin, 2008; Taylor, 2008; Taylor, 2007; Naidu, 2007; Hofmann et al, 2007; Large, 2007; Seddon, 2006)

CNKI:
‘zhongfeiguanxi’ as keyword: 135 entries
‘zhongfeiguanxi’ as title: 112 entries
‘feizhongguanxi’ as keyword: 0
‘feizhongguanxi’ as title: 0

As can be seen from the above statistics, there are clearly far more papers with the China-Africa nomenclature, compared to the Africa-China nomenclature. It would therefore appear that evidence from even the nomenclature of the relationship alone tells us that the relationship is seen by most authors (both Chinese and non-Chinese) as more driven by the Chinese than by the Africans.

2. TRADE, ECONOMIC AND INVESTMENT ASYMMETRY

It is, however, mainly from the point of view of issues of economic leverage that the relationship is seen as far more asymmetric in favour of China. In short, the argument as advanced in works such as Broadman (2007) is that China (along with India for that matter) invests more in Africa than Africa invests in China. Broadman cautions: ‘It is imperative that both sides of this promising South-South economic relation address asymmetries and obstacles to its continuous expansion through reforms.’

From the above perspectives, it may therefore seem that there is a serious asymmetric relationship.

However, I argue that this purported asymmetry is rather exaggerated.

3. POLITICAL ASYMMETRY?

One reason why I argue against the asymmetry and claim that it is too exaggerated comes from the political arena. The argument goes that because China is a huge country with a large population of more than 1.3 billion, its relations with an Africa fragmented into 50 plus nations is necessarily and logically asymmetrical.[2] There are problems with this view. First, it would suggest that China’s relations with most small nations of the world, some even with smaller populations like Norway’s 4 million people, are necessarily asymmetrical. Second, it ignores the fact that despite having 53 independent countries, African countries often vote, mostly en bloc, on topical international issues.

In fact, and indeed, based on this strong show of unity by the AU in international events, Africa sometimes wields more power than China in international settings. China has actually benefitted on more than one occasion from this strong show of voting unity by the Africans.[3] A good example is how China got the Beijing Olympics awarded it because of an ‘en bloc’ vote by Africa during the International Olympic Committee (IOC) decision-making process. Also, Africa has helped China many times to prevent Taiwan from getting enough UN attention in its bid to gain a UN seat. The first Chinese to head the World Health Organization (WHO), Margaret Chan of Hong Kong, got her post largely because of an overwhelming support from African nations.

Indeed, based on this evidence, a counter-argument may be that even though China is a permanent UN Security Council member, Africa-China relations are asymmetrical in favour of Africa on the political front because of Africa’s massive voting clout at the UN and other international bodies like the IOC, the WHO, and the WTO.

I have in this section argued that concerns about Africa being in an asymmetrical relationship with China are too exaggerated. Seen from an economistic lens, this may appear so[4] but seen more broadly in terms of geopolitics Africa wields some considerable political power that China even benefits from, just as Africa benefits from China’s economic aid and investments in Africa.

This said, Africa and China must still find ways to ensure that there is equilibrium, and a sustainable symmetry in their relationship. I explore a possible path to this with the notion of soft power in the next section.

SOFT POWER

Within International Relations, countries do not only relate to and influence each other through their economic clout and military firepower, they also relate to each other through soft power. What is soft power? Liu (2008) points out that soft power is the term that Chinese scholars tend to prefer to use as a designation for cultural diplomacy which is defined as ‘...that aspect of diplomacy that involves a government’s efforts to transmit its national culture to foreign publics with the goal of bringing about an understanding of national ideals and institutions as part of a larger attempt to build support for political and economic goals.’ (Maack 2001: 3, quoted in Liu 2008). As in indicated in Liu (2008), while Chinese scholars prefer to use soft power with a strong traditional cultural background to describe Chinese cultural diplomacy, western commentators prefer to use the term ‘charm offensive’ (Kurlantzick 2007) to describe China’s engagement with the world.

Whatever we choose to call it and however we choose to view it, soft power or cultural diplomacy offers a promising path for Africa and China to constantly balance the equation and achieve a sustainable equilibrium in their relationship.

CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES

A prominent feature of China’s cultural diplomacy or soft power has been the establishment of Confucius Institutes, not just only in Africa but in many other parts of the world. More than 20 such institutes which teach Chinese language and culture have been opened or will soon be opened throughout Africa, out of a total of some 350 such institutes worldwide.

Confucius Institutes stand a chance of helping Africa-China relations to move away from the skewed economic focus, which is sometimes seen as China’s attempt to grab whatever raw materials and precious natural resources such as oil that it badly needs to feed its fast growing industrial machine. Cultural diplomacy, especially the soft power version of it with Chinese characteristics, would give China a more human face in its relations with Africa.

But there again is a danger of creating an asymmetry if Africa does nothing in return. The question has to be: If China has a soft power policy of establishing Confucius Institutes throughout Africa, what is and where is Africa’s diplomatic policy towards China? Indeed, what is Africa’s overall China policy? Until these questions are answered, even soft power on the part of China would not be an effective solution to maintaining symmetry in Africa-China relations.

I will thus in the next section explore what role some of Africa’s larger economies can play in the search for a symmetry in Africa-China relations.

THE ROLE OF AFRICA’S LARGER ECONOMIES[5]

Given the current economic predicaments that are facing, many, indeed, most African nations, it is largely idealistic and even inconceivable to expect all African countries to counterbalance China’s soft power of establishing Confucius Institutes by setting up their own Cultural institutes in China. Even though it is possible for all African countries to promote their culture in China and to the Chinese, realistically, only a select few can emulate China’s example by setting up their own Language and Culture Institutes. These include South Africa, Egypt, and Nigeria.

South Africa, a country of some 50 million people of diverse ethnic and racial origins, has one of the most advanced economies on the African continent, with GDP of more than US$350 billion and a per capita income of about US$4,000 in 2008. Ever since the Rainbow Nation under the world-renowned Nelson Mandela, turned its back on apartheid, a government measure that practiced a white supremacist policy of keeping races separate before 1994, it has made great economic and political progress on the African continent.

I contend here that, since not all African countries have the economic power to engage China on anything near equal terms on their own individual basis, select economies such as South Africa, among many others, ought to play a greater role in achieving symmetry in Africa-China relations.

It is interesting to note that South Africa is already playing a leading role in advancing Africa-China relations only after 10 years of diplomatic relations with Beijing, since January 1998.

For reasons of space, let me briefly highlight a little known interesting asymmetry. While it has been shown that, overall, Chinese firms have invested more in Africa than have African firms in China, it must be shown that when it comes to South Africa - China relations, actually South African firms have been more successful in penetrating the Chinese market than Chinese firms in establishing themselves on the South African market. The following report by the China Business Frontier (April 2008) newsletter testifies to this:

‘What followed (since the start of diplomatic relations in January 1998) was an initial rush of Chinese investment into the country…However, a general lack of local market knowledge, inexperienced management and a vastly different business culture all contributed to failure of these companies.’

The paper continues:

‘In contrast, South African corporations have been extremely successful in penetrating the often challenging China market. A handful of firms have been ‘industry shapers’ in the Chinese economy – after entering the market in 1994, SAB Miller became the largest brewer by volume in China last year, Naspers is a leading media player…; and Sasol could soon become the single largest investor in China if it goes ahead with two coal-to-liquid projects in China.’

What this has shown is that South Africa has played and will continue to play a major role on the economic front towards symmetry in Africa-China relations.

MANDELA INSTITUTES

But South Africa can do more. I propose that to counterbalance China’s charm offensive or rather to reciprocate its soft power, African countries should aim at setting up African cultural institutions in China. Each African country should try to set up at least one institute with its favourite designation. For South Africa, I propose that the most apt designation should be the Mandela Institute. This would be a cultural institute teaching South African languages and cultures and spreading Mandela’s policy of rapprochement between races and all peoples of the world.

Egypt with its population of 90 million and an annual GDP of more than US$450 billion is Africa’s second largest economy. In addition, Egypt has a long history and is world famous for its prominent historical and archaeological relics such as the pyramids. Obviously, Egypt is capable of playing a major role in championing Africa’s soft power initiatives in China.

Nigeria with a population of 150 million is Africa’s most populous country, with about one in six Africans being a Nigerian. It has the largest economy in West Africa, with an annual GDP of some US$300 billion in 2008, giving it a GDP per head of about US$2000, which makes it an emerging market and a middle-income economy. Undoubtedly, like South Africa and Egypt, Nigeria has the capacity to champion Africa’s soft power politics in China by establishing African Cultural Institutes in China, and using whatever name that may project their national heroes. These institutes would be best conceived in very pan-African terms, and even though individual countries may champion the funding, it would even be best if pan-African institutions championed the funding, though this approach may not be the most effective.

