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South Africa: Right2Know (R2K) Campaign launches week of action

2010-10-21

http://www.right2know.org.za

The Right2Know (R2K) Campaign, an umbrella campaign representing a broad front of civil society groups, is campaigning against the Protection of Information Bill - also known as the Secrecy Bill - currently before South Africa's Parliament, which they believe will fundamentally undermine hard-won constitutional rights including access to information and freedom of expression. R2K is currently running a countrywide week of action between 19 – 27 October 2010. Visit their website to find out about events in your area, to sign up against the proposed bill or to join their Facebook or twitter accounts.

Integration or federation? Towards political unity for Africa

Regional integration and the East African Federation

Dani W. Nabudere

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68005

cc SigPigRegional integration is an economic project with superimposed political structures, while federation is a political project as part of a strategy for political and economic emancipation, writes Dani W. Nabudere, in an examination of why the two ideas, as currently conceived, are incompatible. So what is the way forward for East Africa?

Regional integration and the East African Federation as currently conceived are incompatible. This is because the concept of integration as understood and operationalised in regional arrangements is an economic project with superimposed political structures of authority that are top-down and authoritarian. On the other hand political federation understood in the Pan-African context is a political project that was conceived as part of the strategy for political and economic emancipation. The underlying understanding was that there was basic cultural and social unity of the African people and that was the basis of African nationalism (Kwame Nkrumah, 1963). An understanding of the political history of East and Central Africa shows that the nationalists of the period before independence believed in a political Pan-African federation as witnessed by the creation of Pan-African organisations, such as the Pan-African Federal Movement of East and Central-PAFMECA, the Pan-African Federal Movement of East, Central and Southern Africa-PAFMESCA and AFRICAN UNITY.

To be sure, the concept of regional integration was itself an adaptation of the customs union theory as propounded by Jacob Viner (1950) and as applied to the BENELUX customs union, the forerunner of the European Union. The customs union is a grouping of countries with a common external tariff in which free trade, free movement of labour and capital among the member countries is promoted. The theory examines the impact on trade following the removal of barriers (such as quotas and tariffs) between the countries and their establishment against other countries. It dates back to the classical economic concept of free trade expounded by Scottish economist Adam Smith and English economists David Ricardo as well as Robert Torrens. Jacob Viner just gave an updating to this theory from which the theory of regional integration is derived. This is the model that has been imitated by attempts at forming regional economic groupings.

As Adedeji Adebayo has pointed out, independent Africa came into existence during the age of regional integration. He points out that after the Second World War , the promotion of regional integration became a global phenomenon culminating in the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957, the Latin America Free Trade Association in 1960, the Central American Common Market in 1961, the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967, the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) in 1968 etc. He further goes on to state that it was these developments that strengthened the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa’s determination to pursue vigorously the policy of promoting regionalism in socio-economic development in Africa. But this was then quite a different agenda from that propounded by African nationalist leaders about the political unity of Africa.

THE IDEA OF FEDERATION

Indeed, the idea of federation is not an African creation. It is therefore necessary to recognise three main trends in the evolution of the concept of ‘federation’ since the European colonisation of East Africa. The first is a colonial concept, the second is a Pan-African concept and the third is a neo-colonial concept. The first concept was advanced for the sake of domination and the other was advanced as a tool of resistance against exploitation and domination, crafted as a response to the European ‘balkanisation’ of Africa, and the third, a neo-colonial concept, which exploits the Pan-African idea of federation and instead promotes an imperialist integration project in the form of ‘nation building’ and ‘regional integration’ as neo-colonial projects under British imperialist hegemony and later under neo-liberal globalisation. We pursue these issues in the larger manuscript, which we are publishing separately as a document.

One point, however, needs to be brought out here. The East African situation has indeed shown that the three trends of federation are real ones in the way the advocacy of a Pan-African federation for East Africa was abandoned for a scheme of regional integration due to the reality of neo-colonial domination. In this connection, it should be pointed out as proof of this that, in 1963, the three East African leaders (Kenyatta, Nyerere and Obote) in their Declaration of Federation by the Governments of East Africa issued in Nairobi on 5 June 1963, were clear on the need for the urgency to federate politically in order to avoid their narrow differences ballooning into irreconcilable differences due to the ‘territorial factor’. In the declaration they pointed out that:

‘We the leaders of the people and governments of East Africa assembled in Nairobi on 5th June 1963, pledge ourselves to the political Federation of East Africa. Our meeting today is motivated by the spirit of Pan-Africanism and not by mere regional interests. We are nationalists and reject tribalism, racialism, or inward looking policies. We believe that the day of decision has come, and to all our people we say there is no more room for slogans and words. This is our day of action in the cause of the ideals that we believe in and the unity and freedom for which we have suffered and sacrificed so much (Hughes, 1963).’

This declaration was an expression of a Pan-African desire to bring the people of Africa together into a political unity. The leaders went further to declare that they believed that the East African Federation could be ‘a practical step towards the goal of Pan-African unity.’ They referred to the declaration made at the Addis Ababa conference of Heads of States and governments and added: ‘practical steps should be taken wherever possible to accelerate the achievements of our common goal.’ The leaders recognised that certain ‘territorial factors’ existed and that these had to be taken into account because they believed that ‘some of these territorial problems can be solved in the context of such an East African Federation.’

Indeed, just like the current leaders who in 2005 ‘resolved to expedite the process of integration so that the ultimate goal of a Political Federation is achieved’ through a Fast Track Committee, the political leaders in 1963 also decided to set up a ‘Working party’ that was supposed to ‘prepare a framework of a draft constitution for the Federation of East African.’ Again, just like the Wako Fast Track Committee, the 1963 working party was required to report back in the third week of August of that year to the full Conference of East African governments ‘to consider the proposals of the Working party.’

But this never happened because in the meantime, the more pressing economic issues emanating from the management of the ‘territorial economy’ and the ‘territorial factors’ and ‘problems’ that arose began to overwhelm the Work of the Party. As a result the leaders abandoned the political initiative for a political federation. These ‘territorial problems’ and pressures had emerged within the workings of the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) that had replaced the colonial East African High Commission to take care of the interests of an independent Tanganyika before the independence of Uganda and Kenya (Nabudere, 1982).

In other words, the African leaders became embroiled in the colonial problems they had inherited in their different territories, which they now called ‘nations,’ and forgot about the noble objective of declaring a political union of the three countries into an African nation of East Africans within which they could have collectively addressed the inherited ‘territorial problems’. By doing this they surrendered to the neocolonial project, which the colonisers were perfecting under the colonial idea of ‘nation-building’ by making the African leaders manage their former ‘territories’ for them as the new governors. Even the unilateral offer that Julius Nyerere had made to delay Tanganyika’s political independence until the other two countries were ready to federate was abandoned.

So while the idea of Pan-Africanism continued in the minds of East Africans, the economic problems emanating from EACSO became the new reality on which immediate focus was placed. The management of the economic problems that the British had left in this new organisation took precedence over any talk about a political East African Federation that was envisaged by the Nairobi Declaration. Hence the political federation of Africa never materialised for these leaders. The differences between Nyerere and Amin had their roots in this failure of the leaders to go beyond ‘territorial factors’ and problems in the interest of the unity of the people of East Africa and to respect the principles of democracy, which were denied the people of Uganda. Thus, although the working party met in Kampala on 30 May 1964 to produce a constitution for a Pan African Federation for East Africa, this working party, according to Franck, ‘did little but wind up the books’ on a Pan-African federation in East Africa (Franck, 1964). It is clear that the on-going ‘Fast tracking” of the political federation is going to end in a similar manner since currently they are all bogged down in determining who will get more ‘benefits’ through the customs union and common market.

THE WAY FORWARD

It can already been seen that the real reason for the lack of achievement of a political Pan-African federation is the existence of power of neo-colonialism which still dominates our political space. This means that the sovereign power of the people has been negated and relegated into the background. Instead of ensuring that the power of the people of East Africa is asserted, the three leaders and their governments (now five with the admission of Rwanda and Burundi) are ‘sensitising’ the people to accept their ‘fast-tracking’ process which will not produce any positive results. As such what is required is for the leaders of East Africa to put forward the issue of referendum at the fore as the starting point. They must frame a single question to be answered by the people throughout the region on the same day. This question should be: ‘Do you want the borders between the existing states to be dissolved and for East Africa to become one federated State?’ This is because dissolving the current borders will be the only way the ‘sovereignties’ of the people of the three countries based on foreign domination and elite interest can be dismantled. If it is true that the people of East Africa have clearly expressed their desire to unite, as the leaders keep on repeating, then it is clear that the answer in the referendum will be: YES.

Following such a response, the leaders should on a single day put a resolution to their respective parliaments to implement the peoples’ decision by resolving to irrevocably to dissolve the existing colonial borders and constitute one single federated state with inviolable East African borders with the prospect of them only expanding to include the rest of Africa through stages. The decision will be a momentous one because for the first time, the people of East Africa would have expressed their sovereign will to constitute themselves into a state of their own in determination within the modern reality.

Prior to the referendum, there should be a process of grassroots discussions and consultations at village level about the implications of removing the borders and this discussion will include the issue of how to form new states, which will constitute the federation. This is their sovereign right. These discussions will include the issue of what to do once the current colonial borders are dissolved. The people will discuss the effect of dissolution and anarchy that could arise and for them to discuss how to avoid it. They will determine that once the colonial borders are dissolved, the new East African border cannot at any cost be dissolved or interfered with except through its future expansion from time to time to include other African states towards the achievement of a United States of Africa. As Professor Cheick Anta Diop emphasised:

‘The permanency of the federal structures must be inviolable. This principle should be upheld whether the case be national federation like Nigeria, a regional federation, or a continental federation. Once a federal structure is set up it should become irreversible. Once federal structures are elaborated, confirmed and consolidated, succession of any kind must be prevented. … However, its counterpart must be the granting of cultural freedom and autonomy of the various communities. Africa must be protected against anarchy. … While Africa must be protected, we cannot (also) condone the other extreme, which leads to the stifling of the cultural freedom and autonomy of the various communities inhabiting the continent. Each community must able to enjoy to the fullest a freedom compatible with its desire to fulfil itself culturally and linguistically.’ (Diop, in Sertima, 1986).

Thus with the surrender of their sovereignty to the federal state, the communities will have the right to regroup across former colonial boundaries and determine whether they want to constitute new cultural-linguistic states of their own, which can enable them to enjoy self-determination and autonomy within their own states as free members of the federal state, which they would have formed and in which they will all be citizens. This right to reconstitute their own states fits with the reversal of the colonial injustice that saw to the fragmentation and dismemberment of the communities along ‘tribal’ lines into which they were fixed in the colonial states. This will create greater cultural and linguistic unities across former colonial borders, which will enable them to develop their cultures, including their languages in the way they want.

The issue of sovereignty is important to consider in the context of what the ordinary people of East Africa really want. You cannot convince a Maasai of Laikipia in Kenya and a Maasai in Ngorongoro Crater in Tanzania that removing the boundaries between Tanzania and Kenya is a ‘risk’ to them, when in their daily life activities; they ignore these borders to feed their cattle and goats and to maintain their cultural identities and solidarities. They do this because they have never accepted the colonially-imposed borders between Kenya and Tanzania. That is why they cross the borders on a daily basis without ‘national identity cards’ or ‘national passports’ to assert their sovereign rights over the territories! So unless we are thinking of other human beings than those that exist on the ground in East Africa, doing away with the existing colonial state sovereignties and borders cannot be considered to be a ‘risk’ for the people involved.

It follows that the issue to be debated in the communities is not about ‘sensitisation’ or ‘mobilisation’ of the communities about the ‘benefits of the political federation’. The issue should be about the leaders taking bold and irrevocable decision to dissolve the existing colonial borders that separate the peoples of East Africa. This will be an empowering process that will, for the first time in colonial and post-colonial history give an opportunity to the people of East Africa to decide their fate. Having done that, the leaders will then engage ‘experts’ from the communities and from the elites to draft an East African constitution that will devolve powers to local state levels as well as defining those at a federal level after the people have decided the political question. Such State constitutions of the different communities will also be written to incorporate the wishes of the respective communities, (including the rights of minorities in each state), which need not be the same.

The ultra-nationalist will argue that the steps proposed above will ‘take us back’ to ‘tribalism’. In fact these ultra-nationalists are the very ones that practice political tribalism even in their political parties to entrench themselves in power by claiming to ‘represent’ the ‘people’ even when they have to buy their votes to do so! Removing borders will reunite colonially created ‘tribes’ and reinstate cultural-linguistic communities that are a feature of all modern nations. Most European constitutions recognise cultural and linguistic identities of the people in their states. African post-colonial states because of the colonial character are the only exception in this regard. Thus the Interim Constitution that will come in force for the short period while new states are being formed will provide for certain short-term institutions and measures, which will replace the former ‘national institutions’ without letup for any anarchy. These will include:

- The creation of the Presidential Council of State that will recognise the existing political heads of state who are currently in position of leadership at the time of the declaration who will act in rotation for a year each until constitutional and legal mechanisms have been put in place for the election of the head of state of the Federation of East Africa on a popular basis in 2010 or such date as will be decided by the Council of State.

- Traditional Leaders and Elders Council, which will have the functions of advising the Presidential Council of State and the East African Federation Parliament, especially on matters of state formation having regard to the cultural and linguistic heritages of the people of East Africa and other matters of importance to the people of East Africa.

- An East African Interim Federal Parliament out of the existing territorial parliaments by each parliament turning itself in an electoral college to elect 100 of their members (on equal gender representation) to join the existing East African Legislative Assembly to constitute a 327-Member East African Federal Parliament-MEAP to legislate on matters submitted to them by new institutions that will emerge as a transition to the emergence of new constituent states

- An East African Constituent Assembly drawn from all the nationalities and base communities identified by the Traditional Leaders and Elders Council in consultation with the Presidential Council of State as well as some of the members of the existing parliaments who do not find their way into the East African Parliament to discuss a new Federal Constitution based on the new state formations

- An East African Armed and Security Forces under one command structure from the existing three armies and security agencies. One third of each of the three armies will be posted to the other three existing states. These forces will ensure the security of the new federal sate as the communities set about recreating new constituent states under a new constitutional arrangement as well as ensuring a peaceful transition.

Other administrative and security measures will be taken in conformity with the need to transition to a new political system. These will include the merging existing Central banks into one East African Central Bank with the responsibility to manage the three currencies, which will continue to relate through the market until one of the currencies emerges as the strongest able to serve the communities in the new Federation. The issue of a monetary union would have been confronted directly through the market and the common market would also have arisen out of the existence of one market created by the fusion of the states into one customs union with the common external tariff, which is currently being worked on, protecting the whole East African market externally and not internally. No single industry inside East African Federation will be protected, but will operate on a competitive basis. Only those enterprises that are able to provide goods and services cheaply will get the entire market.

The above process of state formation leading to the political federation of East Africa, although slower, would have solved the four stage approach proposed in article 5(2) of the East African Treaty. The approach would also have done away with the ‘fast-tracking’ process that has ignored the sovereign rights of the people of East Africa to participate and own the process of political unification. In our view instead of bureaucratic approaches to political federation, the people of East Africa should have participated in creating new states, which they can own. This is in conformity with the new enlightened view of international law, which recognises the rights of indigenous communities over their resources and governance institutions. It is also in line with the Pan-African principles adopted by the Fathers of African Independence both in Africa such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and those in the Diaspora such as Marcus Mosiah Garvey, among others.

It is for this reason that we differ with Professor Shivji in his approach regarding the way a Pan-African unity project could be achieved. In his paper, Prof Shivji, poses the question as to who would constitute the ‘driving forces’ for a new anti-imperialist Pan Africanism. He further poses the question as to where we must begin. He proposes that the place to begin to ‘resurrect a Pan-African discourse and ‘to turn Pan Africanism into a category of intellectual thought’ is to follow Mwalimu Nyerere’s path, which he articulated in his speech on ‘the dilemma of a Pan Africanism’, in which he posed a challenge to students and the staffs of the African universities. Nyerere’s ‘dilemma’ was to find out ‘who will have the time and the ability to think out practical problems of achieving this goal of unification if it is not those who have an opportunity to think and learn direct responsibility of day-to-day affairs.’ His response was that the universities could move in this direction themselves in serving the interests of the nation and those of Africa at the same time.

From this formulation, Professor Shivji draws the conclusion that ‘linking our intellectual life together indissolubly to generate a Pan-Africanist discourse is the task of the post neoliberal generation of African intellectuals.’[1] While I agree with both former President Nyerere and Professor Shivji that an anti-imperialist intellectual and discourse is necessary to the project of achieving Pan-African political unification, there is no doubt that such an intellectual capacity has always existed since Pan-Africanism begun to be articulated on the continent. In our view, what is lacking is not the capacity to ‘think’ about its achievement, but the determination to implement the desire of the people of Africa for unity. We the present generation of intellectuals should discover why it is that the idea of Pan-Africanism, which was ably propounded by the founders of Pan-Africanism, has never been implemented? Our role is to link ourselves to our communities and ensure that their sovereign rights are promoted and protected. It is only then that a Pan-African federation can be realised.

