Back Issues

Stop Rwanda's proposals to criminalise homosexuality

Horizon Community Association

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/action/61081

Urgent Call to Action: A 48-hour marathon by the Parliament of Rwanda to criminalise homosexuality is under way

For your urgent action, Please stand in solidarity with our Rwandese family.

**A 48-hour marathon by the Parliament of Rwanda to criminalise homosexuality is under way**

URGENT CALL TO ACTION

CALL FOR THE IMMEDIATE WITHDRAWAL OF ARTICLE 217 OF THE DRAFT REVISION OF THE RWANDA PENAL CODE ACT WHICH CRIMINALISES HOMOSEXUALITY

Horizon Community Association (HOCA), an LGBTI organization in Rwanda, in collaboration with the Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL) and the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) calls on all human rights defenders, organisations, governments, civil society, globally, to immediately take action against a proposed article in the draft Penal Code Act in Rwanda which would criminalise homosexuality.

BACKGROUND

In November 2009, a draft revision on the Penal Code Act of Rwanda was tabled in the Parliament of Rwanda. Article 217 of the draft act would introduce new, oppressive legislation – the criminalisation of consensual same-sex acts and relationships as well as criminalising the work of LGBT human rights defenders. Homosexuality has never been a crime in Rwanda.

The lower house of the Rwandan Parliament will hold its final debate on this draft code Wednesday December 16, 2009. A vote on this draft code will occur before the end of this week.

Article 217 reads:

Any person who practices, encourages or sensitizes people of the same sex, to sexual relation or any sexual practice, shall be liable for a term of imprisonment ranging from five (5) to ten (10) years and fine ranging from Two Hundred thousand Rwanda Francs (200.000 RwF) to one million (1,000,000)Rwanda francs.

This article is a violation of basic human rights and is contradictory to the Rwandan Constitution as well as various regional and international human rights treaties and conventions. This proposed law stands in direct conflict with the rights to human dignity, personal freedom (Article 12), Equality (Article 16), Expression (Article 18), and Privacy (Article 22) ensured by the Rwandan Constitution, and in particular, Article 22(1), which states that “the private lives of individuals shall not be infringed upon in any way.” Likewise, this proposed article is counter to the guarantees of nondiscrimination and equality before the law in Articles 2, 3, and 28 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. Furthermore, laws criminalizing and detentions of people because of consensual sex between persons of the same sex are arbitrary and violate Articles 2 and 26 on the rights to equality before the law, freedom from discrimination, and privacy of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Rwanda is a party (Toonen v. Australia, 1994).

If the new Penal Code includes this provision, it will also hinder the implementation of the Rwanda National Strategic Plan on HIV and AIDS by the National Commission of Fight against AIDS (CNLS), which is currently considering the inclusion of Men who have Sex with Men (MSM) in the plan. A law of this nature would be a major setback to the Rwandan Government’s commitment to national unity, tolerance, inclusiveness, dialogue, social cohesion and security among Rwandan citizens and residents.

HOCA, CAL and IGLHRC are calling on you to;

Send letters to the following officials demanding immediate withdrawal of 217 from the draft revision of the Penal Code Act;

1. H.E Paul Kagame
President of the Republic of Rwanda
Phone: +250 818 2105/590 62105/818 2000/59062000
Fax: +250 572 431

2. Rt. Hon. Bernard Makuza
Prime Minister of Rwanda
Phone: +250 585 444/5, +250 584 648
Fax: +250 583 714
Email: primature@gov.rw

3. Tharcisse Karugarama
Minister of Justice
Phone: +250 586398/586561/585844
Fax: +250 586509
Email: mjust@minjust.gov.rw

4. Dr. Jean Damascene Ntawukuliryayo
Minister of Health
Phone: +250 77458/77910
Fax: +250 76853/77458
Email: gsante@rwandatel.com

5. Joseph Habineza
Minister of Sports and Culture
Phone: +250 5835315
Fax: 583518
Email: minispoc@gov.rw

6. Minister of Gender and Family Promotion
Phone: +250 577626/577203/576455
Fax: +250 577543
Email: migeprofe@gov.rw

7. Solina Nyirahabimana
Minister in the Office of the President
Email: gfrank@presidency.gov.rw

- Call on the Government of Rwanda to recognise, protect, respect and promote the human rights of all citizens and residents of Rwanda, including LGBTI people;
- Protest against Article 217 for LGBT at the Rwandan Embassies in your country;
- Lobby your Government (especially the Presidency and Foreign Ministries) to put pressure on the Government of Rwanda through diplomatic and other means possible; and to
- Engage the press in your call for the promotion of human rights for all people in Rwanda.

Thank you.

PRESS CONTACTS:

Naome Ruzindana
Director, HOCA
Phone: +250 788 790353

Fikile Vilakazi
Director, Coalition of African Lesbians
Phone: +27 11 918 2182
Mobile: +27 83 947 5052

Victor Mukasa
Research and Policy Associate
Horn, East and Central Africa
International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission
3rd floor, Constantiaberg H'se
66 plein street, Cape Town, 8001
Phone: +27 21 469 3701
Mobile: +27 79 275 4207
+256 753 116 034, Uganda
+1 718 701 4476, calling from USA
+27 21 462 3024, fax
Skype: victoriglhrc

From Belém to Copenhagen: Challenging dominant governance paradigms

Salma Maoulidi

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61096

I have been following closely the deliberations and contestations at the United Nations Climate Change Conference ongoing in Copenhagen, Denmark. Like many activists and Africans I have been elated by the stance of African countries and other developing nations against a unilateral pollution emissions framework being imposed by rich, industrialised and polluting nations.

Of course, the position of these nations in global forums is but a continuum of the Malthusian logic and associated racists, imperialist, and sexist theories, which seek to blame the poor, and particularly women, for every vice associated with pollution, degradation, and exploitation, an outlook which feminists decried in respect to population policies that were in the past linked to questions of poverty alleviation and environmental sustainability.

At the same time, I am bewildered that a similar reaction was not forthcoming from African governments during the recently concluded Sixth International Conference of Adult Education, CONFINTEA VI, held in Belém, Brazil from December 1-3, 2009. For one, I am surprised that African governments to a large extent chose not to send high powered delegations to Belém with a clear mandate while they have ensured that delegations attending the Climate Conference in Copenhagen are adequately resourced and empowered to move icebergs and act with one voice, unusual for a continent still suffering from the vestiges of divide and rule colonial polices.

Indeed the issues in contention at Belém were very similar to the issues in Copenhagen but the responses they evoked are starkly different. Significantly, the level at which CONFINTEA VI was reduced is appreciated by the sparse coverage in the international media, unlike the continuous live updates of Copenhagen. In the end CONFINTEA VI seemed to be of interest only to the hosting nation, Brazil as well as the activists, actors, community of learners and organizers of the conference, not of the world. Admittedly it would be unfair if I did not acknowledge the presence of a Pan-African media feature service busy documenting the different perspectives of African women and men at CONFINTEA VI.

For those who may be unfamiliar with the not so sexy or trendy CONFINTEA, it is a UNESCO Category II Intergovernmental Conference, thus squarely in the UN family genres of meetings. We owe our expanding right to education and learning to this advocacy platform. Indeed, Adult Education comprehensively conceived comprises social, economic, ecological and cultural dimensions. Appropriately CONFINTEA VI’s theme was ‘Harnessing the power and potential of adult learning and education for a viable future’. The question for Africans during the conference and beyond is whether our governments recognise this connection not only in rhetoric but also in action.

The main themes explored during the conference include Adult Education policies, structures and financing; inclusion and participation; the quality of adult learning and education; literacy and other key competencies; and poverty eradication. The overall thrust of CONFINTEA VI was to draw attention to the relation and contribution of adult learning and education to sustainable development, and it is a linkage which at the end of the day only civil society organisations seem to remember as eloquently argued by the President of the International Council of Adult Education, Paul Belanger, in his key note address on the last day of the conference.

Civil society organisations are important players in the promotion and delivery of the right to learn and education in Africa as well as in other parts of the world. The diverse ways in which learning takes place is captured in the different interventions carried out by community based organisations and actors. In many respects they implement or complement government policies in this severely under funded and under prioritised sector. Thus while adult education and learning constitutes a government obligation, it is dependant on civil society partnership to effect a fact that is underplayed.

The first ever Global Report on Adult Learning and Education published by the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning based on 154 national reports submitted by member states on the state of adult learning and education finds that progress has been unsatisfactory in relation to Education for All (EFA) Goals related to adult learning and education. Other than being rendered marginal, the learning needs of young people and adults in most African countries go unmet, with more attention being put on primary education and formal learning, a situation that is described as unsustainable.

Women at CONFINTEA, represented by the Women’s Caucus, took issue with the weak gender architecture in the frameworks considering the cross cutting nature of gender inequalities in the sector as well as in human relations. The African Platform on Adult Education made a similar case during the African Regional Meeting for CONFINTEA VI that the face of illiteracy in Africa is a woman’s face. The largest group of illiterate youths and adults in Africa are women without exception. Gender bias is also evident in education and learning opportunities as well as the content and form of literature and learning aids.

To change the situation, activists made a case for increased financing for adult education and learning initiatives within national budgets. It is a demand that fell on deaf ears as African governments resisted incorporating the 6 per cent targeted for education budget allocation, citing budgetary constraints. Another issue of contention concerned the right to education and especially adult education being made justiciable to compel governments to guarantee the same as an essential element in the development of a civically competent citizen. Civil Society Organisations called for an expanded definition of literacy beyond the ability to read and write. Rather they linked it to the ability to manage the myriad crises befalling human kind – climatic, wars, financial, food insecurity, governance, energy and the like – and is, therefore, intimately linked with building the skills of adult learners to fathom and adapt to new livelihood challenges.

More than anything communities of learners and stakeholders of adult learning and education wanted a clear commitment towards action of commitments made in past CONFINTEAs and related conferences in view of the miniscule progress made towards realising the right to education generally and adult education and learning specifically. Instead the language of the Belém Framework for Action was heavily contested diluting its tone and missing the opportunity to move towards clear commitment and action as originally envisaged by conference organisers and interested parties.

Of course, the process in which global conferences are organised and conducted raise a lot of issues with regards transparency and participation. The ‘behind closed doors tradition’ is a characteristic of high-level discussions as is the tradition of listening to and engaging governments and not the people they represent. Unlike in Copenhagen, however, civil society organisations had the opportunity, first at the civil society conference (FISC) and during earlier regional conferences, to ensure that a representative and relevant framework was produced. However, the political interests of powerful countries and the weak negotiation skills of developing countries put in jeopardy the trust and cooperation that had been built in the build-up to the CONFINTEA VI process.

Fundamentally, the outcomes that are expected of CONFINTEA VI, Copenhagen and similar forums will continue to be elusive if the following two factors are not considered. First, is the long standing feminist demand call for the reformulation of key global governance structures to make them relevant and accountable to global citizens, not just imperial and financial interests. Secondly, is challenging the neo liberal economic structures that currently underpin and skew development paradigms, compromising human security in its widest sense with market gains.

I want to end by urging African governments to maintain and further the spirit demonstrated in Copenhagen but, in doing so, to bear the following in mind. First, that they cease to approach civil society actors as foes but consider them as real partners (at least better than investors and greedy developed nations) to overcoming development challenges in their respective midst. Secondly, that they appreciate that their experience and frustration in Copenhagen in asking for more funds, greater commitment, more even participation, better governance and monitoring mechanisms constitute the demand made by CSOs to them in Belém as well as in other foras.

A Swahili proverb warns: ‘The shoe does not only hurt when it is on somebody else’s foot’. Another cautions: ‘When your neighbour is being shaved, wet your head!’ Surely, our continent is being hurt by massive ignorance, illiteracy and poor governance. For Africans, the regional CONFINTEA meeting’s motto ‘The power of youth and adult learning for African development’ needs to become reality in view of the fact that adult education and learning is a basis for building strong, vibrant, engaged, active and free citizens, able to realise the renascence vision for Africa championed, at least in spirit, by the African Union and the wave of democratisation sweeping African communities across the continent.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* © Salma Maoulidi
* Salma Maoulidi is a member of the Gender and Education Office of the International Council of Adult Education, member of Femnet a Pan African Women’s Advocacy Network and member of Sahiba Sisters Foundation, a community of women’s learners operating in 13 regions of Tanzania.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

* Our thanks to GADO for permission to use his wonderful cartoons.

Africa will not be sold

Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61092

We, the African civil society attending the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, condemn the proposed appeal by Meles Zenawi with French President, Nicolas Sarkozy. In proposing such an appeal, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is undermining the bold positions of our negotiators and ministers represented here, and threatening the very future of Africa.


The appeal, if followed, would:


* Threaten Africa with catastrophic damage by allowing warming to rise by 2 degrees C globally and therefore by around 3.5 degrees on the continent of Africa. It risks the lives and livelihoods of literally hundreds of millions of people, including the people of Ethiopia;
* Allocate to the industrialized countries including France atmospheric space worth more than 10 trillion dollars between now and 2050, denying it to developing countries, and threatening Africa’s prospects of economic and social development and the alleviation of poverty; and
* Offer a mere 10 billion in financing for all developing countries in fast-start funding.


"The IPCC science is clear - 2 degrees is 3.5 degrees in Africa – this is death to millions of Africans” said Mithika Mwenda of Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance.


"If Prime Minister Meles wants to sell out the lives and hopes of Africans for a pittance - he is welcome to - but that is not Africa's position" Mithika Mwenda.


"Every other African country has committed to policy based on the science. That means at least 45% cuts by rich countries by 2020 and it means $400 billion fast-track finance not $10 billion" said Augustine Njamnshi of Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance.

"You cannot say you are proposing a 'solution' to climate change if your solution will see millions of Africans die and if the poor not the polluters keep paying for climate change" said Augustine Njamnshi.

We condemn the government of France and other developed countries for engaging in “divide and rule” tactics designed to subjugate Africa and undermine good faith negotiations in the United Nations. We call on the people of France to join with the people in Africa to condemn this appeal.


We call on President Meles Zenawi to rescind the appeal or to step down as Coordinator of African Heads of State and Governments on Climate Change.


Pan-African Climate Justice Alliance

The art of war on Ethiopia's independent press

Alemayehu G. Mariam

2009-12-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61056

cc London SummitFollowing the forced closure of the Addis Neger newspaper, Alemayehu G. Mariam condemns the concerted assault on Ethiopia's free press perpetrated by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's government. Saluting the commitment and success of the publication's staff and those working in the country's independent media as a whole, Mariam stresses that Ethiopians owe their compatriots in the free press a debt of eternal gratitude.

Use a sledgehammer to smash a butterfly! That is the exquisite art of war unleashed on Ethiopia's independent press by the dictatorship of Meles Zenawi today.

The latest near-casualties in Zenawi's war on truth have just escaped by the skin of their teeth. Their distress signal ricocheted across cyberspace last week. In a press release they announced: 'Following legal and political harassment and intimidation by the Ethiopian government, Addis Neger Publishing announced that its major publication, Addis Neger Newspaper, ceased circulation. Saturday November 28, 2009 saw the final edition of the paper.' Joining the exodus into exile were Tamrat Negera, editor-in-chief; executive editor, Abiye Teklemariam; deputy editor-in-chief, Girma Tesfa; editor, Masresha Mammo; managing editor, Mesfin Negash; senior reporter, Zerihun Tesfay; and news reporter Abrham Begizew.

Mesfin Negash resonated his colleagues' deep disappointment and regret over the paper's closure, but was proudly defiant:

'Our newspaper was one of the country's best examples of what independent journalists with an internal capacity to act free of constraints can accomplish in being the platform for intake and synthesis of public opinion. Unfortunately, a government which had a habit of wantonly and aggressively stepping into the locus and crystallization of public opinion as both a platform controller and dictator had made our task impossible.'

The assault on the independent press in Ethiopia is nothing new. Addis Neger is merely the latest victim of an ongoing war waged against independent newspaper editors, publishers and reporters since the end of the May 2005 elections. Numerous newspapers have been shutdown, and scores of journalists have been arrested and jailed by the dictatorship. It is normal for journalists to be routinely and repeatedly interrogated by the police for days without probable cause, fingerprinted, ordered to apologise, given stern warnings and released without charge. In the recent past, Addis Neger reporters were charged with 'defamation' for reporting on the Byzantine politics of the patriarchate of the Ethiopian orthodox church. A journalist was imprisoned for reporting ethnically motivated human rights violations. Erroneously reporting the name of a judge in a case landed one journalist in prison. Opposition diaspora websites are blocked wholesale. Ethiopia, which by official account has experienced a phenomenal '11 per cent economic growth over the last six years' has the second-lowest internet penetration rate in all of sub-Saharan Africa.

The highly respected Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has repeatedly condemned the abuse and mistreatment of the independent press in Ethiopia. In 2006, the CPJ named Ethiopia the world's 'worst backslider on press freedom over the previous five years'. In its 2008 human rights report, the US State Department stated, 'The government continued to arrest, harass, and prosecute journalists, publishers, and editors. The government continued to control all broadcast media except three private FM radio stations. Private sector and government journalists routinely practiced self censorship.' In 2009, Reporters Without Borders ranked Ethiopia 140/175 on its Press Freedom Index (Zimbabwe was ranked 136/175).

The dictatorship in Ethiopia is in a state of wilful denial. The official position is 'press freedom in Ethiopia is getting stronger and stronger', and the CPJ's reports do not reflect the 'reality'. Zenawi says everything is hunky-dory and anyone can criticise the government; the CPJ and the various international human rights and press organisations are making up stuff. He explained, 'I don't think people have any qualms about criticizing the government or rejecting its policies, or expressing dissenting views in any way… Have you read the local newspapers? Do they mince their words about government?'

Last year a Pronunciamento (dictatorial decree) masquerading as a press law was enacted criminalising the independent press: 'Whosoever writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicises, disseminates, shows, makes to be heard any promotional statements encouraging… terrorist acts is punishable with rigorous imprisonment from 10 to 20 years.' Imagine what 'terrorist acts' could mean for journalists charged in the exalted kangaroo kourts. Human Rights Watch protested the decree in its draft form: 'Ethiopia's counter-terrorism law could punish political speech and peaceful protest as terrorist acts and encourage unfair trials if enacted.' Ato Bulcha Demeksa, leader of the opposition Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, said that the date of enactment of the abominable decree will live in infamy: 'I consider the day on which this law was enacted as a dark day in the annals of Ethiopian history.'

In May 2009, the Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association (EFPJA) reported, 'Over 101 journalists are forced into exile, 11 are still facing serious plight in Kenya, Uganda, Yemen, Japan and India.' The association insightfully and accurately anticipated recent events when it reported, 'Journalists Serkalem Fasil, Eskindir Nega and Sisay Agena are still denied press license. Editors of weeklies: Awramba Times, Harambe, Enku and Addis Neger suffering under frequent harassments under the new punitive press Law, which has become the tool of silencing any criticisms against the ruling party.'

The war on the free press in Ethiopia is a mismatch of monumental proportions. The dictatorship has at its disposal a formidable arsenal of weapons of independent press destruction (WIPD). It can force journalists, publishers and editors to flee into exile; financially and economically ruin the defiant ones; delay, deny and discourage anyone who seeks a legal license to engage in independent journalism; use the police and security forces to relentlessly hound, harass, interrogate and intimidate journalists; undertake smear and vilification campaigns against independent newspapers and editors on television and radio in a futile attempt to demonise them; dredge up old bogus charges and fabricate new ones to criminally prosekute and konvict in kangaroo kourt journalists who refuse to give in and boldly defend the people's constitutional and human right to be informed by an independent and free press; and even jail its own reporters and journalists who refuse to tow the party line and report honestly.

Against the onslaught of this crushing juggernaut stand a few dedicated and heroic journalists with nothing in their hands but pencils, pens and computer keyboards, and hearts full of faith and hope in freedom and human rights. The dictatorship is winning the war on the independent press hands down. Young, dynamic journalists are going into exile in droves, and others are waiting for the other shoe to drop on them. The systematic campaign to decimate and silence the free press in Ethiopia is a total success. One by one, the dictatorship has shuttered independent papers and banished or jailed their editors and journalists. The campaign is now in full swing to shut down the Awramba Times. The dictatorship's newspapers are frothing ink in a calculated move to smear and tarnish the reputation of the Awramba Times and its editors and journalists. For the past couple of years, the Awramba Times staffers have been targets of sustained intimidation, detentions and warnings.

The dictatorship has also waged a victorious war over Serkalem Fasil and her husband Eskinder Nega. Serkalem was forced to have her baby in the dictatorship's prison in 2007, and the following year she received the prestigious Courage in Journalism award given by the International Women's Media Foundation (IWMF). In the official announcement, the foundation stated, 'Serkalem Fasil's arrest came after her newspapers published articles critical of the Ethiopian government's conduct in the May 2005 parliamentary elections. On the day of her arrest, Fasil, who was pregnant, was severely beaten by police.' Though Serkalem and Eskinder were acquitted of the charges and received a 'pardon', the dictatorship in its 'appeal' last week made clear its intention to ruin and completely vanquish them financially by freezing and confiscating their assets.

Addis Neger editors were driven over the edge to make the 'very difficult and heart breaking decision' to leave their country to 'ensure their physical safety'. They had to run to save their lives: 'This is the culmination of months of persecution, harassment and black propaganda by the Ethiopian government on Addis Neger', they said. They were tipped off that criminal charges, including the 'promotion of terrorist organizations and ideals' were soon to be filed under the new Pronunciamento. For whom the bell tolls next, Awramba Times?

Addis Neger (which means 'new thing') editors and reporters have waged an honourable and heroic struggle for the truth since they established the weekly in 2007 with the aim of nurturing informed and reasoned political discourse and exchange in Ethiopia. They are the vanguard of a new breed of Ethiopian free press defenders. They are among the few, the defiant, the proud Ethiopian journalists who have lost the war on the free press but have managed to win effortlessly every battle for the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people. In a matter of two years, and under the most extremely unfavourable conditions, Addis Neger thrived and expanded. It gained 'phenomenal growth in its circulation, influence and investment' with a circulation of 30,000, an extraordinary accomplishment for an independent weekly operating in the total darkness of dictatorship. Addis Neger received much praise for its objectivity, journalistic courage and breadth of topical coverage.

In their public statements on the end of this chapter of Addis Neger, its editors plaintively asked a question which many had asked before: Why does the dictatorship go through hell and high water to crush the few struggling independent newspapers in the country? The answer is simple. Dictators fear the truth more than anything else. The independent press is a magnifying mirror that reflects the evils they do and crimes they commit everyday. Dictators fear criticism and genuine expression of public opinion because everyday they live a guilty mind. They remain awake at night fearing accountability for their criminality. Dictatorships are like castles built on sand which readily dissolves when struck by a single sweep of the ocean's wave. Dictators must keep cracking down on the independent press and terrorise the people because they are afraid of being vacuumed into the dustbin of history by the tornadic force of the people's fury.