Indeed, even African countries with less endowed economic capacities can work with Chinese Universities and other institutions of higher learning to set up African Studies Institutes in China that can house some of their national cultural centers. In this sense, the newly started University of Hong Kong African Studies Program and similar programs in mainland China, such as the Zhejiang Normal University Institute of African Studies and the Yunnan University Centre of African Studies can assist African governments if adequate memorandums of understanding (MoUs) are signed between African governments, the Chinese government, and the Universities.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, in this paper, I have discussed two important notions within contemporary Africa-China relations, symmetry and soft power, and shown how soft power can be used by both Africa and China to strengthen a symmetric relationship between the two entities. I have argued that the notion that Africa-China relations are asymmetrical in favour of China is a largely exaggerated notion. I have pointed to cases in which Africa has shown enough political muscle to counterbalance international decisions in favour of China, just as China is helping Africa through aid and favourable investments. The relationship is thus largely symbiotic and mutually beneficial.

I have also argued that despite this exaggeration, measures must be taken to ensure that the relationship maintains a sustainable equilibrium, and soft power or cultural diplomacy offers a promising path to maintaining, sustaining and even strengthening such equilibrium and a relationship with a human face.

Finally, I have proposed that prominent economies on the African continent such as South Africa, Egypt, and Nigeria have an important role to play in ensuring a symmetrical relationship in which Africa can also take part in a symmetrical cultural diplomacy with China, such as in the setting up of pan-African cultural institutes in China.

* Adams Bodomo is associate professor of Linguistics in the School of Humanities at the University of Hong Kong and coordinator of the University's African Studies Programme.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.

NOTES

[1] Versions of this research have been presented at various places including the Roundtable on South Africa – China Relationship, Faculty of Social Sciences, HKU, November 3, 2008; and external talks at Yale University, USA and Zhejiang Normal University, China. I thank the audience at all these places for discussion of various issues presented here.
[2] This was a view expressed by Joshua Eisenmen of the American Foreign Policy Council during a debate with this author during a Hong Kong Radio (RTHK) discussion on Dec 12, 2007.
[3] I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for supporting and confirming this position with the following statement: ‘The Chinese government has stated that ‘Africa needs China and China needs Africa,’ but Chinese Africanists have more forthrightly recognized that ‘China needs Africa more than Africa needs China.’
[4] But even here, it may be argued, as pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, that while the economic relationship may be seen as asymmetrical in the sense that most African exports to China are primary products and most Chinese exports to Africa are manufactured goods, China does not yet have a role comparable to that of the West in prescribing and thus determining economic policies for African states. Indeed, China may on balance, contribute to Africa’s economic development in mutually beneficial terms. Therefore, the view, often entertained in some academic and media analyses of Africa-China relations, that the relationship is ‘neo-colonial’, meaning that China is acting as a new colonial power in Africa, is highly problematic.
[5] In an earlier article (Bodomo 2009), I had singled out South Africa and highlighted its role as the one country in Africa that could most effectively counterbalance China’s soft power. Discussions at various fora since then have pointed to the fact that one ought to highlight larger economies such as those of Egypt and Nigeria. Even hough I had alluded to these and many more in that article, I now find space to build on that research and clearly outline the roles of these other two larger economies as well in this regard.

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Bodomo, A. B. (2007b) ‘The emergence of African communities in Hong Kong and mainland China’. Invited Paper for Africa Table, Stanford University African Studies Centre (May 23rd, 2007b)
Bodomo, A. B. (2008) ‘Africa-China relations in an era of globalization: the role of African trading communities in China.’ Invited Paper, Symposium on China-Africa Cooperation in the Context of Globalization, Shanxi University, Taiyuan, (October 15 - 19, 2008)
Bodomo, A. B. 2009 Africa-China relations: symmetry, soft power, and South Africa. The China Review: An Interdisciplinary Journal on Greater China. Vol 9, no 2
Breslin, S., Taylor, I. (2008) ‘Explaining the rise of 'human rights' in analyses of Sino-African relations’. Review of African Political Economy 35 (1), pp. 59-71.
Broadman, Harry. (2007) Africa’s Silk Road: China and India’s New Economic Frontier. World Bank.
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King, K. 2008. The Beijing China-Africa summit of (2006) ‘The new pledges of aid to education in Africa’. China Report. 43 (3), pp. 337-347.
Hofmann, K., Kretz, J., Roll, M., Sperling, S. (2007) ‘Contrasting perceptions: Chinese, African, and European perspectives on the China-Africa summit’. Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft (2), pp. 75-90 & 191-192.
Kurlantzick, Joshua. (2007) Charm offensive: How China’s Soft Power is Transforming the World. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Lagerkvist, J. (2008) ‘Chinese views on Africa's development and Sino-African cooperation’. Contemporary Chinese Thought 40 (1), pp. 3-10.
Large, D. (2007) ‘A 'Chinese scramble'? The politics of contemporary China-Africa relations’. African Affairs 106 (422), pp. 141-143.
Large, D. (2008) ‘Beyond ‘dragon in the bush’: The study of China-Africa relations.’ African Affairs. Vol 107, 45-61.
Li ZG, Xue DS, Michael Lyons, and Alison Brown. (2008) ‘Ethnic enclave of transnational migrants in urban China: A case study of Xiaobei, Guangzhou’ (paper draft, 2008).
Lin, J. (2004). ‘South-South transfer: A study of Sino-African exchanges’. Contemporary Chinese Thought 40 (1), pp. 96-98.
Liu, H. (2008) ‘Sino-African exchanges: The importance of the history of civilizations’. Contemporary Chinese Thought 40 (1), pp. 73-82.
Liu Haifang. (2008) ‘China-Africa relations through the prism of culture – The dynamics of China’s cultural diplomacy with Africa’. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs. No 3: 9 – 43.
Liu, H.W. (2008) Sino-African Exchanges The Importance of the History of Civilizations. Contemporary Chinese Thought. 40 (1), pp. 73-82.
Maack, Mary Niles. (2001) ‘Books and Libraries as Instruments of Cultural Diplomacy in Fancophone Africa during the Cold War’ Libraries and Culture, vol 36, no 1(Winter 2001): 58-86.
Maswana JC. (2009). ‘A Center-Periphery Perspective on Africa-China’s Emerging Economic Links’. African and Asian Studies. 8 (1-2), pp. 67-88.
Mohan, G., Power, M. (2009) ‘Africa, China and the 'new' economic geography of development’. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography. 30 (1), pp. 24-28.
Naidu, S. (2007) ‘The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC): What does the future hold?’. China Report 43 (3), pp. 283-296.
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Taylor, I. (2007) ‘Governance in Africa and Sino-African relations: Contradictions or confluence?’. Politics 27 (3), pp. 139-146.
Taylor, I. (2008) ‘Sino-African relations and the problem of human rights’. African Affairs 107 (426), pp. 63-87.
Xiang, Z. 2008. ‘From Sino-African Relations Comes a Steady Stream of Enlightening Guidance’. Contemporary Chinese Thought. 40 (1), pp. 11-28.
Xu, W. (2008) ‘Viewing the development of Sino-African relations in light of the Sino-African cooperation summit meeting’. Contemporary Chinese Thought 40 (1), pp. 44-55.
Zhan, SM. (2008) Conference Convened on ‘Sensitive Issues in Contemporary Sino-African Relations’. Contemporary Chinese Thought. 40 (1), pp. 29-31.

South Africa's trading environment and FTA prospects with China

Ron Sandrey and Hannah Edinger

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/57384

cc _dorothy_With South Africa exploring the possibility of entering into a free trade agreement (FTA) with China, Ron Sandrey and Hannah Edinger consider the pros and cons. The authors also explore some of the non-tariff barriers impeding trade, and the substantial discrepancies between China's reported imports from South Africa and South Africa's reported imports to China.

The Trade Law Centre for Southern Africa (TRALAC) recently updated and extended our article on South Africa's trading relationships with both China and India, and in particular how these relationships may be advanced by the adoption of a free trade agreement (FTA) between South Africa (or, more properly, the Southern African Customs Union agreement (SACU)) and China and India respectively. The TRALAC book[1] starts with a section that carefully outlines the background as to the reason for the need to examine the trading relationships with China and India and to stress that continually exploring ways of enhancing these relationships is important. Crucially, the global trading environment is a rapidly changing one – notwithstanding the apparent abeyance of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its Doha Development Agenda (DDA) round – with virtually all countries in the world actively involved in bilateral and regional negotiations in some form or other. These groupings of interest include South Africa itself and the complex relationship that it has under the terms of the SACU agreement of 2002.

Reinforcing the need to look east for South Africa to enhance its ‘South–South’ trading relationships is the evidence that the book presents showing the data contained in the version 7 Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model database. This data is predicated upon strong gross domestic product (GDP) growth in both China and India through to 2020, and in turn this results in (or is driven by) dramatic increases to Chinese and Indian global trade shares. Conversely, the economies of both the European Union and the United States continue on sluggish growth paths. While tempting to refer to the EU and the US as ‘old’ economies, we suggest that it is the ‘really old’ economies of China and India which have dominated global GDP for at least three-quarters of the previous two millennia that are making steady progress in retaining their positions! An update at June 2009 of the GDP predictions suggests that while growth predictions may have declined for all economies, the relative strength of China has, if anything, been accentuated.