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* Professor Dani W. Nabudere is executive director of the Marcus-Garvey Pan-Afrikan Institute, Mbale, Uganda.
* This article is based on the paper ‘Pan-Africanism and the Challenges of East African Integration: Discussion of Professor Issa Shivji’s Presentation’, which was presented by Professor Dani W. Nabudere at the 10th EAC Anniversary Symposium, Arusha, 13-14 November 2009.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES
[1] Reference is here made to Professor Shivji’s paper which which I had opportunity to comment as a discussant of his paper at the 10th Anniversary of the East African Community, which we both attended.

REFERENCES

Hughes, A. J (1963): East Africa: The Search for Unity: Kenya, Tanganyika, Uganda and Zanzibar, Penguin
African Library, London:“Appendix: Declaration of Federation by the Governments of East Africa.”
Nabudere, D. W (191982): Imperialism in East Africa, Volume II: Imperialism and Integration, Onyx Press, London
Nabudere, D. W (2005): “The East African Community and NEPAD: Prospects for Collaboration” in Rok Ajulu:
The Making of A Region: Revival of the East African Community, Institute for Global Dialogue, Midrand, South Africa.
Franck, T. M (1964): East African Unity through Law (New Haven, Yale University Press}, p. 1963.
Sertima, I V (1986): Great African Thinkers: Cheick Anta Diop, Transaction Books, New Brunswick, USA & Oxford, UK.
Viner, J (1950): The Customs Union Issue (New York and London).

East African Common Market: Promise and pitfalls ahead

Oduor Ong'wen

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/67946

cc WikipediaWith East Africa experiencing a new integration wave, Oduor Ong'wen looks back at the history of regionalisation across the area and at the prospects for the East African Common Market (EACM). In the face of governments' dwindling control over 'the institutional levers of sovereignty', what hope does the EACM offer for the promotion of national and sub-national interests?

The actualisation of the East African Community (EAC) Common Market on 1 July 2010 is arguably the most critical step in our regional integration efforts in East Africa. The steady, albeit grudging recourse towards regionalist thinking among the ruling elite in the Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya – with Burundi and Rwanda as the latest entrants – is without doubt a welcome strut in the wake of contemporary international relations. On a global level it rides on the crest of a wave increasingly being referred to as the 'new regionalism'. This wave is mainly, if not exclusively, typified by an ever-increasing geographic scope, demographic diversity, historical fluidity and a cocktail of driving forces and actors.

Both as a critical response to and a possible principle of order in a world perilously globalising under the impetus of a hegemonic bend of the Washington consensus, appreciating the historical import of East African re-integration requires that we take a fresh but tentative look beyond simple state-centric notions of regional integration to a more innovative analysis. We bear in mind a range of heterogeneous relationships and interactions among entrepreneurial and sub-national actors.

The contemporary wave of regionalisation need no longer be understood as distinct and peremptory alternatives to national projects. To be sure, it is better explained as an instrument enhancing or protecting the role of the nation-state and the attendant governmental capacity in a world of unequal interdependence rather than supplanting or negating the spirit of national sovereignty.

The conceptual toolbox for understanding regional integration is replete with a wide range of notions and analytical instruments,; each capturing the different nuances of the process and thereby raising some of the most nagging questions, such as: As nation states, in their prototypic characterisation, continue to experience a strategic deficit in the capacity to effectively engage the forces of corporate-led globalisation, are they, at the same time, being called upon to 'pool sovereignty' or are they being required to expand their jurisdictional limits in order to accommodate and possibly neutralise the adverse effects of globalisation? Whatever the case might be it is important to interrogate the social forces driving either of the tendencies. Is regionalism supplanting, supplementing or substituting multilateralism?

Integration means different things to different people. For some, it is an all-embracing union of contiguous countries and includes both economic and political areas. For others, it is agreement among a group of countries to remove various kinds of trade barriers. In between these two extremes lie numerous types of arrangements. In all these arrangements, the overarching concern is the formation of a body with a common purpose, usually to increase human welfare.

Integration is therefore not an end in itself, or, it should not be. It should be a means to further economic and social progress and enhance the welfare of the people of integrating partner countries.

Needless to state, integration in Africa has been driven by two competing forces – one internal and the other external. Internal impulsion to integration of African economies has been provided by the realisation that the continent has over the centuries suffered wanton exploitation of its natural, material and financial resources at the hands of imperialist forces. The global economic arrangement since the 15th century has defined for Africa its place in the international economic division of labour – to produce and export primary commodities in line with its perceived comparative advantage. Value adding by way of processing, manufacturing, packaging and branding is left to industrialised countries.

We aver that the motivation for internally driven integration should derive from the following expected benefits: more efficient use of the region’s capital, labour and natural resources, which are often less than optimally utilised nationally and have been exploited extensively by the industrialised countries; developing the market, so that instead of fighting and bending backward to be ‘granted’ access to the markets of the North, Africa can begin producing first and foremost for its own markets; and reduced costs of transaction within the region, as a result of reductions in tariff and non-tariff barriers. This reduces monopolistic profits and leads to efficiency gain within the market. This is what we need to aspire to in the EAC Common Market.

External interests also push for regional integration in Africa but for different reasons. The overarching motivation for externally induced regional integration is to maintain the historical division of labour that assigns Africa the role of green field that feeds Northern industry with raw materials. External forces of integration see the countries of the region as high-tech, low-value ghettoes; raw material reservoirs; entry points for multilateral negotiations (as is the case for EAC–EU Economic Partnership Agreement); and captive markets.

The EAC Common Market, as so far crafted, will be a state-driven market-propelled project tendentiously designed to reorganise the East African regional space along agreed-upon economic and political interests. Colonialism, neocolonialism and now neoliberal globalisation have subjected the region to the usual unequal economic underdevelopment, concentrating powerful economic institutions and production and distributive activities in such sectors as agriculture, manufacturing, trade, transport and communication in national economies enjoying the most favourable conditions for extractive-capitalist exploitation and important to geopolitical interests of the empire. History presents us with this reality.

The first phase of East African Community was a colonial project. Whereas it was constructed on a terra firma of linguistic, ethnic and sub-ethnic cross-boarder relationships and the singularity of a colonial agenda, it leaned, at the same time and with a precarious weight, on a hollow reed marked by the underlying pre-colonial social formations around proto-nationalist tendencies. The post-First World War dispensation that ushered in and provided for unified British control of the regional (colonial, territorial and mandatory) entities gave the region a foretaste of an externally driven experimentation with regional integration. A host of common services provided the relatively solid ground on which the regional body built its fledgling political and economic institutions. Built on unequal sovereignty and subjected to unequal colonial–capitalist underdevelopment, the regional economy gravitated around Kenya’s one-upmanship in the institutional consolidation of market forces and substitutive industrial development.

If colonial interests had been the political–economic site for the institutional organisation of British East Africa, the same interests, though purposefully morphed into a new imperialist instrument would, later on, turn into a principal site for the reorganisation of the balance of social forces required to sustain and, if possible, outlast the historical limitations of the colonial project. Thus the post-colonial efforts aimed at a deepening of the East African community agenda became a strategic victim of social class formation manoeuvres by the sub-national elites, cutting their milk teeth in the primitive accumulation of resources. Wrestling with the unique character of the challenges of national ruling class formation necessitated the need to operate within the narrow framework of a sheltered home turf under the sovereignty of a nation-state.

In Kenya, where a powerful comprador class was fledgling, consolidating tribal hegemony around Jomo Kenyatta’s imperial presidency, the fear of a deeper integration gained in reality and imminence. Later, the post-colonial dynamics of East African integration would be determined by a host of factors, ranging from the institutional crystallisation of the hegemonic authority of the neocolonial agents as an emerging social class propped up to reorganise the post-colonial political economy for continued dependency on metropolitan interests and domestication of ideological reflexes of the Cold War to the emergence of neo-patrimonial states in the region as internal cleavages began to threaten, with considerable seriousness, the status quo built on the proto-hegemonic rule of the first generation leadership. Together, these factors produced the historical conditions under which EAC mark I found its provenance.

Over-politicisation of the integration agenda and unrealistic reliance on Westphalian anachronism predisposed individual state elites towards an obsession with the politics of absolute sovereignty, a politics which detracted from a strategic appreciation of synergy that would drive the regional economy under its own flag of interdependence. The left-leaning governments of Tanzania and Uganda under Julius Nyerere and Milton Obote respectively provided a convenient handle for the Kenya-based rightwing cabal to scuttle the project before it could claim popular ownership.

For Kenya to play its strategic role for Western monopoly capital, seeking to extend and consolidate a stranglehold over a wider market from a safe ideological distance, it was strategically necessary to isolate it from the ideologically unwieldy, if not potentially hostile, East African Community by dismantling the cooperation and having an easy time controlling member states individually, using Kenya as a base. The upshot was that the East African Community was condemned to die in the hands Kenya's rightwing elements.

The East Africa Community mark II has been materialising under a slightly different international dispensation. For many observers, it hit the ground with deliberate pace that, for all practical purposes, reflected a powerful unity around a widely shared commitment to and justifiable nostalgia for a worthwhile project, previously undermined in its infancy by imperialist machinations and now pressing for a final round of historical legitimation. Yet deep in the recess of popular memory of the East African people, EAC I had bequeathed member countries a seriously anaemic legacy: mistrust, asymmetric development and a new configuration of strategic interests of a unipolar world around US hegemony.

Tanzania's role as a frontline state, in the interim, had already drawn it away from its erstwhile neighbours and launched it on the orbit of South Africa as an emerging sub-imperial entity. As a SADC (Southern African Develoment Community) member, Tanzania returned to the EAC wearing a tentative phase and with an understandable schizophrenic bearing; on the one hand it seems to relish the prospects of benefiting from updated historical ties with its neighbours, yet the legacy of a frontline state role, born of heroic engagement with liberation struggles behind its southern boarders, beguilingly draws it into the SADC arrangement; yet not necessarily away from her East African neighbours. To be sure, it has been a relationship dogged more by strategic neglect rather than rancour.

It is important to note that during EAC I, the level of integration was unevenly high in a limited number of areas, particularly in transport, communication, migrant labour, trade and education. In these and other areas critical to the regional political economy, Kenyan actors in most of the above areas were dominant and therefore the region could best be analysed along centre-periphery lines.

The fundamental objectives driving the new process of regionalisation are as sound as they are aimed at addressing some of the problems which caused the demise of East African Common Services Organisation (1961–66) and the East African Community Mark I (1967–77). The areas targeted include trade liberalisation; investment and industrial development; standardisation, quality assurance; metrology and testing; monetary and financial cooperation; infrastructure and services; development of human resources, science and technology; agriculture and food security; environment and natural resources management; tourism and wildlife management; the private sector and civil society; legal and judicial affairs; enhancing the role of women in socio-economic activities; free movement of persons, labour, services, right of establishment and residence; common external tariff; and monetary union. Eventually, a political federation is envisaged.

These lend themselves to easy implementation provided that the organisation of the community and the functional distribution of its organs are brought to proper alignment with the historic challenges facing the peoples of the region. Intractable challenges face the community however. These include:

- One, the need to overcome the temptation to over-bureaucratise the re-integration effort at the expense of the imperative and principle of subsidiarity.
- Two, multiple membership of the regional economic communities (RECs) will soon shake out into an unpredictable realignment of regional and sub-regional forces, rendering their coexistence a precarious eventuality.
- Three, appreciation of the fact that a high economic growth scenario is a necessary but not sufficient condition for a sustainable regional development. If this condition was to be met, it would be necessary that the results of such high economic growth be available for the majority of the people of the region. The alternative would be marked by an increasing polarisation, not only between intra-state sections of society but also between the partner states.

With the broad masses of the people getting bored with the antics of the democracy discourse and their national governments increasingly losing control of the institutional levers of sovereignty, their only hope for dignified citizenship may seem to be tantalisingly embedded in the ambiguous folds of a regional concertation of national and sub-national interests. This is where the promise of the EAC lies. Will we realise it?

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* Oduor Ong'wen is the country director of SEATINI, Kenya.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The danger of Grameenism

Patrick Bond with Khorshed Alam

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/67999

cc SavijanaFar from being a panacea for fighting rural poverty, microcredit can impose additional burdens on the rural poor, without markedly improving their socio-economic condition, write Patrick Bond and Khorshed Alam.

For years, the example of microcredit in Bangladesh has been touted as a model of how the rural poor can lift themselves out of poverty. This widely held perception was boosted in 2006, when Mohammad Yunus and Grameen Bank, the microfinance institution he set up, jointly received the Nobel Peace Prize. In South Asia in particular, and the world in general, microcredit has become a gospel of sorts, with Yunus as its prophet.

Consider this outlandish claim, made by Yunus as he got started in the late 1970s: ‘Poverty will be eradicated in a generation. Our children will have to go to a “poverty museum” to see what all the fuss was about.’ According to Milford Bateman, a senior research fellow at the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) in London who is one of the world’s experts on Grameen and microcredit, the reason this rhetoric resonated with international donors during the era of neoliberal globalisation, was that ‘they love the non-state, self-help, fiscally-responsible and individual entrepreneurship angles.’



Grameen’s origins are sourced to a discussion Yunus had with Sufiya Begum, a young mother who, he recalled, ‘was making a stool made of bamboo. She gets five taka from a business person to buy the bamboo and sells to him for five and a half taka, earning half a taka as her income for the day. She will never own five taka herself and her life will always be steeped into poverty. How about giving her a credit for five taka that she uses to buy the bamboo, sell her product in free market, earn a better profit and slowly pay back the loan?’ Describing Begum and the first 42 borrowers in Jobra village in Bangladesh, Yunus waxed eloquent: ‘Even those who seemingly have no conceptual thought, no ability to think of yesterday or tomorrow, are in fact quite intelligent and expert at the art of survival. Credit is the key that unlocks their humanity.’



But what is the current situation in Jobra? Says Bateman, ‘It’s still trapped in deep poverty, and now debt. And what is the response from Grameen Bank? All research in the village is now banned!’ As for Begum, says Bateman, ‘she actually died in abject poverty in 1998 after all her many tiny income-generating projects came to nothing.’ The reason, Bateman argues, is simple: ‘It turns out that as more and more ‘poverty-push’ micro-enterprises were crowded into the same local economic space, the returns on each micro-enterprise began to fall dramatically. Starting a new trading business or a basket-making operation or driving a rickshaw required few skills and only a tiny amount of capital, but such a project generated very little income indeed because everyone else was pretty much already doing exactly the same things in order to survive.’



Contrary to the carefully cultivated media image, Yunus is not contributing to peace or social justice. In fact, he is an extreme neoliberal ideologue. To quote his philosophy, as expressed in his 1998 autobiography, ‘Banker to the Poor’, ‘I believe that “government”, as we know it today, should pull out of most things except for law enforcement and justice, national defense and foreign policy, and let the private sector, a “Grameenized private sector”, a social-consciousness-driven private sector, take over their other functions.’ At the time as he wrote those words, governments across the world, especially in the United States, were pulling back from regulating financial markets. In 1999, for example, Larry Summers (then US Treasury secretary and now President Barack Obama’s overall economics tsar) set the stage for the crash of financial-market instruments known as derivatives, by refusing to regulate them as he had been advised.

The resulting financial crisis, peaking in 2008, should have changed Yunus’s tune. After all, the catalysing event in 2007 was the rising default rate on a rash of ‘subprime mortgage’ loans given to low-income US borrowers. These are the equivalent of Grameen’s loans to very poor Bangladeshis, except that Yunus did not go so far as the US lenders in allowing them to be securitised with overvalued real estate.

Yunus has long argued that ‘credit is a fundamental human right’, not just a privilege for those with access to bank accounts and formal employment. But reflect on this matter and you quickly realise how inappropriate it is to compare bank debt – a liability that can be crushing to so many who do not survive the rigours of neoliberal markets – with crucial political and civil liberties, health care, water, nutrition, education, environment, housing and the other rights guaranteed in the constitutions of countries around the world.

MICROCREDIT MANTRAS

By early 2009, as the financial crisis tightened its grip on the world, Yunus had apparently backed away from his long-held posture. At that time, he told India’s MicroFinance Focus magazine the very opposite of what he had been saying: ‘If somebody wants to do microcredit – fine. I wouldn’t say this is something everybody should have’ (emphasis added). Indeed, the predatory way that credit was introduced to vulnerable US communities in recent years means that Yunus must now distinguish his Grameen Bank’s strategy of ‘real’ microcredit from microcredit ‘which has a different motivation’. As Yunus told MicroFinance Focus, ‘Whenever something gets popular, there are people who take advantage of that and misuse it.’

To be sure, Yunus also unveiled a more radical edge in that interview, interpreting the crisis in the following terms. ‘The root causes are the wrong structure, the capitalism structure that we have,’ he said. ‘We have to redesign the structure we are operating in. Wrong, unsustainable lifestyle.’ Fair enough. But in the next breath, Yunus was back to neoliberalism, arguing that state microfinance regulation ‘should be promotional, a cheerleader.’