There is another reason why dictatorships are terrified of the independent free press. Dictatorship fear the youth just as much as they fear the truth. The free press appeals to the youth and opens their eyes and keeps their minds sharp and critical. It is no secret that Addis Neger had a wide youth following. It provided a forum for the discussion of ideas passionately cherished by youth – freedom, democracy and human rights. It is impossible to keep the youth in a state of darkness with a fully functioning independent press. Look at the people who ran Addis Neger, and Serkalem and Eskinder and the others journalists facing persecution in Ethiopia today. They are all young men and women who believe in their country, their people and freedom. That is bloodcurdlingly scary to dictators!

The war on the independent press is not entirely lost. There is the foreign press corps in Ethiopia to keep the torch trained on the darkness that is enveloping Ethiopia. Reuters, the Associated Press, New York Times, Bloomberg, BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation), VOA (Voice of America) and others are now the witnesses for the people of Ethiopia. It is not easy being a foreign correspondent there. They too face subtle harassment, provocation and intimidation. In 2006, an Associated Press reporter was tossed out of Ethiopia for allegedly 'tarnishing the image of the country'. In 2007, a number of journalists, including Nairobi Bureau Chief Jeffrey Gettleman, were subjected to threats, questioning at gunpoint and confiscation of their equipment while covering the Ogaden genocide. We must appreciate these foreign correspondents for their objectivity, balance and accuracy in reporting. They report it as they see it because that is a core part of their professionalism and ethical make-up as journalists. We may agree or disagree with their reports. But for now, they are all we've got!

This is the unfinished story of the art of war on the independent free press in Ethiopia, and the victors and the victims in that war. In the end, the war between dictators who wield swords and journalists who hold pens will be decided in the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people. If Edward Bulwer-Lytton is right in his verse, there is no doubt ultimate victory will belong to the penholders:

'True, This! –
Beneath the rule of men entirely great,
The pen is mightier than the sword. Behold
The arch-enchanters wand! – itself a nothing! –
But taking sorcery from the master-hand
To paralyse the Cæsars, and to strike
The loud earth breathless! – Take away the sword –
States can be saved without it!'

If the paramount question is to save the state or to save the free press, I would, as Thomas Jefferson said, save the latter:

'The basis of our government being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.'

Tamrat Negera, Abiye Teklemariam, Girma Tesfa, Masresha Mammo, Mesfin Negash, Zerihun Tesfay, Abrham Begizew, Serkalem Fasil, Eskinder Negar and the rest of the young Ethiopian press freedom defenders, we owe you a debt of eternal gratitude!

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* This article was originally published by The Huffington Post.
* Follow Alemayehu G. Mariam on Twitter.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The sheep, the wolf and the shepherd: Free Birtukan Midheksa

Etyopian Simbiro

2009-12-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61057

cc PatThe controversial re-arrest of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP) opposition chair Birtukan Midheksa exposes the efforts of Meles Zenawi's government to crush its political opponents, writes Etyopian Simbiro. As Ethiopia's 2010 elections draw ever closer, Midheksa's role as 'the darling of the pro-democracy movement' has seen further damage inflicted on the position of the government. While it remains to be seen whether Midheksa's inspirational experience can translate into concrete political action, in the meantime, Simbiro contends, it is in everybody's interests that she be set free by the country's government.

'The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the same act, as the destroyer of liberty. Plainly the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of the word liberty; and precisely the same difference prevails today among human creatures.' – Abraham Lincoln

No law-abiding citizen deserves unlawful imprisonment. However, governments have always targeted political activists that question and challenge their system. Such harassment and intimidation was rampant in the United States during the civil rights era. It still happens in many other countries, including Ethiopia.

Civil disobedience naturally arises from the deprivation of freedom. Erich Fromm once said: 'Human history begins with man's act of disobedience which is at the very same time the beginning of his freedom and development of his reason.'[1] Dictatorial regimes are well-known for limiting their citizens’ freedom and for inhibiting the development of reason, because these two actions determine how long they can rule unconstitutionally.

Starting from the feudal era until the present day, Ethiopia's autocratic men have successfully silenced those who disobeyed them. During the monarchy, anyone who threatened the king’s throne was destined to either rot in jail or to be hanged in public. After the end of the monarchy, the military dictatorship openly and zealously terrorised and murdered those that firmly stood against its tyranny. ‘Red terror’ served as the catalyst to strike down protesters. Improved techniques of repression, such as deliberate accusations of subversion and treason, are the norms in today’s Ethiopia. Moreover, Meles Zenawi’s government authorises the direct shooting of bullets at protesters when push comes to shove, as observed both during and before 2005. People still live in fear that they could be arrested or executed if they openly challenge Zenawi’s system.

Many Ethiopians hope that their country will one day break free from the vicious cycle of repression. Nevertheless, Ethiopia still has to witness neutral institutions that safeguard the principles of a democratic system, committed elites that accelerate the democratic process, an organised youth that actively participates in political leadership (or an environment that allows it participate), selfless leaders whose main interest is helping their poor people, and vigilant civil societies that perform their duties with little or no government intrusion.

As we approach the 2010 election, many political prisoners languish in Ethiopia’s crowded jails. Birtukan Midheksa, the chair of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP), is one of them.

Birtukan became a leader of the UDJP after her group split from the now defunct Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP). Birtukan, as an executive member of the CUDP, was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2005, ‘convicted of overthrowing the government through violence’.[2] Later, in 2007, the government ‘pardoned’ all the imprisoned CUDP leaders, ‘following their plea for pardon.’[3] But Birtukan was rearrested after she confessed to her supporters in Europe that she was ‘cajoled’ into signing the pardon letter.[4]

THE RE-ARREST

Birtukan’s supporters strongly doubt that she was re-arrested simply due to her confession. They believe the government used the confession as a pretext to lock her up in order to weaken her party. Because of its controversy, the re-arrest has attracted a lot of media and public attention.

Even though Birtukan remains in prison, she has taken the spotlight from other ‘opposition leaders’. She is now the darling of the pro-democracy movement. For some, she is ‘lady liberty’. The opposition media sensationalises her case. For Zenawi’s party, she is the thorn in the flesh. She has probably done more damage to the government than the psychological and physical pains she endures in the notorious jail Qaliti. Her case amplifies the cries of the ‘voiceless’ political prisoners that still await justice.

Birtukan’s re-arrest has significantly affected her party, as the government expected. The UDJP’s senior executives have already split into two factions.[5] The faction that controls power has dismembered the other. The dismembered faction accuses the one in power of corruption and abuse of authority.

Dr Yackob Hailemariam, former vice president for external relations of the party, told the Reporter newspaper recently, ‘the imprisonment of Birtukan Midheksa has led to splinters, disputes, and the purge continues. The government has the larger share of blame. What else do you want it to do than jailing the party chairman [sic]? It jailed most of the active supporters and members of the party, it harassed them. We are not even allowed to hold meetings.’[6]

Government intimidation and harassment aside, the executive members of the UDJP are also blamed for failing to resolve their internal differences democratically. The fact that they can’t walk their talk has disappointed many supporters and has forced some to give up on the opposition movement. One of the main reasons that led to the disintegration of the CUDP was internal fighting around a ‘hunger for power’.[7] It is a shame that the same problem haunts the UDJP today.

UDJP leaders could have compromised, and united as one voice, they could have challenged the government, requesting the release of their leader resolutely. But instead they chose the opposite. They still have not resolved their issues. They now have to prove to their supporters and the public that they will lead the country better than Zenawi if they get the chance.

Dr Yackob advised his former colleagues, ‘these are times of democracy, of dialogue, and not of purging and squabbles. Young leaders who were not brought up in a culture similar to ours should take over. We all had a Marxist–Leninist orientation. The culture we came from did not allow the resolution of differences through dialogue and differences. If the country is to have peace and is to grow sustainably, then all political leaders with Marxist–Leninist orientation should step down from their positions. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi should be the first to step down.’[8]

Birtukan’s party has recently welcomed former government officials – Seye Abraha and Negasso Gidada – as senior party members. Perhaps, their addition might strengthen the party and might reshape its organisational discipline. But many are very suspicious of these former officials. The splinter group has already protested against welcoming the two men.

BIRTUKAN'S POPULARITY IS SYMBOLIC

Birtukan is a young and fresh leader. Despite her party’s current shortcomings, her message has been consistent: free and fair elections, accountability and transparency, and the rule of law. But we know Zenawi has also been using these phrases since he came to power. What makes the two different? One of the obvious differences is that Zenawi thinks his government is ‘democratic’ as long as everyone plays by the rules, but Birtukan agrees to disagree. She thinks genuine democracy has not prevailed in Ethiopia yet; this disagreement has ‘earned’ her life in prison.

An Ethiopian journalist recently wrote, ‘Birtukan is as far removed from Melesian political values and behavior, but in the understanding of the actions and objectives of the West and its diplomats, they share the same hemisphere.’[9] A French diplomat, whom the journalist quoted, said, ‘Birtukan could be a great leader of the country in the future. She has some great qualities. She just needs to be a smart political player.’[10]

Birtukan’s supporters liken her to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese pro-democracy leader, though some argue that her ‘heroine’ status is a mere publicity stunt. One Ethiopian, who felt the opposition parties betrayed him, wrote on his blog after Birtukan’s re-arrest:

‘Who gives a damn if a pseudo government locks you up quite like your previous pseudo opposition party?… This is just another soap opera that is waiting to play itself out… As far as I am concerned, Birtukan and all her current and former colleagues are pseudo opposition parties… The fact is Birtukan had signed a document that is damning. She had admitted wrongdoing. Everything else is irrelevant, whether you or I try to justify it. Let Birtukan sign some sort of paper again and come out, so she can do what she does best – play a hero.’[11]

The blogger, of course, received mixed reactions from his readers. Some readers agreed with his arguments, while others passionately defended Birtukan. One of them wrote:

‘I am hardly an opposition sympathizer but on this one issue I think you need to give Birtukan tremendous credit for the sacrifices she has already made. What [her] arrest should tell us is how backward we are as a nation. It is blatantly shameful for a government to arrest a citizen [and sentence her to life in prison] simply because she [told the truth]. It is ridiculous.’[12]

Arguments aside, Birtukan’s position as a chair of a political party, which still gives some hope to supporters that disapprove Zenawi’s administration, has undeniable significance: it uplifts women and speeds up the democratisation process in the country.

In Ethiopia, as in many other countries, women have been historically marginalised. Except in some households, Ethiopian women still are culturally, economically and politically disadvantaged in both urban and rural areas. Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups (most followers of moderate Islam and orthodox Christianity) are patriarchal in nature; traditionally, men are de facto dictators of their households and society at large. In most cases, women are not allowed to challenge men’s authority; they are least expected to make serious decisions. Influential women who challenge men’s authority, or who are competent leaders, are frequently measured by men's standards: ‘She is a man!’ is the usual accolade to a courageous, decisive and smart woman.

Many parents expect their boys to study engineering, medicine or law, while they encourage their girls to settle for marriage. Birtukan is a survivor of such a cultural trap. She is an important figure in our national politics. Her story can inspire so many young girls; it can change Ethiopian parents’ attitudes towards their daughters. It can demystify the common stereotype that women are less competent leaders than men.

I admire Birtukan’s courage and determination to stand up for what she believes. She inspires young people like me.

Birtukan’s case will surely challenge the Zenawi regime as long as she remains in jail convicted of ‘trumped-up charges’. Should her popularity worry us? Is it a mere ‘cult of personality’ or there is more to her name? We will see. However, in the mean time, it’s to the government’s advantage to set Birtukan free before the 2010 election. Freeing Birtukan and other political prisoners will not only open the door for national reconciliation, but it will also expedite the democratisation process. Otherwise, the 2010 election will only be seen as a ‘sham election’.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Etyopian Simbiro is an Ethiopian student based in the US.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES

[1] Erich Fromm, Psychoanalysis and Religion
[2] http://bit.ly/5HmdqB
[3] See [2]
[4] http://andinetusa.org/my-word--by-birtukan-mideksa
[5] http://ethioforum.org/wp/archives/1549
[6] http://en.ethiopianreporter.com/content/view/1914/1/
[7] See [6]
[8] See [6]
[9] http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/11702
[10] See [9]
[11] http://www.abeshabunnabet.com/?p=856
[12] See [11]

Why Guinea matters

Jeggan Grey-Johnson

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61075

cc Wikimedia CommonsA recent round of brutality against civilians by Camara’s junta has left Guinea on the brink of civil war, Jeggan Grey-Johnson writes in this week’s Pambazuka News. The international community must intervene, Grey-Johnson argues, as left unchecked the instability could have grave consequences, not just for Guinea but also for its neighbouring countries, many of which are ‘still recovering from the horrors of war and brutality’.

The world is watching, with folded arms it seems, a cauldron boil to the brim, hoping that it will cool itself off and simmer. All the signs point to one conclusion: That Guinea had long reached boiling point. It is now in a phase where the chances of civil war far outweigh the chance for stability and peace.

The country borders Sierra Leone, Liberia and Ivory Coast to its south; all three countries have been in conflict. Two had no stable government for more than 15 years. Combined both saw a death toll of a quarter of a million people, and 1.5 million more fleeing as refugees. Liberia and Sierra Leone are still recovering, but with Guinea at a knife’s edge, their chances of surviving the spillages and spoilage of war will be slim.

Fighters, although demobilised in both nations, are still poor, unemployed and vulnerable to being lured to a job that pays them to fight. Ivory Coast is in limbo, and an uneasy peace looms. To the north, rests Bissau, a country that most in the world agree to its shamefully accepted label: ‘A failed state held hostage by international drug barons’, with a weak and undisciplined military. And Senegal, which is the most politically stable of the lot, is quietly grappling with a quarter of a century-old low-intensity insurgency in the south – Casamance.

This is the scenario that makes the case for Guinea, a country largely neglected and often exploited by its leaders and the world. A country that –should instability be allowed to grow and continue – would end up destroying a whole neighbourhood that is still recovering from the horrors of war and brutality.

In less than 90 days, more than 150 people were massacred for merely exercising their right to voice their opposition to impunity, military rule and tyranny. Hundreds more women were raped, and more than 1000 people were injured and disappeared. The head of the junta, uncharacteristically named the National Council for Democracy and Development (CNDD), Moussa Dadis Camara, narrowly escaped assassination, when he was shot in the head. He is recovering in Morocco. The assassin – his trusted body guard and head of the presidential guard that was instrumental in the 28 September massacre – is at large, no doubt waiting for an opportunity to strike again. A manhunt for him has been launched, and for good measure, a bounty has been placed on his head, promising a ‘handsome’ US$40,000 reward for information of his whereabouts.

To have guessed almost one year ago, that things in Guinea could deteriorate from being leaderless (Lansana Conteh had spent his last months’ ruling from his sick bed), extremely impoverished, and limping from decades of abuse by colonial power France, with subsequent dictators like Toure and Conteh, would have been unfathomable. In short, the situation in Guinea Conackry is dismal in all aspects: Politics, economics, development, infrastructure and human rights. Guinea ranks bottom in most global development indicators. The country is ranked 17th from the bottom on child deaths, three-quarters of the population cannot read nor write, only one third have access to clean drinking water, and 400,000 children are orphans. This is in a country the size of the United Kingdom, with a population of 10 million, well endowed with natural resources, where half of the world’s bauxite rests. It also has uranium, gold and diamonds.

Millions of dollars worth of arms have filtered from Europe through third countries in West Africa and landed in the capital and are now in the hands of secret militia belonging to Camara’s ethnic minority group. This group is trained by mercenaries, disguising themselves as a respectable ‘protection and consultancy outfit’ with a base in Democratic Republic of Congo and a parent company in Dubai, headed on the ground by a South African police veteran. There are reports of least 30 South African guns-for-hire milling around Conakry and its environs, obviously waiting for the show down, with the promise of the spoils of war in the form of mining concessions, and other worldly treasures.

Despite international condemnation and multiple sanctions imposed on the military leadership, the CNDD continues to terrorise the Guinean population and threaten the sub-region with instability. These sanctions include a travel ban, an arms embargo, financial and asset freezes and diplomatic isolation. Yet Camara and his men have flouted the penalties levelled against them by the African and European Unions, and by extension, the UN. The defence minister has jetted to Lebanon on a ‘private visit’, and Camara was granted emergency medical treatment in Morocco, with the intervention of Senegal. If he survives the injury and returns to Conakry, he will no doubt settle old scores. He may dig in and refuse to hand over power. If he does not survive the injuries, then General Konate may decide that all promises made by Camara are null and void, or he may be more accommodating and accept the ultimatums presented by the AU. However, the signs point to the former. He has already begun to show signs of intransigence, by claiming that CNDD cannot negotiate in the absence of their ‘boss’.

The signs point to several glaring realties: That there is little that ECOWAS is willing and able to do, and the AU although miffed at the defiance of Camara, cannot in principle do much more since it has not been consistent in similar cases, such as Mauritania, where the head of the junta turned civilian, held elections and won. Additionally, the issue of leadership and credibility at the sub-regional level is weak. One in five current presidents shot their way to power, turned civilian, held elections and won. As a result, 60 per cent of the 150 million people in West Africa have never known a normal peaceful transition of power.

However, these are not excuses for inaction. In fact they are precisely the opposite. The international community must act and there are means to do so. The majority of the Guinean population has turned against Dadis Camara, especially after the September 28 massacre. He is isolated and so is his regime. There is great division within the army, exploited by international mercenaries, and financed by international operatives with interests in diamonds, gold, mining contracts and narcotics.

This mix will not be contained in Guinea alone. It will spill over to neighbouring countries. And for this reason the leaders that have the sway to rein in Camara and his regime must do so, and quickly. He should not be appeased. He has agreed to let the UN special commission investigate the killings of 28 September and he and now his deputy, general Konate, must abide by this promise. He has agreed to hand over power and hold elections in January 2010, and not to stand in those elections. General Konate must implement Camara’s promise. However, Camara can only be pressured to honour his promises if other countries’ leaders also abide by theirs.

President Jacob Zuma and the South African government have the information that their citizens are engaged in clandestine operations in Guinea. The South African government has a moral and legal obligation to investigate the leads, refute or acknowledge the assertions, act on them and put a halt to the shenanigans. The Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act makes it clear that South African citizens cannot fight abroad as part of a foreign force without permission from the government of South Africa. If silence on this matter continues then the deductive reasoning would be that the presence of the South Africans training militia to fight in Guinea is being done with the permission of the South African government.

President Wade of Senegal must stop sending mixed signals to Camara. The fact that he embraced the junta and became their self appointed international spokesperson is absurd, especially when the African Union, of which his country belongs, condemned the coup d’état of 23 December 2008.

President Blaise Compaore must be honest enough in his mediation role, and act on the good will bestowed on him by the African Union and place the terms on the table for unconditional relinquishing of power, through a smooth transition in Guinea under the strict compliance of Camara and his CNDD; the promise of sweeteners and outlandish rewards is tantamount to bribery, and in the end, a perpetuation of impunity and a gross injustice to the Guinean people.

The European Union too has an obligation to investigate the issue of arms coming in from Eastern Europe, and resources going out of Guinea and into European banks under the guise of ‘investment firms’. This after all is not new: Liberia and Sierra Leone are lessons enough for all to learn.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Jeggan Grey-Johnson is the advocacy and communications officer for the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project (AfriMAP), an initiative of the Soros foundation network’s four African foundations.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Namibia’s 2009 elections: President Pohamba victorious

Henning Melber

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61071

cc Agência BrasilFollowing the recent Namibian elections, Henning Melber discusses the results of the National Assembly and presidential votes. With President Hifikepunye Pohamba achieving re-election, long-time dominant political force Swapo (South West Africa People's Organisation) has retained the reins of power, a power that it will need to exercise in the interests of peace and stability, Melber cautions.

Swapo (South West Africa People's Organisation) of Namibia has been in charge of Namibian politics since independence in March 1990. In late 1994 the former liberation movement expanded its absolute majority obtained in United Nations-supervised elections in November 1989 into a two-thirds majority of seats in the National Assembly. In 1999 and 2004 this political hegemony was consolidated into a three-quarters majority of votes, with 55 out of the 72 political mandates obtained, notwithstanding the challenges of the Congress of Democrats (CoD).

The CoD was formed just ahead of the 1999 elections as the first political alternative based on dissenting former Swapo activists. While it emerged as the biggest single opposition party, it never managed to make inroads into the Swapo electorate. In 2008, the CoD imploded over internal differences, power struggles and fights over resources.

The Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP) emerged as relevant substitute for the CoD. It was founded by two former cabinet members, Jesaya Nyamu and Hidipo Hamutenya, who were both political heavyweights from the first struggle generation in exile, before losing a Swapo internal power struggle over the succession of Sam Nujoma as head of state. Given the new party’s affinity to parts of Swapo’s regional stronghold in the northern region of Namibia, the RDP was considered to be the first serious challenge to Swapo’s dominance. This widely held perception contributed to the aggressive Swapo response. The RDP was denounced to be composed of traitors, who according to this view – one bordering on paranoia – were labelled as agents of imperialism and remote-controlled pawns acting in the interests of regime change. The responses from both higher-party levels as well as by local grassroots activists were heavy-handed and contributed to a climate of repression hitherto unknown. A witch-hunt for so-called hibernators, suspected to undermine Swapo structures from the inside as moles for the RDP, was initiated and marred the public discourse for the last two years.

On various occasions the right to campaign freely was denied to RDP activists, who were accused of provoking Swapo supporters in their local strongholds. Properly registered political rallies were prevented from taking place in public space with the argument that they were arranged in Swapo territory. This led to several clashes between members of both parties and acts of physical violence. Police forces had to intervene on several occasions and dispersed the crowd by using teargas. For the first time since independence, an election campaign in Namibia turned visibly ugly. Leading political office-bearers in the two main rival parties were ignoring an orderly conduct and used aggressive language bordering on hate speech. The tensions were indicative of the degree of contestation and confrontation and did not bode well for the state of Namibian democracy.

THE ELECTION PROCESS

In 2009 the Namibian electorate cast its votes on two consecutive days (27 and 28 November) for the first time. The reform of the electoral law also provided for a vote count at the polling stations in the presence of observers. However, the results were then transmitted to the headquarters of the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) in Windhoek for final verification before they were officially announced. This resulted in a considerable delay, so that the official end result was made known after days of speculation only on 4 December. Given the relatively small number of votes counted (just exceeding 800,000), this added to the irritation among those already afraid of efforts at manipulation.

In spite of such concerns, the minister for diplomatic affairs in the Office of the President of Mozambique was the first to present as head of the 120-member SADC (Southern African Development Community) Electoral Observer Mission (SEOM) a complete and unreserved whitewash of the elections as 'transparent, credible, peaceful, free and fair'. Observer missions from the Parliamentary Forum of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) were also declaring the elections as free and fair as early as 1 December.

A spokesperson of the 40-member SADC observer team recommended a return to one polling day in compliance with the other SADC countries and to allocate equal airtime to all parties during the election campaign in the state-owned broadcasting company NBC (Namibian Broadcasting Corporation). He noted 'vigorous coverage of the electoral process in a balanced manner' by the local (predominantly private-owned) print media but criticised the state broadcaster NBC for its bias in favour of Swapo.