Usually in an FTA analysis the emphasis is on the partners directly concerned. In this case that means China or India on the one side and South Africa on the other. However, given some important factors this FTA analysis needs to be much wider than just a direct two-party analysis. Firstly, the complex institutional relationship that South Africa has with its SACU partners means that SACU must be consulted and considered. Secondly, we acknowledge that China in particular is not recognised as a priority agricultural market for South Africa, but that SACU is actively involved in trade discussions with India. Next, we are aware of the complexities and sensitivities surrounding the textile and clothing imports from China into South Africa, and, finally, given the energetic and strategic manner in which competitor countries are positioning themselves in the massive Chinese and Indian markets, that South Africa must take cognisance of these competitors.

More specifically, the opening section of the book outlines the South African trading environment and sets:

- South Africa’s trade, and especially agricultural trade, in an historical perspective
- South Africa’s overall trading environment and policies in a regional and global perspective relating to trading agreements
- China’s and India’s bilateral and regional FTA relationships, and how they relate to South African competitors and potential competitors, in perspective.

To assist with this analysis the internationally accepted benchmark GTAP global computer model is used as the analytical tool, and in recognition of the relationship between South Africa and its fellow SACU members of Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BLNS), the analysis includes (but does not report upon, other than in general terms) the other SACU countries.[2] For China the programme starts from the base of an FTA between South Africa and China and then sequentially examines the different defensive and offensive alternatives vis-à-vis the strategy of competitor countries. Next the focus is on the agricultural sectors followed by the increasing importance of non-tariff barriers (NTBs) as constraints to trade – a scenario where reductions in NTBs for South African imports into China are reduced is presented. This results in welfare gains that are double the baseline FTA scenario results. For India we use the standard GTAP analysis, but concentrate upon the scenario that abolishes all tariffs on both sides except those on gold imports into India. Fully liberalising gold imports into India from South Africa gives results which we consider to be unrealistic.

CHINA

China has become an increasingly important trading partner for South Africa. For the year ending in the third (September) quarter of 2007, China was the second main supplier of imports (behind Germany) and the sixth main destination of exports (behind the US, Japan, ‘unallocated’, Germany and the UK). General and electrical machinery dominates the imports of US$2,356 million, while ores and slag and mineral fuels dominate exports to China. Analysis shows that: a) the reported trade heavily favours China and; b) the exports are more concentrated than the imports. However, data reconciliation between Chinese import data and South African export data shows that there are reasons for the apparent differences – meaning the imbalance is not as large as it seems.

China and South Africa (SACU) have mooted entering into a free trade agreement (FTA), although there is a degree of apprehension in South Africa about such an agreement. We use version 7 of the GTAP database to assess the welfare and trade gains from the FTA, as determined by merchandise goods access only. The results show that there are comfortable welfare gains to South Africa of $295 million, or 0.21 per cent of real GDP. Negating these are the labour market-related losses to South Africa, where employment falls by 0.13 per cent and the real wage declines by 0.37 per cent, but where at the same time the Consumer Price Index (CPI) declines by 0.86 per cent. These latter changes are a function of the unskilled labour market closures used in the model, so, although indicative, they raise distributional concerns about an FTA with China. The gains to South Africa come from enhanced allocative efficiency and capital allocation in the economy, while losses come from labour-related losses and terms of trade that go against South Africa.

Scrutinising the results reveals that South Africa does gain modestly in the agricultural sector. Enhanced agricultural exports to China of $136 million are concentrated in vegetables and fruit products in primary agriculture and ‘other foods’ in processed agriculture. These increased exports are dominantly ‘new’ exports or trade creation rather than ‘current’ exports or trade diversion away from other destinations. Increased agricultural imports are minimal.

The big action is in the manufacturing sector, where increased manufacturing imports from China are some US$5,493 million, although some US$3,569 million of this is trade diversion away from other sources (leaving new or trade creation imports of a much lower US$1,924). Nearly 40 per cent of these enhanced imports from China are in the textile, clothing and leather (footwear) sectors (TCF), with around half of these TCF imports ‘new’ trade. Output in the apparel sector reduces by a massive 42 per cent as a result of preferential access. Other increases in manufacturing imports from China are spread across all sectors, but with ‘machinery’ the largest single increase outside of TCF. Trade diversion away from other suppliers rather than new imports is more evident outside of the TCF sectors.

Balancing this Chinese intrusion is the fact that manufacturing exports to China increase by US$644 million, and even better exports here increase by US$955 million to other destinations as the South African economy becomes more competitive. This gives an increase of US$1,428 million in global manufacturing exports. These increases are concentrated in chemicals, plastics and rubber, non-ferrous metals, vehicles, general machinery and ‘other manufacturing’.

An alternative scenario is presented whereby a reduction in the non-tariff barriers (NTB) facing South African imports into China is simulated by effectively assessing these barriers equivalent to tariffs of between two and five per cent. The welfare gains for South Africa more than doubled (to US$697 million) with virtually no change to China’s large welfare gains. Importantly, this NTB scenario results in large export increases to China (indeed, almost doubling them overall) with very minor changes in imports. The welcome effect on labour markets is the reduction by half in both employment losses and declines in real wages.

As an extension of this section on the GTAP analysis we introduced a note on a more detailed examination of the FTA results using sector-specific South African models to answer different questions. GTAP is the appropriate model to analyse trade flow between different regions in the world, while the BFAP Sector model illustrates what an FTA means for the sugar farmers and mills in South Africa, and the PROVIDE model shows the relative shift in factor demands and wage rates due to a change in economic activity at a detailed regional and household level using grapes and apples as case studies.

NON-TARIFF BARRIERS

As international tariffs are being reduced, increased attention is being given to the role of non-tariff barriers (NTBs) in impeding trade flows. In many cases these NTBs have been there all the time, but as the tariff barriers have been high, trade has not been extant, and therefore the NTMs have not been visible. In other cases ‘creative’ new barriers are being erected to replace the role of tariffs in protecting markets. Either way, the net result is the same: NTBs are important as they are restricting trade.

Recognising that the estimates we used for simulating NTBs in the Chinese market, TRALAC extended the recent research paper of Sandrey and Edinger with another survey of exporters to identify these NTBs facing South African agricultural exporters to China. This survey found that the biggest non-tariff barriers that South African exporters face when exporting to China are:

- Sanitary and phytosanitary requirements – strict SPS standards and high protocol on fruit quality which are viewed by exporters as being unnecessary, and the lack of a phytosanitary agreement between China and South Africa which is resulting in indirect shipments to Hong Kong via the gray channel not following the direct route to China.
- Cold chain sterilisation requirements where products are subjected to very long periods of cold treatment which can arguably damage the quality and the shelf life of the product, and the costs associated with these requirements that are extremely high and increasing.
- We also found that perhaps cultural differences do not receive enough attention. This is of course a cost of doing business and not an NTM as such, but more emphasis needs to be placed on this factor.

THE DATA UPDATE

The objective of this section is to update the trade data between South Africa and China through to the end of March (quarter 1) 2009. The source is the World Trade Atlas data, with both Chinese and South African data used. Figure 1 shows the reported South Africa quarterly trade data expressed in millions of US dollars over the period of the first quarter of 2004 through to and including the first quarter of 2009. South African imports from China have been consistently above South African exports to China over the period. Imports steadily increased through to US$2,817 million during the third quarter of 2008 before declining to US$1,895 million in the first quarter of 2009. Exports to China were flat through to the fourth quarter of 2006 before increasing to US$1,454 million during third quarter of 2008, before falling sharply and then recovering.

Figure 1: South African trade data for China, US$ million


Source: World Trade Atlas data

However, as noted above in the general trade analysis, there is a reconciliation problem between South Africa and China for the South African exports/Chinese imports. This is shown in Figure 2, where the lower line is the South African exports as shown in Figure 1 but the top line is the Chinese import data. The latter has been consistently above the former through until first quarter 2009.

Figure 2: South African exports/Chinese imports, US$ million


Source: World Trade Atlas data

In exploring why there is a difference between South Africa’s reported exports to China and China’s reported imports from South Africa we turn to Table 1 which shows the reported data for the top six export HS lines from South Africa for both South African export and Chinese import data.

Table 1: South African exports/Chinese imports for 2008 and first quarter (1st Q) 2009. US$ million and % shares


Source: World Trade Atlas data

Table 1 confirms that Chinese import data was nearly double South African import data for 2008, but was actually below for the first quarter of 2009. Much of the difference during 2008 was in iron ores, where Chinese data includes the cost of freight, and in platinum. Also shown is that diamonds, while not included in South African export data are in Chinese import data (one explanation may be that they have been cut and polished in a third country but recorded by China as being of South African origin).

* Ron Sandrey is research associate. Hannah Edinger is a senior economic researcher based with the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University.

NOTES
[1] This book 'South Africa’s way ahead: Looking East' is available at www.tralac.org under 'publications' in either electronic form or a hard copy by request.
[2] Ron Sandrey and Hans Grinsted Jensen, 2009 ‘SACU, China and India: the implication of FTAs for Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BLNS)’ tralac Working Paper No 1, 2009 at www.tralac.org under ‘Publications’ then 'Working Papers’.