For Yunus, regulators are apparently anathema, especially if they clamp down on what are, quite frankly, high-risk banking practices, such as hiding bad debts. As the Wall Street Journal conceded in late 2001, a fifth of the Grameen Bank’s loans were more than a year past their due date: ‘Grameen would be showing steep losses if the bank followed the accounting practices recommended by institutions that help finance microlenders through low-interest loans and private investments.’ A typical financial sleight-of-hand resorted to by Grameen is to reschedule short-term loans that are unpaid after as long as two years; thus, instead of writing them off, it lets borrowers accumulate interest through new loans simply to keep alive the fiction of repayments on the old loans. Not even extreme pressure techniques – such as removing tin roofs from delinquent women’s houses, according to the Journal report – improved repayment rates in the most crucial areas, where Grameen had earlier won its global reputation among neoliberals who consider credit and entrepreneurship as central prerequisites for development.

By the early 2000s, even the huckster-rich microfinance industry had felt betrayed by Yunus’ tricks. ‘Grameen Bank had been at best lax, and more likely at worst, deceptive in reporting its financial performance,’ wrote leading microfinance promoter J D Von Pischke of the World Bank in reaction to the Journal’s revelations. ‘Most of us in the trade probably had long suspected that something was fishy.’ Agreed Ross Croulet of the African Development Bank, ‘I myself have been suspicious for a long time about the true situation of Grameen so often disguised by Dr Yunus’s global stellar status.’ Several years earlier, Yunus was weaned off the bulk of his international donor support, reportedly US$5 million a year, which until then had reduced the interest rate he needed to charge borrowers and still make a profit. Grameen had allegedly become ‘sustainable’ and self-financing, with costs to be fully borne by borrowers.

To his credit, Yunus had also battled backward patriarchal and religious attitudes in Bangladesh, and his hard work extended credit to millions of people. Today there are around 20,000 Grameen staffers servicing 6.6 million borrowers in 45,000 Bangladeshi villages, lending an average of US$160 per borrower (about US$100 million/month in new credits), without collateral, an impressive accomplishment by any standards. The secret to such high turnover was that poor women were typically arranged in groups of five: Two got the first tranche of credit, leaving the other three as ‘chasers’ to pressure repayment, so that they could in turn get the next loans.

At a time of new competitors, adverse weather conditions (especially the 1998 floods) and a backlash by borrowers who used the collective power of non-payment, Grameen imposed dramatic increases in the price of repaying loans. That Grameen was gaining leverage over women – instead of giving them economic liberation – is a familiar accusation. In 1995, New Internationalist magazine probed Yunus about the 16 ‘resolutions’ he required his borrowers to accept, including ‘smaller families’. When New Internationalist suggested this ‘smacked of population control’, Yunus replied, ‘No, it is very easy to convince people to have fewer children. Now that the women are earners, having more children means losing money.’ The long history of forced sterilisation in the Third World is often justified in such narrow economic terms.

In the same spirit of commodifying everything, Yunus set up a relationship with the biotechnology giant Monsanto to promote biotech and agrochemical products in 1998, which, New Internationalist reported, ‘was cancelled due to public pressure.’ As Sarah Blackstock reported in the same magazine the following year: ‘Away from their homes, husbands and the NGOs that disburse credit to them, the women feel safe to say the unmentionable in Bangladesh – microcredit isn’t all it’s cracked up to be … What has really sold microcredit is Yunus’s seductive oratorical skill.’ But that skill, Blackstock explains, allows Yunus and leading imitators to ascribe poverty to a lack of inspiration and depoliticise it by refusing to look at its causes. Microcredit propagators are always the first to advocate that poor people need to be able to help themselves. The kind of microcredit they promote isn’t really about gaining control, but ensuring the key beneficiaries of global capitalism aren’t forced to take any responsibility for poverty.

THE BIG LIE

Microfinance gimmickry has done huge damage in countries across the globe. In South Africa in 1998, for instance, when the emerging-markets crisis raised interest rates across the developing world, an increase of seven per cent, imposed over two weeks as the local currency crashed, drove many South African borrowers and their microlenders into bankruptcy. Ugandan political economist Dani Nabudere has also rebutted ‘the argument which holds that the rural poor need credit which will enable them to improve their productivity and modernise production.’ For Nabudere, this ‘has to be repudiated for what it is – a big lie.’

Inside even the most neoliberal financing agency (and Grameen sponsor), the World Bank, these lessons were by obvious by the early 1990s. Sababathy Thillairajah, an economist, had reviewed the bank’s African peasant credit programmes in 1993, and advised colleagues: ‘Leave the people alone. When someone comes and asks you for money, the best favour you can give them is to say “no”… We are all learning at the Bank. Earlier we thought that by bringing in money, financial infrastructure and institutions would be built up – which did not occur quickly.’

But not long afterwards, Yunus stepped in to help the World Bank with ideological support. When I met Yunus in Johannesburg, not long before South Africa’s April 1994 liberation, he vowed he wouldn’t take bank funds. Yet in August 1995, Yunus endorsed the bank’s US$200 million global line of credit aimed at microfinance for poor women. However, according to ODI’s Bateman, the World Bank ‘insisted on a few changes: the mantra of ‘full cost recovery’, the hard-line belief that the poor must pay the full costs of any programme ostensibly designed to help them, and the key methodology is to impose high interest rates and to reward employees as Wall Street-style motivation.’

Bateman also remarks on the damage caused to Bangladesh itself by subscribing to the microcredit gospel: ‘Bangladesh was left behind by neighbouring Asian countries, who all choose to deploy a radically different ‘development-driven’ local financial model: Taiwan, South Korea, Thailand, China, Vietnam.’ And the countries that were more reliant on neoliberal microfinance soon hit, Bateman insists, ‘saturation, with the result of over-indebtedness, ‘microcredit bubbles’, and small business collapse.’ Just as dangerous, Yunus’s model actually ‘destroys social capital and solidarity,’ says Bateman. It is used up ‘when repayment is prioritised over development. No technical support is provided, threats are used, assets are seized. And governments use microfinance to cut public spending on the poor and women, who are left to access expensive services from the private sector.’ The Yunus phenomenon is, in short, a more pernicious contribution to capitalism than ordinary loan-sharking, because it has been bestowed with such legitimacy.

Bateman records extremely high microfinance interest rates ‘everywhere’. In Bangladesh, for instance, these are around 30 to 40 per cent; in Mexico, they go up as high as 80 per cent. No wonder that in the most recent formal academic review of microfinance, by economist Dean Karlan of Yale University, ‘There might be little pockets here and there of people who are made better off, but the average effect is weak, if not nonexistent.’

As the Wall Street Journal put it in 2001, ‘To many, Grameen proves that capitalism can work for the poor as well as the rich.’ And yet the record should prove otherwise, just as the subprime financial meltdown has shown the mirage of finance during periods of capitalist crisis.



REPUTATION AND REALITY (by Khorshed Alam)



The latest figures suggest that nearly 70 million people (out of 150 million total) in Bangladesh are still living below the poverty line; of those, about 30 million are considered to live in chronic poverty. Grameen Bank now has around seven million borrowers in Bangladesh, 97 per cent of whom are women. Yet after decades of poverty-alleviation programmes what effect has Grameen had in its home country? The microcredit initiatives inspired by Mohammad Yunus’s vision and implemented by Grameen Bank and other NGOs have not gone nearly as well in Bangladesh as has been publicised worldwide.

To start with, the terms of microcredit in Bangladesh are inflexible and generally far too restrictive – by way of weekly repayment and savings commitments – to allow the borrowers to utilise the newfound credit freely. After all, with a first repayment scheduled for a week after the credit is given, what are the options but petty trading? The effective interest rate stands at 30 to 40 per cent, while some suggest it goes upwards of 60 per cent in certain situations. Defaulters, therefore, are on the rise, with many being compelled to take out new loans from other sources at even higher interest rates.

Worryingly, in the families of some 82 per cent of female borrowers, exchange of dowry has increased since their enrolment with Grameen Bank – it seems that micro-borrowing is seen as enabling the families to pay more dowry than otherwise.

Only five to 10 per cent of Grameen borrowers have showed improvement of their quality of life with the help of microcredit, and those who have done will tend to have other sources of income as well. Fully half of the borrowers who could not improve were able to retain their positions by taking out loans from multiple sources; about 45 per cent could not do so at all, and their position deteriorated. Many are thus forced to flee the village and try to find work in an urban area or abroad. It has now become clear that most Grameen borrowers spend their newfound credit for their daily livelihood expenditure, rather than on income-generating initiatives.

The main difference between microcredit lenders and feudal moneylenders was that the latter needed collateral. It is true that microcredit has created money flows in rural areas, but also that it created a process through which small-scale landowners can quickly become landless – if one cannot pay back the money at high interest rates, many are forced to sell their land. In cases of failure of timely repayment, instances of seizure by Grameen of tin roofs, pots and pans, and other household goods do take place – amounting to implicit collateral.

This does not mean that credit is not useful to the poor and powerless. The problem lies in the approach taken. Poverty is conceptualised extremely narrowly, only in terms of cash income; when in fact it has to do with all aspects of life, involving both basic material needs such as food, clothing and housing; and basic human needs such as human dignity and rights, education, health and equity. It is true that the rural economy today has received some momentum from microcredit. But the questions remain: Why has this link failed to make any significant impact on poverty? Why, despite the purported ‘success’ of microcredit, do people in distress keep migrating to urban centres? Why does a famine-like situation persists in large parts of Bangladesh, particularly in the north? Moreover, why does the number of people under the poverty line keep rising – alongside the rising microcredit?

In fact, poverty has its roots and causes, and expanding the credit net without addressing these will never improve any poverty situation. Experience shows that if countries such as Bangladesh rely heavily on microcredit for alleviating poverty, poverty will remain – to keep the microcredit venture alive. Grameen Bank’s ‘wonderful story’ of prosperity, solidarity and empowerment has only one problem: It never happened.

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* This article was first published in Himal magazine, October 2010.

* Patrick Bond is a senior professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal School of Development Studies Centre for Civil Society in Durban, South Africa.
* Khorshed Alam is executive director of the Alternative Movement for Resources and Freedom Society, based in Dhaka.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Assessing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)

Dibussi Tande

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68014

cc U.S. Air ForcePerspectives on the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Tanzania’s forthcoming election and a new report accusing British banks of complicity in Nigerian corruption are among the topics in this week’s round-up of the African blogosphere, by Dibussi Tande.

The Rising Continent assesses the performance of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and UN peacekeepers’ forces in DR Congo (MONUSCO), and concludes that both failed to live up to their mandate:

‘ [In] November 2010 it will be sixteen years that ICTR will have been put in place. The budget spent on its operations will be almost 1.5 billion $ by the end of 2010. The Tribunal has so far investigated and sentenced only one side to the Rwandan genocide...

‘The first invasion of DR Congo by the coalition of Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Laurent-Desire Kabila’s AFDL in 1996 was made partially possible by the fact that US and Britain through their agents in UN structures disregarded the Gersony report, which was produced in October 94. The document shows evidence of records of between 30,000 and 40,000 mainly Hutus that Paul Kagame and his forces killed from April to September 94 in Rwanda. Can we hypothetically imagine what would’ve happened if ICTR had straightforwardly and seriously started investigating those crimes at the same time it pursued perpetrators of the genocide against Tutsis? DRC’s invasion would’ve surely taken a different path…

‘MONUC was set up in 1999 to facilitate peace [in the Congo]. It became MONUSCO in May 2010 with a mandate of stabilizing DR Congo. Despite UN forces’ presence, illegal mining and trafficking of minerals have continued as if peacekeepers were there to protect these operations. In addition, serial rapes have endlessly been committed nearly in the vicinity of the UN mission in Eastern Congo. This UN structure is the biggest peacekeeping mission ever set up. Its military and civil personnel stand at 22,000 men and women and its approved budget only for July 2010 to June 2011 is $1.4 billion.

Lost lives that these UN institutions didn’t protect are today nearly 8 millions so far. The count is far from ending.’


Scribbles from the Den
After visiting the ICTR and sitting through proceedings of ‘Case No. ICTR-98-44, The Prosecutor v Édouard Karemera, Matthieu Ngirumpatse & Joseph Nzirorera’, Dibussi Tande provides a different perspective about the work of the tribunal:

‘Since its creation, the ICTR has faced many challenges, including the ambivalence of the Rwandan government and large segments of the Rwandan public towards the tribunal due to contentious issues such as “the failure to locate the tribunal within Rwanda, the lack of a provision for capital punishment... the over one billion dollars spent on the ICTR while Rwanda's domestic system struggles to try thousands of suspects.” Add to this the prevailing feeling that ICTR is dishing out victor’s justice and one can begin to understand growing concerns about the tribunal's legacy.

‘True, the ICTR has promised more than it delivered, but it was a necessary legal instrument, given the need to bring the architects of the Rwandan genocide to justice, and to establish the jurisprudence required to deal with similar events in future...

‘The chilling details of the Karemera et al case clearly demonstrate how the quest for political power and/or ethnic hegemony, particularly in Africa, can easily slide into crimes against humanity and genocide. The accused in this case were probably fairly regular folks who, in their quest for power, allowed themselves to be swept away by an ethno-political maelstrom, which transformed them into architects of one of the most barbaric events of the 20th century. What is so frightening about it all is that this could be the story of any African country... Since this can happen anywhere, the ICTR by its mere existence, and in spite of its imperfections, serves as a warning that perpetrators of such inhumanity will be brought to book.

‘Even Human Rights Watch, which has been one of the staunchest critics of the ICTR’s one-sided system of justice, concedes that “The tribunal's jurisprudence has been immensely important in defining the indescribably horrific crimes committed in Rwanda and creating a solid body of jurisprudence.” In my opinion, this alone makes the ICTR worth all the trouble.’

The Mikocheni Report complains about the lopsided nature of the October 31, 2010 multiparty parliamentary and presidential elections in Tanzania:

‘I seem to have lost my excitement about the coming elections. I am not sure why, but I know it'll be back on the 31st. In the meantime I am trying not to voodoo-curse the campaign trucks that meander around Mikocheni everyday polluting my soundspace. I used to hear kids playing on the street, now it's all vuvuzelas and invitations to last-minute rallies…

‘At present it seems that only CCM has the requisite number of warm bodies to cover our vast land with candy-dates wrapped in green and gold packaging. It doesn't matter how many helicopters, rallies or policy quips the opposition throws at people living in the rural areas, numbers are their Achilles heel. Except for Zanzibar, which exists in its own political bubble and has no desire to explain itself to Mainlanders, Foreigners and Other Aliens. So sure, CCM has reason to feel complacent...but not entitled.

‘The second consequence is more entertaining if a little sinister. Our fledgling competitive electoral democracy is riddled with one-horse races. A number of CCM candidates are languishing for want of a worthy adversary. And that's a damn shame. Aside from disappointed bloodlust - the competitive bit is what makes democracy interesting- I don't think this situation is necessarily healthy for the candidates or for the electorate. Someone running unopposed will likely suffer from an acute inflation of the ego…

‘This no-opposition business has been a major factor in our Bigmanism disease: the over-worship of patriarchs in power and the excessively fawning submission that accompanies it. Hopefully 2015's electorate will have a more varied buffet of candidates to graze from, even in Simanjiro.’

Tax Justice Network publishes the introduction of a recent report by the UK-based group Global Witness which accuses British banks of being complicit in Nigerian corruption:

‘British banks have accepted millions of pounds from corrupt Nigerian politicians, raising serious questions about their commitment to tackling financial crime. Our high street banks are quick to penalise everyday customers who become overdrawn, or to block credit cards at any hint of unusual activity. But Global Witness’s research suggests that the same banks are much less concerned about large amounts of corrupt money passing through their accounts.

‘Without access to the international financial system it would be much harder for corrupt politicians from the developing world to loot their national treasuries or accept bribes. By taking money from such customers, British banks are fuelling corruption, entrenching poverty and undermining international development assistance.

‘Global Witness has found that Barclays, HSBC, RBS, NatWest and UBS held accounts for two former Nigerian state governors, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State and Joshua Dariye of Plateau State. These men funnelled dirty money into the UK, spending their ill-gotten gains on sustaining a luxury lifestyle, in stark contrast to the poverty of ordinary Nigerians…

‘A particularly disturbing aspect of this story is that Barclays, NatWest, UBS, and HSBC reportedly took money from the former Nigerian dictator, Sani Abacha, during the late 1990s. They are supposed to have tightened up their procedures since then but our investigation suggests they have not done enough.’

The African Timer writes about the way people access water in Uganda, n commemoration of this year’s Blog Action day:

‘I have noticed that many rural areas have hardships in accessing water sources – they often have to walk more than one kilometer to find the nearest water source. Often these are swamps, lakes, rivers, streams, or even mere trickles of water. A few rural communities have access to boreholes while others have managed to dig up water wells to enable free access to water.

‘During my travels to several parts of Uganda, I have noticed that women and children are the ones in charge of fetching water in their homes. Often, I would see women, girls and boys in both small and big groups carrying jerrycans of water on their heads and sometimes on a bicycle.