In the presentation of the preliminary report of the 24-member observer mission from the AU, retired Tanzanian Justice Lewis Makame conveyed the mission's approval of the elections with reference to 'minor problems', which included a 'painstakingly slow' counting process. It found fears of vote-rigging expressed among the opposition parties not supported by evidence but felt at the same time 'not in the position to say that there was no rigging'.

The 17-member observer mission of the Pan African Parliament (PAP) presented a day later a more nuanced assessment with some noteworthy critical undertones. It questioned the policy of the state-owned radio and television company NBC, which it accused of undue support for Swapo, and recommended that 'the State media in Namibia be insulated from direct Government control by the establishment of an independent media institution with the responsibility of appointment and dismissal of heads of State media'. Mission leader Ambrose Dery from Ghana also raised concern over the printing of 1.6 million ballot papers (for an registered electorate markedly below one million) as a potential recipe for vote-rigging. Although the mission had concluded that the elections took place within the constitutional and legislative framework, it felt that Namibia could do much better.

For the first time in Namibian elections local civil society institutions and agencies had formed their own election observation teams. The Namibian Institute for Democracy (NID) in a statement declared that it had noted several minor flaws but not observed any grave irregularities and therefore trusted that the results were by and large credible. It announced a more detailed report for January. The Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), which had created an election watch website, also refrained from any fundamental criticism and seemed largely satisfied that the results reflected the will of the voters.

Most opposition parties were less reconciliatory. Eight of them announced in a joint statement on 4 December that they bring a list of irregularities to the Namibian justice system to seek a clarification in court if and to what extent the election results were acceptable. In 2004–05 this led to a legal battle ending in a re-count of the votes, with an ultimate confirmation of the results as announced originally. Queries by those initiating legal intervention include not only the delay in the announcement of the official results through a verification process of which the parties were not informed in advance, but also the disputed voters' role with differing figures at different times, reports of multiple registrations by the same individuals, incidences where the supposedly indelible ink marking fingers of those who had voted could be removed, as well as the fact that the ballot papers for both the National Assembly and the presidential elections were marked using pencil. In one case two officials were arrested for the unauthorised opening of a ballot box at the polling station during the two days of voting.

Further suspicion was created by the exceptionally high number of votes cast in several districts (in contrast to markedly less votes than in prior elections in other districts with less support for the governing party). According to Namibian election laws, tendered votes can be cast in polling stations other than the one they are registered with. As a result, three polling stations in the northern stronghold of Swapo recorded 129 per cent, 133 per cent and 135 per cent of registered votes respectively. Since these were located in rural districts with a low degree of mobility in the sense of influx from other regions, this is more difficult to explain than the exceptionally high rate of votes in some of the urban centres such as Swakopmund (112 per cent), Walvis Bay (110 per cent) and two districts in Windhoek (104 per cent and 101 per cent). Some consider this as evidence of ballot-stuffing. Such disturbing results give at least food-for-thought if the possibly over-eager appeals of some leading Swapo politicians during the election campaign to secure 150 per cent of the votes or at least all parliamentary seats were taken too serious by some of the loyal local activists.

THE ELECTION RESULTS

Notwithstanding such dubious symptoms, many observers would however concede that the Swapo dominance only reconfirmed the firm and efficient control exercised over the Namibian electorate by the party in political power. If only to the dislike of some, Swapo’s political rule in Namibia for a series of reasons – not least the failure of dissenting views to organise effectively in opposition parties – resembles all features of a dominant party system. This is hardly reason enough to blame the winner.

For the first time a considerable number of young voters were able to express their preferences. These 'born free' were during the pre-election build-up due to their sizeable numbers considered to be of some influence over the outcome and hence a much speculated 'unknown variable'. This could have positively influenced the campaign strategy by Swapo as for the first time the cultivation of the liberation gospel was complemented by an emphasis on the claimed achievements since independence. At the end, the 'born free' seemingly did not play any decisive role in changing the voting pattern.

National Assembly elections

The official end results announced by the ECN confirmed the hegemonic status of Swapo. The table below is compiled on the basis of the official figures released. It documents that little has changed in terms of the fundamental political power relations for the forthcoming five-year legislative period.

National Assembly election results 2009



The loss of one seat for Swapo is certainly anything but a defeat. The party will however be well-advised to take note of the 'pockets' of dissenting votes cast in some of the urban centres as well as the central and southern parts of the country. In parts of the Caprivi and Kavango it has strong contestation from RDP and the All People’s Party (APP) respectively. Among the Damara the United Democratic Front of Namibia (UDF) under Chief Garoeb remains the most popular, albeit locally confined, force while among the Herero communities Chief Riruako draws considerable support for National Unity Democratic Organization (NUDO). Herero support is also provided to the DTA, as represented by Katuutire Kaura and most likely the Herero leadership in SWANU (South West Africa National Union).

At some polling stations in Windhoek the RDP emerged as the winner and Swapo also lost a majority among the Baster community in Rehoboth to the RDP. Swapo’s majority in the southern and eastern regions has been reduced. Since the first elections for independence, it has relied more than ever on its stronghold in the so-called four O-regions of the former Ovamboland (Oshana, Omusati, Oshikoto and Ohangwena), where it is for historical reasons firmly anchored and remains despite the RDP challenge (with their leaders coming from some of these regions), a challenge which is not only by far the biggest but in most areas still the only fish in the pond. Given that this is the electorate, which holds more than half of the votes, even Swapo – like most of the smaller parties – bears traces of an ethnic character.

Despite being the new kid on the block, and notwithstanding the fact that it has emerged as the new official opposition, the RDP has little reason to celebrate. Its leadership certainly had much bigger hopes and publicly proclaimed markedly higher aspirations during the election campaign. Measured against the expectations created, a sobering time has begun. While the RDP boasted of having a database with close to 400,000 supporters, they only managed to garner less than 100,000 votes. As of 21 March 2010, four of their eight MPs taking seats in the National Assembly have in their earlier political life already represented Swapo in this august house. They will have to show in the five years ahead that they can make a difference and are more than old wine in new bottles. This will not be an easy task, especially when confronted with the merciless dogmatic and unforgiving dominance of Swapo, which will be anything but accommodating.

The predictable top loser has been the CoD, which collapsed from official opposition status into irrelevant marginality. The two party founders managed to survive on one mandate each under the CoD flag (with party president Ben Ulenga returning to parliament) and the newly established APP. The latter only testifies to the ethnic–regional dimension successfully mobilised by its party leader Shixwameni in the Kavango capital of Rundu. The same pattern of ethnic–local support applies to some extent also to the RP, the DTA and MAG, which draw most votes among the white electorate. Their declining influence can be seen as a further political marginalisation of the white minority, which is now hardly represented in parliament. The replacement of MAG as the conservative Afrikaans-speaking advocacy group by SWANU as the oldest anti-colonial organisation in existence has most likely no immediate political impact. But it represents a remarkable symbolic shift in terms of emancipation from a not-so-long ago settler–colonial past.

SWANU can be seen as the winner among the smaller parties. Despite its long track record in the anti-colonial struggle and several tests through internal differences over its political positioning – which resulted in almost suicidal splits prior to independence – it has for the first time managed to obtain representation in the National Assembly. This might be the result of some visible campaigning efforts, which left a mark on the public sphere. If this is the case, then Namibian democracy seems to indeed exist to at least some encouraging degree, as SWANU through its active promotion of the party’s programme would have managed to obtain votes. Its party president, elected into the National Assembly on the last seat available (and some 200 votes ahead of MAG), has declared to use the parliamentary forum for the promotion of the party’s socialist policy programme.

Maybe this allows him (given the lack of support to the CP) to contribute to a discourse which assists in bringing about more equality for the majority of the population – including women, who might have been the biggest losers in Namibian society during these elections. Their number among the parliamentary representatives decreased to 16 – a far cry from reasonably equal representation.

Presidential elections

The results of the presidential election, conducted in a parallel voting act on separate ballot papers, showed – as in all previous elections – that the votes for Swapo’s candidate actually exceeded those for the party. Hifikepunye Pohamba received almost 9,000 votes more than the party list, which underscores his status as a respected leader who is entrusted by the electorate with running the affairs of the republic as the head of state. This is a remarkable vote of confidence after a number of internal disputes during his first term in office, when party factions challenged his policy of reconciliation towards some party members accused of being 'unreliable'. Here are the top runners as extrapolated from the official figures:

Presidential election results 2009



The re-elected president Pohamba could use this vote of confidence of his abilities as office-bearer to execute with authority his comparatively moderate line of policy in the party he represents. Originally almost forced into office as the declared crown prince of the founding father Sam Nujoma and reluctant himself to pursue such a career, he was a representative of a reconciliatory approach, who declared to take a firm position on combating corruption. During his first term in office, he did not meet such expectations and too often showed leniency towards the orthodox party hardliners pushing for a more exclusivist and dogmatic approach. At times he seemed to be caught between his party loyalty and his own values as a man who prefers peace and harmony to polarisation. Inspired by conservative Christian values, he hardly represented antagonistic tendencies but rather sought dialogue and promoted mutual respect. For him the slogan 'unity in diversity' seemed to have meaning, though at times he also bowed to pressure by articulating more the arrogance of power that the dogmatic party faction prefers. It occasionally looked as if he was a prisoner of his loyalty to the party while he personally would have liked to pursue other options to seek a common understanding with those parts of Namibian society not convinced that Swapo alone is the best for the country.

Only when his candidacy for a second term started to be questioned by those who were seeking a more autocratic leadership style and a rigorous purge of those suspected of not toeing the hardcore line, he stood up to defend his claim for being the party’s elected president and therefore the obvious and only candidate for nomination. He thereby visibly challenged (and silenced, at least in public) efforts to erode his legitimacy. Originally perceived as an interim president for one term in office only, he now has another five years to try to convince those doubting his perseverance and steadfastness that he is indeed the president able to bring more harmony and respectful interaction to the country’s political culture.

The retired autocratic president and firebrand Sam Nujoma has never stopped being politically active and has continued to pull strings. In 2009 he provided the media with some stunning examples of Mugabe-style polemics. It remains to be seen to what extent his time is gradually coming to an end. The fraternity between him and his handpicked successor has certainly been damaged, since Pohamba did not live up to the expectations following his master’s voice. The list of party candidates for the new National Assembly had no clear handwriting of either Nujoma or Pohamba but reflected more so a gradual shift in generation from the first original Swapo cadres (who approach a biological expiry date) to a younger age group. More so, the appointment of the new cabinet to be sworn in on 21 March 2010 might provide evidence (or at least promote further speculation) on who currently has the ultimate say in party matters.

While Swapo and its president can with confidence claim to have defended their hegemonic status and mastered the RDP challenge, the next five years might prove to be decisive in terms of the political culture pursued. If the dogmatic and narrow-minded view that Swapo alone stands for Namibian patriotism prevails, the country’s already damaged reputation will suffer more and the internal divisions will deepen further. The peaceful conduct of the elections and the civil forms of coming to terms with its results should not ignore the worrying signs of increased violence ahead of the elections. Those politically responsible among all social forces will face an enormous challenge to maintain peace and stability. The decisive factor in this will remain Swapo and its policy.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Dr Henning Melber is executive director of the Dag Hammarskjöld foundation in Uppsala, Sweden, and a member of Swapo (South West Africa People's Organisation) since 1974.
* This article is part of a text drafted for the publication series ‘Perspectives’ by the Southern Africa regional office of the Heinrich Böll foundation. A more extensive version of this article is available from the Heinrich Böll foundationwebsite.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Durban’s bedtime stories: Abahlali baseMjondolo's struggle continues

Raj Patel

2009-12-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61058

cc AbahlaliLooking back on the September attacks on Abahlali baseMjondolo members in Kennedy Road, Durban, Raj Patel profiles the views of key Abahlali activists including S’bu Zikode, Zodwa Nsibande and Mazwi Nzimande. Though strongly disrupted by the African National Congress-led (ANC) attack in September, Abahlali has continued to meet, while the absence of its leaders from the Kennedy Road settlement has illustrated the deficiencies of the ANC.

In a house in a leafy Durban suburb, lightly festooned with Christmas decorations, a TV is playing the Adam Sandler movie 'Bedtime Stories'. Across scenes of gumballs falling from the sky and Roman gladiator races, our hero tries to get ahead through wish fulfilment. Predictably, his dreams don’t come true in quite the way he hoped.

Under other circumstances, the house in which this TV sits might have been someone’s dream come true, too. It has all the mod-cons – running water, flushing toilets, electricity – and the only neighbourly menace is the sirens of hair-triggered home-security systems. But this is only a temporary home, a safe-house hidden in white suburbia, sheltering activists from the Abahlali baseMjondolo shackdwellers movement. The comforts of this house are a reminder of the comforts of a home they’ve lost, and the nightmare they’ve been through over the past few months.

On 26 September 2009, around three dozen armed men chanting ethnic slogans descended on the Kennedy Road shack settlement in Durban, home to 7,000 people, including many of the movement’s leaders. Members of the Kennedy Road Development Committee were hunted by the mob and, in the attack, over 30 activists’ houses were destroyed and two people were killed. It is increasingly clear that this attack was orchestrated by the ANC (African National Congress) in a deliberate attempt to smash the shackdwellers movement and to reassert their rule over the city’s poorest people. Those leaders who didn’t immediately flee were arrested for the killings and have been in prison waiting for their bail-hearing ever since.

Abahlali had long been a challenge to the ANC, representing the largest autonomous and militant group of poor people in the country, with several successful challenges to the ANC’s treatment of shackdwellers under their belt. After the attack, many activists went into hiding, and the ANC declared the community ‘safe for democracy’. They claimed they’d smashed the movement and, for a while, it seemed as if the ANC’s dreams had come true too.

'We weren’t surprised that it happened. We were organising for many years', said S’bu Zikode, one of the movement’s leaders. 'They were late to crush us.' His voice is heavier than I remember it.

Abahlali had long been fighting the local government to deliver on the promise of housing made when apartheid ended in 1994. But more recently, the movement had taken on local gangsters and owners of shebeens, informal bars in the shacks which play loud music and serve alcohol late into the night 'stopping the children to sleep, and making those who have to work very tired the next morning', according to S’bu. The Kennedy Road branch of Abahlali negotiated a 10pm end to drinking. This didn’t go down well with those whose profits were dented, and who were connected to the ANC. Which is how the latest nightmare began. The thugs arrived soon after the community tried to wrest control back from the gangsters.

I ask how the activists are feeling. Zodwa Nsibande said, 'We survive on hope.' Her voice, too, is tired. 'We are scattered. There’s no assurance that nothing will happen. The ANC may catch us. But we aren’t doing anything wrong. Everything we do is within the law. We shouldn’t be scared.' Then, without skipping a beat, 'We know we are going to die, but when the time comes, no one can smile. But one thing I believe. If we didn't have an impact in our work, they wouldn't attack.'

And yet, as Mazwi Nzimande told me, the feeling toward the ANC isn’t hatred. 'I was shamed by the ANC. We're not taking ANC votes – we're in the process of making life for all – that's why we did what we did.' Zodwa agreed, but didn’t think the attack was inevitable: 'I feel ashamed. I was not expecting this from the custodians of democracy.'

So has the ANC blown a hole in the movement? Mazwi thinks not. 'There are many people who want to join us. We don’t have a specific place for meetings but we’re still moving. One thing is that I was thinking about was that they were trying to destabilise us, but we are more popular than before. More people want to join Abahlali. There is a new branch in Pinetown, and new people from the transit camps want to join as well.'

S’bu Zikode is upbeat about Abahlali’s prospects too, seeing the absence of leadership in the Kennedy Road shack settlement not as a victory for the ANC, but as an organising and healing moment. It’s a chance to regroup, not for the leaders in exile, but for the community left behind:

'We know that time is a big doctor, and there are interesting debates that are happening in Kennedy Road. Life without Abahlali is not the same. When we were chased out, the ANC said we [the Kennedy Road Development Committee] were stopping development. So they put in an electricity tower within six days. People were happy there was electricity. But that is all the ANC did. Now, without Abahlali, the Kennedy Road residents are seeing that the ANC isn’t bringing development. The community service centre where we were had pre-school. We took care of that. Those kids are no longer having to attend school. The crèche has been closed. The feeding schemes have stopped, and there is no bread for the hungry. The HIV/AIDS drop-in centre that we ran has closed. There has been an increase in the death of people who had been attended by our volunteers. It is sad that no one was willing to do it. People thought it was not a hard work. Even on the side of our office, the grass has grown tall because no one cares for it, and now it is a toilet.'

'Now, the people who conducted the attack are no longer in Kennedy Road. And the same community is reflecting. They are asking themselves if attack made things better or worse – it’s a good mirror of reflecting. There is a good debate about how we were chased out.'

It seems almost everything can be turned into an opportunity for reflection and organising. At the moment, when Abahlali goes to court to support those arrested in the attacks, the ANC also sends a busload of the faithful, usually stopping off for beer en route, to jeer at Kennedy residents. 'They are unruly, yes, but some Abahlali engage them. People think that the attack was a one- or two-days event, but we’re still continuing it.' Hearts and minds can be won over outside the courtroom or, indeed, at the local constabulary.

For years, the movement has been at the wrong end of the sjamboks of the notorious Sydenham police station, a few minutes’ walk away from two major Abahlali settlements. But after repeated encounters, including many clashes at protests against the police, the Kennedy Road Development Committee established a shack security committee to which the police were invited. The police station (and its superintendent, Glen Nayager) were won over through attrition, integrity and good faith. This led to a meeting where community and police together decided to place a closing time on shebeens. And when the local ANC branch came to the settlement to defend the gangsters, the Sydenham branch were sidelined.

Today, Kennedy Road has a new police force deployed there. S’bu says 'Now, Kennedy Road is patrolled by the Metro police and the police from Inanda [several miles away]. The crime of the Sydenham police was to have a relationship with us.' The progress that had been made has been rolled back a little. But, briefly, Abahlali had defanged their most venomous foe. And they’re sure they’ll be able to do it again.'

In the meantime, though, I asked what people outside South Africa might be able to do to help. Zodwa called on the international community to shame the government, as she has been ashamed by it. 'That’s the only thing our government is able to understand. People must put pressure on them.' In New York, Auckland and London, groups have already protested outside South African consulates – and as the 2010 soccer World Cup in South Africa comes closer, there’s a window of opportunity to make the South African government squirm, with some very specific demands. Zodwa again: 'What we need is an independent commission of enquiry. There should be no one from the state who is also involved, and no one from Abahlali, because we are all suspect in this whole issue. It mustn’t be by us – it must be neutral. So that it will cover the facts of what is really going on.'

In the meantime, the movement continues to meet, and plans are underway for a peoples’ 2010 World Cup, an ‘upside-down’ tournament involving poor people from around the world. As Mazwi put it, 'We are not going to compromise, not going to give up. We will intensify our campaign.'

As the year ends, it seems as if the ANC will try to tell itself its usual bedtime stories, that the party is in charge, that it – and only it – is the harbinger of development, that progress cannot happen without order, and that it will be vindicated by the 2010 World Cup.

Some people will believe the myths. As I left South Africa, I heard that Bill Gates had recently visited Durban to learn how it was a model for social change for the urban poor, and to use it as a template for urban development elsewhere through his foundation. Yet right beneath the feet of the world’s richest man, the world’s poorest people were organising a rude awakening.

The dreams of the powerful seldom work out the way they hope.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Find out more about the shackdwellers movement at www.abahlali.org.
* Raj Patel has written about the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement in his latest book, 'The Value of Nothing'.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The truth about sustaining broad coalitions

William Gumede

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61080

cc World Economic ForumA dramatic ‘realignment’ in the coalition of political forces that came together at South Africa’s ruling African National Congress’ 2007 Polokwane conference – which swept Thabo Mbeki out of the presidency of the party and country and lifted Jacob Zuma to the pinnacle of power – is currently taking place, writes William Gumede in this week’s Pambazuka News.

This month it has been a moment of truth for the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African Communist Party (SACP): They have come to realise that they may have carried Zuma into the South African Presidency, but that that does not mean they will dominate policies in the post-Polokwane era.

The analysis from strategists in both Cosatu and the SACP is now that they may have to compete with other lobbies, such as the nationalist-populist wing, personified by the ANC Youth League, and the powerful black business wing of the ANC, for the ear of Zuma. Although under Mbeki, the SACP and Cosatu were not even listened to, they have expected that under Zuma they will give the ideological, intellectual and strategic direction to the ANC government.

The truth is, historical examples elsewhere in the developing world show that it is very difficult to, when in government, hold together such a widely ideological divergent coalition, consisting of nationalists, traditionalists, populists, business, communists and social democrats – as Zuma is trying to do. Such a broad alliance can almost only be sustained when in opposition fighting a discredited colonial, minority or even military regime.

In fact, a broad governing coalition as that of Zuma can most probably only work, when every group signs a mutually agreed social pact, in which the core policies, service delivery timeframes, leadership quotas for each group and transparent rules to hold them accountable, are clearly spelled out.

The current realignment within the ANC family is still a direct result of the storm unleashed at Polokwane – where the leadership took place from Mbeki to Zuma; and which led to the formation of the breakaway Congress of the People (COPE) by centrists supporters of Mbeki angry at his brutal dismissal in 2008.

The grouping of ANC centrists that used to be allied to Mbeki – and who have not left for COPE – are now in retreat. They are scattered and not a coherent force anymore. Some leading centrist pro-Mbeki individuals have been co-opted by or have joined Zuma: Their political survival is now mostly dependent on Zuma’s personal protection.

Included in the realignment within the ANC family is the planned formation next year of a Party of the Left, by members of the SACP and Cosatu who opposed the two organisations’ support for Zuma at the Polokwane conference. This group, mostly provincial leaders of the two formations, are planning a conference in March next year, to lay the foundations of a new ‘democratic’ Left party. This group have strongly insisted that Zuma’s left credentials fell well short, and therefore cannot be supported by the ANC Left as a candidate for the ANC and country presidency. Many of those who argued like this were purged by SACP and Cosatu leaders. Sidelined, they are now at the head of the move to try to form a party of the Left. They want to marshal communities protesting spontaneously across the country against poor local government service delivery, corruption and inefficiency, behind their cause.

They also want to mop up disgruntled members of other groupings on the black Left: The remaining supporters of the rapidly disintegrating Pan Africanist Party of Azania (PAC), and those of the increasingly flatfooted Black Consciousness parties such as the Azanian Peoples Organisation and Socialist Party. They are also wooing the grassroots movements that broke away from the ANC after the 2000 local government elections, such as the Anti-Privatisation Forum, which is often labelled within the ANC Left as ‘ultra-Left.

Where will all of this end? Possibly, this infighting within the Zuma-ANC coalition could go on until the ANC’s 2012 national conference. This will of course mean there will be paralysis in both the ANC and government until then. Little delivery can happen when there is paralysis at the centre of government and the ruling party. Yet, if lack of delivery continues, combined with public infighting among ANC leaders, and conspicuous consumption, amidst rising poverty and unemployment, among the black majority, more and more ordinary ANC supporters will think of deserting it. This is especially true if credible alternative political parties start to form outside the ANC. In this scenario, the ANC’s 2012 national conference could turn into pitch battle between the Left groups (Cosatu and the SACP) on the one hand; and the assortment of nationalists, populists, traditionalists and business on the centre and centre-right. Such a fight won’t be about policies or ideology, but over personalities, leadership positions and control of the state.