Civil Society constitutional convention reject use of Kariba draft

2009-07-03

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news030709/civilsoc030709.htm

The co-chairperson of the Parliamentary Select Committee on constitutional reform, Douglas Mwonzora, on Friday said comments made by Robert Mugabe that the new constitution must be anchored on the Kariba Draft, were just a reflection of Mugabe’s personal view point. Mwonzora told over 2,000 delegates attending the ‘2009 people’s constitutional convention’ that Mugabe’s views were not binding on the constitution-making process. During a question and answer session many delegates had voiced concern that Mugabe was imposing the Kariba draft on the people.

Commonwealth meeting set to pave way for readmission

2009-07-03

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news030709/commonwealth030709.htm

A meeting of a Commonwealth committee on Zimbabwe, which is set to host a roundtable discussion in South Africa next week, could pave the way for the possible readmission of the country into the 54-nation grouping. The group of former British colonies suspended Zimbabwe in 2002 after the widespread violence that characterised, and ultimately cemented, the result of the presidential elections that year. Zimbabwe then quit the grouping in 2003 after then South African President Thabo Mbeki failed to get the suspension lifted.

MDC may quit over new powers for Mugabe

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/m7pw53

The troubled unity government of Zimbabwe is locked in a "make or break" battle over the constitution that could see the party of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai walk out. Members of Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) boycotted a cabinet meeting led by Robert Mugabe, but sources in the former opposition group said they were not yet ready to disengage.

Minister denies that the CIO abducted activists

2009-07-04

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=21132

State Security Minister Sydney Sekeramayi stunned a Harare Court by denying that the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) was involved in the abduction of opposition and human rights activists, including Jestina Mukoko, last year. This is despite his predecessor in the ministry, Didymus Mutasa, admitting earlier this year that he had sanctioned the operation as a matter of state security.

Mugabe meets top US official

2009-07-03

http://zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=5772&cat=1

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe met U.S. Under-Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson on the sidelines of the 13th Ordinary Session of the African Union General Assembly in Sirte, Libya on Thursday. The meeting with Carson was the first time in several years that a senior member of the U.S. administration has met President Mugabe, The Herald said on Friday.

Africa: Africa steps up fight against maternal and child deaths

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/nvwfru

Around the world, a woman dies every minute from pregnancy-related causes. Globally, there are more than 500,000 maternal deaths per year, the majority of which are in Africa where in many places the maternal mortality rate (MMR) is as high as 1,000 deaths per 100,000 live births. And these death threats are only increasing: one in every 16 African women faces the lifetime risk of dying from pregnancy and delivery-related complications, particularly those from marginalized communities and those living in poverty.

East Africa: Uganda to outlaw FGM

2009-07-04

http://tinyurl.com/lsrev5

Uganda will pass a law banning female genital mutilation, which is rampant among pastoralist tribes in the country's eastern region, the president said in a statement on Friday. "The way God made it, there is no part of a human body that is useless," President Yoweri Museveni told a gathering in the eastern Karamoja district.

Global: Supporting gender equality in the context of HIV and AIDS

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/l7y7l5

The European Commission and UNIFEM are embarking on a programme that will be implemented in Rwanda, Kenya, Jamaica, Papua New Guinea and Cambodia. With a total budget of €2,450,353 for three years, the programme will focus on promoting the leadership of HIV-positive women’s groups and gender equality advocates, to ensure that gender equality priorities are identified, realized and budgeted in national HIV and AIDS responses.

South Africa: Media can promote women in sport

Lombe Mwambwa

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/57417

The media flurry surrounding the Confederation Cup over the past few weeks was a small demonstration of what’s in store for Southern Africa next year when South Africa hosts World Cup 2010. Media is an important part of such an event’s success, as well as inspiring future generations of young footballers. However, it does raise the question – where are women in sport? Women and girls continue to be left out of the sporting arena, especially when it comes to media coverage.
The media flurry surrounding the Confederation Cup over the past few weeks was a small demonstration of what’s in store for Southern Africa next year when South Africa hosts World Cup 2010. Media is an important part of such an event’s success, as well as inspiring future generations of young footballers.

However, it does raise the question – where are women in sport? Women and girls continue to be left out of the sporting arena, especially when it comes to media coverage. As the region moves quickly ahead with preparations for next year, it is important to give some thought to how media can also enhance coverage of women in sport, making way for equal inspiration for the continent’s girls.

Media is key to overcoming barriers to women’s participation and progressively achieving gender equality in sport. However, bias still weighs heavily against women, and media often have little, or worse negative, impact on efforts by the women in sport movement to promote women’s and girls’ participation. Media tends to ignore women athletes and the various roles that women play in the sport industry, which reinforces stereotypes, sustains marginalisation, encourages invisibility, and limits involvement.

The media in general tends to be partial towards men, covering women mainly as subjects of sensational stories, for instance as victims of disasters or violence. Moreover, media often excludes women from coverage in traditionally “male spaces,” such as economics, conflict and sport, and tends to focus on their experiences in more traditionally women’s spaces, such as in the home or related to social services.

For example, both the 2005 Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) and the 2003 Gender and Media Baseline Study (GMBS), conducted in Southern Africa by Gender Links in collaboration with Media Institute for Southern Africa (MISA), demonstrated that women constituted less than 10% of news sources in the economics, politics and sport categories. Similarly, South Africa’s Glass Ceiling study of newsrooms found that men constituted 92% of all those assigned to the sports beat.

As with many kinds of coverage about women, even those instances in which women are sources or the focus of news or stories, they often remain subjects, spoken or written about; their story presented through the view of the media persons instead of their own voices. Otherwise, they are reported on in relationship to men, as girlfriends or wives of famous athletic celebrities.

There is also little diversity in the coverage of women in sport. In both print and electronic media, coverage is limited to women in sport who have attained a very high level of achievement such as Zambia’s boxing champion Esther Phiri, South African swimmer Natalie duToit, or Mozambique’s Olympic medallist Maria Lourdes Mutola.

There is almost no coverage of women in sport at lower levels of local competition, and in team sports such as football, netball, handball, hockey, and rugby among others, despite a relatively high participation of women in these sports. Although the achievements of these notable women athletes are commendable, there is also need for more local achievements to receive recognition.

Ironically, the limited coverage of women in sport does not reflect the true situation of women’s participation, not just as athletes but also as administrators and service providers. Media tends to be silent on the diverse role women play as sports administrators, officials and managers of sports facilities, and sports service providers, such as physiotherapists. This is important as it demonstrates the opportunities and the levels that are available in sport for women.

Unfortunately, although journalists should be objective, people staffing media houses also have their own stereotypical attitudes and values that reflect in their work. Unchallenged assumptions about the seriousness of women’s sport contribute to media’s lack of interest. Underlying the focus on male sports are beliefs that women are not involved in serious sport; women are not interested in sport; stories about women in sport will not attract high sales or ratings; and consumers are not interested in women in sport.

All of this unbalanced coverage reinforces the stereotype that sport is for men only and if women engage in sport it should be for fun only, and not as a profession. Further, by not covering women in sport, it appears as though women are not engaging in sport. They become inaccessible, rather than acting as role models and sources of inspiration for other women and girls.

The other missing angle relates to context. Stories rarely reflect the realities of women in sport. For example when the media presents stories about the Women’s National Football Team not performing well at international competitions, it neglects to mention the social, cultural, financial and technical challenges they encounter way before they get to the competition and the limited access to resources they face compared to their male counterparts.

At the same time, women’s sport loses out on resources from the corporate sector as they are not in the media often enough to attract corporate sponsorship. This lack of resources in turn reinforces the challenges of participation opportunities and the cycle goes on.

However, there is opportunity for media to shift from playing a negative role to a positive one. This could include research looking at who is providing information for publication, who consumes and what interests them.

There are also opportunities to develop relationships between the women and sport movement and media to promote collaboration and plan deliberate steps to building space for gender equality in sports coverage. This could also include digging a little deeper and finding out the role that women play in every segment of the sports industry.

Overcoming media bias is vital to promoting women in sport, as media reflects achievements and struggles to improve the position of women in and through sport. Since sport is likely to be the centre of regional attention over the next year, making sure women are part of the excitement is an important part of ensuing that the exciting world of sport benefits everyone.

* Lombe Mwambwa is the General Secretary of the National Organisation of Women in Sport Physical Activity and Recreation (NOWSPAR) in Zambia. This article is part of the Gender Links Opinion and Commentary Service.

Sudan: Women's centers reopen in Darfur

2009-07-03

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=31359

Female internally displaced persons (IDPs) will again be able to learn job skills, take literacy classes and receive awareness programmes on reproductive health after the joint African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) helped reactivate women’s centres at an IDP camp in the Sudanese region.

West Africa: 10,000 girls to be repatriated to Nigeria

2009-07-04

http://www.afrol.com/articles/33631

More than 10, 000 Nigerian girls held captive as sex slaves in Morocco and Libya are to be repatriated, the House of Representatives Committee on Diaspora has revealed in a statement. The girls reportedly from Edo State, the southern part of the country, aged between 13 and 17, had been held captive by sex slave traders, the statement said.