‘Even though many of these communities will not complain openly, they often face hardships. Hardships range from the long-inconveniencing distances that people have to walk to access water to threats of infections from water born diseases like typhoid, dysentery and bilharzia that people are prone to due to dirty and unsafe water. Rural people live with and suffer from, but know little about these threats because they are not informed but cases of typhoid, dysentery and bilharzia are very common in rural areas and the biggest cause is drinking dirty water.

‘I believe our communities need more information on improved water access, their rights and health information.’

Mogadishu Man describes a typical scene at a Quat market in Somalia, and wonders what the future holds for the multi-million dollar trade in this illegal stimulant following the closure of the KM 50 airport, the largest Qat depot in Somalia, by the Islamist Al-Shabab:

‘It is a busy day here at the Qat stalls located just on the outskirts of the Bakara market. Hundreds of sandalled feet scuttle towards the stalls, in tumultuous excitement, and frantically rummage through the tightly bundled leaves in the hand-woven Qat baskets in order to pick out the moist, tender shoots. Scores of young men and women visit these stalls on a regular basis to purchase Qat – a mild stimulant with a bitter taste that a large number of the Somali population – in Somalia or abroad – is highly addicted to. Under the commotion and the emotional frenzy, tensions often rise and agitated customers as well as vendors seem to always be in a combative mood. But perspiring under the heat, the wide-eyed, and almost anaemic, Qat-sellers appear to be relishing this kind of atmosphere.

‘“Hurry up Waryaa! hurry up! this is the cheapest you can get. Hurry up! Qat is almost out of stock!” screams one seller, as he wipes away the trickles of green saliva dripping down his chin with a grubby handkerchief. Behind him, dozens of young men sit on the concrete slabs, or squat on the floor, unmindful of the staccato rounds of gunfire in the distant neighbourhoods, and gnaw away at the leaves in a surrounding far less salubrious than can be appreciated. This is a very loud and unforgiving place. Bestrewn with dry twigs, discarded leaves and plastic bags, these squalid stalls, adjacent to the old Cigarettes and Match Factory, receive hundreds of customers a day, but they have now become even increasingly populated since Al-Shabab’s closure of KM 50 airport yesterday.’

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* Dibussi Tande blogs at Scribbles from the Den.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

'To be young, gifted and black'

The struggles of black young people today

Veli Mbele

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68000

cc M SIn a speech marking the 33rd anniversary of Steve Biko’s death in detention, Veli Mbele, president of the Azanian Youth Organisation, looks at the lessons young black people can learn from Biko’s life and ideas.

The deputy president of AZAPO, Ntate Strike Thokoane;
The leadership of AZAPO in the Westrand;
The youth leadership of AZAPO;
Distinguished guests;
Comrades and friends:

I bring you revolutionary greetings from the national executive committee of the Azanian Youth Organisation. I also wish to take this opportunity to salute the Mohlakeng branch, not just for organising this remembrance of our Movement’s founding father, Steve Bantu Biko, but also for choosing to have it on this day of special importance.

As you might be aware, the 25 September is the exact day on which Steve Biko was laid to rest in the Township of Ginsberg 33 years ago, after his cold-blooded murder in detention by the agents of the settler-colonial regime.

It is perhaps also worth mentioning that Biko’s funeral was attended by well over 20,000 people. And to confirm the extent to which the settler-colonial regime feared him – they still saw it necessary to set up road blocks, with the view to harass and stop those fellow Azanians who were travelling to his funeral. The white racist regime was still engaging in these cowardly actions even though they had just murdered Biko a few days before.

It is these and other Fascist tendencies of the settler-colonial regime that fortify the view that Biko became more of a threat to the settler-colonial state, in death than in life. This is perhaps understandable given the impact of his ideas on those who engineered and led the student uprising of Soweto in June 1976. Besides; it was Biko himself, who just before he was killed, said:

‘You are either alive and proud or you are dead and when you are dead, you can’t care anyway because your method of death itself can be a politicising thing.’

For the purpose of our discourse here today, I propose to focus more on the implications of Biko’s ideas in order for us black young people to reflect on what lessons we can draw from the life of someone who is as iconic as Biko. And most critically, what practical things we can do, as the AZAPO youth, to ensure that the teachings of Biko speak to the conditions of black young people today.

Because I am speaking to people who are as young as me, as a launch pad for my talk, I wish to use something that we as young people love and understand very well and that is music.

In her 1970 album called ‘Black Gold’, the legendary singer, pianist and activist, Nina Simone, released a classic tune called ‘To be Young, Gifted and Black’. This tune was actually an adaptation of an unfinished play by the same title by her friend, Lorraine Hansberry, who died in 1965 of pancreatic cancer. This was very profound song was Nina’s tribute to her dear friend:

‘To be young, gifted and black,
Oh what a lovely precious dream
To be young, gifted and black,
Open your heart to what I mean

‘In the whole world you know
There are billion boys and girls
Who are young, gifted and black,
And that's a fact!

‘Young, gifted and black
we must begin to tell our young
there’s a world waiting for you
This is a quest that's just begun’

She goes on to sing:

‘When you feel really low
Yeah, there's a great truth you should know
When you're young, gifted and black
Your soul's intact

‘Young, gifted and black
How I long to know the truth
There are times when I look back
And I am haunted by my youth’

And she ends by saying:

‘Oh but my joy of today
Is that we can all be proud to say
To be young, gifted and black
Is where it's at’

The lyrics in this song do not just carry with them a profound message about the beauty of our blackness and the value of being young, but in its own way, this song also encapsulates the essence of Biko’s message and the vision of Black Consciousness. This should perhaps not be too surprising because this song was recorded in the same year that Biko and others officially launched, the first Black Consciousness organisation in Azania, the South African Students Organisation or SASO, which Biko led as its first president.

What are the struggles of black young people today?

Drawing inspiration from the uplifting lyrics of Nina Simone’s song, my wish is for us, adherents of the philosophy of Black Consciousness, to take a moment and reflect on the black condition today, and in particular the condition of black young people.

First, I think it is crucial for us to understand that societies are organised along particular super systems, which prescribe the nature and character of all other sub systems within them, be they political, social or cultural. Also, societal systems are not a product of mysterious supernatural forces but are designed by humans and more specifically, by certain classes within society.

Therefore, not only do these systems determine the current and future structure of society, they also determine the current and future power relations in society, which inevitably determine the social and political temperament of society.

Equally critical though is the realisation by those who want to effect meaningful societal change that, those who design societal systems are not in the habit of disclosing their real motives for designing societal systems in a particular way – because if they do, it will defeat the very purpose for which the system was designed.

This is why it would be a violation of our code of discipline for AZAYO members not to engage in political study, discussion and, of course, reflective thinking. Failure to do this undermines our ability to dissect both simple and complex phenomena.

In this context therefore, we must re-open the debate about whether or not those African countries that were subjected to centuries of settler-colonialism can really claim to be liberated today?

To bring this closer to home in South Africa, we had settler-colonial system, which was premised on white racism and capitalism where all aspects of black life were under the control of a white settler minority. Then after a protracted and bloody liberation war, from the mid 1980s onwards, a surreptitious series of talks were held between representations of the African National Congress and the agents of the illegitimate Botha regime.

Following these clandestine activities, the monumental betrayal of our people was subsequently legitimised during the Kempton Park charade of the early 1990s, which later resulted in the ANC taking over the management of the colonial state from the Boers. And as expected, billions of rands were pumped into this imperialist project, with the sole intention of duping the unsuspecting black masses into accepting the fraudulent Kempton Park process as authentic liberation.

Did the mere act of transferring the management of the colonial state to the ANC fundamentally change the historical power relations between the colonised and coloniser in our country? Of course not.

So what has really changed in our country? Like we said in our talk delivered on September 12 in Atteridgeville, a few days back:

‘The only thing that has changed is the colour of those who now manage the system.’

Second, as evidence of the persistence of the system of white racism and capitalism, not only has our country recently earned the dubious distinction of being the most unequal society in the world but also – even under a government that they have elected – blacks continue to be at the bottom of the economic pit. This paradox is perhaps one of the clearest illustrations of the ANC’s capacity to meaningfully change the lives of blacks or lack thereof.

And as a result of this paradox, black young people, who are the majority of the South African population, have been the worst affected by the inability or unwillingness of the ANC to effect meaningful economic transformation in the lives of blacks (as a group, not as individuals).

Third, an impression has been planted in the minds of many young black people that the lack of progress in their personal lives is mainly as a result of their own personal inadequacies, which is not entirely true.

The failure of black young people, to achieve in all spheres of human endeavour, is a pre-determined outcome of the system that I alluded to earlier; and this is mainly because of the system’s sheer capacity to impair the progress of blacks, both as individuals and as a group.

And in this connection, the rapid and seamless social and economic progress of white young people is not so much a function of personal hard work or above average IQs, but just as in the case of black young people, it’s mainly a result of the pre-determined outcome of the system of white racism and capitalism.

Fourth, this should therefore enable us to better understand some of the following disturbing social indicators:

- Of the 164,000 prisoners in South Africa’s 243 correctional facilities, about 161,000 are black, male and under the age of 35.

- Even though, they are in the minority, there are still more white learners who take Mathematics and Science at school level than there are black learners. And as recently reported that even after obtaining their Grade 12 certificates, a huge number of black learners are unable to read, write and count properly.

- Even if you have a postgraduate qualification, as a black young person, it is still possible to struggle to find a decent a job, if not remain unemployed.

- Not only are the majority of those infected with the HIV virus black and young, but black young people are also synonymous with the disturbing phenomenon of child-headed households.

To articulate these depressing social indicators in this manner is not to take away the responsibility of black young people to take charge of their own lives, but it merely seeks to show the interconnection between the historical and structural societal factors and the personal choices that young people make today and in particular Black young people.

What can AZAYO members do to change all this?

While we understand the interdependence between problem analysis and problems resolution, we must however not find ourselves trapped in the petit bourgeois tendency of preoccupying ourselves with unproductive theoretic discussions and dedicate little time to seeking practical solutions to the challenges we face.

As the youth of AZAPO (Azanian People's Organisation), we have a revolutionary duty to first educate ourselves about the history of our movement and country. And as required by the constitutions of AZAPO, AZAYO and AZASCO (Azanian Student Convention), we must get into the habit of consistently cultivating ourselves ideologically, intellectually and otherwise.

We must continue to conscientise black young people to realise that drugs, and in particular, alcohol are some of the tools that those who have designed the system, use to ensure that as part of the black community, black young people continue to dominate the negative social categories such as drug addicts and alcoholics.

Have any of you ever stopped to ask yourselves, why is it that, there are more taverns and sheebens where you live than there are schools and youth development centres? Kanti ninjani maComrade? Don’t you find this strange?

We must make black young people understand that the mass media is an integral part of the system and we must therefore not allow it to set the standards for beauty, success or intelligence for us.

Have you ever stopped to wonder why the mainstream media is always more willing to promote black young people who are involved in activities which do not positively contribute to the development of black young people, but the same media is very reluctant to give the same level prominence to other young black people who have achieved success through struggle, hard work and honesty?

I am sure you would agree that leadership is a crucial part of the project of social transformation and we must continue with our movement’s tradition of getting actively involved in resolving community problems. And where necessary, set up community based youth structures, which will assist in channelling the energy and talents of young people creatively and positively.

This, in my humble view, comrades, is currently, the biggest challenge facing the youth movement and I am afraid, we as youth leaders are failing black young people in this regard.

In closing, I think the single biggest challenge facing the black community today is that of producing and promoting positive role models. And in this regard, we are obliged to live our lives in such a way as to inspire our peers and in particular those younger than us, to live positively.

And while we must accept our own human frailties and fallibility, we must nevertheless never shy away from the challenge of inspiring others. Besides, we stand to gain as much as those we wish to influence.

If we as members of AZAYO, can commit ourselves to fulfilling all these tasks, both in theory and in practice, I have no doubt in my mind that in time, our generation will also be in a position to inspire the millions of other black young people out there to join us as we confidently sing Simone’s song:

‘In the whole world you know
There are a billion boys and girls
Who are young, gifted and black
And that’s a fact’

Thank you for your attention.

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* Veli Mbele is president of the Azanian Youth Organisation (Azayo).
* This talk was delivered at the 33rd Commemoration of the death in detention of Steve Biko held at Mohlakeng on 25 September 2010.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Liberia, flags of convenience and corporate capitalism

Khadija Sharife

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/67971

cc RonnieUsing the example of apartheid South Africa, Khadija Sharife reveals the history of how huge oil companies have used flags of convenience in the shipping industry to secure corporate capitalism.

If former apartheid statesman PW Botha is to be believed, the voluntary oil embargo cost the apartheid regime a great deal. ‘Between 1973 and 1984 the Republic of South Africa had to pay R22 billion more than it would have normally spent,’ he stated in 1986. The oil embargo was not created at the behest of collective-security organisations such as the UN's Security Council or recognised members of the international community, chiefly sovereign nations states. It was instead the product of immense collective mobilisation on the part of the African National Congress (ANC), in addition to other local and foreign movements, including NGOs.

Botha cited the need to keep 'locomotives and motor cars' running. He might have referred to the fuel extensively utilised by the military and police. Major suppliers included Mobil, Chevron and Shell, as well as countries like Iran. From 1970 to 1978, the US-backed Shah was a ready exporter.

‘When the Shah fell in 1978 Iranian [oil] supplies dried up and we had to look elsewhere. It is to our credit, not only the oil industry but the South African Government, that there was never one shipment of oil, so to speak, missed,’ said Dennis Fletcher, chairman and managing director of Caltex SA Ltd, previously part of Chevron, then known as Texaco. According to the company (1978), ‘Caltex Oil S.A. (Pty.) Ltd. is incorporated under the laws of South Africa and subject to the laws and regulations of that nation. Caltex South Africa is required by Government directive to sell petroleum and petroleum products to any credit-worthy citizen or organization, and dissemination of information outside South Africa respecting the sales of petroleum and petroleum products to the military and other customers is restricted by South African law.’

‘Although we are effectively prevented from buying oil openly, we still get exactly what we want,’ said Fletcher.

The system was for Caltex to inform the UK branch of the wholly owned US company of oil requirements. The UK branch would outsource flags and ports from the Shah's Iran. ‘Caltex UK would then purchase supplies and arrange for them to be loaded, usually at ports in the Persian Gulf,’ wrote the Financial Mail in 1974. When the Shah was deposed, the Louisiana Offshore Oil Port and the US Virgin Islands became a primary oil trading and trans-shipment center.

‘We have reason to believe that some of the ships and companies involved in shipping oil to South Africa are beneficially owned by U.S. persons, though the ships are registered in “flag of convenience” (FOC) countries,’ disclosed a proposed US sanctions bill in 1988. The bill failed to pass the Senate and become law. Mobil allegedly threatened to sue the US government if the bill was passed.

In 1980, Mobil disclosed to shareholders, 'total denial of supplies to the police and military forces of the host country (South Africa), is hardly consistent with responsible citizenship,' and reiterated Caltex/Chevron's position stating, ‘In order to continue to do business in South Africa, our subsidiary, Mobil Oil Southern Africa, must comply with South African laws and regulations. Our subsidiary cannot be in compliance with those laws and, at the same time, adhere to the requirements of this stockholder proposal. The effect of this resolution, if adopted, would be to place in very real jeopardy both the employees of our South African affiliate and our ability to continue to do business in South Africa.’

The UN Security Council, led by the US and UK, repeatedly blocked suggestions for a mandatory oil embargo under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Nor did the UN Law of the Sea Convention stipulate that ownership or the ultimate beneficiaries of ship owners and operators be disclosed. Though the two may appear entirely disconnected, the role of FOC jurisdictions, enabling the South African government as well as foreign-owned and national corporations to outsource flags of another state, facilitated the activities financing and abetting the apartheid regime.

In 1988, the UN General Assembly noted that it was crucial to ‘terminate the transport of oil to South Africa by ships flying their flags, or by ships that are ultimately owned, managed or chartered by their nationals or by companies within their jurisdiction’; and ‘to develop a system for registration of ships, registered or owned by their nationals, that have unloaded oil in South Africa in contravention of embargoes imposed’.

Missing from the system of identification was the role of foreign entities intentionally supplying oil to the nation through a collaborative process designed to literally grease the wheels of export-oriented resource exploitation utilising cheapened labour.

This included not simply oil, but outflows of diamonds, gold, uranium and other resources. Concealing the real owner of vessels, including oil rigs, classified as ships under the norms of international law, is as simple as filling out a form and incorporating a paper company in an FOC jurisdiction. As I learned - and a fact that the Organisation for Cooperation and Development (OECD) confirmed - the use of FOC for vessels is not the exception, but the rule.

More than half the global fleet have been registered in sovereign jurisdictions classified as ‘flags states’, specifically Liberia, Panama and the Marshall Islands. Ironically, many of these jurisdictions do not host vessels of national origin or that are nationally owned. Instead, the vessels bear the nationalities of major industrialised economies such as Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands, the US and the UK.

Liberia alone hosts 509 oil rigs, almost ten times that of the US. Holding 10 per cent of the global fleet, and classified as the world’s second largest 'flag state', Liberia's corporate and maritime registry reflects, for instance, 1,049 German vessels, in addition to that of Hong Kong, Russia, the UAE, Canada and Brazil amongst others.