Out of this potentially bloody tussle, either the SACP and Cosatu group; or the nationalists-populists-traditionalists (with support of key black business figures), could emerge victorious. The losing faction could compromise with the winning one, or keep fighting from the margins – thus sustaining a cycle of government paralysis. Or it could see the SACP and Cosatu walking out and forming a Workers Party – if they loose the 2012 battle. Or finally, the intensity of the infighting could also splinter the ANC into a number of separate smaller components – breaking up the ANC, with a whole new group of parties arises from the ashes.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* William Gumede is co-editor with Leslie Dikeni of The Poverty of Ideas.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The poverty of ideas

William Gumede and Leslie Dikeni

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/61073

cc womensnet_gallery‘Active and engaged public intellectuals play a crucial role in the ongoing life of democratic societies’, perhaps even more so in new democracies like South Africa, William Gumede and Leslie Dikeni write in this week’s Pambazuka News. In an extract from their new book, ‘The Poverty of Ideas’, Gumede and Dikeni make the case for opening up the ‘space for debate, dissent and public dialogue’ and reversing a culture of intolerance that flourished under the Mbeki administration.

‘Now, it is a fact that an intellectual is someone who fails to mind his own business.’ Jean-Paul Sartre[1]

The debate on what constitutes the role and responsibility of the intellectual in South Africa generates much acrimony. We believe that it is appropriate to revisit this debate at this moment in the life of our new democracy. Our starting point is that active and engaged public intellectuals play a crucial part in the ongoing life of democratic societies, perhaps even more so in new democracies like ours. As Barney Pityana has said, the capacity of a nation to conduct public debates is an important foundation in building a democratic society. ‘In such debates the nation examines its shortcomings and strengths, surveys the infinite variety of views and opinions and treats everyone with respect, exercising tolerance and promoting meaningful communication’.[2] But instead of active engagement, intellectuals in South Africa have increasingly since 1994 beaten a retreat.

Until the ANC’s national conference in Polokwane in December 2007, the space for debate, dissent and public dialogue was significantly narrowed during the Mbeki administration. Even mildly critical patriots were seen as disloyal, as opposed to the ‘people’. Sadly, some intellectuals resorted to ‘nativism’, to exclusive, rather than plural, definitions of South Africanness. Criticisms were assessed on the extent of one’s blackness, on whether one was on ‘our side’. Such was the hostility to new ideas that critics wondered whether they would have their passports confiscated and their citizenship revoked.

Since Polokwane there has been a visible opening of space for debate, though it is not yet enough. True, Polokwane finally broke the numbing consensus and allowed fresh ideas, imagination and new leadership to be brought to bear in renewing a faltering democracy, mending a torn society and fostering more equitable development. But some of the worst excesses of the Mbeki era are still with us. For one thing, intolerance of different opinions still continues; loyalty to one faction is often still expected for public sector appointments, promotions and state tenders; and new terms have been invented to still opponents: They are said to be ‘coping’, a reference to the Congress of the People (COPE), the breakaway party that seceded from the ANC.

The legacy of the Mbeki administration will be hard to undo. It was not only within the state where demands were made for absolute loyalty to the cause, but also in the wider society that those with dissenting views often faced ridicule, marginalisation and attacks on their integrity. The smear is one of the most devastating weapons for stifling debate and silencing critics. In 2006 Graeme Bloch rightly pointed to the ‘current anti-intellectual populism that blames commentators, intellectuals, unidentifiable conspirators; that bays at independent views; ... none of this augurs well for a climate of critical debate and ideological or intellectual renewal’.[3]

The need for fresh ideas, debate and engagement with pressing issues has never been greater. Njabulo Ndebele has diagnosed a ‘generalised and undefined sense of anxiety in the body politic [which] breeds conspiracy and fear’.[4] As he expressed it: ‘South Africans across the class, racial and cultural spectrum, confess to feel uncertain and vulnerable as never before since 1994,’ and he listed a whole series of events that indicated and encapsulated the sense that the country was unravelling.[5] Prominent among these was the revolt in many townships across the country in which the poor – the vast majority who had not benefited from the new democracy – expressed their anger at slow delivery of services, corruption, arbitrary decision-making, and callous public servants and politicians.

As Desmond Tutu noted in 2004, South Africans have lost their idealism.[6] Politicians no longer have the respect of the public. Very few of them appear to have a social conscience or to believe in anything greater than their own enrichment. The idea that civil servants and politicians are there to serve has become a fading dream. South African society itself is in crisis. The ideals of the ANC and of like-minded progressives, both white and black, of creating the good society appear to be collapsing. Tutu lamented that South Africa was losing its moral direction. The evidence for this is stark and undeniable: Child rape, violent crime, family breakdown, a deteriorating environment, ethnic and racial divisions, xenophobia, rising inequality and a declining sense of social justice.

In fact, South Africa is stuck in several interlocking crises. Not only has there been a staggering collapse in the sense of social justice, ethics and moral values but the dream of a caring and compassionate society, which many fought for during the liberation struggle, has now turned into a nightmare for millions who ‘live in gruelling, demeaning, dehumanising poverty’, while a small elite connected to the leadership of the ANC ‘become very rich at the stroke of a pen’.[7] It was Thabo Mbeki himself – who must take some responsibility for the malaise – who, while President, said that South African society had absorbed a value system in which ‘personal success and fulfilment means personal enrichment at all costs and the most theatrical and striking displays of that wealth’.[8] Not much has changed since his administration. Although the country has been in recession since late 2008, government ministers splash out in conspicuous consumption frenzies, buying luxury motor-cars and throwing huge parties at taxpayers’ expense, while admonishing long-suffering citizens to tighten their belts.

Indeed, South Africa is facing a defining moment in its efforts to build a sustainable and equitable democracy as external circumstances become less propitious. The global financial crisis, the worst since the Great Depression of the 1930s, presents obvious dangers, but it also offers a developing country like South Africa the opportunity to refashion its economy and help create a new global financial system to replace the outdated Bretton Woods accord. In fact, the financial crisis may just provide the kind of shock therapy needed for Africans, for the first time since independence, to build sustainable democracies as well as strong economies. But for this to happen, African intellectuals will need to rise to the challenge and grab the opportunity in adversity. Similarly, China’s entry into Africa may offer the continent the first real chance to lift itself out of poverty, as postwar Europe did under the Marshall Plan. Once again, unless African intellectuals come up with innovative ideas for a new partnership, the continent will lose out, just as it did during colonialism.

South Africa desperately needs intellectuals to wake from their Rip Van Winkle-like slumber and work towards a new progressive agenda for the renewal and reconfiguration of society. To deal with the interlocking social, political and economic crises in which the country is stuck, in an increasing complex, dangerous and economically volatile world, we need fresh ideas, a new mindset and renewed energy. At the same time there has to be a reassertion of progressive values. ‘Human values are required, of integrity, of equity, solidarity, a belief in human potential and human dignity, the possibility of social involvement to eliminate suffering. Consistent willingness to engage with people, to discuss openly, to listen to and incorporate concerns on the ground, (and) encourage transparency and accountability. Tolerance of difference and the celebration of diversity within an inclusivist but principled approach must be central.’[9]

For all these, South Africa needs engaged, active and responsive intellectuals. A recurrent refrain in the essays that appear in this volume is the worry that the role of the public intellectual in South Africa’s infant democracy seems to have declined. Although they have a crucial part to play, their place and value have become uncertain. Indeed, as Leslie Dikeni writes, they appear to have been displaced by the ‘soundbite’, the so-called ‘expert’ television analyst, the servile intellectual and the ideologue howling down critical debate and dissent as ‘sellout’, unpatriotic and even as ‘un-African’ (if the critic is black) or ‘racist’ (if the critic is white). Instead of welcoming public dialogue, critique and dissent, the government appears to have discouraged public criticism in fear that it might endanger the ‘public interest’, as William Gumede points out. Shireen Hassim laments the fact that there is now less political tolerance to ask questions about the ‘norms and values underpinning our democracy’.[10] As a result, some progressive intellectuals have withdrawn from public debate, with obviously negative consequences for public life in general.

A conference held in May 2006 to look at the role of black intellectuals in shaping the new democracy concluded that ‘black intellectuals are marginalised or are marginalising themselves’.[11] Some argue that black intellectuals are ‘still trying to find a role for ourselves’, [12] while others contend that progressive intellectuals appear unable to make the transition from oppositionism to new forms of engagement.[13]

At issue is the question how progressive intellectuals who fought in the liberation struggle should relate to a democratic government that has demanded absolute loyalty behind its nation-building project. Not surprisingly, many of them have been suspicious of the ANC government’s three great intellectual projects to date: The African Renaissance, the stabilisation of the economy and the modernisation of the ANC as a liberation movement.

In the democratic South Africa that took shape after 1994, a large number of intellectuals joined the government or the civil service, as happened elsewhere in post-independence Africa. Indeed, the civil service appears to be the last outpost of the progressive intellectual (though given public maladministration, policy failures and delivery bottlenecks, one wonders if this is something to be celebrated). As a result, the intellectual discourse in South Africa has often appeared to be dominated by the state, rather than by those outside the state. Indeed, the state played an important role in mobilising intellectuals behind a ‘Native Club’, supposedly an attempt to corral black intellectuals into a social force. Predictably the move led to further polarisation. The post- liberation experience across Africa has shown that withdrawing into nativism results in a form of retribalisation. Furthermore, opting for such exclusivist solutions has been behind the collapse of many post- independence nation-building projects.

In South Africa, the universities have declined as places for intellectual engagement and debates, Jonathan Jansen argues. Some of society’s great intellectuals exist outside universities, in the churches, for instance, or in civil movements. At the same time there has been a decline in student and youth intellectuals, which Prishani Naidoo discusses. Compared with the generation of youth intellectuals such as Anton Lembede, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela who established the ANC Youth League in the 1940s or the generation of intellectuals who formed the Black Consciousness Movement in the 1970s, the present-day leaders of the ANC Youth League, Young Communist League and the student movement are an embarrassment.

There has been a decline, too, in the quality of intellectual discourse from traditionally progressive NGOs and trade unions. This is in part to do with the fact that many progressive intellectuals based in these organisations moved into government after 1994. Although many have returned, and new social movements have emerged, it is hard to discover the same kind of dynamism that prevailed in the 1980s when progressive think tanks played an important role in the politics of the anti-apartheid movement. Indeed, the period between the late 1980s and 1994 was a golden age for progressive intellectuals, who were engaged, as Mala Singh wrote, in ‘translating the programmatic ideas and hopes of the liberation movement into policy options’.[14] Prominent among these organisations were the Economic Trends Research Group, the Sociology of Work Programme (SWOP), the Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE), PLANACT and the Centre for Development Studies. Some of these think tanks were close to the trade unions or the liberation movements and many were involved in working on policy blueprints for a future democratic South Africa. At the time progressive intellectuals saw their role as active participants in the struggle for social and political change and for achieving a non- racial, non-sexist, democratic society based on social justice. It was none other than Alec Erwin who warned against intellectuals becoming ‘instruments of particular political and economic interests in the process of transition’.[15]

After 1994, many progressive think-tanks were marginalised by the government, partly because they were perceived to be producing critical or otherwise unacceptable research. Moreover, the diversion of NGO funding by overseas funding agencies to the new government often gave it extraordinary leverage and patronage over NGOs and research think tanks. Max Price has shown, for instance,[16] how very soon after 1994 the Centre for Health Policy, set up in the late 1980s by progressive researchers, became marginalised. He pointed out that its funding was sometimes withdrawn by the government if it was not happy with the policy direction taken by the Centre. The great weakness in democratic South Africa has been that once intellectuals or activists are viewed as critical of public spending priorities, their views are unlikely to be heard on policy proposals. Others argue that the decline of intellectual engagement has also to do with the fact that most progressive intellectuals from the 1980s conceived their work in a ‘statist’ framework. They invested all their ambitions and expectations in the state to steer development. Those who insisted on a role for the grassroots, community and civil society in policy-making have since been sidelined.[17] The disappearance of the United Democratic Front is a case in point.

With the collapse of Soviet communism, and the temporary decline of social democracy in Western Europe in the early 1990s, progressive intellectuals submitted to Anglo-American liberalism in social theory. The Reconstruction and Development Programme and the Macroeconomic Research Group’s work were the last attempts by progressive theorists to come up with a localised set of development paths for South Africa. In any case, the social sciences in South Africa ‘have been insulated or cushioned from intellectual developments elsewhere’.[18] Given, as Vishnu Padayachee argues in this volume, this ‘relative isolation, which intensified during the 1980s, a lack of innovative thinking, the absence of a broad-based and rigorous economics debating tradition, and the fact that most progressive economists working with social movements did not originally train as economists, [many prominent social scientists were left] extremely vulnerable to the neo-liberal juggernaut, when these ideas, backed by powerful global institutions and resources, entered South Africa after 1990’.

Thus when the ANC leadership came under pressure to win market confidence in its economic leadership, it was able, with little opposition, to adopt orthodox policies that undermined the well-being and development of the poor majority which had voted the party into power in the first place. Thereafter, the space for ‘committed’ intellectuals, active in economic and social debates, to influence policy formulation and implementation began to close drastically. As early as 1996, Michael Morris warned that such intellectuals faced the danger of either embracing the ‘romantic, appealing, yet unrealizable, slogans of the past’ or else adopting the ‘technicist logic’ of apartheid- era policy-makers, which the same intellectuals had so vociferously opposed in the past.[19] Morris warned that if ‘social problems are reduced to technical ones in the tense and fraught transition currently under way in South Africa, it is a short step to authoritarian repression to ensure the implementation of unpopular technical solutions’.[20] When the philosopher-king Mbeki imposed his development reforms without consulting the would-be beneficiaries and in the process marginalised those opposing the policies, the recipients in the townships around the country revolted. But progressive intellectuals have not offered them any credible alternatives.

Jacklyn Cock argues that intellectuals need to stand in solidarity with local social movements that challenge social injustice. ‘This means firstly adopting the needs of the vulnerable and marginalised as our research priorities. But it does not only involve participating in collective, participatory research and policy formulation together with, rather than on, these movements. It also involves struggling for robust, open and democratic debate inside those structures. Both are necessary to practising what [the sociologist C. Wright] Mills termed “the politics of truth”.’[21] Cock rightly argues this could lead to a ‘new architecture for producing and sharing knowledge’ between ‘the poor, the vulnerable, the dispossessed and the marginalised’ and those critical voices who speak on their behalf. In addition, it could lead to ‘new forms of dialogue between public intellectuals, activists and policy-makers’.

Since 1994, there has been a decline in the vibrancy of intellectual engagement within the ANC and within the society as a whole. Debate has been narrowed and dissent discouraged. Many of the leading intellectuals have now become politicians or work in the civil service and the rest have remained in policy think tanks or universities, mostly focusing on policy research. Most are reluctant to be critical of government, in an atmosphere in which debate is discouraged or outspokenness could mean the loss of a job. Since 2000, new spaces have opened up for intellectual engagement, on the mainstream ANC left, in civil movements such as the Treatment Action Campaign. Other new intellectual activity has been evident in the mushrooming of civil movements outside the ANC family. These have, however, remained scattered, very narrow in focus, and often unlikely to influence policy. There has also been a decline in innovation in social science and development theory. Furthermore, the democratic state, even after all the human resources invested in it – with progressives from trade unions, universities, the media and so on joining it in 1994 – has proved a disappointment in its failure to meet the demands of the most vulnerable in society. But it will not do to reject the state and think that the answer lies only in the mythical ‘grassroots’ as the only viable transformation agent. As Shivana Shiva has argued: ‘The real issue of our times is how to reinvent the state’, in order for it to deliver.[23] This is among the key challenges for the progressive intellectual.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* This is an extract from The Poverty of Ideas, edited by William Gumede and Leslie Dikeni and published by Jacana Media (ISBN 978-1-77009-775-9).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES

[1] Jean-Paul Sartre, Plaidoyer pour les intellectuals (Paris: Gallimard,
1972), p. 12.
[2] Barney Pityana, Liberation, Civil Rights and Democracy: Perspectives
on a Decade of Democrcacy, The Martin Luther King Jr Lecture, Rice
University, 20 January 2004.
[3] Graeme Bloch, ‘Where did the left go wrong?’, Mail & Guardian, 16
September 2006.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Njabulo Ndebele, Board Chairperson’s Report, Idasa 2005 Annual
Report (Cape Town: Idasa, October 2005.
[6] Desmond Tutu, Second Annual Nelson Mandela Lecture, Johannesburg,
23 November 2004.
[7] Thabo Mbeki, Fourth Annual Nelson Mandela Lecture, Johannesburg,
29 July 2006.
[8] ibid
[9] Bloch, ‘Where did the left go wrong?’
[10] Shireen Hassim, Sociology in a Localised Context: Report, Institute for
Globalisation Studies, 5 October 2004.
[11] Xolani Xundu, ‘Black intelligentsia stirs’, Sunday Times, 7 May 2006.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Blade Nzimande, Sociology in a Localised Context: Report, Institute for
Globalisation Studies, 5 October 2004.
[14] Mala Singh, ‘Intellectuals and the politics of policy research’,
Transformation, 18/19, 1992.
[15] Alec Erwin, ‘The research dilemma, to lead or to follow’,
Transformation, 18/19, 1992.
[16] Max Price, ‘Some reflections on the changing role of progressive
policy groups in South Africa: experiences from the Centre of Health
Policy’, Transformation, 1995.
[17] Mike Neocosmos, ‘Intellectual debates and popular struggles in
transitional South Africa: political discourse and the origins of
statism’, Paper presented at the African Association of Political
Science Congress, University of Durban-Westville, 1997.
[18] B. Fine and Z. Rustomjee, The Political Economy of South Africa:
From Mineral-Energy Complex to Industrialisation (Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press, 1996).
[19] Michael Morris, ‘Methodological problems in tackling socio-
economic policy in the transition to democracy in South Africa’, in J.
Gaspankova, V. Bakos, N. Pillay and C. Prinsloo (eds.), Methodological
Challenges of Inter-disciplinary Research in the Social Sciences
(Pretoria: HSRC Press, 1996).
[20] Ibid.
[21] Jacklyn Cock, Shireen Hassim and Eddie Webster, Sociology in a
Localised Context: Report, Institute for Globalisation Studies, 5
October 2004.
[22] A. Appadurai, ‘Grassroots globalization and the research imagination’,
in J. Vincent (ed.), The Anthropology of Politics (Oxford: Blackwell,
2002), pp. 271–84.
[23] Shivana Shiva, Water Wars (Boston: South End Press, 2002).

The BoBs: Cast your vote!

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/61097

Pambazuka is on Facebook and Twitter

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/61072

Reviews of Pambazuka Books on Amazon.com

Pambazuka Press

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/61095

Global: Seeking judges for children's essay competition 2010

2009-12-17

http://www.lornajones.net/

Men and women of African descent wanted from across the African diaspora to Judge essays written by children aged 8 to 16 years for "The Annual Essay Contest for Children of African Descent". Essays will be submitted in both English and French. Schools in English- and French-speaking Africa and the diaspora are invited to indicate their interest in participating in this contest. Visit: www.lornajones.net for previous years' winners. email@lornajones.net

Racism in Italy

Matteo Fraschini Koffi

2009-12-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/61059

cc Wayan VotaMatteo Fraschini Koffi writes of his experiences of racism in Italy, the brutal treatment of fellow individuals of African ancestry in the country, and how the problem should be overcome.

'There is a war on drugs, and many of our family members are the enemy. I don’t know how you wage war on your own family.' That’s how the Oscar-winning American writer–director Stephen Gaghan decided to summarise in a sentence the essence of the movie 'Traffic'. Replace 'drugs' with 'racism', and the same sentence summarises the essence of what I feel every time I come back here in Italy for a couple of weeks.

Here is where I grew up, here is where my family and oldest friends live. But this is also the country I chose to leave four years ago. And this is what’s been happening: 'Emmanuel Bonsu Foster comes from Ghana. He was 13 when he settled in Italy with his parents. One sunny afternoon in late September, Foster, now 22, was sitting on a park bench in Parma waiting for his classes to begin at a nearby technical institute. Seven men – plainclothes police officers, although he didn't know that – suddenly appeared and knocked him to the ground. They beat and kicked him, beat him some more in the police car, strip-searched him at the station, taunted him with "monkey" and "'negro", took Abu Ghraib-style photos of the cowering "criminal" and finally, after six hours, released him. His left eye was haemorrhaging, and he was carrying an envelope with his personal effects on which the cops had scrawled "Emmanuel Negro". It seemed Foster wasn't a pusher, after all. He was just black.' (The Nation, 02/02/2009)

'Abba was the nickname of Abdul William Guibre, who was born in Burkina Faso, raised in Italy and beaten to death here last month by the bar's father-and-son proprietors. The two, Fausto and Daniele Cristofoli, suspected Mr. Guibre, 19, of stealing money and set upon him with a metal rod, the authorities said, when it appeared he had stolen a package of cookies. During the altercation, the attackers shouted "dirty black", lawyers for both sides said' (The New York Times, 08/12/2008)

To these, two of the few stories related to racism in Italy published by the international press, I want to add what 'Redani' (the network of the black African diaspora in Italy) wrote in his last press release: 'Actor Mohamed Ba, stabbed in the middle of the day in Milan without reason, in front of the complete indifference of the people. A Somali in Turin attacked on a bus made it alive with a broken jaw. A Congolese physiotherapist, attacked in front of his little daughter by a mob of twenty youngsters. And the latest killing of Ibrahim M’Bodi, stabbed nine times in Biella by his employer who owed him three months salary and didn’t want to pay him.' This is a small percentage of racism-related examples going on in my country on a daily basis. The highly delicate situation forced Gian Antonio Stella, one of the leading Italian journalists on the subject, to publish a book provocatively titled 'Negroes, Fags and Judeans'.

I’ve been asked to write without generating 'alarmism', showing also the good side of Italy, highlighting the many examples of dialogue and openness carried out by millions of Italians on a daily basis. And I do that with pleasure: The initiative www.razzismobruttastoria.net ('Racismbadstory') is a monitoring body linked to the renowned publishing house 'Feltrinelli' that gathers via the internet various stories related to racism and integration in Italy. Milano Città Aperta is a platform from which different kind of associations and individual citizens try to 'counteract the discriminatory and repressive tendency of the laws related to immigration' through articles, meetings and campaigns. Just to give one last example, 12 tram-controlling officers were denounced by a civilian who decided to check their behaviour with immigrant passengers. Abuses of power and intimidatory acts were confirmed mostly with people of colour. The 12 officers were later fired by the tram company.

I wanted to share this with you, especially with the African people who often express their will to live in Italy, or in the West in general, without having an appropriate idea of the reality but basing their opinions on what they watch on TV.