Africa: African leaders slam ICC over Bashir's arrest warrant

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/ljvtwq

African leaders remained united in their condemnation of the arrest warrant against Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir and called such a move a “slap in the face” on the ongoing efforts to restore peace in restive Darfur. The issuance of an arrest warrant against the Sudanese President, Bashir has been a hot issue during the African leaders' meeting in Sirte, central Libya and could end up with a total rejection of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

DRC: Massive Increase in Attacks on Civilians

2009-07-03

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/07/02/dr-congo-massive-increase-attacks-civilians

United Nations-backed Congolese armed forces conducting intensified military operations in eastern and northern Democratic Republic of Congo have failed to protect civilians from brutal rebel retaliatory attacks and instead are themselves attacking and raping Congolese civilians, Human Rights Watch has said. The attacks on civilians from all sides have resulted in a significant increase in human rights violations over the past six months.

Kenya: Bring prosecutions for torture in northeast

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/l9mqnh

Kenyan security forces beat and tortured hundreds of civilians in several communities during an October 2008 disarmament operation in Kenya's northeastern Mandera districts, Human Rights Watch has said in a report. Human Rights Watch called on the Kenyan government to establish an independent inquiry without further delay to investigate and then prosecute those responsible.

Nigeria: Oil industry has brought poverty, pollution to Niger Delta

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/krnjps

The oil industry in the Niger Delta of Nigeria has brought impoverishment, conflict, human rights abuses and despair to the majority of the people in the oil-producing areas, according to a new Amnesty International report. Pollution and environmental damage caused by the oil industry have resulted in violations of the rights to health and a healthy environment, the right to an adequate standard of living (including the right to food and water) and the right to gain a living through work for hundreds of thousands of people.

West Africa: Gambia to compensate 44 Ghanaians

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/l27cso

The government of Gambia is to pay compensation to the families of the 44 murdered Ghanaians in that country in 2005. Ghana's Deputy Information Minister, Samuel Akudzeto Ablakwa, said the two governments arrived at the decision in Libya after a discussion between Presidents Atta Mills and Yahya Jammeh.

Kenya: IRC responds to measles outbreak in camp

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/nvkrk5

The International Rescue Committee is launching an emergency measles vaccination campaign targeting thousands of refugee children in Hagadera camp to contain an outbreak of the disease at the massively overcrowded site. The IRC has confirmed six cases of the highly contagious virus and suspects 19 other cases in Hagadera, one of three overflowing camps in Dadaab, eastern Kenya

North Africa: Egypt shoots dead two Somalis on Israel border

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/mpksfg

In the third shooting incident in less than two weeks on Egypt’s border with Israel, two Somali refugees were shot dead Thursday morning by Egyptian border guards, according to a Somali refugee living in Cairo. He said that the refugees had been attempting to sneak into Israel, but were stopped and shot by Egyptian police before they were able to enter the Jewish state. At least 6 people have been killed on the border in the past month and a half weeks.

Somalia: Over 170,000 uprooted by clashes since May

2009-07-03

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=31315

More than 170,000 people have been displaced from the Somali capital, Mogadishu, since early May when fresh fighting broke out began between Government forces and insurgents, the United Nations humanitarian wing has reported. In addition to those uprooted from their homes, the fighting between Government forces and the Al-Shabaab and Hisb-ul-Islam groups have also led to some 250 deaths, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

Côte d’Ivoire: What is needed to end the crisis

2009-07-03

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=6202&l=1

This latest policy briefing from the International Crisis Group, examines the fragile 2007 Ouagadougou Peace Agreement, which ended five years of fighting and territorial partition between the government and the rebel “Forces Nouvelles”. National and local authorities need to dramatically increase the tempo of electoral preparations, administrative reunification and disarmament of armed groups or the country could slide back into open conflict.

Guinea-Bissau: Elections head for run-off

2009-07-03

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8130659.stm

Elections in Guinea-Bissau to replace assassinated President Joao Bernardo Vieira are to go to a second round, the electoral commissioner says. Mr Vieira was killed in March in apparent revenge for the death of the head of the army in a bomb blast. The two frontrunners from Sunday's vote are the ruling party's Malam Bacai Sanha with 39.6% of the vote and former President Kumba Yala with 29.4%.

Guinea: Former Prime Ministe released

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/nroprw

Former Guinea Prime Minister Dr Ahmed Tidiane Soumare was released on Wednesday morning after being detained for a few hours at Peleton Mobile 3 (PM3), a garrison of the gendarmerie in Conakry, according to his immediate family. The former head of the “broad-based” government under the late President Lansana Conte had been arraigned on Tuesday evening and taken to PM3 as he failed to keep his commitments of making a monthly payment for US$200,000 as promised when he was first arraigned last March.

Niger: UN chief urges restraint, dialogue on crisis

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/mmkun9

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has voiced concern over the political and constitutional crisis in Niger, calling for restraint and political dialogue to resolve the issue. In a statement issued at the UN headquarters in New York, Ban said he was “deeply concerned” about the ongoing political and constitutional crisis in Niger.

Africa: Kenya most corrupt country in East Africa, says poll

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/mkyuot

A survey by an anti-graft watchdog has found Kenya east Africa's most graft-prone nation with a bribe expected or solicited in nearly half of all transactions, followed by Uganda and Tanzania. The inaugural East Africa Bribery Index, according to Reuters yesterday, showed Kenya's police force was the most corrupt public institution with 66.5 per cent bribery rate.

Africa: funding boost for local think tanks

2009-07-04

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=85101

Under a new initiative international donors are backing Africa-based policy research to improve local decision-making on complex global issues with potentially enormous humanitarian consequences like food security and climate change. Led by Canada’s International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and funded by IDRC, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and the Hewlett Foundation, the Think Tank Initiative will provide core funding for 24 African think tanks over 10 years. US$30 million has been made available for the initial five years.

Africa: Stronger agricultural sector 'key to brighter future'

2009-07-03

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=31335

The United Nations Deputy Secretary-General has highlighted the benefits of investing in agriculture, which she stressed is the key to a brighter future for Africa and its people. “Since time immemorial, agriculture has been the cornerstone of development in every region, not just in Africa,” Asha-Rose Migiro told participants at the African Union Assembly in Sirte, Libya.

Global: Civil society scorecard - governments fail the test

2009-07-04

http://www.choike.org/2009/eng/informes/7510.html

At the closing of the UN Conference on the Financial and Economic Crisis and its Impact on Development, governments adopted an outcome document reflecting months of negotiations. The Global Social Economy Group -a coalition of social groups and networks- looked at 7 key issues that civil society deemed crucial for the success of the conference. Although some progress was made on a few issues, the overwhelming majority of outcomes falls far below what is necessary to provide developing countries with the resources and tools they need to deal with the crisis.

Mozambique: IMF approves $176m loan

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/l3ktf6

Barely a week after World Bank gave Mozambique $31 million to help in increasing availability of reliable communication, the country is also to have $176 million loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).The loan is expected to help uplift the southern African country's economy.

Zimbabwe: Government to re-evaluate all mining contracts

2009-07-03

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE5620CP20090703

Zimbabwe will re-evaluate all mining contracts and introduce a "use it or lose it" policy for its mining industry under a proposed law, Finance Minister Tendai Biti has said. The vetting of mining contracts by Zimbabwe's unity government of President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is likely to surprise investors at a time Harare is wooing them to help repair a battered economy.

Zimbabwe: IMF sees 'nascent economic recovery'

2009-07-03

http://zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=5771

The International Monetary Fund said Zimbabwe’s economy may be recovering after a decade of recession. “A nascent economic recovery appears to be underway,” Vitaliy Kramarenko, the IMF Mission Chief for Zimbabwe, said today in a statement. “To sustain positive economic trends and improve living standards, reform and stabilization efforts need to be stepped up.”

Zimbabwe: Stakeholders call for official audit of external debt

2009-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/57446

Stakeholders met on July 1 in Harare to discuss Zimbabwe’s external debt, which threatens the welfare of its citizens who have been ravaged by a deep social, economic and political crisis. The Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (ZIMCODD), a coalition of institutions and individuals focusing on social and economic justice, convened the meeting under the theme “The Economy in Transition Dialogue Conference: Towards a Sustainable Public Debt for Zimbabwe”.
Stakeholders met on July 1 in Harare to discuss Zimbabwe’s external debt, which threatens the welfare of its citizens who have been ravaged by a deep social, economic and political crisis. The Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (ZIMCODD), a coalition of institutions and individuals focusing on social and economic justice, convened the meeting under the theme “The Economy in Transition Dialogue Conference: Towards a Sustainable Public Debt for Zimbabwe”.

The main objective of this initiative was to give various stakeholders including the government an opportunity to deliberate on the country’s current unsustainable debt situation, and collaborate on possible means of effectively managing it in the future. Amongst the stakeholders present was the Minster of Finance, Hon. Tendai Biti who was invited to advise participants of government’s strategy for dealing with Zimbabwe’s public debt in the short to medium term.

Since the government was sworn in early this year, it has launched the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP) to address key issues of economic stabilization. The total resource requirements for the key priority areas outlined in this programme are in excess of USD 8 billion. Unfortunately, the country is not in a position to generate all these resources internally in the short term.

In order to mobilize external resources, the government is actively engaging donor countries and multilateral agencies to reopen external lines of credit, provide grants, and make investments. In their view, the only obstacles to normalizing these relations are the sanctions imposed by the West. Some of these sanctions specifically prohibit voting for the extension of any loans, credit or guarantee to the government of Zimbabwe, or cancellation or reduction of indebtedness of the country to any creditor.