Foreign owners and operators have intentionally relocated to Liberia for specific reasons: not only does the country allow for foreign clients to ‘purchase’ a flag for a cheap collection fee, circumventing in the process labour, financial, environmental and other national regulations, but it also enables clients to access complete secrecy surrounding the nature of the shipping world.

The origins of FOC, present throughout the history of civilisations, was formalised and modernised during WWII when the US government, US multinationals and their allies, utilised ‘flags of convenience’ to bypass perceived enemy-lines and continue with business-as-usual - including the supply of US oil tankers to communist China.

Though it was Panama that was initially utilised - and indeed, would become the world's leading 'rent-a-flag' state - the US government lacked direct control over the processes involved and the system itself was underdeveloped. It was to Africa that they turned through Secretary of State Edward Stettinius. A former chairman of United States Steel, Stettinius began promoting Liberia as the US’s 'sole beachhead' in Africa against communism, after a brief visit in the early 1940s.

Discovering vast iron-ore and rubber resources, coupled with cheap labour and a crucial geo-strategic location, he negotiated the 'port agreement' signed between the Liberian government and the US government to develop the Port of Monrovia via the lend-lease aid system to allies. The deal was sealed during his term as administrator of the lend-lease programme.

Though he used humanitarian concern as the primary motivating factor, Liberia is known in American history as the only colony ever established by the US, founded by the American Colonisation Society, ‘as a settlement for freed slaves’. States such as Virginia and Maryland, in particular, experienced a considerable mass of emancipated 'free negroes', ‘in the body politic, yet not a part of it’.

Roland Falkner, chairman of the American Mission to Liberia, stated that the creation of the Republic was the ‘product of Southern philanthropy, not the outcome of the militant-type of anti-slavery which arose later in the Northern states’, facilitating ‘expiatory repatriation’. But Liberia's geostrategic purpose, as an ‘invisible protectorate’ (Rosenberg) would later emerge following WWI as a cornerstone of US foreign policy.

Thanks to the influence of revolving-door persons such as Stettinius, mega oil corporations such as Standard Oil and others such as former Congressman Joe Casey, founder of the American Overseas Tanker Corporation (AOTC) via the Casey Group, the idea of Liberia as a 'FOC-haven' was conceived. According to an investor in AOTC, attorney Stanly Klein, who would later be retained by Stettinius to develop his US-based Liberia-flag maritime and corporate registry, owners were ‘fed up to the backteeth with Panamanian demands’. Over 70 per cent of Panama's registered ships, by the late 1940s, were US-owned.

Tubman quickly embarked on an 'open-door' liberalisation policy. Proposing the notion to AOTC, Klein informed Stettinius Liberia Company in 1948 that, ‘certain shipping had indicated a willingness to obtain registration under the Liberian flag’. Liberia's Maritime Code was drafted in late July 1948 by Klein. But the company did not send the proposed code to Tubman until Standard Oil's Director Bushrod Howard and maritime attorney Bob Nash, ‘read, amended and approved’ the draft.

By 12 August, the company noted, ‘Bob Nash and Bush Howard of Standard Oil yesterday gave me a green light on the Maritime Code.’

The US government disclosed that the US-based Liberia Company, peddling flags to US corporations, allies and multinationals would receive support via ‘its policy to encourage economic development of underdeveloped countries through private American capital’. The International Trust Company (ITC) was created in 1949 to administer the registry.

'The US State Department conducted a review of the Code through Francis Truslow Adams, a descendent of the Presidential Adams clan and former President of the government's wartime Rubber Development Corporation. During this period, under US-owned Firestone, Liberia's economy was heavily structured around exploitation of rubber, producing over 80 million pounds annually by the late 1950s.' (Sharife, World Policy Journal, forthcoming).

Adams gave the company and code the thumbs up, pointing out that the aspect most admired by Standard Oil - that of collection of registration as the primary basis for the code, enabling multinationals, particularly oil corporations, to bypass taxes and revenues as well as other regulations - was not as firmly embedded as it should be.

A private sub-cabinet meeting, hosted by Stettinius, and attended by key US government officials, endorsed the proposal, further accepting the offer of receiving intelligence information from the company. CIA Director Alan Dulles would later endorse it, amongst others. As the managing director of Gulf Oil informed the Senate on the same issue, ‘Liberia, we regard as the godson of the United States.’

The first client, oil billionaire Stavros Niarchos, a former client of the AOTC via the Panamian entity titled Greenwich Marine Corporation (GMC), registered the World Peace under Liberia's flag. Operating from NY York, clients were able to receive 'first world' efficiency accompanied by 'third world' cost effectiveness.

But Liberia's role in modernising the FOC haven rested not simply in its services, but in the fact that it was the first sovereign nation to contract a private US corporation to administer a national maritime and corporate registry.

In 1949, control of the ITC, following Stettinius's passing, fell into the hands of General George Olmstead, who headed the International Bank, located diagonal to the White House. Representing the interests of the US Navy, the Bank was a holding company headquartered in Washington DC, with a branch in the Bahamas, another FOC haven. A merger between the Bank and USLICO, who became the majority shareholder, evidenced the creation of International Registries Inc (IRI) in the 1990s, which describing itself as the world's oldest private maritime and corporate registry. Management structures retained crucial links through key personnel such as managing director Florigio Guida, the International Bank's former vice president.

The civil war in Liberia, coupled with former President Charles Taylor's unchecked demands on IRI to finance the war, evidenced the company quickly outsourcing the use of the Marshall Islands, part of the US's Compact of Free Association. Thanks to IRI's dedication, these days, the Marshall Islands is the world's fastest growing FOC haven.

Ironically, IRI's current location - Reston, Virginia, a suburb close to Washington DC - is just several kilometres away from Liberia's current US private corporate and maritime registry, the LISCR.

The company, structured as it was during the civil war and Taylor's time when the Registry supplied between 40-70 per cent of official government revenue, proudly markets the US government origins of its services: ‘The Liberian Registry was established in 1948,with the support of the US State Department, and continues to be an important source of revenue for Liberia. One of the main factors in its establishment was the need to find a neutral State where US-built ships could be registered.’

Under the Bush administration, the unofficial military watch of the US government was formalised through the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), allowing for the US naval and military forces to search, seize and protect ships under the Liberian flag. During an investigation of LISCR, I learned, ‘The annual cost of maintaining a Liberian Corporation is $450, which includes the annual registration tax to the Government of Liberia of $150 and the Registered Agent’s annual fee of $300...Taxes on operations and profits are not assessed.’

The conclusion? Standard Oil - whose current descendent is Exxon-Mobil - got its way, through formulating the modern FOC as a sovereign jurisdiction deliberately structuring legal and financial ring-fenced environments to exchange a flag for a cheap annual collection fee.

‘The principal objective in many of the jurisdictions is simply to collect the registration fees,’ revealed the OECD. Like other FOC-havens, Liberia offers clients the option of nominee shareholders and directors amongst other secrecy tools. What this basically means is that ultimate owners or beneficiaries are allowed to conceal their true identities by nominating legal intermediaries to create a corporate veil described by the OECD as impenetrable.

In his seminal paper, ‘The American Century Implemented - Liberia's Flag of Convenience’, Rutgers University professor and historian Rodney Carlisle locates Liberia's flag of convenience in the context of an age designed to ‘generate markets for American products and preserve a world where American free enterprise system could survive.’

‘The basic ideas of the American Century,’ he wrote, ‘that America could prevent world domination by Fascist - or Soviet-planned economies only through consciously exporting technology, capital, food and know-how gave a patriotic logic to American-based multinationals in extending their holdings and strengthening their positions.

‘In this accidental fashion, a military-industrial-governmental complex emerged…brought together by a shared commitment to keep the world safe for corporate capitalism.’

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* This article is forthcoming in The Thinker. Khadija Sharife is a journalist and a visiting scholar at the Centre for Civil 
Society (CCS) based in South Africa.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Justice for Thomas Sankara, justice for Africa

Mariam Sankara

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68013

cc SputniktiltIn a message commemorating the death of Thomas Sankara on 15 October 1987, Mariam Sankara calls on the people to continue the struggle not only for justice for Thomas Sankara, but also for Africa.

My dear friends,
My dear comrades,

In this 50th anniversary year of African independence, let us give a special thought for those who fought to liberate Africa from the yoke of domination and imperialism: Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Emery Lumumba, Ruben Um Nyobe, Amical Cabral, Samora Machel and the many other heroes of the liberation struggle.

Because of their passionate commitment to the African cause and to Pan-Africanism, the cause of justice, because of the battles they led – often at the price of their lives – we don’t have the right NOT to strengthen our determination in our struggles and battles, despite obstacles of all kinds, to end the scourges that are obstacles to effective development and that all our people know: Social injustice, dictatorship, corruption, the plundering of the wealth of our continent, impunity…

The commemoration of the 23rd anniversary of the assassination of President Thomas Sankara and the companions who fell with him on 15 October 1987 holds a very special meaning for us, as Thomas Sankara, whose actions were inspired by those of his elders, fought against all forms of oppression and injustice, the fight of his life, both in Africa and worldwide.

That’s why I ask all those who claim his ideals to remain vigilant and to strengthen their efforts, so that that the flame lit by his struggles continues to expose, throughout the world, the ways of those in ‘the shadows, we do not see’, to try to end the barbarous logic that Bertolt Brecht denounced in his day:

‘Some are in the shadows
Others are in the light
We see those in the light
Those in the shadows, we do not see’

That is why I ask all those who fight beside me and the Sankara family to continue their mobilisation, as they have done for 23 years, so that justice can be done for Thomas Sankara and for his brave companions in this the struggle against the impunity enjoyed by their killers and those who sponsored them, a struggle for a future of Africa in which you can longer kill with impunity.

That is why, finally, I invite all my Burkinabe countrymen to unite on the side of the Burkinabe people so that, by their votes, in future presidential elections, we can at last see real change in our society, and end all the injustice, the misery and frustration inflicted on the majority of the population for the past 23 years under the regime of Biase Compaore.

Even if the road seems fraught with pitfalls, I am certain that, thanks to your determination, your courage and your selflessness, we shall overcome.

------------------------

MESSAGE FROM ‘JUSTICE FOR SANKARA, JUSTICE FOR AFRICA’ CAMPAIGN

There are a number of events planned over the next few days to commemorate the assassination of Thomas Sankara, in Burkina Faso, Cote D’Ivoire, Togo, Sain, Italy, France, Germany and Canada… The programme of events is available on the Thomas Sankara website.

Today will allow the ‘Justice for Sankara, Justice for Africa’ campaign to reach new levels, with the collection of several new signatures.

Let us remember that this petition has already received 4,000 signatures over the internet alone, in addition to the many signatures collected on sheets of paper. The petition is supported by a number of personalities, notably José Bové, Tiken Jah Fakoly, Eduardo Galeano (writer), Didier Awadi, Balufu Bakupa-Kanyinda, Jean Ziegler, Alain Mabanckou (writer, prix Renaudot 2006), Didier Daeninckx (writer), Guy-Patrice Lumumba, Alain Lipietz, Nicole Kiil-Nielsen (MEP), Luigi De Magistris (MEP) etc and many parties and associations.

The petition text and list of supporters is available here.

It calls for an international, independent enquiry and the opening of archives so that foreign responsibility for the assassination of Thomas Sankara can be brought to light.

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* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Fractals and Benoit Mandelbrot: Lessons for society

Horace Campbell

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/68008

cc Z HFollowing the passing of Benoit Mandelbrot this week, Horace Campbell writes of the mathematician’s groundbreaking academic work on fractals and the concept’s historical centrality in African knowledge systems.

It was announced this week that Benoit Mandelbrot passed away at the age of 85. One news source called him a ‘maverick’ mathematician. It was Mandelbrot who introduced the word ‘fractals’ to the Western world to capture an aspect of mathematics that had been resisted by the Western academy because of a worldview that would not deal with an ‘alien’ concept of uncertainty and the infinite complexity of nature. We want to use the news of his passing to bring to the fore the importance of fractals and fractal thinking in society.

According to the report on his passing by the New York Times, ‘Dr. Mandelbrot coined the term “fractal” to refer to a new class of mathematical shapes whose uneven contours could mimic the irregularities found in nature.’ In the era of quantum mechanics, complexity and chaos, the ideas behind fractal thinking could no longer be ignored and grudgingly, fractal geometry began to gain acceptance in the Western academy. We want to salute Mandelbrot for his tenacity in bringing the concept of fractals to the Western academy. While we commend Mandelbrot for his doggedness, we use this opportunity to state that before Mandelbrot coined the term ‘fractal’ and popularised it in the Western academy, the knowledge and application of this geometry of nature had always existed in the thinking of African peoples.

Fractal geometry was at the heart of the African ontology and knowledge system, from divination and architecture to hair weave and craft. More than 40 years ago, Claudia Zaslavsky exposed to the West her research on the African mathematical heritage. Her book, ‘Africa Counts: Number and Pattern in African Culture’ was a major contribution to the understanding of mathematics in everyday life in Africa. This analysis was carried to another level by Ron Eglash at the end of the 20th century.

In his research presented in the book ‘African Fractals: Modern Computing and Indigenous Design’, Ron Eglash was exposed to the fact that the knowledge and application of fractal had been alive for millennia in Africa. There are invaluable lessons to be learned for humanity by exploring further the heap of ideas surrounding fractals. Particularly, African societies, the African academy and the political leadership in Africa must pay close attention to exploring the transformational and revolutionary ideas embedded in fractals.

IMPRESSIVE CONTRIBUTION OF BENOIT MANDELBROT

There is no doubt about the tremendous contribution of Mandelbrot to the fields of mathematics and science. Almost every discipline in the Western academy has been affected by fractal geometry. For decades, Benoit Mandelbrot was at the forefront of explaining and writing about fractals. ‘If you cut one of the florets of a cauliflower, you see the whole cauliflower but smaller. Then you cut again, again, again, and you still get small cauliflowers. So there are some shapes which have this peculiar property, where each part is like the whole, but smaller,’ explained Mandelbrot. He argued that seemingly random mathematical shapes followed a pattern if broken down into a single repeating shape. The concepts of self-similarity and scaling in fractals enabled scientists to measure previously immeasurable objects, including the coastline of the British Isles and the geometry of a lung or a cauliflower. We now know that the seminal contribution of fractal mathematics led to technological breakthroughs in the fields of digital music and image compression. Computer modelling and the information technology revolution have been pushed by insights from fractal geometry. In his interviews and books, Mandelbrot argued that seemingly random mathematical shapes followed a pattern if broken down into a single repeating shape. This is what in fractals is called self-similarity. This concept of self-similarity is also linked to the other key elements of fractal concepts: scaling, recursion and infinity.

In fractals, this concept of infinity is also known as the Cantor Set. In the late 19th century, George Cantor (1845–1918) had provided a new approach for European mathematicians when he showed that it was possible to ‘keep track of the number of elements in an infinite set’, and did so in a descriptively simple fashion. Starting with a single straight line, Cantor erased the middle third, leaving two lines. He then carried out the same operation on those two lines, erasing their middles and leaving four lines. In other words he used a sort of feedback look, with end result of one stage brought back as the starting point for the next. The technique is called ‘recursion’ (Eglash, p. 8). This concept of infinity had for long, before Cantor, been part of the African divination system. In Africa, Eglash encountered some of the most complex fractal systems that exist in religious activities, such as the sequence of symbols used in sand divination, a method of fortune telling found in Senegal. The concept of infinity had a metaphysical link with infinity. This sand divination was to be later referred to as ‘geomancy’ in Europe (Eglash, p. 99–101). Eglash and others credited Mandelbrot with the conceptual leap in the application of fractal geometry from the simulations of natural objects.

The relevant point is that fractals existed in nature and before Mandelbrot there was Koch and Cantor. Before Koch and Cantor there were many people in Africa who understood fractal geometry and the explicit and implicit mathematical idea that was to be found in everyday life in Africa.

AFRICAN FRACTALS

It has been established that before Mandelbrot exposed the Western world to the application of fractals, these forms of knowledge had always existed in the ontology and creativity of Africans. The ideas about the infinite nature of the universe that are now central to particle physics were manifest in many African communities with the celebrated case of the Dogon people, which is the most widely known. Other aspects of advanced geometry and physics were present in the numeric systems of many societies, especially in relation to the Lusona drawings of the Chokwe people. When the colonial missionaries could not decipher the complex mathematics behind the Lusona they deemed the Chokwe to be the most backward and uncivilised in Africa. It is now known that the Dogon and Chokwe reflected a deep understanding of the mathematics of nature. African village settlements show self-similar characteristics, circle of circles, circular dwellings and streets in which broad avenues branch down to tiny footpaths with striking geometric repetition, distinguishable from the Euclidian layout. Ron Eglash presented his research findings in his book ‘African Fractals’ to show that African fractals emanated from a conscious knowledge system and not from unconscious activity.

It was during an aerial exploration of rural parts of Africa that Eglash grasped the central aspect of the architectural designs in terms of self-similarity and scaling of patterns. In his book he said clearly that, ‘While fractal geometry can take us into the far reaches of high tech science, its patterns are common in traditional African designs and the concepts are fundamental to African knowledge system.’