Racism in Italy was one of the main reasons why I left. Given the gravity, atrociousness and ignorance of the events related to racism that are occurring here, it’s with great sadness that I feel I won’t ever regret this decision. As some of you might think, mine was not an act of cowardice, but an act of faith. Faith in what I could do from Africa. The war on racism goes both ways. Italy is my family, Africa is my family, the world is our family. The sooner we learn this very basic and fundamental lesson, the better. I tried to answer the question 'how do you wage war on your own family?', and the first word that comes to my mind is 'dialogue'. We need to talk to each other and listen. Ours is a war of words, thoughts, looks, caresses. Let’s communicate and channel our doubts face-to-face, and when it’s not possible, through the media. We’ve got so much to learn from each other, we can’t dispute that nor deny it. Politicians are letting us down all over the world. So, I say, step up, speak out and let’s win this war ourselves.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Matteo Fraschini Koffi is an African-Italian freelance journalist based in Kenya.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Let's avoid generalisations about the ‘old left’ and ‘new left’

Mphutlane wa Bofelo

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/61076

cc atphalixMoves to create a new leftist platform focused on addressing issues that affect people and on building socialism from the ground up rather than through state power are noble and worthy of support, Mphutlane wa Bofelo writes in this week’s Pambazuka News. But, says wa Bofelo, for the ‘soul-searching efforts to find and build a new platform for building power from below to yield a united socialist front’, they must be informed by and acknowledge the ‘multiplicity, plurality and diversity of traditions within the so-called “old left”, instead of lumping all past and present leftist and socialist/communist platforms with soviet-style communism.’

On Saturday 12 September 2009, anti-capitalist activists including former and current members of the South African Communist Party met in Grahamstown for a plenary of the Conference of the Democratic Left. This was followed by a national meeting in Cape Town the week after. According to the organisers – who include former SACP leaders Mazibuko Jara and Vishwas Satgar – the national consultation was directed at securing a minimum of 150 000 endorsements before the conference, which aimed at creating an new leftist platform that focuses on addressing issues that affect people and on building socialism from the ground instead of obsession with state power. Satgar was quoted in the Mail & Guardian saying that the idea was to do away with the old model of socialism that used the Stalinist formula: ‘Our starting point is recognising that those old models are in crisis. We want to get to the renewal of the left politics… With the old left you capture the state first through the military or elections, and then you change the society. With us it is not about the state. We want to build power from below.’ In the same article, Mazibuko Jara indicated that their hope was to capture disaffected members of ailing socialist parties and Congress of South African Unions (COSATU) and that within the South African Communist Party, Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO), Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) and Socialist Party of Azania (SOPA), there are genuine socialists, workers, radicals and militants who support the broad goals put forward by the Conference of the Democratic Left.

Jara believes that although many socialists identify with both the ANC and its alliance partners, a space exists for a more united vehicle to drive the improvement of people's lives: ‘Despite the massive support that the ANC continues to enjoy, so long as it is unable to redistribute wealth and structurally transform this economy, there will always be a case for socialism and the organisation of political and social forces to advance a socialist agenda.’

The search for united platform for building democracy and socialism from below is a noble ideal that deserves the support and involvement of everyone interested in opening up and broadening the space for effective participation of the people on the ground in contesting the dominant neo-liberal trajectory and in ensuring participatory, bottom-up, people-centred and pro-working-class democracy as part of the efforts towards a socialist egalitarian society.

In this sense, organisers of the Conference of the Left – envisaged to take place in March 2010 – should be commended for engaging in a critical search for new left politics and structures centred on the reality of the masses at the grassroots and focusing on building democracy and socialism from below. However it is important for 'the new left' to acknowledge that part of the crisis of sections of the left that held to the Stalinist model was failure to contextualise socialist theories to the specificities and particularities of time and place. There was also an aversion to and a suppression of the diversity of thought and multiplicity of currents within the Marxist traditions. The blind, dogmatic, a-contextual application of Marxist theory promoted the notion that the soviet model is the ‘alpha without omega’ of how the revolution and society should be organised. This cultivated the treatment of any discourses on the interrelation between race and class and any proclivities towards world revolution and permanent revolution as heresy.

The notion of the then USSR as the model, the two-stage theory as the grandmaster plan and the South African Communist Party (SACP) as the vanguard created an intolerance to leftist politics outside the framework of the tripartite alliance.

The terms liberation movement and leftist/Marxist became synonymous with tripartite alliance and Congress of South African Trade Unions-South African Communist Party (SACP) respectively. Leftist and socialist formations operating within Trotskyists, Marxist-Leninist Maoist, Africanist and Black Consciousness traditions and social democrats were scoffed at, treated with intolerance or treated as if they do not exist. For the soul-searching efforts to find and build a new platform for building power from below to yield a united socialist front it is critical that it be informed by and should acknowledge the multiplicity, plurality and diversity of traditions within the so-called ‘old left’, instead of lumping all past and present leftist and socialist/communist platforms with soviet-style communism. The history and traditions of left/socialist politics in South Africa is not the history of the South African Communist Party. The history of socialism locally and globally is not the history of Stalinism. There has always been – within the left – a movement against bureaucratic centralism, Stalinist dictatorship, and bourgeosie reformism and revisionism.

The anti-Stalinist section of the left and socialist/communist fraternity is not free of mistakes. It is in dire need of attuning its strategies, tactics and programs to the new realities. Indeed this section of the ‘old left’ should locate itself within 'the new left platform' or have intimate / critical links with it. But it will be doing injustice to history to equate the left with Stalinism. To associate all leftist parties with the reformism, revisionism and bourgeosie turn of many former and so-called socialist/communist parties will be an inaccurate or disingenuous record and interpretation of history. It is in sense that one argues that it is gross generalisation for Vishwas Satgar and his team to characterise all of ‘the old left’ as Stalinist, manipulative and preoccupied with state power rather than with building grassroots-based structures and programs that facilitates change in society. This equals ignoring the diversity of trends and currents within leftist and socialist circles.

The reality of the matter is that ‘the old left’ includes parties and organisations that have been consistent in fighting Stalinism, and in initiating working-class based organisations, projects and initiatives geared at promoting socialist ethos from below. To lump all of the left and socialist fraternity in South Africa and internationally with structures such as the South African Communist Party and AZAPO of the 1990’s will be tantamount erasure of several years of international and local activism by anti-Stalinist socialists – within and outside of Marxist traditions. To the best of their abilities – and operating within strict constraints – these anti-Stalinist activists and collectives have sought to build democratically run organisations. They were and are still visible and active in community struggles, working class organisations and various organs of people’s power.

One cannot just lump the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) of the period between the 60s and 80s (with its rich history and traditions of grassroots-based activism, community-centred activism and pioneering role in the development of civic and labour formations) with the post-94 Azapo. It cannot be correct to equate the internal democracy within the United Democratic Front and the Mass Democratic Movement with the democratic processes and practices of an ANC whose practices and processes are also influenced by state power and all the challenges and seductions that goes with it.

With scanty material resources, activists from the structures of the New Unity Movement, Workers Organisation for Socialist Action (WOSA), AZAPO of the 70s and 80s, the Marxist Worker Tendency within the ANC, the trade union movement and recently SOPA, have been consistent in articulating the socialist alternative and initiated several programs and projects which included political campaigns, community and worker projects and publications like APDUSA, Azanian Labour Journal, Frank Talk, Work-in-Progress, and In Defense.

The impact and durability of these programs in most instances are affected more by the scarcity of human, material and financial resources and sometimes lack of committed and disciplined cadres rather than by the ideological and political line of the concerned parties. For the envisaged united socialist democratic front or coalition of the democratic left to face the realities on the ground it must not believe that a correct ideological and political line is all that is needed to make an impact. Recognising this will enable it to take some lessons from the challenges, failures and small achievements of the most revolutionary sections of the old left instead of completely dismissing all of them as failed projects.

The other important fact to consider is that the ‘new left’ itself is not free of contradictions and serious challenges in terms of strategy and tactic, clarity of theoretical/ ideological and political program and issues of leadership, allocation of power and decision-making. For an example, many organisations in the NGO and social movement section of the left are one-issue based organisations whose life-span, and scope and direction of work/activities in most cases depend on funding by local and multi-national corporations and or institutions related to the United Nations and other regimes and regiments of global capital. Some NGOs and social movements have also created no-go areas in certain communities, vigorously monopolising the right to interact, work with or advocate on behalf of certain communities or locals.

These institutions are not free from the tendency to speak for and on behalf of the masses without engaging the massive in decision-making and policy-formulation processes in real terms and genuinely empowering communities to be in charge of the process of bringing about social change. There are several cases of disempowering the people through claiming to be the voice/advocates of the people, and several instances of leadership and power struggles. In some instances the NGO/social movement fraternity is purely an industry and an enclave for elitists and academics who only use it as a platform to either make their curriculum vitas elaborate or to build their individual profiles.

For some the social movement and community struggle environment is just a research terrain from which they come with seminal books and award-winning documentaries. The advocates of the poor become the new elites and gatekeepers. Yet there are several organisations of the social movement and even some NGOs that have emanated organically as poor people's fervent search for means to ameliorate their conditions and passionate search for an alternative society to the one in which their voice/ power ends with putting a cross on the ballot box.

There is also the issue of skewed communication/interaction or selective association with the broader left. For an example, on the very day of the 12 December 2009, in Durban there is a national plenary workshop towards the State of the Nation Truth Conference. There seem to be no indication whatsoever of interaction, conversation and information sharing between the organisers of the Conference of the Democratic Left and the organisers of the State of the Nation Truth Conference. Clearly it is erroneous to present the old left as a homogeneous, monolithic entity, neither will it be proper to treat the new left as such. These are some of the hard truths that those engaged in the search for a united new left platform will have to confront. Part of this will be critical, strategic engagement with segments of the old left that may not join the united new left platform.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Mphutlane wa Bofelo is a writer-activist with a passion for using creative education, literature and theatre as tools for transformation and development.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The failed promise of aid in Africa

Review of Dead Aid and Ending Aid Dependence

Ama Biney

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/61094

What these two books have in common is firstly that they have exceptionally compelling titles for those interested in their subject matter. Secondly, is the obvious fact that they are concerned with aid and Africa. Thirdly, these books will interest those students, policymakers and government officials who ostensibly claim to be interested in eradicating aid. However, this is where their similarities end. The two authors have sharply contrasting ideological visions for Africa’s disengagement from aid dependency. This is indisputably on account of their backgrounds. Moyo has worked at the World Bank and Goldman Sachs, studied at Harvard and Oxford universities, whereas Tandon is a radical scholar, public intellectual and former director of the South Centre (an intergovernmental think tank of the developing countries). In other words, their different experiences not only inform their analysis of aid, but their wholly differing prescriptive solutions to Africa’s myriad problems, which they agree are rooted in aid dependency.

Both authors eloquently illustrate how aid has failed to deliver the promise of economic growth and poverty alleviation in Africa. Moyo’s caustic attack is greater than Tandon’s. She forcefully argues that not only has aid often been stolen by corrupt governments, it has often been unproductive; it has led to indebtedness and as President Paul Kagame of Rwanda poignantly states, since 1970, much of the US$300 billion allocated to Africa was spent on creating and sustaining client regimes of one type or another, with minimal regard to developmental outcomes on the continent (p. 27). Moyo claims that aid ‘is the silent killer of growth’ (p. 48). In chapter four she gives a cogent critique of the damaging effects of aid in that it reduces savings and investment as a result of the ‘crowding-out effect’ of aid; it discourages private finance capital; causes inflation; stifles the export sector and inculcates an aid dependent psychology in African people (pp.61-66).

On the other hand, Tandon’s ‘aid taxonomy’ is a far greater analytical breakdown of the five different types of aid, compared to Moyo’s simplistic three forms (humanitarian or emergency aid, charity aid and bilateral/multilateral forms of aid). Using a colour classification Tandon identifies purple aid as based on the principle of solidarity; green/blue aid encompasses humanitarian aid and transfer of technical assistance; yellow aid is given on the principle of geo-strategic and security interests; orange aid are concessionary grants given for commercial gain – and in Tandon’s opinion should not be considered as aid – and lastly red aid is given on the basis of ideological principle to influence countries to implement the policies of the Washington Consensus (pp. 18-22). Tandon contends that it is this latter aid that permeates and dominates the kinds of aid given by the DCD-DAC.





Central to both books are their strategies for extricating African countries from their addiction to aid and setting them on paths of economic development. Moyo argues that ‘the cornerstone of development is an economically responsible and accountable government’ (p. 57). Yet Moyo fails to define what she means by development. However, implicit in her overall arguments and vision is a model of development that imitates the West. In contrast, central to Tandon’s arguments is that one must be clear on clarifying what development means for the discourse on development has been considerably enmeshed in ‘conceptual traps’ (p. 128) that engender false questions and false solutions.

For Tandon, development is essentially ‘self-defined; it cannot be defined by outsiders’ and ‘is a process of self-empowerment’ (p. 12). For Tandon development is a process that needs to be in the hands of Africans rather than imposed and directed by policy makers in the North. Therefore, in his seven steps to ending aid dependence the first and major step of ‘adjusting the mindset’ places the emphasis not only on African leaders, development experts and officials but African people to make this psychological shift. Such a change in mentality, which is essentially ‘an act of political will’ (p.77), cannot be achieved immediately. The subsequent steps are: ‘budgeting for the poor and not the donors’, followed by ‘putting employment and decent wages upfront.’

Step four involves ‘creating the domestic market and owning domestic resources’ such as water, land and all natural resources. ‘Plugging the resource gap’ is step five and step six involves ‘creating institutions for investing national savings.’ Whilst Moyo recognises national savings as important, she focuses on the role of the private sector in doing this, whilst Tandon focuses on the state and the community sector, which have been relatively neglected in the literature.

The last step in Tandon’s proposals involves ‘limiting aid to democratic priorities’. He contends that ‘before we decide what role aid plays in the development process, we have to understand what development means and what constitutes aid.’ (p.78) Like Moyo Tandon sees a positive yet very limited role for certain kinds of aid.

Moyo’s exit strategy is clearly wedded to the neoliberal paradigm reflected in the title of chapter 6: ‘A Capital Solution.’ For her, African countries need to issue bonds, increase trade with the Chinese and other partners such as India, Russia and Turkey; engage in greater micro-financing, and increase domestic savings. Whilst Tandon is of the view that ‘the role of foreign investment should be treated just as carefully as aid’ (p. 79) Moyo sees it as a critical plank in her proposals for Africa. She considers wooing potential investors is fundamental and though she accepts that ‘in order for borrowers (countries or companies) to access bond investors, they need a credit rating,’ (p. 83) such a hurdle is often determined by the same ‘white blue-eyed bankers’ that President Lula of Brazil characterised as causing the current financial implosion of the West. Moyo appears to accept the dictum that he who pays the piper calls the tune.

It appears Tandon’s emphasis is on Africa seeking to forge new ways to engage and simultaneously change the global economy with an agenda focused on the ‘national project’ and with greater South to South cooperation. Moyo’s prescriptions seek to integrate Africa into a system that is weighted against Africa’s interests. To illustrate this, Moyo argues: ‘But, most of all, acquiring credit ratings and experience in the capital markets is the passport for Africa’s participation in the broader world architecture. It is incumbent on African governments to play ball.’ (p.88)

Perhaps the Achilles heel of Moyo’s thesis is that her exit strategy from aid dependency for Africa may be unlikely or very difficult in the current global economic recession. For in the present economic crisis in which capitalism is being discredited, it raises questions as to what kind of economic system is desirable to provide the maximum benefit to the majority of African people?

Another weakness and disturbing observation is that Moyo is cited in the Foreword by Niall Ferguson, as calling for ‘a decisive benevolent dictator to push through the reforms required to get the economy moving.’(p. xi) It is necessary to ask, has Africa not had too many ‘benevolent dictators’ since independence, who have promised economic betterment when in reality standards of living have worsened catastrophically for Africa’s poor?

Furthermore, whilst Moyo hails the Chinese as Africa’s new friends, she fails to examine the example of the pink revolution that has recently swept Latin America by leaders such as Evo Morales of Bolivia, Rafael Correa of Ecuador, and Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. The rejection of the neoliberal paradigm in this corner of the globe has practical relevance for Africa where similarities of a colonial past and continued economic exploitation remain. There is also greater scope for not only trade but equally an ideological vision of ways in which wealth can be redistributed more fairly which can be learned by African countries from these pink countries.

Moyo’s peripheralising of African people is demonstrated in the following point she makes:

‘Ordinary people across Africa, the millions who bear the brunt of the economic catastrophe, have an incentive to change the aid regime of course. They would, if they could – who wouldn’t? But they eke out their existence under a veiled (and often not so veiled) threat of intimidation, punishment and even death. In order to overturn the state of aid-dependency, Africans need the gritty defiance of the unknown man who stood against the Chinese tanks in Tiananmen Square in June 1989. But such a rebellion carried enormous risk, and when pitted against the omnipotent state, more likely than not, will fail. This leaves it to Western citizens. They have power, and could hold the key to reform. It was, after all, thanks to the 60,000 ordinary Americans who wrote to the US Congress laying out their desire for freer trade access for African countries that the AGOA was born. It is this type of activism that is needed to help jump-start Africa’s development agenda, and set it on the right track.’ (p. 149).


There is certainly a role for Western citizens to play in holding their governments, banks and multi-national companies accountable for the unfair trading rules of an unjust economic system that also includes the WTO. Such Western citizens must also encourage the loot that resides in Western bank accounts as a result of African dictators safeguarding money that belongs to African people, to be returned to the African majority.

Yet, to argue that challenging aid-dependency lies with Western citizens to ‘jump-start Africa’s development’ is to make African people passive subjects in a process of economic transformation that African people should ultimately be in control of. In addition, Africa has many unknown men and women who have stood against the crushing forces of the state, in a similar way to the unknown Chinese man. The deaths of hundreds of Ethiopians in 2005, Kenyans in 2006 and Zimbabweans in 2008 are testimony to African people’s active desire for reform of their societies.

Moyo claims to outline ‘another way for Africa’ yet her proposals will continue to perpetuate the neo-colonial system many African countries continue to be entrapped by. The challenge for any African leadership with the political will and courage to embrace Tandon’s seven steps is to do so within a Pan-Africanist vision and in collaboration with other African countries within a medium to long-term timescale.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Ending Aid Dependence by Yash Tandon is published by Fahamu Books, 2008 (ISBN 1-906387-31-1).
* Dead Aid Why Aid is Not Working and How There is Another Way for Africa by Dambisa Moyo is published by Allen Lane, 2008.
* Dr Ama Biney is a pan-Africanist and scholar–activist who lives in the United Kingdom.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Re-imagining the social in South Africa: Critique and post-apartheid knowledge

Edited by Heather Jacklin and Peter Vale

University of KwaZulu-Natal Press

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/61078

As apartheid ended, why did the country’s season of questions end? Why did intellectual input shift from critique to subservience? Why have common-sense explanations of the social world of South Africans replaced searching questions? Why did critical thinking become an indecent activity?

This revolutionary volume seeks to revive the tradition of intellectual argument that marked apartheid’s final years. The questions above, and others, are at the heart of this book, which brings social theory to bear on social practice to disrupt received conceptions and representations of the social in the post-apartheid South Africa. The contributors – all leading intellectuals in South African academy - offer a very learned, thought-through and thought-provoking treatment of this issue.

Re-imagining the Social in South Africa aims to revitalise thinking on twenty-first century South Africa, by positioning the humanities, especially its critical spirit, at the very centre of the national conversation.

ABOUT THE EDITORS:

Heather Jacklin is a senior lecturer in the School of Education at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Her research interests relate to understanding teaching as a practice and the social justice implications of practices within the field of education.

Peter Vale is Nelson Mandela Professor of Politics, Rhodes University, South Africa. His interests include social thought in South Africa, critical theory and the future of the Humanities. Most recently, he has published on social theory and Southern Africa security, the Cold War thought and the origins of international relations in South Africa. Currently, he is working on a book on cartoons and South African foreign policy.

CONTRIBUTORS:

Ivor Chipkin, John Higgins, Heather Jacklin, Premesh Lalu, Michael Neocosmos, Bert Olivier, Suren Pillay, Richard Pithouse, Nick Rowe, Theodore R. Schatzki and Peter Vale.

REVIEWS:

‘For the first time since 1994 we have a book that allows us to ask fresh questions about state power … In one place, the skilled editors assemble the leading intellections in South African society to take on questions … This brilliant compendium of critical writing unsettles knowledge and power in equal measure.’ – Jonathan Jansen, Vice Chancellor, University of the Free State.

* Re-imagining the social in South Africa: Critique and post-apartheid knowledge edited by Heather Jacklin and Peter Vale is published by the University of KwaZulu-Natal Press (ISBN 13: 978 1 86914 179 0).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Is Petina Gappah ashamed of being an African writer?

Chielo Zona Eze

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/61077

In her first interview after winning the Guardian First Book Prize, Petina Gappah vehemently objected to her being labelled the voice of Zimbabwe. Rightly, so, one would say, for she is a voice, a very confident one for that. She is a voice that, like others before her such as Yvonne Vera, Marechera, Tsitsi Dangarembga, addressed the human condition from a given position, Zimbabwe. All literature is local.

Since her interview, various internet discussion groups have devoted considerable attention to what is perceived by some as a betrayal of her African roots. The title of her interview, ‘Petina Gappah: “I don't see myself as an African writer”’, is provocative enough to make one ask whether she had contracted Michael Jackson’s ‘yellow’ fever. Is it possible to create art that is not rooted in some place? Is she merely a copycat to her famous dead compatriot, Dambudzo Marechera?

Not so fast, friends.

To start with, it is abundantly peculiar even to a troubling degree, that only African writers appear to be burdened with the seemingly annoying issue of identity, whether they are writers from and of the continent. As one writer, coming to Gappah’s defense, said, you don’t ask water whether it is wet, do you? Yet, the writer rightly pointed out the tricky issue of identity. Thank God, identity is not as settled as the wetness of water.

It has to be born in mind that the issue of the African writer is fraught with contested meaning. If other writers from other continents do not face the same niggling problem – which I doubt – it might have to do with many factors, one of which is that writing in Africa, literature as belles-lettres is closely associated with liberation struggle and the definition of self. Chinua Achebe gave this type of writing a definitive form with Things Fall Apart and his subsequent essays and interviews and interpretation of his own book. Thus since the publication of his epochal book, African literature has largely been seen as a mode of writing-back, fighting the West’s misrepresentation of the African image. Achebe cannot be identified with the Negritude movement, but his project is not far removed from Negritude’s redefinition of the maligned image of the African. The subtle difference might lie in the Senghor’s lionisation of the past and Africa’s perceived essence.

This century has witnessed a robust renaissance of African literature, thanks in large part to Caine Prize. This rebirth boasts of such fine writers like Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Chris Abani, Sefi Atta, Brian Chikwava, Chika Unigwe, and of course Petina Gappah. Reading their works, one discerns their allegiance to what could be termed, for lack of available terms, the Achebean and Soyinkan schools of thought.

The Achebean school functions much like Negritude, and sees its role as primarily redefining the African. It does this among other things, by challenging the West’s ‘single story’. The Soyinkan, however, is of course different from the first in the sense that it appears to ignore the gaze of the white man, and explores the human condition as it is found in the African towns and villages. It does not even shy away from employing Western concepts and idioms to elucidate African native ideas. Doing so, simply telling normal stories of normal people, is understood as engaging in a deeply universal exercise.