Whilst it is looking forward to receiving external assistance Zimbabwe is saddled with an unsustainably high level of external debt, the bulk of which is owed to multilateral funding agencies. Officially opening the conference, the Minister of Finance said Zimbabwe’s external debt which stands at US$4.6 billion as at 30 June 2009 is unsustainable and detrimental to economic recovery. “At the moment Zimbabwe has no capacity to repay its debt and will not pay”, he said. “Most of Zimbabwe’s external debt stock is in interest owed in arrears to the World Bank, the IMF, and the African Development Bank. The country’s indebtedness...has continued to increase largely due to the recapitalization of interest whilst arrears are escalating due to continued defaults on principal amounts falling due.” Analysts assert that if the debt is not reduced in a, “consistent and systematic fashion, it could balloon to US 7 billion by 2011. New credit lines could also add to this figure significantly.

In response to the government the IMF has announced that there are many outstanding issues which need to be resolved before it and other multilateral funding agencies resume financial assistance to Zimbabwe. Key amongst these issues is the clearance of arrears. The institution has however, agreed to resume technical assistance to targeted areas. It since been reported that the government has announced it would resume debt service on a quarterly basis, as part of these negotiations to reopen these credit lines.

Sarah Bracking of Manchester University presented the findings of a study done in collaboration with Professor Lloyd Sachikonye of the University of Zimbabwe, which gives an incisive historical review ofZimbabwe’s debt profile from the late 1980s to the present day. She also made recommendations on howZimbabwe can deal with odious debt in view of the study’s findings which included options of a campaign for write off or reduction, and alternative sources of development finance.

Another speaker, Vitalice Meja of the African Forum on Debt and Development (AFRODAD) spoke on the ‘illegitimacy’ of IFI lending, as a critical examination of the role of multilateral and bilateral lenders in the creation and growth of odious and illegitimate debt. In his view, Zimbabwe should call for the total and unconditional cancellation of its IFI related debts given the failure of the policy and advice that the World Bank prescribed in the past. He called for the launch of multiple initiatives at international and local level such as the institution of transparent and accountable loan contraction process with clear roles for parliament and civil society and reform of the IFIs to improve on their effectiveness.

Zviko Chadambuka of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), who made a presentation on “The Legal Framework of the Public Loan Contraction and Debt Management in Zimbabwe” noted how the current loan contraction policies of the country give almost exclusive and sweeping discretionary powers in the contraction of new loans to the President and the Minister of Finance. According to him, in the most ideal situation the process by which Zimbabwe agrees to take on loans needs to be opened up to scrutiny by citizen groups and their representatives in Parliament to avoid the build up of unsustainable debts. He said that the current constitutional reform process was an opportunity for civil society to lobby for the inclusion of inclusive and transparent loan contraction processes in the new constitution.

Speaking in his individual capacity, Senator Obert Gutu of the MDC T said that it is imperative for the inclusive government to urgently institute a debt audit. He questioned the logic for the government to ask for US$8 billion to jump-start Zimbabwe's economy whilst avoiding the issue of past debts. He also said that the IFIs had abdicated their fiduciary responsibility to ensure that past loans were properly used. “If the World Bank breaches this fiduciary duty it should be held liable and the debtor nation must be entitled to challenge the odious debt at international law,” he said.

Njoki Njehu of Africa Jubilee South took the meeting through a detailed outline of official and citizens’ debt audit processes using existing precedents. She also profiled the North-South campaign against illegitimate debt and made recommendations to fit the Zimbabwean context on conducting a Citizens’ debt audit.

The conference called for a comprehensive debt audit which will establish among other things, the amounts borrowed, interests accrued, amounts repaid, conditions of lending, reasons for borrowing, use of funds borrowed, loan beneficiaries, historical and ecological aspects of the debt. The findings of the debt audit would form the basis of the case for either repudiation or cancellation. The debt audit will help unlock resources currently earmarked for debt servicing and redirect them towards health service delivery, education, water and sanitation among other social services which are in dire state.

ZIMCODD has been campaigning for a Citizens Debt Audit involving a broad base of civic organisations. At the Peoples’ Convention held in Harare in February 2008, civil society organisations and social movements adopted a resolution on the right of the people of Zimbabwe to refuse repayment of any odious debt as part of the broader Peoples’ Charter.

Africa: AIDS hits health services

2009-07-03

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/BBDEE00A-2FA3-4239-A044-0C976635778E.asp

The HIV/AIDS pandemic has dealt a body blow to the delivery of health care services in countries hard hit by the disease, new research has found. The National Bureau of Economic Research at Princeton University in the United States compared data from national Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) in 14 sub-Saharan African countries – eight in relatively low-prevalence west African countries and the remainder in higher-prevalence east and southern African countries.

Ethiopia: Scale up of early rural infant diagnosis successful

2009-07-03

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/FE7A557C-E565-4CC7-A497-DFFACFE748AC.asp

Establishing and scaling up early infant HIV diagnosis (EID) programmes is feasible in even the most remote parts of Ethiopia, reported Berhanu Gudetta and colleagues in a study at the HIV Implementers’ Meeting, held in Windhoek, Namibia in early June. Renovation of two regional laboratories making DNA PCR testing possible, coupled with the successful use of dried blood spot testing (sometimes referred to as DBS), increased the numbers of infants receiving early diagnosis and consequently improved early initiation of antiretroviral therapy (ART) for infants aged nought to 18 months.

Global: WHO HIV boss warns against two-tier global system of treatment

2009-07-03

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/08585537-2A3F-4121-906B-E2A0B62E84F8.asp

If HIV treatment standards in the global South do not keep up with standards in wealthy nations, history will not judge well current efforts to expand treatment in resource-limited settings, Dr Kevin M De Cock, outgoing head of HIV at the World Health Organization, told the 2009 HIV Implementers’ Meeting in Windhoek, Namibia, earlier this month.

Kenya: Struggling to meet demand for male circumcision

2009-07-04

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=85082

Demand for medical male circumcision has been rising in Kenya's south-western Nyanza Province since it became available as part of a package of HIV prevention services in November 2008. Although local communities do not traditionally practice male circumcision, intensive sensitization programmes by governmental and non-governmental organizations are boosting acceptability.

Lesotho: Nurse-driven, community HIV and AIDS treatment

2009-07-04

http://www.eldis.org/go/topics/resource-guides/hiv-and-aids&id=43878

This report by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) outlines the community-based approach to the decentralisation of HIV and AIDS services. The Wellspring of Hope was the first programme in Lesotho to provide HIV and AIDS treatment and care through an entire health service area as a result of this initiative.

Somalia: Bringing back diaspora expertise, rebuilding governance

2009-07-03

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/NSPR-7TLCCB?OpenDocument

he United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and IOM are joining forces to tap into key technical expertise among the Somali diaspora in a bid to help rebuild key governance foundations in parts of the country. Somalis with professional expertise in policy and legislation, human resources management and public financial management living in North America, the UK and Scandinavia will be targeted for temporary return for an average period of six months to provide on-the-job peer-to-peer training in their respective fields in northern Somalia initially, including Somaliland and Puntland.

South Africa: Young, educated and unemployed

2009-07-04

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=47427

Unemployment among young South Africans is hovering at 30 percent, shooting up to over 60 percent for youths in their late teens and early twenties. But tertiary education and skills development seem not to be making much of a dent in what is now regarded as a crisis. According to a 2008 report by the Centre for Development and Enterprise, a conservative think tank that researches the effect of poverty and unemployment on South Africa's economic growth rate, 65 percent of the four million youths between 15 and 24 that were available for a job in 2005, were unemployed.

Cameroon: Justice department urged to drop charges against gay man

2009-07-04

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=cameroon&id=2186

A gay rights group in Cameroon is calling on the justice department to immediately drop charges against and release Yves Noe Ewane, arrested in May this year, allegedly for being gay. Ewane was charged under sections 74 for criminal intention, 346 for gross indecency and 347 for homosexual conduct under the Cameroonian Penal Code, following a complaint filed against him by the mother of a supposed minor who accused Ewane of having sexual relations with his son.

Global: India decriminalizes gay sex

2009-07-03

http://www.ilga.org/news_results.asp?LanguageID=1&FileID=1267

In a ruling Thursday, the Delhi High Court overturned a 148-year-old colonial law criminalizing consensual homosexual acts saying that it was a violation of fundamental human rights protected under India’s Constitution. In so holding, the court reasoned that “the criminalization of homosexuality condemns in perpetuity a sizable section of society and forces them to live their lives in the shadow of harassment, exploitation, humiliation, cruel and degrading treatment at the hands of the law enforcement machinery … A provision of law branding one section of people as criminal based wholly on the State's moral disapproval of that class goes counter to the equality guaranteed under Articles 14 and 15 under any standard of review.”