Eglash’s findings also include the use of sophisticated mathematical ideas in everyday objects. In the arid region of the Sahel, for example, artisans produce windscreens by utilising a scaling design that gives them the maximum effect – keeping out the wind-driven dust – for the minimum amount of effort and material. Abdul Karim Bangura, another scholar of African science and mathematics, in his review of Eglash’s text noted that:

‘Aerial photographs of various settlement compounds revealed that many were composed of circular structures enclosed in other circles, or rectangles within rectangles, and that the compounds were likely to have street patterns in which broad avenues branched into very small footpaths. As Eglash notes, at first he thought it was just from unconscious social dynamics. But during his fieldwork, he found that fractal designs also appear in a wide variety of intentional designs--carving, hairstyling, metalwork, painting, textiles--and the recursive process of fractal algorithms are even employed in African quantitative systems…. These results, Eglash concludes, are congruent with recent developments in complex systems theory, which suggest that pre-modern, non-state societies were neither utterly anarchic, nor frozen in static order, but rather utilized an adaptive flexibility that capitalized on the non-linear aspects of ecological dynamics.’

Since the writing of this review, Ron Eglash has not only written extensively on African Fractals but his widely watched presentation at the TED conference has brought the ideas of Fractals to an international audience.

When Eglash returned from Africa, one of his colleagues advised him to focus on scaling patterns in African hairstyles. In the conclusion on scaling, Eglash himself admitted: ‘While it is not difficult to invent explanations based on unconscious social forces – for example flexibility in conforming designs to material surfaces as expressions of social flexibility – I do not think that any such explanations can account for this diversity. From optimisation engineering, to modelling organic life, to mapping between different spatial structures, African artisans have developed a wide range of tools, techniques and design practices based on the conscious application of fractal geometry’ (p. 85).

Scaling and self-similarity are descriptive characteristics; one can see these in African designs. The idea is to grasp how these were intentionally designed so that we can have a better grasp of African fractals. Eglash then went on to look closely at African architecture, designs, art and village structure, cosmology and divination systems and sought to understand how all of these are linked to an African knowledge system. I have elsewhere used the term the African ideation system or worldview. The question for us is to understand how this is linked to political relations in Africa.

Of the five main elements of Fractals that were highlighted in his book – scaling, self-similarity, recursion, infinity and fractal dimensions – Eglash drew attention to the recursive processes that generate a feedback loop. Eglash gave three examples of recursion, namely, cascade, iteration and self-reference.

I was introduced to fractals and African mathematics by Sam E. Anderson, and I met Eglash in 1999 to engage him on this concept of African fractals. Ever since my meeting with Eglash, I have seen the revolutionary implications of fractal thinking and a fractal worldview. I have sought to further the understanding of the relationship between fractal optimism and politics in my book, ‘Barack Obama and Twenty First Century Politics’. In this book, I sought to underline the importance of self-organisation and self-mobilisation as the basis for a new bottom-up politics that could unleash a new form of participatory democracy for the 21st century (based on the intentional activities of conscious humans). Fractal has been applied in many other fields. In the application of fractal to political science, elements such as recursion, cascading, self-similarity and memory help us understand the self-replication of genocidal violence, exploitation, militarism, masculinity and environmental plunder, among others. Thus, it becomes imperative for there to be a coordinated human intention to make a break with such traditions (negative recursion) and to establish a different legacy that would form a positive recursive loop for the transformation of society for posterity.

SELF-SIMILARITY, RECURSION AND SOCIETY

One lesson of fractal for African (and other) societies is the conceptual application of the ideas of self-similarity and self-referencing in recursion, and the imperative that this mode of thinking breaks the certainty and predictability of determinism. Determinism, simplicity and reductionism had migrated from the physical sciences to implant the artificial divisions in the academic disciplines that became the hallmark of the social sciences in the Western world. F. Kapra had warned against this certainty of Western thinking. In the book, ‘The Turning Point’, he argued:

‘For two and a half centuries physicists have used a mechanistic view of the world to develop and refine the conceptual framework known as classical physics. They have based their ideas on the mathematical theory of Isaac Newton, the philosophy of René Descartes, and the scientific methodology advocated by Francis Bacon … Like human-made machines, the cosmic machine was thought to consist of elementary parts. Consequently it was believed that complex phenomena could always be understood by reducing them to their basic building blocks and by looking for the mechanisms through which these interacted. This attitude, known as reductionism, has become so deeply ingrained in our culture that it has often been identified with the scientific method.’

Humans now know that this reductionism of the ‘scientific method’ emanated from a European reading of science and human knowledge. With the advances in digital technology and genetic engineering, advances made possible by the application of fractal geometry, the promise of the future demands that humans have a deep appreciation of the inter-relationship between humans and nature so that we do not become slaves to technology. This demands from us the obligation to intervene as humans to reverse the headlong rush towards dehumanisation and the destruction of the planet earth. Fractal thinking and the understanding of the consequences of the reference points for progress demonstrates the necessity to make a break with the recursion of negative self-similar patterns such as conflicts and wars, domination, exploitation, militarization and religious and ethnic tensions. We can see that we are in a feedback loop of economic crisis, intensified exploitation, stock-market failures and conflicts. This kind of recursive process has a definite reference point which is the history of capitalism, racism, domination, oppression, greed and plunder. It is in examining the connection between the two (recursion and cultural categories) that the use of fractal geometry as a knowledge system (and not just unconscious social dynamics) becomes evident.

The next lesson of African fractals is for African educational institutions. African education must support research agendas that seek to unearth the richness of Africa and focus on positive aspects of the African knowledge system as an indispensable site of knowledge. The road to the re-establishment and reaffirmation of Africa as a site of knowledge has never been smooth, and may get rougher unless our scholarly tradition refrains from following a recursive path that is self-similar to that which attempted to deny and subjugate our intelligence and ontology. Three years ago, Paulus Gerdes and Ahmed Djebbar produced the important bibliography on ‘Mathematics in African History and Culture’. This bibliography carried forward the traditions of Cheikh Anta Diop, who did so much to unearth and highlight the contributions of African mathematics to research and learning.

Diop studied in France at the same time of Mandelbrot. Diop moved to Paris in 1946 and studied nuclear physics and Egyptology. He submitted his thesis to the University of Paris in 1951, but could not find a committee to examine his work on the Egyptian contribution to math and science. It was after nine years that he was granted his doctorate by the University of Paris in 1960. It was not by chance that Diop was a physicist who had studied relativity and quantum physics. It was this study that brought Diop back to an awareness of the richness of African knowledge and intellectual traditions and although he did not use the term fractals, his research and work shared many points of convergence with Benoit Mandlebrot.

POPULARISING FRACTALS IN THE WEST

Just as how it was difficult for the ideas of Diop to be accredited in the French academy, so Mandelbrot’s popularisation of the idea of fractals in the West was not an easy task. Mandelbrot attended school in France at the same period when the African scientist Cheikh Anta Diop was also studying in Paris. Between 1949–52, Mandelbrot wrote his Docteur d'Etat ès Sciences Mathématiques: Faculté des Sciences, Paris.

After receiving his doctorate in 1962 from France, Mandelbrot moved to the United States, where he pursued postdoctoral work. Mandelbrot followed a tortuous career between industry and the academy because of his view on complexity and infinity. It was not until he was nearly 75 years old that he was granted tenure in the mathematics department at Yale in 1999. His book, ‘The Fractal Geometry of Nature’, was first published in 1982.

Writing in the popular magazine the New Scientist, one reviewer said of the book:

‘Fractal geometry is one of those concepts which at first sight invites disbelief but on second thought becomes so natural that one wonders why it has only recently been developed…’

The reviewer further writes about Mandelbrot: ‘First, he has enriched our geometric imagination … with computer graphics of stunning beauty … Secondly, he demonstrates that fractals are good models for an impressive variety of natural objects … Thirdly, he emphasizes that fractals imply an unconventional philosophy of geometry [contrary to the conventional] “Newtonian” picture … Mandelbrot’s essay is written in a personal, intense and immediate style.’

Mandelbrot wrote the book, ‘The (Mis)behavior of Markets: A Fractal View of Risk, Ruin, and Reward’. In this book, Mandelbrot warned that markets are far riskier than society wanted to believe. From the gyrations of IBM's stock price and the Dow, to cotton trading and the dollar–euro exchange rate, Mandelbrot showed that the world of finance can be understood for its volatility. Contrary to the advice of stockbrokers, there was nothing certain about the future and stability of the stock market. The ideas of fractals were further popularised and published in Scientific American in 1999 under the title, ‘A Multifractal walk down Wall Street.’ In this article Mandelbrot argued that:

‘Fractal patterns appear not just in the price changes of securities but in the distribution of galaxies throughout the cosmos, in the shape of coastlines and in the decorative designs generated by innumerable computer programs.

‘In finance, this concept is not a rootless abstraction but a theoretical reformulation of a down-to-earth bit of market folklore – namely, that movements of a stock or currency all look alike when a market chart is enlarged or reduced so that is fits the same time and price scale. An observer then cannot tell which of the data concern prices that change from week to week, day to day or hour to hour. This quality defines the charts as fractal curves and makes available many powerful tools of mathematical and computer analysis.’

Despite the warnings about the fact that there was uncertainty in this branch of finance, a brand new group of financial wizards attempted to bring back the linearity and certainty of capitalist development and growth to predict the unlimited rise of the stock market. These wizards were to be called ‘quants’ on Wall Street, and they populated the area of speculation called the market for derivatives. Warren Buffet had called these derivatives ‘financial weapons of mass destruction’. The world was brought face to face with the complexity and chaos of this branch of finance in 2008, yet the mindset of certainty and unlimited potential of capitalism has meant that the gurus of the world of quants have returned to the mythical world of unlimited profits.

In the New York Times report on the passing of Mandelbrot we are reminded by Mandelbrot himself that life is not linear and not based on a straight line:

‘Dr. Mandelbrot compared his own trajectory to the rough outlines of clouds and coastlines that drew him into the study of fractals in the 1950s.

‘“If you take the beginning and the end, I have had a conventional career,” he said, referring to his prestigious appointments in Paris and at Yale. ”But it was not a straight line between the beginning and the end. It was a very crooked line.”’

The important point was that human intentions become an important aspect of human interactions with nature and it is this intentionality that existed in Africa that was brought out in the book ‘African Fractals’ by Eglash. The study of fractals illustrates the importance of the human intention to make a break when the recursive processes lead to militarism, destruction and greed. While the quants have applied fractal geometry to the modelling for the derivatives market, it is only the conscious actions by citizens that can make a break from these financial weapons of mass destruction. This break with negative recursion and the establishment of a positive recursive loop is applicable to our education system, our leadership orientation, our engagement with the environment and in our relations as humans. In this bid, we propose that there must be human intentions to make Ubuntu – shared humanity and respect for the environment –the reference point that would self-replicate and cascade itself across all sections of society.

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* Horace Campbell is a teacher and writer. His latest book is 'Barack Obama and 21st Century Politics: A Revolutionary Moment in the USA', published by Pluto Press.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Elections in Tanzania: Uncertain prospects

Salma Maoulidi

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/68007

cc W E CTanzanians preparing to go to the polls on 31 October are ‘keenly aware that the country’s political future is at stake’, says Salma Maoulidi. Their votes, writes Maoulidi, could redefine the direction of a country ‘jeopardised by the dominance of economic interests and buddy patronage pursued by the government of the incumbent candidate and ruling party.’

A decade after marking the 21st century, and 15 years after embracing multipartism, Tanzania is once again gripped by election fever. The 2010 general elections, scheduled for 31 October 2010, mark a pivotal time in the country’s history. Across the country, Tanzanians will elect the union president, members of the national parliament and local government councillors, while Zanzibaris will appoint a new president, members of parliament, members of the House of Representatives and councillors.

As elections campaigns wane and Tanzanians prepare to go to the polls, they are keenly aware that at stake is the political future of the country. Their vote could redefine the political direction of the country, which critics believe has been jeopardised by the dominance of economic interests and buddy patronage pursued by the government of the incumbent candidate and ruling party.

For this reason Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete’s re-election bid for the Union presidency is the most contested both within his own ruling party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), and by the opposition since independence. This is significant considering that President Jakaya came into office with a landslide elections victory mainly from the youth vote and those Tanzanian’s hungry for a fresh page, a new order in political affairs and practice capture in his campaign slogan ‘nguvu mpya, ari mpya na kasi mpya’ (new vigour, new attitude and new drive).

Kikwete curbed all opposition by putting together an mtandao (a network) of wealthy and powerful supporters to run his campaign. Many in the opposition as well as the general populace believe that his election was determined by an unparallelled use of both public and private money. Conversely he capitalised on absurd similarities with the late Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation) Julius Nyerere such as the fact they both share the initials J.K. to sway public sympathy.

Lately, and following the passage of the stringent Elections Expenses Act which limits the use of money in running political campaigns, supporters of the present regime are believed to engage in sophisticated political manoeuvres to keep Kikwete’s re-election chances high. Opinion polls by two research institutions – Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania (REDET) and Synovet – have boosted the popularity of the president. Both surveys place President Kikwete in the lead, well ahead of popular opposition figures such as Dr Silaa of Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) or Professor Lipumba, the CUF Union presidential candidate – something academics, the opposition and concerned citizens doubt, considering the political blunders that have shaken Kikwete’s first term.

Indeed, the revelation by the media and opposition figures such as Dr Wilbroad Silaa of the use of public funds to fund the 2005 elections campaigns has made serious dents in Kikwete’s political resume and performance. While the allegations are yet to be addressed by the president or the judiciary, they continue to stain his regime. If anything, his inaction has left political ghosts out to haunt him. Chiefly, his close association with the disgraced Prime Minister Edward Lowassa has raised concern in activist and popular quarters. Recently, at a campaign rally in Hon. Lowassa’s constituency President Kikwete unreservedly endorsed his former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa praising him as having an impeccable character even though the former Prime Minister was implicated by a Parliamentary Committee in high level corruption, which allegations led to his abrupt resignation in a live televised session before the whole nation. Many expressed disbelief, anger and betrayal over the President’s insensitive utterances questioning his own integrity and commitment to upholding the rule or law.

Another political ghost lurking in his political trail is Zanzibar, the partner island state forming the other half of the union. In addition to the unresolved union issues, political forces in Zanzibar have offered an open challenge to President Kikwete who is also the chairman of the ruling CCM party. Since 2000 the ruling party in Zanzibar has been divided over the procedure for nominating candidates for the Zanzibar Presidency since the candidates are not chosen or vetoed by the Zanzibar Central Committee but before the National Central Committee, something that is seen by wakereketwa (diehard politicians) as compromising Zanzibar’s sovereignty to determine her internal affairs.

President Kikwete was forced to compromise with the opposition Zanzibar ruling party faction that supported the favourite Zanzibar presidential candidate on the CCM ticket, Dr Mohammed Gharib Bilal to appoint him as his running mate. By so doing he has announced his intention to release the former vice president, Ali Mohammed Shein who served under President Mkapa after the latter’s vice-president Dr Omar Ali Juma unexpectedly died. The appointment of Dr Bilal as Kikwete’s running mate may also signal a new dispensation between the Central CCM Ruling Committee and the Zanzibar CCM, former ASP diehards. Dr Bilal was seen to be the favourite ruling party candidate from Zanzibar during the 2000 elections for the Zanzibar presidency his dreams were cut short after the Central Committee in Dodoma interfered with the nomination process and instead nominated President Amani Karume as the presidential candidate for the ruling party in Zanzibar.

Nevertheless, by appointing Dr Bilal as his running mate, President Kikwete has weakened the ruling party’s chances to Ikulu (State House) Zanzibar since the ruling’s party presidential candidate for Zanzibar, Vice President Ali Mohammed Shein, is not as popular in the isles as the opposition candidate Seif Sheriff Hamad. It must be remembered that Seif Sheriff Hamad claims to have won all three multiparty elections but his victory was stolen by an elaborate scheme of vote theft in which opposition figures see the Zanzibar Electoral Commission and the National Election Commissions complicit.

As already mentioned in Zanzibar the presidential seat is out for grabs as President Karume’s term comes to a close and he is ineligible to contest in the 2010 elections. The coming to power of the sixth phase government of President Amani Karume in the Island was interpreted in a number of circles as ceiling the possibilities of Mwafaka (Accord), in view of the fact the main opposition in Zanzibar the Civic United Front (CUF) had refused to recognise him as the president. Nevertheless, Karume’s departure has brought tidings of hope and promise of a new political dispensation in the isles especially following the home grown political accord to unite Zanzibar and bury past differences and grudges for the interest of Zanzibar entered between himself and Maalim Hamad in late 2009.

The agreement is known as the Maridhiano ya Wazanzibari in view of the fact they were initiated by internal actors and not by external actors as was the case with past accords. While this home grown accord is credited with calming political tensions in the isles generally, it has not been well received within the ruling party in the isles. Members are already fragmented over the union question, and this accord exposes new divisions over the possibility of CCM Zanzibar sharing a government since the accord calls for the formation of a government of national unity: There is a possibility that CCM could be the minority party in the legislature.