Among the new crop of African writers, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie unapologetically positions herself as the torchbearer of Achebean tradition. This is evident in her writings and speeches, the most renowned of which is ‘The Danger of a Single Story.’ Chris Abani and Sefi Atta appear, at least, temperamentally to have sided with Soyinka, caring little about the burden of meeting the gaze of the white man. I put Gappah in this group. I don’t know her in person, but based on what I could glean from some of her writings, formal and informal, she seems to be completely opposed to the tradition of addressing the white man’s single story. She said somewhere that she is rigorously against Negritude, quoting Soyinka’s well-known critique of Negritude.

When Petina Gappah says that she doesn’t see herself as an African writer, I think it is important to note that she never denied being African, or black. Nor does she contest her being Zimbabwean. She, I think, avoids being holed in a given, transcendental role of saving the African, by telling his or her story.

Until it becomes obvious that African literature pursues no cause, many more African writers with broader cast of mind will always deny being African writers. Perhaps one day the term ‘African writer’ will lose its Achebean stamp when it becomes obvious that writings from that continent will be read also for their aesthetic wealth and not for their apology. The day has actually arrived, and reading Petina Gappah’s short stories, you feel as aesthetically fulfilled and as morally confronted as you would be. Hopefully, her little controversy goes a long way to instruct interviewers and commentators of African literature that the question of who is an African writer is as redundant as the medieval problem of wanting to know how many angels can dance on the head of a pin, or, to use a better example, setting up a symposium to determine whether Ian McEwan is European.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Chielo Zona Eze is a Nigerian writer and philosopher. He teaches English and post-colonial literature at Northeastern Illinois University, Chicago. He is the author of The Trial of Robert Mugabe.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

This is our story

Sokari Ekine

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/blog/61079

This is my last roundup of 2009 so I thought I would do something different and cover some of the arts and literature blogs from and on Africa. The blogs fall roughly into two categories – those which publish their own work; and those which review and report on the work of others. As always there are many blogs that started with enthusiasm, but very quickly ended. Few people realise that it takes time and dedication to maintain a blog so I have tried to stick to regularly updated blogs. Here are some of my favourites.


I’ll start with Poefrika, which is one of the oldest poetry blogs and is written by Rethabile Masilo, who also regularly contributes to Black Looks. Poefrika is the most comprehensive of all the literary blogs, publishing poems by Africans and non-African poets, reviews and interviews. He also has a section on best practice and writing tips. His latest post is ‘Ten poems to read before you die’.




African Literature News & Review authored by Chielo Zona Eze who describes himself as a ‘Nigerian writer and philosopher’ began in January this year. Again the posts are comprehensive in their coverage of authors from across the continent and there are links to reviews and plenty of ‘How to’ tips. His last post is on ‘Black Sister Street’, the novel by Nigerian/Belgian writer Chika Unigwe:

‘It must be to Chika's credit that she created characters driven, as you put it, by "a deep hunger" or like most of us here in Obodo Oyibo, by a deep pain, cut off from the natal source of our being; here prostituting our talents rather cheaply. This is where I locate the beauty and relevance of Chika's work. I am happy she is ever ready to address the "open sore" of our continent out of the abiding love she has for it. This is our story, unapologetically ours, and we are happy she tells it without flinching.’



Critical Literature Review is edited by Ayodele Morocco-Clarke and is exactly what it says, publishing critical and detailed reviews of books by writers from across the continent and beyond. The latest post is ‘Lets Exhume Dead Poetry’, a review of a new anthology ‘Poetry is Dead’.




Fluid Thought written by poet Bomi showcases her own work, whilst Jude Dibia, by the Nigerian author, publishes his own short stories with some reviews and essays from other writers.





Finally in the literature section is Moroccan writer and critic, Laila Lalami. Laila’s is one of the oldest blogs, dating back to October 2001 when she blogged as ‘Moorish Girl’, which was one of the first blogs I started reading back in 2004. Her first post on 1 October was a one line ‘Hello world this is Moorish Girl’s first post’. Her third post still has a relevance today:

“Tuesday, October 2nd, 2001


When you think of freedom fighters in the context of Afghanistan, who do you think of? Afghan women have been fighting for years to document the abuses inflicted upon them by both the Taliban and the Northern Alliance, and to sound the alarm about the spread of radicalist thinking. Here’s an interesting article on Salon.com. If you want to help, visit the Afghan Women’s Mission.”




The next two blogs are two of my favourites. The first is by artist/animator Kenneth Coker and the second is by digital artist Jepchumba. Kenneth Coker uses his blog to display his art work for various projects and is a mixture of illustrations, animations and digital art work.




African Digital Art is a group and blog started by Kenyan Jepchumba. It features artists, reviews, interviews, ‘How to’s’ and also includes a community / social networking space. If digital art is your thing then ADA is the place to be. You can also follow them on Twitter and Facebook. Their most recent post is the hilarious video animation titled ‘Nigerians Love Football’.




Finally, two publisher sites. Cassava Republic the publishing house recently started by Bibi Bakare-Yusuf and Jeremy Weate and based in Abuja. And the excellent Umuzi, based in South Africa. And lastly, from Black Looks, a very personal review of Harare North, by Brian Chikwava.


BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Sokari Ekine blogs at Black Looks.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Continuities, Readjustments and New Explorations

A Deep Reading of the Fourth FOCAC Action Plan

Liu Haifang

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/61089

The impact of the fourth FOCAC meeting held in Egypt ten days ago is still being felt in the world’s press, if no longer in front-page headlines. The new Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan with its new eight measures is now available for officials from both sides to sit down to explore the best ways to implement it[1]; while domestically, various relevant Chinese ministries and organizations are even busier mobilising all necessary resources to make up a few shortfalls in achieving “the eight policy measures to enhance practical cooperation with African countries”; for example a group of 19 volunteers, needed to reach the targeted number of 300, are expecting to leave for Malawi shortly[2]. Also, as the deadline approaches, diversified human resource training programs are moving into top gear to reach the total figure the Chinese government announced at the Beijing Summit.

During and immediately after the sensational event, one question has been asked repeatedly – for example to Premier Wen at his press conference; what are the differences and similarities between these new measures, and those announced in 2006[3]? Premier Wen has given the answer that both old and “new measures aimed at the same goal of improving the capacity of African countries for self-development”, while new ones focus more on the “improvement of people's well-being, health care, education and other social development programs, the construction of agricultural and basic infrastructures, and the protection of eco-environment.[4]” Yet, to understand the answer better we need to read between the lines of the documents published at the conference, in particular the Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan.

If we read the document item by item and compare it with the corresponding items of the Beijing Action Plan, the first difference we find is that cooperation in international affairs has changed places with economic cooperation from fourth to third place, immediately next to political cooperation[5]. This shift could be interpreted as a simple technical improvement in an official document; yet, it could also be perceived as a response to the increasing importance of closely coordinating different policy positions in the international arena, especially in view of the continuing financial crisis.

Other prominent topics, besides those usual in mutual support statements, are the G20 (relating to improving Africa’s position in the international economic system) and climate change; for the latter, as a consensus, the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” is emphasized in the new action plan, which shows in which ways the Chinese government needs African support on the international stage, while being determined to put a major effort into jointly tackling the problem with Africa[6].

There are also changes in the traditional political arena. For example, just as political cooperation has been enriched into “political affairs, and regional peace and security”, the government of China has also taken on the role of helping to develop the necessary institutional capacity, in order to reinforce its partnership with African regional organizations. The Chinese government has often been challenged to make clear whether it prefers a bilateral or multilateral approach to African countries and whether these approaches have promoted regional integration and common development. It is therefore significant that in the new action plan, cooperation on regional issues and a strong intention to increase bilateral relationships at this level are emphasized, whether with AU, NEPAD, or sub-regional organizations.

Similarly, it is interesting that peace and security which used to be roughly included in ‘international affairs’, is picked out as the new sub-area of ‘political cooperation’, and deserves a closer look. The concept of “Solving African Problems by Africans” is highlighted at first, together with the great efforts the Chinese government has so far contributed to UN peacekeeping missions. The creation of the position of Special Representative for African Affairs is appreciated as a special successful initiative of the Chinese government, and encouraged to contribute more to promote dialogue and conflict solving. As for the Chinese government’s counter-piracy efforts which have led to much imaginative speculation about the potential for further Chinese military interventions, these are qualified with the key phrase “in line with the spirit of relevant UN Security Council resolutions” in order to put an end to rumors and ease the unnecessary fears of Africans.

The most dramatic change in the new Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan from the previous Beijing Action Plan is the absence in the new plan of any equivalent to the eye-catching pledge in the 2006 document to double China’s aid assistance to African countries. At the same time, both the concessional loans and credit lines with exact numbers announced in 2006 as the very first items of assistance development, have disappeared in the new action plan. On the other hand $10 billion in preferential loans has been written into the area of Economic Cooperation, specifically for infrastructure, which was singled out as the top-rank priority for cooperation, immediately after agriculture and investment, and even ahead of trade[7].

After the 2006 Summit, a common theme in the extensive literature on China’s aid assistance to Africa, was criticism of what was seen as inadequate transparency in the application of funds, and questioning of the apparent ambiguity between seeking economic profit and providing development assistance and aid. This may well have led to reflection and readjustment of the definition of China’s official development assistance. It seems likely that a deliberate decision has been taken to avoid conspicuous words such as “double aid” that were used in the previous plan and which stimulated too much close attention; though at the same time the severe financial crisis has provided a good reason for the Chinese government to scale up its assistance to Africa. Significantly, there is a sentence following the prominent high number of preferential loans waiting to be provided in the next three years, explaining these loans “will be used mainly to support infrastructure and social development projects”[8]. Clearly, this is also intended to emphasise that China’s assistance to Africa is not simply tied to the demand for energy from the continent. It is all the more significant in view of the difficulties and the criticism that China has met (such as in DRC and in Guinea recently).

In an interesting sideline indicator of progress towards becoming more transparent and proactive, Premier Wen at his press conference immediately after the opening ceremony gave a specific figure for China’s assistance to Africa. This issue had previously been the subject of much imaginative speculation and efforts by worldwide observers to pin China down to a precise figure. Though they were greatly surprised, Chinese officials feel relieved and can now come out with the number freely on any occasion.

The need to address the imbalance of bilateral trade is still a concern. The previous plan simply gave a zero tariff list of a numbers of products without enough information on the specific expectations from each African country. Now 95% of exports from the least developed countries (LDCs) are to be given the zero tariff treatment (even with a clear timeline with a mid-term goal met in 2010), which is more definite and therefore more beneficial for African products with a sort of “Package effect”. This shows up the readiness of the Chinese government to surrender part of the profits from bilateral business cooperation.

Beside the obvious readjustments in the economic cooperation area, there are also some new initiatives, such as the proposal to establish an African commodities trade center in China and to set up a trust fund of US$30 million under the platform of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (UNFAO) to support South-South cooperation for Food Security. The latter might be inspired by the experience of the Chinese government in delivering urgent food assistance to Zimbabwe in 2006 through FAO. Similarly, a brand-new measure beneficial to African SMEs is the special loan of US$1 billion for their development; it might be more helpful to African enterprises, though clearly, it will be implemented on a business basis, and not as a free grant.

To target widespread African complaints about low quality Chinese products, the new action plan shows an intention to combat the problem with a joint cooperative mechanism, though there is a lack of detailed proposals of some feasible ways or timetable.

Information and Communications was also taken out as one of the priorities for cooperation, and there is still a lack of clear-cut specialized ways to enhance it. But there is an understanding of the importance of cooperating with African ICT authorities . This is understandable in view of the fact that some of the preferential loans have been used in several countries since 2006 to implement optical fibres networks in Africa. Likewise, both service and transportation are recognised in principle as important elements to promote economic cooperation, although practical incentives are still needed to improve them.

In the field of social development, education and technology transfer were identified as two of the most important sub-areas of cooperation. As one of key words in the whole document, “technology” is also emphasized as the proper term for the existing agriculture demonstration program and therefore technology transfer is clarified again as the intention of the program. Correspondingly, terms such as “capacity” and “capacity building”, which previously were regarded as ‘unsuitable’and therefore never used in bilateral official documents, now appear as key words a numbers of times in the broad context of social and cultural cooperation in the action plan. This again is completely new compared with the previous document.

On the whole, based on the valuable lessons and experiences from the experiment of the previous three years since 2006, the new action plan has made a lot of progress, which could really provide a showcase for the increasing “smart power” of the Chinese government. In essence, many measures in the social development field are based on the previous action plan, such as hospitals, anti-malaria centres and agricultural demonstration centres. The continuities and readjustments show the strong will of the Chinese government to manage the assistance projects in a sustainable way in the new age, learning the lessons of the past 30 years when many projects were abandoned without any continuing benefit for local society.

Other new initiatives in the action plan, include the China-Africa Science and Technology Partnership Plan, 100 joint research and demonstration projects, and the China-Africa joint research and exchange plan to strengthen cooperation and exchanges between scholars and think tanks . And as the most prominent newly explored area of climate change has shown, more feasible incentives are waiting to be explored to encourage jointly tackling the issue. These new explorations and readjustments serve to emphasise the determination of the Chinese side to deliver sustainable assistance to African countries in this age of globalization, when the fates of people in different lands are more interlocked and entangled, in ways which extend far beyond the meaning of economic cooperation.

To those who know how much effort the relevant Chinese officials from various ministries have put into making this new guideline for the next three years, and especially how arduously they have been participating with both domestic and foreign scholars in a range of events, and actively involved in all kinds of discussion and debates, the achievements of the new action plan come as no surprise.

However, good intentions are just a starting point for the next three years phase of China-African cooperation. Efficiency in meeting the announced deadline is also just a matter of timekeeping. It will be the ability to implement these measures in a people-oriented way that will ensure final success, and this will require double effort and capacity building from both sides.


NOTES.
1. FOCAC Website, “Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan (2010-2012)”, 2009/11/12, Available at: http://www.focac.org/eng/dsjbzjhy/hywj/t626387.htm
2. FOCAC Website, “Implementation of the Follow-up Actions of the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation”, 2009/11/10, Available at: http://www.focac.org/eng/ltda/dscbzjhy/FA32009/t627504.htm
3. Pambazuka news, “FOCAC: Transcript of press conference by Premier Wen Jiabao”, 2009/11/12, Available at: http://pambazuka.org/en/category/africa_china/60182
4. Ibid.
5. “Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan (2010-2012)”.
6. Following the recent intensive diplomatic contacts between China and other developing countries, such as the call Premier Wen made on Zuma, the South African president, the crucial importance of coordinating standpoints on the climate change issue will be understood.
7. “Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan (2010-2012)”.
8. “Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Sharm El Sheikh Action Plan (2010-2012)”.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Dr Liu Haifang is a researcher at the Institute of West Asian and African Studies, Beijing
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Pambazuka News 127: Médias et minorités ethniques

2009-12-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summaryfr/61055

Constitutional work to begin in January

2009-12-18

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news171209/conswork171209.htm

A Constitutional Select Committee, meant to drive the process towards a new constitution, announced on Wednesday that it will resume its work on the 4th January next year. Morgan Tsvangirai, Robert Mugabe and Arthur Mutambara, the three political party principals in the coalition government, are expected to officially launch the process on the 7th January.

Africa: Achieving fifty percent women in decision making by 2015

Urgent action needed

2009-12-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/61104

Gender activists from East and Southern Africa have expressed shock at the backward trends in the 50/50 campaign in recent elections. The African Union (AU) has set a goal of achieving parity between women and men in decision-making by 2020, while the Southern African Development Community (SADC) target calls for 50% women in decision-making in all sectors by 2015.
Gender activists from East and Southern Africa have expressed shock at the backward trends in the 50/50 campaign in recent elections. The African Union (AU) has set a goal of achieving parity between women and men in decision-making by 2020, while the Southern African Development Community (SADC) target calls for 50% women in decision-making in all sectors by 2015.

A meeting to reflect on support to women parliamentarians participants from 21 organisations working in Eastern and Southern Africa convened by Gender Links, Hivos and Akina Mama wa Afrika said it is ironic that at the very moment when there is commitment to moving forwards the trend seems to be backwards.

Namibia has signed and ratified the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development but women’s representation declined from 30.8% to 22%, with only 16 women now in the 72 member National Assembly in the November elections. Fifteen of the women are from the ruling South West Africa Peoples Organisation (SWAPO). The law gives the Namibian President the powers to appoint six additional members, but even if he appointed all women, this would only bring women’s representation to 30.5%.

In Botswana, which has not signed the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, the proportion of women in parliament dropped from 11% to 6.5% in the October elections.

Although two of the top three ranked countries in the world in terms of women’s representation in Parliament are in Africa, the majority of African countries fall well below the average representation of women across all parliaments in the world and fall short of African targets.

Rwanda with 56.3% women in Parliament is number one in the world, while South Africa at 44.5% women is number three. But as women participants at the just-ended conference on Support to Women Leaders in Eastern and Southern Africa noted, African governments need to put in place special measures and support systems to speed up the pace of change to meet Africa’s own target of 50%women in politics and decision-making positions.

According to statistics from the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU), given the current Sub-Saharan African regional average of 17.8% women’s representation in parliaments, it will take some 25 years just to reach a critical mass of 30% women; and another 25 years to reach 50%. African governments need to put in place a variety of measures – adoption of the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system at national level which favours women’s representation, plus legislated or voluntary party quotas – to quicken the pace. Namibia for example, uses the PR system for parliamentary elections, but as the recent polls showed, the absence of a special measure for women at this level militates against the achievement of the SADC parity target.

The meeting on support for women in politics and decision-making comes amid the continent’s preparations for the Beijing+15 Review to be held during the 54th session of the U.N. Commission on the Status of Women in March 2010, and the launch in July 2010 of the African Women’s Decade (2010-2020). GL is a Southern African NGO working on gender and governance at national and local government levels throughout the region, and AMwA, a pan-African women’s organisation based in Kampala, Uganda, focuses on Feminist Leadership Development in Africa.

“...We have to realise that women leaders are made and not born,” said thirty-one year Anele Mda, the youngest member in the new South African Parliament from the Congress of the People (COPE) party, who participated in the three-day meeting. “I saw this as an experience where I could get to learn and exchange with others my experiences. The meeting highlighted the issues that women need to be vociferous about and with a spirit of oneness,” said Mda, chairperson of COPE’s Youth Movement.

Flavia Rwabuhoro, a former district councillor in Uganda who plans to stand as a candidate for Parliament in Uganda’s 2011 general elections, said although she received leadership training and skills as a councillor from AMwA as an individual, “this workshop has taught me that I need to do more collectively rather than as an individual. I need other women to rally around me.”

One of the key lessons that emerged in the seminar was the need for capacity building and training initiatives for women leaders to focus on building women’s collective strength to advance the agenda of gender equality and women’s human rights. A strategy for doing this would be to incorporate knowledge and skills into programmes that help women identify, enhance and leverage their power bases within political parties, Parliaments, and the women’s movement. Participants also identified women within the women’s wings of political parties and other political party structures as a target group for building women’s collective leadership capacity.

Tapping into the knowledge and skills of women who have years of experience in the political arena, participants noted, is one of the key strategies for increasing the support to women leaders. And, they emphasized that the ‘quantity versus quality’ debate around women’s participation in politics should change to ‘quantity’ and ‘quality’ and training and capacity building efforts should push this message during the African Decade for Women.

With almost two-thirds of Africa’s population now below the age of 25, the meeting also focused on ways to encourage young women to take an interest in politics and public service in Africa. A panel of young women told the workshop that while young women do have an interest in entering politics, they are “disinterested in the politics of Africa today”. “My friends and I talk politics all the time and for me, the personal is political,” said Ottilia Anna Maunganidze a lawyer with the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa. But she added that it has been difficult to find politicians who address the issues of the youth.

Discussions and recommendations from the three-day meeting will be taken forward in various ways during the Beijing+15 process and beyond. Participants also agreed to set up a ‘Working Group’ to explore ways to set up mechanisms to share information between organisations in Africa working on women’s leadership; to conduct consultations with women politicians and leaders on their capacity needs; and to develop a handbook on lessons learned from experiences across Africa on building women’s leadership. (ENDS)

For more information, contact: Colleen Lowe Morna, Executive Director, Gender Links on execdirector@genderlinks.org.za, tel. +2786516995 or Christine Butwegwa, Regional Coordinator, Africa Programmes (AMwa) on Christine@amwa-ea.org, tel: +256 414 543681/+256 752470129.

Africa: Dancing beyond the circumcision knife

2009-12-18

http://www.wougnet.org/cms/content/view/466/1/

Early this year, about six writers from Uganda Women Writers’ Association (FEMRITE) armed themselves with notebooks, tape recorders and cameras to record women’s voices in Kapchorwa where female genital mutilation (FGM) is practiced. Two Ethiopian women stories were also recorded in the collection. The product of women experiences is a book; Beyond the Dance, which captures the details and engages readers in the personal stories, personalizes FGM and imparts that this practice must end now.

Africa: Preventing violence against women and HIV

Call for partners in the Horn, East and Southern Africa

2009-12-17

http://www.raisingvoices.org/partners-sasa.php

We invite applications for organizations in the Horn, East and Southern Africa interested in participating in an extensive, 3-year technical assistance partnership with Raising Voices to prevent violence against women and HIV in their communities using the SASA! Activist Kit. Deadline for applications December 21st, 2009

Africa: Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) youth essay contest

2009-12-17

http://www.learningpartnership.org/en/programs/ywlp/cedaw-contest

The Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) Youth Essay Contest, “We can change...” s for young people between the ages of 18-25 to share their ideas about what is the most important issues affecting women’s lives in their countries and what solutions they propose. The deadline for entries is January 31, 2010.

DRC: Peace in the land, but not in the home

2009-12-18

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87480

The Republic of Congo’s civil war may have ended in 2003, but violence against women continues, according to civil society activists and aid workers.

Global: Women's and girls' right to food

2009-12-17

http://tinyurl.com/yb966yg

FIAN International welcomes the 30th anniversary of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which is to be celebrated tomorrow. The current global food crisis affects women disproportionately. Where the human right to food is violated or threatened, women and girls are often specifically or more severely affected.

Mali: When surgery cannot heal fistula wounds

2009-12-18

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87482

It was not the three days of labour that caused Fatimata Guido the most pain, her urine-stained sheets or the five operations she has had to repair an obstetric fistula. “It is the fear of having sex again, since that is what got me into this situation in the first place.”

Africa: Court turns down request to suspend Habré's trial in Senegal

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/y9nosja

The African Human Rights and Peoples Court based in Arusha, Tanzania, has said that it was incompetent to examine a request to suspend the judicial proceedings in Senegal against Chad's former president Hissein Habré.

DRC: UN suspends cooperation with army units accused of rights abuses

2009-12-18

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33255

United Nations peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have suspended logistical or other support for units of the National Armed Forces (FARDC) when there are sufficient grounds to believe their operations would violate human rights, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has said.