Uganda: Government 'will not yield to homosexual pressure'

2009-07-04

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=uganda&id=2183

The government has issued a stern warning to homosexuals and their sympathisers, saying it will not accept practice of unnatural sex even if it means losing out on the much needed donor support. The Minister of Ethics and Integrity, Dr Nsaba Buturo, told journalists at the Uganda Media Centre yesterday that they are ready to forfeit any amount of donor funding that is tagged as a condition to accept homosexuality.

East Africa: Uganda starves its soils

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/nxqpmu

Efforts to guard Uganda against looming food insecurity are held back by government’s failure to encourage and sensitize farmers on what specific fertilizer types to use in order to rejuvenate the increasingly less fruitful soils. Scientists warn that despite availability of some improved seed varieties, soils in the landlocked East African country can no longer produce food sustainably to feed a rapidly growing population.

Liberia: World Bank approves $3.5 million climate change fund

2009-07-04

http://www.afrol.com/articles/33632

The World Bank has approved US$3.5 million for Liberia for its Costal Defense programme which will target three cities including Monrovia, the capital City of Liberia and two other major cities in the country, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) communiqué has said. According to the EPA communiqué, the fund is also targeted to reduce the impact of climate change and build capacity for Liberians on the magnitude of funds needed to tackle climate change.

Rwanda: Water rationing warning as drought bites

2009-07-03

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/ACIO-7TLDP8?OpenDocument

Electrogaz, Rwanda's public utility, is considering water rationing due to shortages caused by a prolonged drought in parts of the country, officials said. Environmental specialists blame the drought on climate change, with erratic rainfall and frequent dry spells combining to increase water shortages.

West Africa: Mali consumes 65 million tonnes of wood per year

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/lec4ay

Mali consumes 65 million tonnes of wood per year, which represents 90% of the country's energy consumption, according to the Malian government. Despite the adoption of a national programme for the increase in the use of butane gas and the Domestic Energy Strategy (SED), wood consumption remains high in the country.

Kenya: Fears over new land deal

2009-07-04

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=47526

Concern is mounting in Kenya that the government has leased a big slice of agricultural land to the Qatari foreign investors to produce food for export. Land rights activists are questioning the rationale of such a move, claiming the land could be used for domestic food production. The activists say that they are privy to information that the government has leased 40,000 hectares of land to the Qatari administration for cultivation of fruits and vegetables for export.

Africa: Food crisis must not be forgotten

2009-07-03

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=31318

The governing body of the United Nations trade and development agency has convened a meeting in Geneva to highlight the need to keep the food crisis affecting Africa from being forgotten as governments focus on tackling the global economic downturn. While the food crisis may not be making the headlines it did last year, food security is still a major concern in many African countries, according to the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

Egypt: Prominent blogger stages sit-in

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/ko2mvr

Wael Abbas, a leading Egyptian blogger and activist who has documented police abuse in the country in recent years, staged a sit-in for 10 hours after security confiscated his computer upon arrival from attending the Talberg Forum in Sweden.

Gambia: African leaders urged to intervene in violations

2009-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57487

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is once again calling on President John Atta Mills and other African leaders currently meeting in Sirte in Libya to condemn the systematic campaign being waged by President Yahya Jammeh’s administration to undermine media freedom and freedom of expression in The Gambia.
Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is once again calling on President John Atta Mills and other African leaders currently meeting in Sirte in Libya to condemn the systematic campaign being waged by President Yahya Jammeh’s administration to undermine media freedom and freedom of expression in The Gambia.

The MFWA also calls on Heads of State to impress upon President Jammeh to unconditionally drop all criminal charges preferred against seven Gambian journalists and Press Union executives standing trial following their criticism of President Jammeh for speaking ill of slain editor, Deyda Hydara. The Gambian Press Union (GPU) currently cannot operate inside The Gambia.

The accused persons were arrested separately on June 15 detained for more than the seventy two hours without appearing in court as the country’s constitution stipulates, and were hurriedly arraigned before a magistrate court without their counsels. Initially, the magistrate court ordered them to reappear on July 7, 2009 but surprisingly, the authorities instead summoned them to reappear on July 3. The case has also been transferred to the Banjul High Court instead of the Kanifing Magistrate court which began the trial. What is more worrying is the fact that two more charges – “conspiracy to commit defamation” and “defamation of the President” – have been added, bringing to five the number of criminal charges brought against the journalists.

MFWA believes that this latest move by the authorities is possibly to prevent the public from following the case and to ensure that the journalists are convicted.

MFWA also fears that the journalists will not get fair hearing in court as the Gambian government has continuously demonstrated its disregard for lawful and constitutional order as was clearly demonstrated in the recent dismissal of the country’s Speaker of Parliament and the Chief Justice.

Issued by the MFWA, Accra on July 3, 2009

Gambia: New twist in journalists “sedition” case

2009-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57442

The trial of seven Gambian journalists accused of publishing with “seditious intention” will now continue at a High Court in Banjul instead of the Kanifing court where the trial began. On July 1, 2009, the accused, four newspaper journalists and three executives of the Gambian Press Union (GPU) were summoned to appear on July 3, instead of the original adjourned date of July 7.
The trial of seven Gambian journalists accused of publishing with “seditious intention” will now continue at a High Court in Banjul instead of the Kanifing court where the trial began.

On July 1, 2009, the accused, four newspaper journalists and three executives of the Gambian Press Union (GPU) were summoned to appear on July 3, instead of the original adjourned date of July 7.

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) sources believed that this latest move by the authorities is to prevent the public from following the case and to ensure that the journalists are convicted.

The journalists were arrested separately on June 15, four days after the GPU issued a statement criticising President Yahya Jammeh for speaking ill of slain editor, Deyda Hydara. They were hurriedly arraigned before the Kanifing court which refused them bail until June 22, when they were released on bail in the sum of 200,000 Dalasis (about US$7, 000) and two sureties each, after being charged. Additionally, the journalists also produced two landed properties.

Since then the matter continues to receive local and international attention. On June 22, a large crowd besieged the court premises in solidarity with the journalists. The crowd, mainly journalists, family members and other well-wishers were prevented from entering the court premises which was guarded by military personnel armed with riot gear.

The High Commissioner of the United Kingdom and the United States Ambassador, who observed the trial, issued a statement condemning the harassment of the media in the Gambia.

Augustine Kanja, reporter of The Point newspaper was arrested by security personnel deployed outside the court premises for photographing the crowd.

MFWA reiterates its call for African leaders currently meeting in Libya to enjoin President Jammeh to unconditionally withdraw the charges and also repeal all repressive laws which contravene the 1997 Gambian constitution.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

Niger: CSC’s president closes Dounia radio and TV station

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57419

Daouda Diallo, President of Conseil Supérieur de la Communication (CSC), Niger’s media regulatory body, on June 29, 2009 banned Niamey-based independent Dounia TV and Radio station for broadcasting a statement calling on Mamadou Tandja to resign as President of the country.
Daouda Diallo, President of Conseil Supérieur de la Communication (CSC), Niger’s media regulatory body, on June 29, 2009 banned Niamey-based independent Dounia TV and Radio station for broadcasting a statement calling on Mamadou Tandja to resign as President of the country.

According to the CSC President, the Dounia Group, operators of Dounia Radio and TV, flouted the CSC’s decision by allegedly “incitement of the security forces to revolt” against the authorities.

The ban followed a June 8 warning restricting privately-owned electronic media outlets from broadcasting live discussions on the prevailing political situation in the country.

President Tandja on June 29 declared a state of emergency after failing for the third time to get the court to extend his stay in power. A group, Front for the Defence of Democracy issued a statement to demand his resignation. The statement also called on the country’s security forces to disregard the President’s directive.

Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)’s correspondent reported that although the Nigerien media widely used the Front’s material, the Dounia Group was the only media outlet that the CSC singled out.

The correspondent said six of the eleven members of the CSC have distanced themselves from the CSC’s directive saying the decision was not a collective one but rather that of the commission’s president.

This is the latest of several suspensions imposed on the Dounia group by the CSC. In 2008, the media group were suspended by the CSC on the orders of Ablade Abouba, Minister of the Interior and National Security.

Meanwhile, the management of the media group has expressed its intention to contest the CSC’s high-handedness in court.

Prof. Kwame Karikari
Executive Director
MFWA
Accra
Tel: 233 21 24 24 70
Fax : 233 21 221084
Website : www.mediafound.org
Email: mfwa@africaonline.com

West Africa: ECOWAS Court dismisses Gambian government objection

2009-07-02

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/57420

The ECOWAS Community Court hearing the case of torture brought by Musa Saidykhan, a Gambian journalist against the operatives of the Gambia’s notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA), on June 30, 2009 dismissed the preliminary objections raised by the Gambian government, the defendant in the case. According to the Community court, Saidykhan is a citizen of West Africa and that the court is mandated by the ECOWAS protocol to hear human rights violation cases brought before it.
The ECOWAS Community Court hearing the case of torture brought by Musa Saidykhan, a Gambian journalist against the operatives of the Gambia’s notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA), on June 30, 2009 dismissed the preliminary objections raised by the Gambian government, the defendant in the case.

According to the Community court, Saidykhan is a citizen of West Africa and that the court is mandated by the ECOWAS protocol to hear human rights violation cases brought before it.