Initial reactions of the accord were mixed. Political cynics vie the accord between President Karume of Zanzibar and Seif Shariff Hamad, the CUF secretary general, as a strategy to protect the president against prosecution for excesses committed during his rule. CUF members thought that their secretary general, Maalim Seif, hungry for power, had betrayed them and the principles they stood for. Smaller political parties also forming the opposition in Zanzibar were at a loss contemplating what the recent development meant for their own survival. As for the majority of the population, they try to keep up with the fickle political terrain praying for calm and sense to prevail.

Certainly, as President Karume steps down, such an accord accentuates the leadership tussle in the ruling party in the isles. CCM hardliners accuse the Zanzibar president of departing from CCM policy outlined at Butiama in March 2008, with respect to the future of the Zanzibar Political Accord (Mwafaka III). The CCM National Executive Committee had recommended that the option of forming a government of National Unity in Zanzibar be decided by a referendum which took place in July 2010. Many supported the idea. It must be emphasised that CCM’s call for a referendum to determine the political fate of Zanzibar, was unilateral as it did not form part of the original points of negotiations in the 14 month uninterrupted Mwafaka talks between CCM and CUF.

The basic agreement between President Karume and Seif Sheriff Hamad to begin a new chapter in the isle’s politics has pulled Zanzibar out of a political abyss and radically changed the political dynamics in the isle. Election rallies are more subdued than in past elections. It is common to see on the street of Zanzibar posters from both CCM and CUF on one wall or pasted on the same vehicle. There is also fewer presence of militia from political parties and past threats such as explosions, acid attacks and house burnings are considerably reduced in these elections.

Nevertheless, the main challenge remains ahead: The formation of a government of National Unity. There are mixed opinions on whether the present constitution in Zanzibar allows for the same. Notwithstanding, Article 9(3) of the Zanzibar Constitution encourages the revolutionary government to promote a government of national unity.

The idea of forming a government that promotes national unity in Zanzibar is, however, not novel. In the run up to Zanzibar’s independence, the political reality was such that two or more parties had to form a coalition government to obtain the necessary majority to govern. It is a coalition government that steered Zanzibar to independence.

The fear in adopting this route where CCM and CUF are political bedfellows is that other political parties which presently have failed to make it into the Zanzibar legislature will be further marginalised. If anything such an arrangement will amplify the dominance of CCM and CUF in Zanzibar’s new political landscape.

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* © Salma Maoulidi
* Salma Maoulidi is a social justice and gender activist in Tanzania.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

REFERENCES

The Constitution of Zanzibar 1984
Sherrif, Abdul & Jussa, Ismail, (2009), One Step Forward, Two Steps Backwards: The State of Constitutionalism in Zanzibar-2007 in Wanza Kioko CONSTITUTIONALISM IN EAST AFRICA: PROGRESS, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS IN 2007, Kampala: Fountain Publishers pp.75-98
Peter, C.M, & Othman, H., (2006) ZANZIBAR AND THE UNION QUESTION ZANZIBAR, Zanzibar: Zanzibar Legal Services Center Publication Series, Book No. 4
Hilal K. Sued, ‘Can luck save the Isles the fourth time?’ The African, 26 September 2009
Issa Yussuf, ‘Isles reconciliation efforts win more hearts in Zanzibar’, Daily News, 24 December 2009.
Jabir Idrissa, ‘JK angalia boriti jichoni mwako’[J.K beware of the log in your eye], Mwanahalisi, 7-13 October 2009 at 13
‘CCM yafikiria mseto Zanzibar’ [CCM thinks about a coalition in Zanzibar], Majira, 26 September 2009.
‘Opposition leader to present private motion for amendment of Articles 39, 42 and 61of Zanzibar constitution to allow formation of government of national unity’, Mwananchi 19 January 2010.

Tanzania: Unnecessary expenditure, unnecessary hardship

Sikika and Policy Forum

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/67919

cc W ATanzanian NGO Sikika and Policy Forum, a network of Tanzanian NGOs, recently undertook an analysis of unnecessary expenditures to find out if government commitments to spend more efficiently were being met. Slashing unnecessary expenditure, their report states, could enable the Tanzanian government to build more than 100 dispensaries in remote areas or buy 5,000 delivery beds to reduce the number of pregnant women who deliver on the floors of hospitals and clinics.

Good governance implies the efficient delivery of public services that promote the well being of the majority of the population. Unfortunately, the Tanzanian government lacks sufficient resources to render basic services satisfactorily.

Nonetheless, there is widespread consensus that considerable amounts of public expenditures are unnecessary, due to their perceived negligible utility to the majority of Tanzanians.

Over the past three years, top government officials in Tanzania have acknowledged the problem of unnecessary expenditures across all administrative levels and have vowed to stop and reverse it. In order to demonstrate how public budgeting is characterised by unnecessary expenditures, Sikika has, for the second time, focused its budget analysis on a list of six expenditure items which are deemed to be either inefficient or non essential. These are:

* Training (both foreign and domestic): too many workshops and trainings are held in expensive conference facilities or hotels. There are surely other venues which are more affordable.

* Allowances (non-discretionary, discretionary, and in-kind): current per diems over-compensate for additional expenses incurred by working out of the office.

* Travel (both in-country and out-of-country): many government officials needlessly travel on the same mission. The application of communications technology could eliminate those trips.

* Fuel, oil, and lubricants: unit costs are highly inflated and quantities are unrealistically high.

* Acquisition of new vehicles: government officials purchase mostly luxury cars instead of more affordable ones proportional to the status of our economy.

* Hospitality supplies and services: meals and beverages should be provided in moderation.

BACKGROUND

In the October 2008 joint annual health sector review meeting, Sikika made a statement regarding unnecessary expenditures by the ministries of health and social welfare. In November 2008, Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda announced his intention to cut unnecessary spending on allowances, seminars, and workshops. He established a directive that all ministries and regions are required to request a permit from the Prime Minister’s office before holding a seminar or workshop. In addition, he extended this policy by promising to reduce the procurement of expensive luxury cars and to redirect the savings toward programs and projects that have a more direct impact on rural areas, where about 80 per cent of all Tanzanians live.

To follow up on the implementation of the Prime Minister’s directives, in April 2010 Sikika published the first edition of this brief on the government’s efforts to refocus expenditures. The purpose of the brief was to inform the Tanzanian public about how the recurrent budget’s efficiency has improved between fiscal years (FY) 2008/09 and 2009/10. To take into account the recently passed budget, Sikika has updated and enriched its previous analysis with the budget estimates for FY 2010/11.

The analysis of the budget books reveals that the overall sum of unnecessary expenditures dropped significantly one year after the Prime Minister’s announcement in 2008.

The sum of all unnecessary expenditures fell from 684 billion (bn) Tanzanian Shillings (TSh) in FY 2008/09 to 530 bn TSh in FY 2009/10, which is a reduction of 22.4 per cent. However, in the current fiscal year (2010/11) these expenditures will rise slightly to 537 bn TSh. This development clearly contradicts the government’s stated commitment to spend its resources more wisely.

According to the 2008/09 budget, training expenses and allowances represented approximately two-thirds of all unnecessary expenditures (272 bn and 171 bn TSh, respectively). Thus any reduction in one of these two budget items would have a considerable effect on overall expenditures. Although the topics addressed in these trainings are of national interest, one may doubt whether they require such a substantial amount of funding.

The analysis of both budget items draws a mixed picture. The greatest amount of the overall savings in the FY 2010/11 budget was due to the successful reduction of training expenses. During the last two consecutive years, these expenses have been continuously scaled down from 272 bn to 57 bn TSh. That is a remarkable reduction of 79.2 per cent. We assume this is a result of the Prime Minister’s imposed directive requiring all ministries and regions to request a permit before they
can hold a seminar or workshop.

However, the sum of all allowances has gradually risen to 269 bn TSh in 2010/11, which means that current expenses are 57.1 per cent above the 2008/09 level. Due to this negative development, 45 per cent of the savings from reduced training expenses have been cancelled out.

Since the payment of allowances is partly related to the attendance of workshops and seminars we would expect parallel, instead of diverging, budget allocations. So we ask ourselves: ‘Where are the allowances going to be spent?’ Moreover, these findings contradict the government’s latest commitment to cut down on this kind of expenditure.

The third largest amount of all unnecessary expenditures is for travel expenses both within and outside of the country. In FY 2008/09, the Tanzanian government spent 155 bn TSh on those budget items. Over the last two years, this sum has successfully been reduced to 124 bn TSh, which is a reduction of 19.8 per cent. The development of expenditures on fuel, oil, and lubricants are less encouraging since they remained rather stable over the last few years. The spending for these items in 2010/11 is 1.4 bn, which is 2.7 per cent above the 2008/09 amount of 51 bn TSh.

Regarding expenditures on fuel, oil, and lubricants, the Department of Public Debt and Services has ranked first again. However, it is also important to mention the Law Reform Commission which has equally cut significantly on these expenses. At the bottom of the table one finds the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, whose expenses are more than 14-fold above the 2008/09 level.

Tabora Region cut a remarkable 47 per cent of its expenses while Kilimanjaro Region increased them by more than 10 times the 2008/09 level.

With the current information, it is difficult to determine the legitimacy of these costs. Therefore, we request the parliament and all related oversight bodies to investigate the usefulness of those expenditures.

Tanzania is a poor country which depends heavily on external funding, yet its officials have not stopped purchasing inefficient luxury vehicles which consume large amounts of fuel.

The Minister’s commitment to reduce the public procurement of vehicles is only moderately reflected by the aggregate budget figures. The aggregated 2010/11 estimate is 13.7 per cent below that of the previous year. However, the current acquisition of vehicles still amounts to 15.3 bn TSh and is thus only 1.4 per cent below the FY 2008/09 expenditure level.

Changes in expenditures on hospitality supplies and services are more disappointing. A promising 17.5 per cent reduction of these expenses in FY 2009/10 has been counteracted by a 30 per cent increase this year. The current estimate is 20 bn TSh, which is 3.6 per cent above the 2008/09 level.

Both the ministries of infrastructure and development and the judiciary cut almost all of their expenses on new vehicles. This encouraging development has been counteracted by increased car purchases by other ministries. The Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs increased its spending on new vehicles by more than 39 times the 2008/09 level. The Ministry of Home Affairs has increased its vehicle budget 131 times over the amount it spent two years before.

At the lower administrative level, Dodoma Region was the only one which managed to cut its expenditures on new vehicles (-53.3 per cent). Tanga Region has increased its expenditures exactly 80-fold. Based on the current non-transparent budget process, it is impossible to tell the reasons for the reduced or increased acquisition of vehicles. Again, there is no possibility to track those expenditures. Thus we rely on the official oversight bodies which are supposed to investigate the cost-effectiveness of these questionable expenditures.

Over the last two years, the largest cuts in aggregated hospitality supplies and services originated from the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training. It reduced these expenses by a remarkable 5.2 bn TSh (86 per cent). At the bottom of the list we find the Electoral Commission and the Ministry of Home Affairs and Prison Services. The former’s expenses are about 41 times and the latter's are 22 times higher than in 2008/09. It would certainly be informative to receive an explanation from each of these institutions for the significant increases in these expenses. At the regional level, Tanga has cut 80 per cent of its expenditures on this budget item. In contrast to that success, Manyara Region increased its hospitality expenses by more than 12 times the 2008/09 level.

According to the recurrent budget figures of the last three fiscal years, we find evidence that the government has made efforts to reduce unnecessary public spending. However, this budget analysis points to a serious disparity between fiscal policy pronouncements and actual budgeting. It also demonstrates the Parliament’s inability to hold the government accountable effectively. As a result, concrete reductions of unnecessary expenditures in line with government commitments remain largely elusive, with the exception of reduced expenditure on training and travel which needs further explanation.

While we commend the Prime Minister’s decision to directly control seminars and workshops, which has resulted in a remarkable 79 per cent reduction of spending in this area, his criteria for approval of these activities have not been made publicly available. This is a clear illustration of the arbitrary nature of public budgeting in Tanzania and the ineffectiveness of Parliament to influence it. The Prime Minister approves budget estimates for certain items within the Cabinet and then defends them in Parliament, while being fully aware that they are unnecessary.

Most ministries and regions have cut unnecessary expenditures on particular budget items, but they have also increased unnecessary expenditures on other items. Is this because they are not required to request permits from the Prime Minister to spend money on these other items? However, if there were efficient government budgeting and effective budget oversight by the Parliament, the requirement to request a permit from the Prime Minister would not be necessary to reduce unnecessary expenditures.

When the government executes the FY 2010/11 budget, it should match its words with actions by reducing and controlling unnecessary expenditures, although these expenditures have already been approved by the Parliament. In the FY 2011/12 budget, the government must do the same by drastically reducing unnecessary expenditures - across all ministries, departments, and regions - on seminars, travel, allowances, hospitality, fuel, and new vehicle purchases. We would specifically recommend addressing the following points:

* Workshops and seminars only target a small number of individuals and have a minor benefit for the majority of Tanzanian citizens. They should therefore be organised in a more cost-effective manner.

* Urgently cut spending on allowances. At the moment they act as an incentive to government employees instead of covering the basic costs incurred by working away from the office.

* To reduce travel expenses, cut down on the number of people who travel on the same mission. Hire competent staff at the local level to reduce follow-up by the central government. Harness the Internet and other telecommunication technologies in order to reduce travel expenditures significantly.

* Stop purchasing new vehicles. Sell the most expensive ones and replace them with moderately-priced, fuel-efficient vehicles. This includes the extravagant BMW and Mercedes Benz fleets of the State House. The 15.3 billion TSh that the government has allocated for the acquisition of new vehicles is enough to build more than 100 dispensaries in remote areas. This could bring about a significant improvement in delivering services to citizens, especially in rural areas. Divert the funds that have been saved due to the reduction of unnecessary expenditures towards increasing the salaries of lower and middle-level civil servants. This could help to improve the provision of public services such as health care and education.

* Reduce unnecessary hospitality expenditures. It is immoral and inhumane if the government overspends on such items while pregnant women are dying due to the lack of delivery kits in hospitals and clinics.

* In the health sector, there are many urgent issues that could be addressed by targeted funding. For example, the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training has reduced expenditures on hospitality supplies and services by more than 5 bn TSh. This saved amount could be used to purchase more than 5,000 delivery beds, which would reduce the number of pregnant women who deliver on the floors of hospitals and clinics.

* A more transparent budget process is required for stakeholders to be able to meaningfully analyse public budgets in order to help improve budget efficiency in the future. Access to information is therefore a prerequisite to this.

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* This is an edited version of the full report. For more information visit Sikika and Policy Forum.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Women’s lives to tell, not to exploit

Mona Hakimi

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/67972

cc R MA teenage girl tries to abort and then begins bleeding at school. Her name and details get published in the media. Mona Hakimi calls for newsrooms to tell stories in a more compassionate way.

If anybody has ever wondered why Gender Links and like-minded organisations place a watchful eye on the media, the answer was made clear last week. While more than one hundred advocates of gender equality took stock of the media at the fourth Gender and Media Summit in Johannesburg, a Mozambican newspaper demonstrated why this gathering was necessary.

Noticias, a government daily with the widest national distribution in Mozambique, published the heart-rending experience of a teen girl.

On Monday, 11 October a pregnant 16-year-old attempted to abort by ingesting pills. She started to bleed at school and sought refuge in a friend’s home. The law on abortion in Mozambique, which dates from the 1860s, declares abortion a crime. The girl was duly arrested and taken into custody by the police.

The intimate details of this young girl’s life were exposed in the most gender-insensitive and ethically unsound way. In the coverage of this incident, Noticias chose to print her name, her address, the school she attends, her year of study, family details and name of her boyfriend.

The story was written with no compassion and the dimension of the human tragedy that lies behind the incident was ignored. This highlights the importance of having ‘gender glasses’, both in journalistic reporting and in the formulation of socially responsive laws.

Once alerted about the article, women’s NGOs and activists in Mozambique took action. Mozambique is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which declares all people under the age of 18 as minors. Noticias directly infringed on this aspect of the Convention. It is clear that guidelines on ethical reporting need to be applied in the newsroom.

In the last few days, this issue has been actively discussed in the Mozambican blogosphere (see www.gilbertomacuacua.blogspot.com) Gilberto Macuacua, a Mozambican male feminist and activist, wrote in his blog that he is deeply shocked by this case. One of the unspoken gender issues he raises is that ‘the young girl is arrested, she is suffering twice or perhaps four times more, while the young man is out with impunity, having a good time’. He laments that this is part of a system that ‘penalises women in issues where a man is the cause or the accomplice’.

This is happening at a time that a new law on the de-criminalisation of abortion has been drafted and is being discussed at the level of Council of Ministers before being sent for approval to the National Assembly.

In an open letter, Eduardo Namburete, a lecturer at Eduardo Mondlane University and board member of Gender Links wrote, ‘In this country, the rich can have an abortion whenever they want to. It is poor women who must go through unsafe abortions and on top of that, they suffer being penalised by the police because of an old law that even the Portuguese from whom we inherited the law do not use.’ Namburete adds, ‘Noticias missed an opportunity to challenge the authorities on the reasons for not changing the penal code that forbids abortion.’