Guinea: Stadium massacre, rape likely crimes against humanity

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yehsfcr

The killing and rape of hundreds of opposition supporters on September 28, 2009, by Guinean security forces are likely to amount to crimes against humanity. Accountability for the attacks is key to addressing Guinea’s ongoing political crisis, which deepened following a December 3 shootout involving the country’s coup leader and his aide de camp, both implicated in the September violence.

Kenya: Victims of post-election violence to meet ICC emissaries

2009-12-18

http://humanrightshouse.org/Articles/12813.html

Three experts from The Hague are in Kenya to hear the views of victims of post-election violence on how they would like those responsible for the chaos punished. Their arrival signals that the court is firmly focused on Kenya although the judges took a break for the annual Judicial Winter recess last Friday. The recess ends on January 4. Right, post-election violence in Naivasha.

Namibia: Activist unfazed by assassination allegations

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/61068

Namibia’s National Society for Human Rights (NSHR) condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the alleged scheming to assassinate a number of ruling party critics. Those targeted for physical elimination include NSHR executive director Phil ya Nangoloh and Max Hamata, one the country’s top investigative reporters.
Namibia’s National Society for Human Rights (NSHR) condemns, in the strongest possible terms, the alleged scheming to assassinate a number of ruling party critics. Those targeted for physical elimination include NSHR executive director Phil ya Nangoloh and Max Hamata, one the country’s top investigative reporters. In its lead story entitled, Max Hamata Tops Hit List[1], the weekly tabloid, Informanté, of which Hamata is Editor-in-Chief, this morning, reported that “a clique” with the country’s civilian intelligence outfit, Namibian Central Intelligence Service (NCIS), has been plotting to eliminate Hamata, ya Nangoloh and several other perceived Government critics.

“I am not at all surprised by the Informanté revelations, as I have myself for two weeks repeatedly been receiving warnings from sympathetic NCIS and Military Intelligence operatives as well as other concerned persons. They told me be ‘extremely careful’ as several top leaders in the so-called Omusati clique have allegedly drawn up a hit list consisting of Hamata, myself and certain people in RDP to be eliminated. At least two such sources have named former Namibian President Dr. Sam Nujoma as the spider at the center of the web of such plotting. Specifically, the names of ‘Shilunga’, ‘Ndoze’ and ‘Pena’ have often also been cited as the implementers of this heinous scheming. During the last eight years, people such as Malenga (2001), Shevanyenga (2003) and Ipangelwa (2005) have been assassinated presumably also by NCIS agents. Though I take these allegations very seriously, I will not be intimidated a bit by this latest cowardly scheming either”, said a defiant ya Nangoloh this morning.

In recent years, months, weeks and days, the names, among others, Hamata, ya Nangoloh, Jesaya Nyamu, Hidipo Hamutenya and jorunalists Gwen Lister and John Grobler as well as Nordic-based Namibian academic Henning Melber had been frequently vilified as “imperialist agents” and had ad nauseam featured prominently in hateful articles and editorials published in the ruling Swapo Party’s mouthpiece, Namibia Today, as well as in various articles on the websites of the Swapo Party, www.swapoparty.org andwww.spyl.org.

Sierra Leone: Police plan to use youth against crime sparks row

2009-12-18

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=49743

A new police force plan to recruit youths in each community, to help fight the country-wide spate of armed robbery, has provoked controversy and sparked a nationwide debate. Communities are concerned that some area volunteers are known to be ex-child combatants, who may have participated in committing horrific atrocities against civilians.

South Africa: Lack of impartial investigation leading to further human rights abuses - AI

2009-12-17

http://tinyurl.com/ycfc7nc

Amnesty International deplores the continuing failure of the South African authorities to investigate impartially and fully human rights abuses which occurred during and after armed violence at the Kennedy Road Informal Settlement (Kennedy Road) in Durban last September. This despite repeated calls since October for an independent and impartial commission of inquiry into the surrounding circumstances and extent of the violence and its aftermath.

Western Sahara: Expelled activist Haidar allowed home

2009-12-18

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8419812.stm

A Western Sahara activist expelled by Morocco has been allowed to return from Spain after maintaining a hunger strike for 32 days. Aminatou Haidar, 42, left Lanzarote airport in the Canary Islands on a small, private plane after a deal was reached, details of which are unclear.

Zimbabwe: Sexual terror report unveiled at the U.N.

2009-12-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/61114

Zimbabwe's ruling political party has been accused of launching a "widespread and systematic campaign of rape and sexual terror" aimed at intimidating opponents and voters in the troubled African nation, according to a new report released here.

Global: 2009 a bad year for migrants

2009-12-18

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/12/16/2009-bad-year-migrants

Many governments' policies toward migrants worldwide expose them to human rights abuses including labor exploitation, inadequate access to health care, and prolonged detention in poor, overcrowded conditions, Human Rights Watch has said, in advance of International Migrants Day, on December 18, 2009.

Global: Migrants tell of exploitation and detention

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/y9s8ltz

People across the world leave their homes, families and countries in search of work and education, and to escape poverty, discrimination and conflict. Many risk everything, even their lives, for security and a chance to earn a living. At every step, they are vulnerable to exploitation, fraud and human rights abuses.

Guinea: Refugees flock into Senegal

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ybykz2t

Uncertainty surrounding the impasse in Guinea Conakry is forcing Guineans to flee their country. Reports say that about 200 Guineans have been registered to have entered Senegal through its borders with the troubled West African nation.

Kenya: Nowhere to hide from climate change in refugee camp

2009-12-18

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/UNHCR/647639dc0884797317b9e84cd4f81cd1.htm

Dulane Jama and his family suffered in silence for three years in a remote corner of eastern Ethiopia before he finally decided to go and look for a safe place to live before they all died. After an arduous and dangerous trek across Somalia, he ended up about four months ago at Dadaab, a sprawling and overcrowded refugee complex in north-east Kenya housing almost 300,000 refugees. Most are Somalis who have fled conflict or persecution in their troubled homeland.

Somalia: Rape "a major problem” for Bosasso IDPs

2009-12-18

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87453

The number of reported rapes in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Bosasso, in Somalia's self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, is increasing and rape has become "a major problem", says a civil society source.

South Africa: Zimbabwean teenage asylum-seeker learns the high cost of freedom

2009-12-18

http://www.unhcr.org/4b193e0c9.html

When 18-year-old Tsitsi Makwiyena looks down at her son Desmond in her arms, she sees not just a one-week-old perfect baby boy, but also the high price she paid to escape her home country of Zimbabwe and start a new life in urban South Africa

Emerging Powers news roundup

Stephen Marks

2009-12-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/emplayersnews/61124

COPENHAGEN

Key concessions from the United States and China jolted climate negotiations in Copenhagen, providing optimism a day before President Obama was due to join other world leaders seeking a new international agreement on controlling greenhouse gases.

The Obama administration announced that it would join allies in raising $100 billion a year by 2020 to help the world's poorest countries adapt to climate change. The amount, a number that stunned many environmentalists with its size, appears to meet the top demand of China, whose stalemate with the U.S. had bogged down the negotiations.

In response, the Chinese signaled that they were moving toward satisfying the top American demand, that developing nations such as China and India limit their greenhouse gas emissions as their economies grow and that those limits must be subject to outside verification. More

After a dramatic walkout earlier in the week, Africa appeared to scale back its demands for funds from rich countries to help deal with climate change in return for certainty that promised funds will actually be delivered and for the right to a say in how the money is managed. But some developing world leaders accused the African Union of selling out, with the G77 accusing the EU of being the real author of the offer and wanting to see the "destruction of Africa." More

In Copenhagen, ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai’ is back in vogue with the two sides holding meetings up to six times a day, according to India’s Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh. India and China are both part of the BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) group of countries that have decided to coordinate their negotiating stance at the UN climate talks. Interestingly, it is the Chinese who have clearly taken the lead of this group, calling for meetings and constantly updating its members of developments. More

Amartya Sen, Nobel laureate for economics and Harvard University professor, criticised India’s approach to the climate talks, and exlained where he thought India could learn from China, and vice versa. More

According to the German news magazine Spiegel, ‘China and the United States are playing a decisive role in Copenhagen. Both major powers are accusing each other of doing too little to stop the climate disaster. Europeans and developing nations are demanding the two agree to greater reductions in CO2 emissions. Will 'Chimerica' derail a real deal in Copenhagen?’ More

In a New Yorker feature, Evan Osnos analysed Beijing’s crash program for clean energy. More

Political commentator Liang Jing analysed ‘Global climate change, humanity’s predicament and China’s opportunity’. More


DEALS IN AFRICA

The US$2.68 billion China Union plan to revitalise Liberia's Bong Mines has not taken off, almost a year after it was first signed. Initial concerns about the little-known Chinese mining company's ability to raise such sums now seem well founded.

Seeing no progress on the ground, Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was one of a handful of African presidents to attend the ministerial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in November. She talked with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and got him to promise that the China Development Bank would bankroll China Union. More


Reuters EXCLUSIVE-Guinea-Chinese deal rests on $100 mln deposit
A Chinese fund has paid Guinea's ruling junta a $100 million deposit to guarantee a mining deal but the vast future proceeds seen flowing from the accord remain uncertain, Guinean sources have told Reuters. More

‘In Botswana, China Is Everywhere’ More

Mr Yu Wenzhe, Chinese Ambassador to Ghana, said the two countries are exploring new opportunities for faster development as the world undergoes unprecedented changes and adjustment. More

The focus in Sino-African trade, which grew to nearly $107 billion last year, tends to be on the high-profile activities of big Chinese state firms on the resource-rich continent. But in fact, private enterprises run by Chinese nationals and the Chinese diaspora make up 80% of all Chinese companies in Africa, according to research from Standard Bank Group Ltd., the biggest African lender. More

Patriotic Front (PF) president Michael Sata has condemned Chinese investment in Africa, which he said was designed to benefit only Chinese nationals. Speaking via telephone on Voice of America’s Straight Talk Africa programme, Mr Sata charged that the relationship between China and Africa was purely that of horse and rider in favour of the Chinese. More

CHINA IN THE WORLD

With the turn of a ceremonial valve, China’s president, Hu Jintao, opened a big natural gas pipeline from central Asia to China on Monday, significantly increasing China’s access to the fuel and providing the first major alternative to exporting the region’s gas through Russia. More

The new pipeline complicates the EU's energy ambitions in Central Asia. More

A CNPC-led group of oil firms bid successfully to develop Iraq's Halfaya oilfield, in Iraq's second oilfield auction since the 2003 U.S. invasion. The contract is the third big deal CNPC has secured in Iraq. It was the first to sign a major oil deal since the war with a contract for the Ahdab oilfield. In June, it formed part of a BP-led consortium that won the only contract awarded at the first round to develop the supergiant Rumaila field. More

In the first 10 months of the year China already exceeded the number of new jobs it aimed to create in 2009, state media said on Saturday, in another sign the country is emerging from the global economic crisis. More


In a Forbes feature Gady Epstein argued that
‘... China resembles nothing so much as Japan shortly before its stock and property markets melted down two decades ago. A speculative frenzy of borrowing and bidding up is at work. If and when prices crash, there will be hell to pay’.
More

‘Twenty-two Rules for Businessman from Zhejiang Province’; This document was reportedly found on the wall of a Zhejiang businessman’s office, and has since been circulated widely among Chinese bloggers. More

The New York Times hosted a discussion on ‘China’s Changing Views on Race’ More

Zimbabwean Vimbayi Kajese has become China’s - and possibly Asia’s - first-ever black African television presenter. More

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
* Stephen Marks is research associate and project coordinator with Fahamu's China in Africa Project.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

World Bank and China have plans for Africa. Anybody surprised?

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ygth22f

The World Bank and China are discussing setting up low-cost factories in industrial zones in Africa, that the Chinese will build. A nice little idea that’s maybe meant to help could end in a new regime of industrial slavery.

US African Command official visits Angola over military ties

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ykyvthf

The Deputy Commander for Civil/Military Affairs of the US African Command (AFRICOM), Amb. Anthony Holmes, Wednesday visited Luanda, Angola, to foster a working relationship with the Angolan government.

Burundi: Security Council extends UN mission as elections loom

2009-12-18

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33287

The Security Council has extended for another year the United Nations political mission in Burundi, calling for full support for next year’s elections in the war-scarred African country while voicing concern at continuing human rights violations, sexual and gender-based violence, restrictions on civil liberties and political violence.

Ethiopia: Government frees 10 jailed opposition leaders

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yd3rdpx

Ethiopian authorities have released former opposition politicians, jailed for causing mayhem after the 2005 general elections, but the fate of an influential former party leader, Birtukan Mideksa, remains unclear.

Global: IFES releases calendar celebrating civil society

2009-12-17

http://tinyurl.com/yelpkbm

The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) recently released a 2010 wall calendar. With a theme of democracy and elections, the calendar features photos from IFES' photography competition held this year that represent efforts to strengthen civil society and democratic governance around the world

Kenya: Court nullifies election of top ruling party official

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ykp2d9c

Kenya's assistant Minister for Trade Omingo Magara, who is a top leader of the ruling Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), lost his parliamentary seat this week after a petition against his 2007 parliamentary victory succeeded, following months of trial.

Kenya: Parties wrangle over powers of future presidents

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ycc26ju

Kenya's main political groupings, the Party of National Unity (PNU) and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) continued to wrangle over the constitutional powers to be given to future President and Prime Ministers of the republic.

Madagascar: Rajoelina calls elections, tells mediators to back-off

2009-12-18

http://www.afrol.com/articles/34981

Madagascar's president, Andry Rajoelina, has called for parliamentary elections early next, saying it is the only way out of the political crisis that has gripped the Indian Ocean Island since January this year.

Namibia: Opposition challenge poll

2009-12-18

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8416013.stm

Opposition parties in Namibia have launched a court challenge to the results of last month's election. President Hifikepunye Pohamba and his Swapo party won a landslide victory with more than 70% of the vote.

Niger: Municipal elections campaign opens in Niger

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/y8wympp

Niger's president, Mamadou Tandja, on Wednesday opened the campaign for 27 December local elections and urged his compatriots to turn out in their numbers to elect their representatives for the 266 local councils.

Nigeria: Lawyer takes action to prevent power vacuum

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yk976kj

A leading human rights lawyer has launched legal action to try to force Nigeria's President, Umaru Yar'Adua, to hand executive powers to his deputy while he receives medical treatment in Saudi Arabia.

Southern Africa: Democracy protection institutions

2009-12-17

http://www.eisa.org.za/EISA/publications/caterr.htm

A project entitled Promoting the Effectiveness of Democracy Protection Institutions (DPIs) in Southern Africa was recently undertaken by the Governance Institutions & Processes Programme at EISA. Eight EISA research reports (numbers 39-46) are the culmination of this regional project. Empirical research was conducted in early 2009 on the performance of 12 human rights state institutions established to promote democratic governance. Research focused on two types of DPIs in Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and Zambia, where they exist.

Sudan: Top UN envoy welcomes peaceful end to voter registration

2009-12-18

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33239

The top United Nations envoy to Sudan has welcomed the peaceful ending of the registration process for next year’s elections, the first multi-party polls in the country in decades, with more than 75 per cent of people of voting age registering to cast their ballots.

Zambia: Violence threatens polls

2009-12-18

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=49731

Prisca Musonda is an ardent supporter of Patriotic Front leader Michael Sata and his party. She has travelled with him to most parliamentary constituencies campaigning in elections. But now she fears Zambia’s general elections set for 2011 could turn violent and go wrong for most voters, unless the latest spate of violence can be curbed.

Kenya: Five Years On: How effective is the KACC in Kenya’s fight against corruption?

AFRICOG

2009-12-17

http://www.africog.org/reports/KACC.pdf

Corruption in Kenya has been a challenge since colonial times and the enthusiasm to fight it seems to be diminishing if Kenya’s poor score on the 2009 TI Corruption Perception Index is anything to go by. Kenya now ranks with Zimbabwe and Sierra Leone and well below Nigeria. This publication is an extract form a forthcoming report which reviews the effectiveness of the KACC after five years of it existence.

Kenya: Stolen free education funds threatens Kibaki legacy

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yexlvey

Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki has ordered a probe into the disappearance of millions of shillings meant to finance the free primary school initiative, which attracted over seven million children previously locked out of school.

Nigeria: Court dismisses former governor's money laundering charges

2009-12-18

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8418302.stm

The former governor of Nigeria's oil-rich Delta State has been cleared of 170 charges of corruption - involving the laundering of millions of dollars. The federal court in Asaba said there was no clear evidence against James Ibori, governor from 1999 to 2007.

Nigeria: El-Rufai challenges corruption arrest warrant

2009-12-18

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8420195.stm

An high-profile former Nigerian minister has gone to court to challenge the international arrest warrants issued last week on corruption charges. As a close ally of ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Abuja Minister Nasir el-Rufai used to be one of Nigeria's most powerful people.

Africa: Europe committed to enhance African development

2009-12-18

http://www.tralac.org/cgi-bin/giga.cgi?cmd=cause_dir_news_item&news_id=79627

The European Commission has reiterated its commitment to fund development projects in the African and Caribbean countries following consultations by member states this week.

Burkina Faso: Trading out poverty

2009-12-17

http://tinyurl.com/ydqzb49

Burkina Faso is one of continent’s main producers with cotton making up about 60 per cent of its export revenues. Yet Africa’s textile producers still prefer to buy their cotton from America or Asia instead.

Copenhagen and the South African experience

Allegorical parallels on the global stage

2009-12-18

http://www.sacsis.org.za/site/article/401.1

The more people in a meeting, the more difficult it is to achieve consensus. Accordingly the UN negotiating system, built on consensus processes and inordinately influenced by the wealthy G8 nations, makes agreement difficult, writes Glenn Ashton.

Côte d'Ivoire: Bridging the aid gap post-conflict

2009-12-18

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/SHIG-7YTGJD?OpenDocument

Nearly three years from the signing of a peace agreement in Côte d'Ivoire, emergency operations are slowing but humanitarian needs remain, aid workers say. More funds are needed to support the transition from humanitarian to development.

East Africa: Another Kenya

2009-12-18

http://www.irinnews.org/HOVReport.aspx?ReportId=87469

Just a few hundred kilometres north of the glittering skyscrapers of Nairobi and game parks that attract tourists from across the world, a common greeting when strangers meet is, “Habari ya Kenya?” – What news from Kenya? For although districts such as Moyale, Marsabit, Samburu and Wajir are in the same republic as Nairobi, their residents are resigned to living in what amounts to another country.

Glboal: The human rights dimensions of the World Bank’s energy policy

2009-12-18

http://www.bicusa.org/en/Article.11688.aspx

Former Argentinian Environment Secretary Romina Picolotti and Center for Human Rights and the Environment co-founder Jorge Daniel Taillant have authored a new piece laying out the case for the World Bank to determine its energy agenda on a human rights based approach.

Kenya: Where there's cluck, there's brass

2009-12-18

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87446

Pastoralists in parts of the semi-arid eastern region of Isiolo are abandoning their nomadic lifestyles in favour of farming to improve their food security and livelihoods. Successive droughts in arid and semi-arid parts of Kenya have led to livestock deaths, affected pastoralist nutrition and, in places, led to pastoralist drop-outs.

North Africa: Egypt secures $5 bln for electricity plan

2009-12-18

http://af.reuters.com/article/investingNews/idAFJOE5BH0AH20091218

Egypt has obtained $5 billion from international and regional financers to fund and complete its 2007-2012 five year plan to boost energy output, the state news agency MENA quoted the electricity minister as saying on Friday.

Africa: TB, pregnancy, most common reasons for treatment changes in study

2009-12-18

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/00F2FEA5-2F28-412E-8D81-83602724DBA7.asp

While changes in antiretroviral regimens are often impelled by side-effects, a considerable proportion of first-line changes in a west African cohort were found to be due to other issues, according to a forthcoming article in the journal AIDS.

Africa: Uganda institute to host African AIDS vaccine programme

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/ygyc3xh

The Uganda Virus Research Institute (UVRI), based in Entebbe, Uganda, has been recommended to host the Secretariat of the African AIDS Vaccine Programme (AAVP), after a very close competition involving a total of eight applicant institutions located in seven countries in Africa.

Botswana: PrEP trial will be unable to show if drugs block infection

2009-12-18

http://www.aidsmap.com/en/news/B4B3527C-F15A-4181-B308-98AF7EFB8C5B.asp

A trial of pre-exposure prophylaxis to prevent HIV infection in Botswana is highly unlikely to show whether giving antiretroviral drugs to block infection is effective, due to a lower-than-expected rate of new infections and low retention rates, the US Centers for Disease Control announced on December 17th.

Global: The search for a microbicide continues

2009-12-18

http://www.health-e.org.za/news/article.php?uid=20032614

The search for an effective microbicide has been dealt another blow with disappointing study results from PRO 2000, an early generation microbicide gel that was tested to prevent HIV in women.

Kenya: PEPFAR doubles AIDS funding

2009-12-18

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87468

The US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) has pledged US$2.7 billion over the next five years to advance HIV programmes in Kenya - a 112 percent increase.

Kenya: UN agencies respond to deadly outbreak of cholera in the north-west

2009-12-18

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/AMMF-7YTUXU?OpenDocument

United Nations humanitarian agencies are providing emergency supplies and other forms of assistance to Kenyan Government officials as they respond to an outbreak of cholera in the northwest of the country that has left at least 26 people dead.

South Africa: HIV-row minister Tshabalala-Msimang dies

2009-12-18

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8416659.stm

South African ex-Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, criticised for questioning whether HIV causes Aids, has died aged 69 from liver disease. Her critics dubbed her "Dr Beetroot" for her advocacy of healthy eating rather than drugs to fight HIV.

Morocco: Schools improving access for disabled children

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yekds7v

Morocco is working to improve services for Down's syndrome and other handicapped children, many of whom have no access to local primary schools. Halima, 45, lives in Sidi Kacem with her husband and four children, including an 8-year-old boy with Down's syndrome. For years, Halima hoped her son would be able to attend school in spite of his disability, but no schools in the region cater to children with special needs.

Africa: More gay Africans seek asylum abroad

2009-12-18

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=AfricaAbroad&id=2440

The number of successful applications for gay asylum seekers in France is about 15% above average of successful applications in the general population but, an organisation in the country that helps persecuted people with asylum, says it processes about 30 application per year without absolute certitude.

South Africa: Night clubs urged to facilitate safe sex during 2010

2009-12-18

http://www.mask.org.za/article.php?cat=southafrica&id=2438

As the 2010 Soccer World Cup approaches, expected to bring an influx of gay tourists to South Africa, Health4Men, a health centre for men who have sex with men (MSM) in Soweto has urged entertainment venues in all cities to promote responsible sex among gay men. Themed Responsible Sex Promotion by Gay Venues, this initiative is targeting night clubs, bars, taverns, guest houses and sex venues, making available free condoms, lubricant sachets, fact sheets, posters and public health notices.

Africa: Managing Africa’s water in a changing climate

2009-12-18

http://www.eldis.org/go/topics/resource-guides/climate-change&id=45594&type=Document

Nearly one-third of all water-related disasters occur in Africa. The second issue of Joto Afrika considers the relationship between climate change, the greater incidence of extreme weather events, such as drought and flooding, and the increasing scarcity of water on the African continent.