On the legal remedies, the three- member panel overruled a claim by the Gambian government that the plaintiff (Saidykhan) failed to exhaust the local remedies by making reference to its protocol authorizing it to hear cases by citizens of member states without having to exhaust remedies in local national courts.

The Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) in November 2007 brought the suit on behalf of Saidykhan in order to seek justice for him and also bring relief to many other Gambian journalists who had suffered similar fate and have escaped into exile for fear of repression

Commenting on the ruling Shola Egbeyinka, a member of the legal team of Saidykhan hailed the court’s ruling saying it is a boost for media freedom and would go a along way to protect journalists in the west African-sub region.

The Gambian government, who had previously boycotted the proceedings of the court on two occasions, was represented in court by Marie Saine-Firdaus, the country’s Attorney General.

Saidykhan, editor-in-chief of The Independent, a banned bi-weekly Banjul-based newspaper was arrested on the night of March 27, 2006, by a combined force of armed soldiers and policemen in his home and taken to the notoriously feared NIA headquarters. He was held incommunicado for 22 days without any charge. During this period he was tortured until he became unconscious. The continuous torture left scars on his back, legs, arms, and his right hand which was broken in three places.

The court fixed October 28, 2009 for the commencement of the trial.



Issued by the MFWA, Accra on June 30, 2009.

Zimbabwe: Journalists in court to make media commission order legally binding

2009-07-03

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news030709/mic030709.htm

The freelance journalists who were barred from covering the COMESA summit recently, have made an application in the High Court to make a court decision legally binding. High Court Justice Bharat Patel ruled in June that the Media and Information Commission (MIC), led by Tafataona Mahoso, was now a defunct body and no journalist should be required to register with it.

Africa: Crises escalate as AU leaders meet in Libya

2009-07-03

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/57447

Over 1.4 million people have been forced to flee their homes so far this year as a result of significant increasing violence in DR Congo, Sudan and Somalia, international agency Oxfam has said, as heads of state gather at the AU Summit in Libya to discuss peace and security across the continent.
Over 1.4 million people have been forced to flee their homes so far this year as a result of significant increasing violence in DR Congo, Sudan and Somalia, international agency Oxfam has said, as heads of state gather at the AU Summit in Libya to discuss peace and security across the continent.

At the last AU Summit, in January 2009, leaders failed to address these ongoing conflicts or take measures to protect civilians from violence and suffering, Oxfam said. Since then, violence in eastern DRC, south-central Somalia and southern Sudan has escalated even further and countless more lives have been destroyed. The rest of the international community has been equally ineffective

“Every minute of every day since AU leaders last met has seen the equivalent of a family of five made homeless by these conflicts. The AU must unequivocally condemn such suffering. It is unacceptable that right now African women continue to be raped, men killed, families torn apart and the lives of generations of children are shattered,” said Desire Assogbavi, Oxfam's Senior Africa Policy Analyst .

Oxfam called on the AU to put renewed emphasis on sustainable diplomatic and political solutions to these conflicts, rather than military actions that bring yet more death and misery for civilians, such as this year's offensives in DR Congo and northern Uganda. It said the AU had in the past played a key role in forging the peace agreement between northern and southern Sudan, which although now facing serious challenges, demonstrates what can be achieved when there is sufficient political will.

DR Congo has seen the highest levels of displacement since the start of the year. Up to 800,000 people in eastern DRC have fled as a result of a new UN-backed military offensive by the Congolese army, which began in January and has led to numerous reprisal attacks by FDLR rebels. Terrified communities have told Oxfam staff of widespread rape, and burning and looting of villages in North and South Kivu.

“The AU must tell the Congolese government that such massive suffering will not be tolerated. While FDLR atrocities must be addressed, government troops are also committing unacceptable human rights violations,” said Assogbavi.

In the past six months, southern Sudan has seen some of the worst violence and displacement since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. Around 200,000 people have fled increasingly deadly conflicts linked to tribal clashes, cattle raids and North-South tensions. Meanwhile, Darfur remains the scene of one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crises, and the ongoing conflict has displaced at least 140,000 people so far this year – most fleeing to already severely overcrowded camps, and now receiving even less aid following the recent expulsion of humanitarian agencies.

“With the peace agreement looking increasingly fragile, urgent diplomatic attention is needed. AU governments played a key role in forging the peace deal - they must now help keep it alive. A return to war would have devastating consequences not only for Sudan but all its neighbours,” said Assogbavi.

Tens of thousands more people have also been made homeless in northern DR Congo and southern Sudan by ongoing attacks from northern Uganda’s Lords Resistance Army. A joint military offensive against the LRA launched in late 2008 has failed to halt its attacks on civilians.

In Somalia, 160,000 people have fled the capital Mogadishu since May, after an upsurge in fighting between the Transitional Federal Government and opposition groups and militia. Most are sheltering in vast camps around the city, where conditions are dire as deteriorating security makes it harder than ever for aid agencies to reach people in need. Oxfam called on the AU to urge all parties to the conflict to respect international law, cease fighting in populated areas, and allow the safe delivery of aid.

“Peace and security in Africa has made great strides forward over the past decade – there are now fewer conflicts across the continent, and African peacekeepers have intervened to protect civilians. However, the ongoing humanitarian suffering and conflicts in these three countries are delivering a fatal blow to the hopes of a peaceful and prosperous future for Africa. The AU must step up and challenge those that are responsible, and say that enough is enough,” said Assogbavi.

Sudan: Darfur rebels sign deal with opposition party

2009-07-03

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE5620A520090703

Darfur rebels signed an accord with one of Sudan's main opposition parties in Cairo on Wednesday, agreeing to push for a new transitional government, both sides said on Friday, a move that will infuriate Khartoum. The rebel Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), which attacked Khartoum last year, and the opposition Umma party told Reuters the deal was a "declaration of principles" and shared ideas and did not amount to a political or military

Africa: Talking back to radio

2009-07-03

http://ictupdate.cta.int/en/Feature-Articles/Talking-back-to-radio

Radio is often considered to be a one-way medium, but the African Farm Radio Research Initiative is investigating ways of combining radio and ICTs to gather content and to share information among farming communities throughout rural Africa.

Ethiopia: Regional information centres promote crop production

2009-07-03

http://ictupdate.cta.int/en/Feature-Articles/The-centre-of-information

In 2005, the Improving Productivity and Market Success (IPMS) project, which is run by the International Livestock Research Institute, set up a series of information centres throughout Ethiopia. The centres, equipped with a variety of information and communication technologies, provide farmers with information they need to develop new products and increase the yields of existing crops. The project is also attempting to improve the links between farmers and traders, creating opportunities for small-scale producers to sell to new markets, thereby increasing their incomes and helping to reduce poverty in the area.

Global: Data collection using mobile phones

2009-07-03

http://ictupdate.cta.int/en/Regulars/Techtip/Data-collection-using-mobile-phones

Collecting detailed information, and making sure it is accurate, can cost a lot of time and money. It is expensive for fieldworkers to travel regularly to every project site, and the technology involved in gathering the data – often small handheld computers – can take a lot out of a limited budget. One solution is Mobile Researcher, a tiny application that can be installed on the mobile phones.

Global: How to communicate securely in repressive environments

2009-07-03

http://irevolution.wordpress.com/2009/06/15/digital-security/

It is no myth that repressive regimes are becoming increasingly more savvy in their ability to effectively employ sophisticated filtering, censoring, monitoring technologies (often courtesy of American companies like Cisco) to crack down on resistance movements. In other words, political activists need to realize that their regimes are becoming smarter and more effective, not dumber and hardly clueless.

South Africa: New law forces registration of cellphones

2009-07-03

http://tinyurl.com/lpddca

South Africa has passed a new law that compels all cell phone users to register their SIM cards. Users who fail to register would be barred from their network services. The new law came into effect on July 1 2009. It seeks to assist the country’s law enforcement agencies investigate and combat serious crimes. In a joint statement to the public MTN, Cell C and Vodacom said all cell phone subscribers have to show proof of identity as well as present a utility bill to show proof of residence to be registered.

Tanzania: Rural wireless network success

2009-07-03

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#useful

The first evaluation of a pilot in Tanzania to provide affordable Internet access to rural communities through a shared wireless (mesh) community network has been completed, and the results look promising. Eight months ago, IICD helped the Tanzania Telecentre Network (TTN) in the rural district town of Sengerema to set up a pilot to share a wireless (mesh) community network. The goal of the network is to make Internet available - and affordable - to large numbers of people who live in the rural areas around the telecentre.

Pamoja Media

2009-07-02

http://pamojamedia.com/blog/about/

Pamoja Media is the premier vehicle for marketers looking to reach an African online audience globally. Previously, marketers both on the African continent and in the Diaspora have had a hard time connecting with the diverse African audience.

Africa: 1st Congress of African Network of Professionals

2009-07-02

http://www.africannpro.net/1stcongressofafricanprofessionals/

The African Network of Professionals ,(ANOP) is calling for participation in its major event – “The Congress of African Professionals”. The congress will be held in Accra, Ghana on 11th - 13th November, 2009 at Accra, Ghana. The theme of the Congress is “Professionalism in Africa: Problems and Prospects”. There will be a pre-congress workshop on the 10th November, 2009 at same venue.

Fahamu