Burkina Faso: Protecting the environment

2009-12-17

http://www.a24media.com/index.php/category-news/275-protecting-the-environment

Burkina Faso’s first plastic recycling centre is paving the way for a new kind of development project. It provides a money earner to the poor while tackling environmental pollution. Local industry also benefits – the recycled plastic granules cost half the price of importing new plastic from abroad.

Global: Copenhagen: Better to have no deal than one that spells catastrophe

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yevhblj

On the ninth day of the Copenhagen climate summit, Africa was sacrificed. The position of the G77 negotiating bloc, including African states, had been clear: a 2C increase in average global temperatures translates into a 3–3.5C increase in Africa, writes Naomi Klein.

Global: Climate change policies must be rooted in human rights principle -

UN Special Rapporteur, Right to Food

2009-12-17

http://www.youtube.com/user/TheRightToFood#p/a/u/0/m7cryLIrVqw

At the opening of the Copenhagen conference on climate change, twenty UN human rights experts, including Olivier De Schutter, stated that a “weak outcome of the climate change negotiations threatens to infringe upon human rights”. The Special Rapporteur warns that only climate policies deeply rooted in a human rights regime can guarantee minimized impacts upon the most vulnerable.

Global: Copenhagen: Tensions climb as hopes of deal take a nosedive

2009-12-17

http://www.ips.org/TV/copenhagen/tensions-climb-as-hopes-of-deal-take-a-nosedive/

Negotiators worked through Tuesday night without a positive outcome on providing financing for poor countries, commitments on emission reductions or a legally-enforceable treaty. NGOs were definitely not happy with the move to limit their access to the conference during the last few days.

Global: Copenhagen: The exploited and the exploiters

2009-12-18

http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/stories/s2771947.htm

It's really no surprise that a major split has occurred between developing countries at the United Nations climate conference in Copenhagen over the best way to help the most vulnerable countries, or that developing countries reacted furiously to the leaked draft agreement that would hand more power to rich nations, sideline the UN's negotiating role and abandon the Kyoto protocol.

Uganda: Environmentalist speaks out on large dams, renewable energy, and poverty alleviation

2009-12-18

http://www.bicusa.org/en/Article.11691.aspx

In his op-ed featured on All Africa, Frank Muramuzi of the National Association of Professional Environmentalists analyzes the World Bank’s disastrous approach to energy lending, focusing specifically upon large hydropower projects in Uganda.

West Africa: Nigeria counts losses from climate change

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yjrguot

As the world meets to find ways of mitigating the impact of climate change, Nigeria, like other African nations which are at the receiving end of the effects of the global climate change, is counting its losses from the impact of the phenomenon.

Africa: Sudan looks to attract Middle Eastern investment in farmland

2009-12-18

http://farmlandgrab.org/9881

Sudan wants to attract foreign investors to cultivate vast tracks of land that are currently unused in Africa’s largest country, State Minister for Finance Tarek Shalabi said.

Global: Chasing the Third World farmland bubble

2009-12-18

http://farmlandgrab.org/9889

According to the Food and Agriculture Organisation, an arm of the UN, the global food crisis is worsening. In 2009, over 1 billion people were undernourished globally, up from 873 million in 2004-2006; the accelerating growth and urbanisation of the world’s population, which is predominantly taking place in the developing world, is increasing the pressure on food resources and provoking food security fears.

Angola: Protect press freedom for Africa Cup

2009-12-18

http://tinyurl.com/yeu4kmn

The Angolan government should ensure freedom of the press as host of the Africa Cup of Nations, Human Rights Watch has said. The football tournament will take place January 10 to 31, 2010, in four coastal towns in Angola, including in the oil-rich enclave of Cabinda, site of a long-standing separatist insurgency.

Global: China Environmental Journalism Prize launched

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/61066

In December 2009 the British newspaper The Guardian, China Dialogue, the billingual environmental website and the School of Journalism and Communication at Wuhan University jointly established the China Environmental Journalism Prize to recognize the best Chinese reporting on environment and climate change.
In December 2009 the British newspaper The Guardian, China Dialogue, the billingual environmental website and the School of Journalism and Communication at Wuhan University jointly established the China Environmental Journalism Prize to recognize the best Chinese reporting on environment and climate change.


The China Environmental Journalism Prize will award 3 prizes, each worth 8,000 RMB, to honour the best work submitted to the judges and to encourage future achievement in environmental reporting.  

Articles and reports published in print and online media between November 1 2008 and November 30 2009. The results will be announced in early 2010. Reports may be submitted by publishers and by individual journalists. Please submit entries in digital files with its online link to huo.weiya@chinadialogue.net The deadline for entries is December 31, 2009. 

Entries should be supported by a statement about the importance of the subject, the level of professional achievement in investigation and in writing as well as the impact of the report on publication. The Guardian is a leading British newspaper with a worldwide reputation; chinadialogue is the world’s first bilingual Chinese English website devoted to environmental reporting. At a moment when the environment and climate change pose great challenges to the human race, the Guardian, chinadialogue and Wuhan University  have come together to establish the China Environmental Journalism Prize to reward the outstanding contribution made by Chinese journalists to the understanding of these challenges, and to encourage  greater excellence in the future. 

Tanzania: Journalists re-launch union

2009-12-18

http://africa.ifj.org/en/articles/tanzanian-journalists-re-launch-union

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA) welcome the re-launch of Tanzanian Union of Journalists (TUJ). In a three-day meeting in Dar es Salaam, which ended on 5th December 2009, Tanzanian journalists elected a seven-member committee to steer the Tanzania Union of Journalists (TUJ) into proactive labour union and to convene a congress as a way of re-building and promoting democracy in the union, ensuring better conditions of service and ethical journalism.

Tunisia: Media Campaign against human rights defenders and journalists

OMCT

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/61067

The weekly newspaper KOLL ENNASS, published in Arabic in Tunis, has three times lashed out at Tunisian human rights defenders and journalists. Kamel JENDOUBI, Sihem BENSEDRINE and Slim BAGGA have been accused of being Israeli agents allegedly pursued by some ‘Palestinian factions’.
The weekly newspaper KOLL ENNASS, published in Arabic in Tunis, has three times lashed out at Tunisian human rights defenders and journalists. Kamel JENDOUBI, Sihem BENSEDRINE and Slim BAGGA have been accused of being Israeli agents allegedly pursued by some ‘Palestinian factions’.

The Tunisian authorities appear in reality behind these completely fanciful and slanderous accusations meant to discredit peaceful opponents and provide a ready-made justification for possible further acts of violence
The undersigned organizations are concerned that such articles are part of a larger smear campaign seeking to undermine legitimate and peaceful criticism of the Tunisian authorities. Recent months have witnessed an escalation of attacks, including physical assaults and abusive prosecution against peaceful critics in Tunisia.

We denounce such threats against men and women whose only wrong is to ask for respect for human rights in their country. We are all the more concerned that the complaints for defamation lodged by Kamel Jendoubi and Sihem Bensedrine have so far been disregarded by the Tunisian authorities.

We are urging the Tunisian authorities to ensure the personal safety of all human rights defenders and other activists in Tunisia and that those responsible for any violence used against them will be held accountable.

We fear that such acts of intimidation and violence might occur outside Tunisia as well, and we therefore call on the French and all other European Governments to take the necessary steps to make clear to President Ben Ali’s Government that such attacks will not be tolerated, whether in Tunisia or on their own territory.

Signatories
The Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights
Al-Haq
Amnesty International
Cairo Institute for Human Rights
Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies
Euro Mediterranean Human Rights Network
International Federation for Human rights
Lebanese Center for Human Rights
Ligue française des droits de l'Homme
World Organisation against Torture

Zimbabwe: Journalists drag union to court

2009-12-18

http://zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=6279&cat=1

Four freelance journalists on 17 December 2009 filed an application with the High Court in Harare seeking a nullification of the election of the new Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) executive. The applicants are citing irregularities in the manner that the elective Congress was convened and conducted.

Zimbabwe: MISA speaks out on short-wave radio stations

2009-12-18

http://zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=6276&cat=1

MISA-Zimbabwe has been following with particular interest the seemingly contentious issue of shortwave radio stations within the context of the ongoing SADC mediation process.

CAR: Critical moment ahead in bid to recover from conflicts – UN

2009-12-18

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33268

International assistance is vital to prevent the Central African Republic (CAR) from falling back into political crisis and potential new fighting as it prepares for elections next year after a decade of violence and conflict between Government and rebel forces, the top United Nations official for the country has warned.

Chad: Government forces launch attacks against rebels

2009-12-18

http://www.afrol.com/articles/34971

Chadian government forces were forced to launch both air and ground assaults in defense to the appalling offense by the Rebels from the Union of Resistance Forces (URF). This is the major confrontation between the rebels and government forces since May.

DRC: More than 80,000 people driven out by clashes in north-west

2009-12-18

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=33264&Cr=equateur&Cr1=

Tribal violence in the north-west of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has sent 84,000 people fleeing across the border into the Republic of the Congo since last month, with the United Nations refugee agency reporting that supplies to assist the displaced are running low.

Sudan: Preventing implosion

2009-12-17

http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=6438&l=1

This latest briefing from the International Crisis Group examines the situation in the run-up to national elections due next year and the early 2011 referendum on self-determination in the South. It concludes that key elements of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which ended the two-decades-long civil war between North and South Sudan, have not been implemented.

Africa: Kenya to run SMS campaign to educate on Common Market

2009-12-18

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#useful

Kenya is seeking the services of leading mobile phone companies in an ambitious campaign to market the East African Community Common Market. In an Obama-inspired campaign -- where ICT played a major role in galvanising public support -- the country plans to educate all the 17 million Kenyans who own mobile phones on how they stand to benefit from the Common Market, whose protocol was signed a month ago.

Africa: The (small, slow and sufficient) $99 “Africa” laptop

2009-12-18

http://whiteafrican.com/2009/12/16/the-small-slow-and-sufficient-99-africa-laptop/

Just in time for Christmas, a new low-cost, low-power netbook is hitting the scenes that actually retails for only $99. Cherrypal, the company behind it, has dubbed it “Africa”, as they’re focusing the little computer on developing countries.

Africa: Grants for developing country researchers

2009-12-17

http://tinyurl.com/yek23so

The Poverty and Economic Policy (PEP) Research Network is providing financial and scientific support to teams of developing country researchers studying poverty issue. The deadline to apply is January 6, 2010.

Global: Funding for civil society organizations supporting democracy

Call for Applications

2009-12-17

http://www.un.org/democracyfund/index.htm

The United Nations Democracy Fund is now accepting applications from civil society organizations to apply for funding for projects to advance and support democracy. Project proposals should be submitted on-line before December 31, 2009.

Radio, Convergence and Development in Africa

Call for concept notes - Deadline January 8, 2010

2009-12-17

http://www.cmts-cmst.org/

Carleton University’s Centre for Media and Transitional Societies (CMTS), in collaboration with Canada’s International Development Research Centre (IDRC), is pleased to launch a call for concept notes, in French or English, outlining proposed research examining the impact of convergence between traditional radio and new information and communications technologies (ICTs) in sub-Saharan Africa.

‘African Policy Goals and Strategies: Implications of the Obama Presidency’

Call for papers

2009-12-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/61111

A lot has happened since the 44th and first African American US President was sworn in. Some scholars, like Prof. Issa Shivji at the University of Dar es Salaam, argue that the issue now is not Obama’s presidency and what it portends to Africa, but rather the emergence of new ‘hegemonic’ powers in global political and economic governance.
1. Conference Theme:
We hope you will take due note of the second part of the theme (‘Implications of the Obama Presidency’) and make effort to cover this in your respective papers.

Further, had this conference taken place earlier this year, it could have been a good opportunity to discuss the implications of the Obama presidency on African Development Strategies and Goals at the early stages. But a lot has happened since the 44th and first African American US President was sworn in. Some scholars, like Prof. Issa Shivji at the University of Dar es Salaam, argue that the issue now is not Obama’s presidency and what it portends to Africa, but rather the emergence of new ‘hegemonic’ powers in global political and economic governance. The implications of the much talked about rise of China and India as economic powers with immense interests in natural resource exploration, energy, commodity markets and investment and aid to Africa, deserve scholarly attention. At the same time, sustained military activities in the Indian Ocean and other parts of Africa and the world now point to unsettling security elements of the foreign policy of the US in particular that needs to be unbundled. An inquiry into the implications of the Obama presidency on Africa’s development strategies and goals has to be conducted in this broader context of international political economy.

We do not expect that all these issues will be sufficiently addressed in your papers – as it may in many cases amount to the development of new papers altogether – but we urge you to incorporate these perspectives to the extent possible to broaden the discussions and optimize on the outputs of the conference.

We, the organizers, will also find ways of including in the conference programme, a session or an activity, to remember recently departed African scholarly giants, Prof. Haroub Othman and Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem.

2. Confirmed Dates: Two days Conference – Monday 8th and Tuesday 9th February 2010. You will be expected to arrive in Dar es Salaam on Sunday 7th February and depart either Tuesday evening or Wednesday. These are the final dates and supersede all other communication in this regard.


3. Where?: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

4. Transport and Accommodation: ARRF will provide an economy class return air ticket to the conference. We will also book you for a 3 nights stay at the conference venue and arrange for all airport transfers.

5. Publication: Papers presented at this conference will be published in an edited book to be released later in the year. The volume editors will be nominated at the conference.

6. Honorarium: ARRF will pay a modest honorarium of US $ 1,000 for the papers. This will be paid upon presentation of a soft copy of the paper as revised after deliberations at the conference. We will pay this honorarium immediately after the conference if the revised papers are made available to us.


7. Your Final confirmation: To enable us plan effectively, we request you to send us your final confirmation of participation to: george@arrforum.org copied tog.omondi@ids.ac.uk by 28th December 2009.


8. Submission of Papers: We would like to reproduce all papers ahead of the conference and make these available to participants during proceedings. Please send us your full papers by 23rd January 2010


IMPORTANT DATES ONCE AGAIN:
Conference Dates: Monday 8th and Tuesday 9th February 2010

Final Confirmation of Paper Presentation: 28th December 2009

Full Paper Submission: 23rd January 2010

Global: Supplement social determinants of health and data systems

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/publications/61084

Public Health Reports (PHR) is inviting papers for a Supplement on Social Determinants of Health and Data Systems. The Editors of seek manuscripts that advance the scientific knowledge and public health research, practice, and policy on data systems related to addressing social determinants of health (SDH). Deadline for submission: June 1, 2010. The anticipated publication date for the PHR Supplement is Fall 2011.
Public Health Reports (PHR) is inviting papers for a Supplement on Social Determinants of Health and Data Systems.

Deadline for submission: June 1, 2010. 
The anticipated publication date for the PHR Supplement is Fall 2011.

Journal website -author guidelines at www.publichealthreports.org

The Guest Editors for this Supplement are:

Kathleen McDavid Harrison, Associate Director for Health Equity and 
Hazel D. Dean, Deputy Director, both with the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention.

The Editors seek manuscripts that advance the scientific knowledge and public health research, practice, and policy on data systems related to addressing social determinants of health (SDH). Manuscripts may be analytic or descriptive in format and may propose models for new/enhanced data systems, evaluate existing data systems, or use data from current systems to illustrate how gaps can be addressed. 

Manuscripts may examine policy, program, disease surveillance, or other appropriate data systems and novel ways to use them to monitor indicators of health equity.


Manuscripts addressing the following broad range of topics will be sought: 

• Studies focusing on developing and identifying key metrics that might be used to better measure and monitor the impact of SDH;

• Studies that are multidisciplinary; that analyze or compare rather than merely describe; and that are not limited to one measure of social determinants or health outcomes, one age group, or one population subgroup; 

• Mathematical models of social determinants of human immunodeficiency virus, viral hepatitis, sexually transmitted diseases, and tuberculosis outcomes;

• Studies that examine or use SDH analytic methods (e.g., individual-level, multilevel, and mixed-level analyses) that take into account 

The uniqueness of the data being used; 

• Evidence of linkage with policy or other constituencies that influence equity outcomes; 

• Application of innovative analytic methods for studying and monitoring influences on health equity; 

• Analyses to support the design and evaluation of policies, services, and interventions that enhance equity in health; 

• Analyses or meta-analyses of available data on legal and health policies; and 

• Use of evidence toward enhanced public accountability in and social action for health equity. 


Manuscript requirements: Articles in PHR are typically 3,000–4,000 words in length. 
All manuscripts will  be reviewed by the PHR Special Editorial Committee (SEC) for this Supplement. 
The SEC determines which manuscripts are sent for external peer review and which manuscripts are published in the Supplement. 


Submit manuscripts to: manuscripts@publichealthreports.org. 
Please include “Attention Social Determinants of Health and Data Systems” in the subject line of the e-mail. 

If you have any questions about this Supplement,  please contact 
Dr. Kathleen McDavid Harrison (404-639-8000; KMcDavidHarrison@cdc.gov) or 
Dr. Hazel D. Dean (404-639-8000; HDean@cdc.gov).

If you have any questions about PHR, please contact the Acting Editor, Laurence Reed, at 513-636-0257; Laurence.Reed@cchmc.org. 
Public Health Reports is a peer-reviewed journal of the U.S. Public Health Service and the U.S. Surgeon General.
It is published in collaboration with the Association of Schools of Public Health. PHR is the oldest journal of public health in the U.S. and has published since 1878. 
The journal is widely distributed internationally, and is indexed by MEDLINE/Index Medicus, Current Contents, EMBASE/Excerpta Medica, Pais International, and LexisNexis. 

Egypt: Psychosocial Team Leader - AMERA

2009-12-17

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/61088

AMERA-Egypt is pleased to advertise the vacancy of Psychosocial Team Leader. The job of Psychosocial Team Leader is full-time for 35 hours per week, and s/he works under the day-to-day supervision of the Deputy Country Director. Its purpose is to develop affective and adequate programming, manage the operation and effective delivery of the psychological and social services for refugees seeking asylum in Egypt.
AMERA-Egypt is pleased to advertise the following vacancy:
Post Title: Psychosocial Team Leader

Starting Salary: To be determined relative to qualifications and experience
Contract Duration: Two years, renewable
Closing Date: The vacancy will remain open until filled by a qualified person
Starting Date: January 15, 2010

Background information: Africa and Middle East Refugee Assistance (AMERA), a UK-registered refugee rights organization assisting refugees who seek asylum in Egypt, is seeking a dynamic team-builder with a background in social or community health work to serve as Psychosocial Team Leader. AMERA requires an intelligent, hard-working person with a commitment to service for vulnerable people, and an interest in finding innovative ways to integrate psychosocial, community and legal aid approached to improving refugees’ access to human rights.
AMERA is one of the leading refugee rights NGOs in Egypt. We serve more than 1500 refugees each year, involving the efforts of more than 40 staff, interns, and interpreters from Egypt and other countries. AMERA provides legal aid to asylum seekers undergoing refugee status determination with United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), and it has specialized teams dealing with unaccompanied minors, survivors of sexual and gender-based violence, and community outreach.
Position Description
The job of Psychosocial Team Leader is full-time for 35 hours per week, and s/he works under the day-to-day supervision of the Deputy Country Director. Its purpose is to develop affective and adequate programming, manage the operation and effective delivery of the psychological and social services for refugees seeking asylum in Egypt.

The Psychosocial Team Leader is a member of the management team at AMERA-Egypt.

Requirements

1. English being the official language of the UNHCR Cairo as well as AMERA’s office, the Psychosocial Team Leader must be fluent in both oral and written English. Arabic is an advantage.

2. A background in psychology and/or social work and preferable experience working in human rights, with refugees, asylum seekers and/or migrants in a social or community service capacity.

3. A Bachelor's degree in psychology or social work, or other related field.
4. A Master’s degree – or demonstrated equivalence in Social Work, Psychology, or social sciences is an asset.
5. A documented track record of team building and good organisational, time management and public relations skills.
6. A demonstrated ability to lead, motivate, supervise, guide, support and discipline team members as well as cooperate with peers.



Responsibilities

1. To provide strategic leadership for the Psychosocial Team by developing a strategic plan for the psychosocial service, contributing to the development of AMERA’s overall strategic plan, monitoring the progress of these plans and continuing the development of detailed procedures and protocols to inform the work of the psychosocial team.
2. To recruit, train, supervise and support paid staff and volunteers, ensuring that the team operates effectively and efficiently and provides accurate and accessible information in accordance with the requirements of AMERA.
3. To supervise the Deputy Team Leader and assist him/her in their role as casework supervisor for the team, providing additional advice and supervision as required.
4. To ensure that clear, accurate and comprehensive records of all client contacts and interventions are maintained and that follow up work is carried out promptly and efficiently.
5. To ensure that client information and case records are reviewed regularly using the independent file review procedure.
6. To provide monthly statistics and reports to the Deputy Country Director relating to the activity of the team, any specific problems which have arisen with their possible solutions, opportunities taken to promote and develop the service and notes on the progress towards the implementation of the psychosocial strategic plan.
7. To ensure that the team members work effectively with other colleagues within AMERA and promote the integration of the psychosocial team within the AMERA’s human rights advocacy program.
8. To organise regular weekly team meetings and supervision sessions and to appraise, supervise and support staff and volunteers, develop their skills, and set up/access training to meet the identified needs of the individuals as well as the team as a whole.
9. To attend weekly staff meetings, regular team leader meetings and monthly individual supervision sessions with the Deputy Country Director.
10. To develop and monitor mechanisms to facilitate asylum seekers, refugees and migrants’ access to adequate psychosocial services and ensure that information about the available services and resources reaches those most in need.
11. To collate and communicate relevant, reliable data on psychosocial issues to those most able to influence policy and practise affecting the wellbeing of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants.
12. To liaise and cooperate with the UNHCR, non-governmental organisations, community based organisations, schools, health care providers, religious and community groups regarding refugee issues and represent AMERA-Egypt in meetings and for a relating to psychosocial work.
13. To develop and maintain a comprehensive referral systems for all relevant external partners and to participate in community and UNHCR projects and committees in order to strengthen psychosocial services and increase public awareness of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants.
14. To maintain an up-to-date knowledge of developments and changes in practise, policy and law through participation in external training opportunities and individual study, ensuring that these changes are communicated to the team through team meetings and training, and incorporated into working practice.
15. To attend continuing education opportunities provided to all staff, to assist in the coordination and provision of the 60 hour intensive training for new volunteer psychosocial workers and legal advisor (three times per year), to organise training for the newly appointed psychosocial team members and to direct the provision of continuing education on psychosocial issues for the staff of other partner organisations.
16. To ensure that all members of the Psychosocial Team carry out tasks in accordance with AMERA-Egypt’s policies, procedures and standards, in particular ethics, health and safety, confidentiality, anti-discrimination, and sexual harassment.
17. To undertake any other duties commensurate with the role as may be required by the Deputy Country Director and Country Director.





If you are interested to apply, please submit your Cover letter and CV to
Contact person: Heba El Hossary – Programmes administrator
Email: vacancy@amera-uk.org

Fahamu