It is a tragedy that the young girl ended up at the police station rather than the hospital. Namburete believes that ‘if abortion was not illegal and if it wasn’t so expensive that girl would have gone to the hospital to ask the doctors to perform the abortion. For me, that girl is not a criminal.’ I would rather say that she is a survivor of an inequitable social and judicial system.

She is also the victim of a careless media, which has become more interested in exploiting than reporting. The Gender and Media Progress Study (GMPS), which was launched last week at the GEM Summit, found that 67 per cent of news stories in Southern Africa are based on single sources and women are accessed as sources in only 19 per cent of stories.

For Mercedes Sayagues, a Knight Health Journalism Fellow and the presiding judge for the Gender and Media Awards, the article struck a particular chord because her brief is to improve health reporting in Mozambique and because she is the mother of a teenage girl.

Sayagues stated in no uncertain terms that ‘this article is social death for the girl’. One must talk about the impact of clandestine abortion but one must always protect the identity of minors. It is also good practice to write about people’s lives with compassion and respect.

An example of good practice in reporting sensitive issues in the media was discussed at the GEM Summit last week. Deborah Walter of Community Media for Development did a presentation on ‘I’ stories, the power of the personal. An initiative of Gender Links, ‘I’ stories bring together women who have had first-hand experiences of critical issues that are usually only represented in the form of nameless, faceless statistics. ‘I’ stories have been published on issues of gender-based violence, polygamy and most recently, on the hidden matter of landmines.

Walter said that the writing workshops that create the ‘I’ stories provide a safe space for women to share their experiences. The content of these stories fill gaps in existing media coverage and create a powerful body of knowledge. These stories have been publicised in books and also in audio format. The audio clippings have been utilised in social media such as Mail and Guardian Online and CDs of these stories were also distributed to taxi drivers to play on their routes.

This contrasts strongly with Noticia’s approach. In the case of the young Mozambican girl, a journalist put words to her situation in a way that exploited and made worse a personal tragedy. All newsrooms and journalists can learn from the ‘I’ stories approach, which ensures that women tell their own stories in a way that heals and empowers.

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* Mona Hakimi is the Communications Programme Assistant at Gender Links. This article is part of the GL Opinion and Commentary Service.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Pretrial detention and torture: Why pretrial detainees face the greatest risk

Kersty McCourt

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/67974

cc A FTorture is common in prisons around the world, but prisoners in pretrial detention face the most risk, since this is when interrogations take place and confessions are sought. Systemic factors such as insufficient legal resources and the lack of police complaint mechanisms contribute to the use of torture while prisoners await trial. Kersty McCourt recommends police forces make less use of pretrial detention, allow prisoners to access medical services and governments develop torture prevention mechanisms.

Torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment are not aberrations. They are common—even routine—in many detention facilities. Of the nearly ten million people in detention (including both pretrial and post-conviction detainees) around the world, those held in pretrial detention are most at risk of torture. Pretrial detainees are wholly in the power of detaining authorities, many of whom perceive torture as the fastest way to obtain information or a confession and the easiest way to exercise physical and mental control over detainees. The practice is exacerbated by indiscriminate arrests, primarily of poor people without the resources to extricate themselves from detention; criminal justice systems that rely on confessions rather than good policing; official corruption; and public acceptance of torture.[1]

THE PROHIBITION OF TORTURE UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment are universally recognized as abhorrent and, under international law, are prohibited at all times.[2] Torture is considered the ‘most serious violation of the human right to personal integrity and dignity’ and is banned absolutely under the United Nations Convention Against Torture and a host of other treaties and laws.[3]

WHO IS AT RISK?

All detained persons are at risk of being tortured. Although many people assume torture victims are likely to be political prisoners or suspected terrorists, most victims of torture and inhuman treatment are ordinary people accused of ordinary crimes. Those from the poorest and most disadvantaged sectors of society are at particular risk.[4] They are more likely to be discriminated against by the police and less able to pay bribes, and thus more likely to end up in detention. While detained, the discrimination usually continues and exposes them to an increased risk of torture, compounded by their inability to afford a lawyer.

WHEN ARE DETAINEES MOST AT RISK?

While all detainees are at risk of torture and ill-treatment at all stages (both pretrial and post-conviction) of their detention, torture is most likely to occur at the pretrial stage. Torture flourishes during the very initial stages of detention—usually in the first days or even hours of police custody—when the police seek information and/or confessions from detainees. Sadly, in most systems, this moment of maximum police incentive to torture coincides with the period when there are the fewest checks on police activity. During pretrial detention, the actions of police officers or guards are least visible and their discretion is greatest.

Three distinct phases can be identified during the pretrial stage.

1) Upon apprehension:

The police may legally use physical force to apprehend and secure a suspect to prevent escape or harm, as long as the use of force is proportionate to the situation. The illegal or excessive use of force that often amounts to torture or ill treatment frequently occurs:
- While making arrests, particularly during mass police operations.
- During transfer to the police station, for example in the police vehicle.
- During a stop at a secret detention center or a secluded location en route to the police station.

The risk of torture is particularly high during transfer because monitoring mechanisms and other controls which might be present in police stations, such as video cameras or detainee registries, are typically absent during this period.

2) In police custody:

Most torture takes place during police detention, prior to a detainee’s appearance before a judge. Torture in police custody was found to be widespread or systematic in eleven of the fifteen countries visited between 2005 and 2009 by the current UN Special Rapporteur on Torture. Suspects are often interrogated without the presence of a lawyer or any independent monitor, providing officials ample opportunity to exert pressure through ill-treatment. Most police facilities are designed to hold a small number of prisoners for a short period of time. Yet in many countries, conditions are so poor, unhygienic, and overcrowded that police custody amounts to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. This is compounded when, as often happens, suspects are kept in police custody for lengthy periods.

3) In pretrial detention:

Under international standards, people awaiting trial should be allowed to return to their communities on condition that they respect the law and appear for trial on a set date. Only in exceptional circumstances should individuals be detained pending trial. Aside from being a recognized international requirement, allowing suspects to return to their communities reduces the scope for mistreatment and adds transparency to the criminal justice system. If circumstances require a suspect to be detained, he or she should be held in specific remand facilities and should have no unsupervised contact with the investigating authorities. In practice this is often not the case: pretrial detainees are often held in conditions and subject to treatment far worse than that experienced by prisoners who have been found guilty. Common abuses include:

- Exposure to violent ‘welcome treatments’ as a means of intimidation or subordination to the rule of prison guards or other resident detainees.
- Torture as a disciplinary measure.
- Detention conditions that amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

SYSTEMIC FACTORS

Several factors promote the continued practice of torture at the pretrial stage, including:
- Excessive use of pretrial detention.
- Malfunctioning and under-resourced criminal justice systems, including systems that are focused on confessions and marked by corruption.
- Inadequate custodial measures, resulting in the failure to register detainees when they are taken into custody, or monitor their progress through the system.
- Lack of access to counsel, including legal aid for indigent detainees.
- Restrictions on outside access to police stations and detention facilities, limiting independent monitoring—and hence public awareness of the abuses taking place.
- Inadequate or nonexistent complaint mechanisms for prisoners.
- Insufficient prohibition of torture within national legal frameworks.

RECOMMENDATIONS

- Reduce excessive and arbitrary pretrial detention to ensure that it is used as an exceptional measure, in accordance with international law. Fewer people in pretrial detention means fewer people exposed to the risk of torture and a reduction in overcrowding.
- Ensure early access to legal and medical assistance to enable suspects to seek advice prior to interrogation and report cases of torture. The presence of external professionals also increases the openness and transparency of the system.
- Ratify the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention Against Torture (OPCAT) and establish National Preventive Mechanisms (NPMs), including establishing mechanisms for the independent monitoring of police lock-ups and other places of pretrial detention.[5]
- Invest in professional law enforcement services that use investigative techniques and practices, and discourage coercive interrogation methods.

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* This report was originally published by the Open Society Justice Initiative.
* The examples used in this summary are drawn from the fact finding missions of un Special rapporteur on Torture manfred nowak during the period 2005-2009.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News

NOTES
[1] Roy Walmsley, World Prison Population List, Eighth Edition, ICPS, available at: http://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/downloads/wppl-8th_41.pdf The list states that ‘more than 9.8 million people are held in penal institutions throughout the world.’
[2] Defined under the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT).
[3] UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, e/cn.4/2006/6, para. 39.
[4] UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, a/64/215, 3 august 2009.
[5] The Optional Protocol on the UN Convention Against Torture requires that each country set up a National Preventive Mechanism (NPM). As of March 2010, 29 countries had designated NPMs.

Zimbabwe’s youth sidelined in constitutional reform process

Youth Alliance for Democracy

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/68002

cc america.govZimbabwe’s constitutional reform process is failing to represent the views of young people, who make up more than half the country’s population, writes the Youth Alliance for Democracy.

Zimbabwean youth have said that the constitutional reform process led by the Parliamentary Select Committee on the Constitution (COPAC) lacks the voices of the youth and cannot be trusted to deliver a people-driven constitution that is at the core of the success of country’s transitional processes.

Speaking at a discussion forum organised by the Youth Empowerment and Transformation (YET) Trust and Youth Alliance for Democracy in Harare, young people bemoaned that despite the reality that youth account for more than half of the country’s population, they constituted less than 20 per cent of the people who participated in the outreach processes held by COPAC teams across the country.

The youth indicated that COPAC and the government failed to provide a safe space for youth participation following allegations of rampant intimidation across the country. It was submitted that that the process was led by politicians and saw political parties drumming up support for their positions in a way reminiscent to the violent and bloody campaign of the June 2008 runoff elections. This intimidation saw many youth withdrawing from the process in the fear that their involvement would re-ignite the spectre of life-costing political violence now synonymous with the country’s political processes.

Speaking from his experience in the field with outreach teams, Mr Hillary Musarurwa, a youth activist, said he witnessed incidents of unveiled silencing of the youth in the outreach gatherings, in which the youth were ordered not to speak. In these meetings, only a few selected ‘politically correct’ individuals were allowed to speak. His sentiments were echoed by Ms Glanis Changachirere, another youth activist who said that the space was not safe for the participation, especially for young women, who are still in need of healing following acts of rape and torture they faced at the height of the election violence.

The youth further criticised the talking points that were used in soliciting views on youth issues as limiting and misleading. Ms Changachirere said that these talking points did not address the much debated issue of granting quotas for youth participation in decision-making. Instead, those who drafted the questions conveniently chose the less important youth issues to direct the constitutional reform discourse about the issues of the youth.

Capping the general sentiments of the youth speakers and the over 80 youths in attendance, youthful political analyst and Oxford scholar, Philani Zamchiya said, ‘Youth have a moral obligation to stop bad processes.’ He added that COPAC was a bad process and hence must be stopped.

In mitigation, COPAC coordinator, Mr Peter Kunjeku and the chief law officer in the Ministry of Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs, Mr Gova, both said that youth participation in the constitutional reform process is critical and was factored in at the design stage of the current exercise roadmap, hence the Thematic Committee on Youth. The two added that when it became apparent that the youth were not meaningfully participating in the exercise they convened a children’s summit. However, many youths argued that the summit was not significantly representative and had little publicity.

Mr Kunjeku went on to admit that there were a lot of limiting factors to the participation of youth, among them a media blackout that saw adverts for youth popular participation in the exercise being blocked by the monopolistic state-controlled national broadcaster. In order, to compensate for the missed opportunities in the outreach exercise, the COPAC coordinator said that youth organisations were free to submit written position papers for consideration.

The minister of Energy and Power Development Mr Elton Mangoma, who attended in his capacity as an official of the MDC-T, gave some insights into the process from the perspective of his other capacities as a GPA negotiator, co-chair of the COPAC management team and a member of the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC).

Mangoma admitted that the outreach process of COPAC has failed the test of democracy and was not people-driven. He courted debate when he reiterated that the position of his party was to have a negotiated document to ensure a free and fair election. The minister added that his party will allow a process that is people driven once it gets in power.

The Youth and the Constitution Discussion Forum which was convened by YET in conjunction with the Youth Alliance for Democracy is a first in a series of other platforms under its ‘Transitional Barometer Series’ project, in which youth, government and political parties are brought together to assess and assert the role of youth in the country’s transitional period.

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* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Allow the hungry to feed themselves – and the world

Sarath Fernando

Movement for Land and Agricultural Reforms (MONLAR)

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/68010

cc M IWorld leaders must admit that their efforts to solve world hunger have failed and that they are ‘not in a position to find effective solutions’, writes Sarath Fernando. This situation can be changed only by taking ‘the task of feeding the hungry’ into ‘the hands of those who are genuinely interested in solving hunger’ – the hungry themselves.

The world is commemorating World Food Day (October 16) this year in a state where the food situation in the world is precarious. The lessons we have to learn from the experiences in trying to feed the world are very important. This is not because of the successes but because of the failures. The world leaders have almost come to a situation in which they need to admit that their efforts so far in trying to solve world’s hunger have failed and they are not in a position to find effective solutions.

In the year 2000, the world leaders met and decided to set up the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), when they promised that they would reduce world’s hunger by half by year 2015. There were 840 million people then, who were going to bed hungry every day. They should then have realised that all these 840 million people would be dead when they reached this target. But they went ahead. Now the number of people who were hungry has not been reduced, although two thirds of the target period has elapsed; instead it has increased to 1.2 billion. The discussions that were held at the world conference on food security convened by FAO to see what could be done by the year 2050, when the situation becomes much more serious, ended up in not working out any effective strategy.

So, the task of the people on food and on Food Day should be to emphasise that the present leaders of the world are unable to find solutions to the problem of hunger. Some other strategy and some other agencies must undertake to find solutions to the problem of hunger. The world fails to solve hunger neither because the world does not produce enough to feed all, nor because the technical capacity to produce enough food is lacking. It is simply because food is produced not mainly to solve hunger but to make profits. The entire activity of food production, processing and marketing is largely dominated by big companies (transnational corporations) who are more concerned with making greater profits rather than feeding the hungry. Much of the land and other natural resources that are necessary to produce food are in the hands of big companies; they also have a strong control over seeds and inputs and also technologies utilised to produce food. The process of land grabbing by the rich has got more intensified.

The recent crisis of price increases of food was caused due to food being used for production of bio fuels, more meat production leading to much food being produced to feed animals rather than to feed people and also due to large migration into cities, making the populations in the cities compared with rural areas reaching 50:50. Another factor that is affecting food production is global warming, resulting in climate change leading to lower yields. If you examine each of these reasons they are due to food production being controlled by profit-motivated producers. The reasons for failure of world leaders to find effective solutions are due to the fact that they do not want to change this situation of allowing the big profit makers to have control and ownership over food production, seeds, marketing and food producing resources of the world.

This situation can be changed only by taking over the task of feeding the hungry away from these profit making controllers into the hands of those who are genuinely interested in solving hunger. Who are they? They are the hungry people of the world. How can they do it? If they do not have the capital presently needed to produce food, they have to think of strategies that do not depend on financial capital. Can the world think of a strategy that does not depend on financial capital to produce its food?

In solving this issue it is necessary to recognise that the type of agriculture that is prevalent today is very heavily input dependent. The ecological impacts of such external input dependent agriculture has been found to be drastic and very damaging. World scale studies that have been done recently such as the IAASTD (International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development) completed in April 2008 showed that the present day prevalent agriculture, though capable of producing much food and much diversity of food has committed two serious mistakes in ignoring the social aspects of agriculture and also the environmental aspects of it. This was very important research that was conducted by 400 prominent scientists, commissioned by world’s leading institutions, who studied this in a large number of countries, over a period of four years and it was finally accepted by nearly 60 countries of the world. There is an alternative approach advocated by very large farmers movements such as La Via Campesina (International Peasant Movement)and very large movements of small and landless farmers such as MST in Brazil who are promoting small scale ecological agriculture by small farmers as a more effective way of solving the problem of hunger.

The major difference in this approach is to make use of nature’s advantages such as maximising the use of sunlight, maximising biodiversity, improving the soil fertility by preventing erosion, by maximising the benefits of microbial activity by adopting techniques that maximise the presence of microbes in the soil and also utilising methods of integrated pest management instead of chemical pest control, chemical weed control and use of chemical fertiliser etc. Utilising mixed farming rather than mono-cropping is another technique. This approach is fast growing in many countries in spite of the massive propaganda by agribusiness TNCs to continue their previous techniques that only bring profits to the larger operators at the cost of making a lot of farmers poorer and also destroying their livelihoods while making more and more people hungry. Introduction of genetic modifications etc have been done not so much due to their effectiveness in sustainability of agriculture but for the possibilities of maximising profits in the hands of big companies.

We have been able to contact some practices that are developed in India by people such as Mr Subash Pallekar who has done many years of research in developing the technique that he describes as ‘Zero Budget Natural Farming’. This strategy is now being adopted by around four million farmers in India.

It is a simple technique that utilises the basic principle that farming is done free of charge by nature. The technique utilises only a simple formula named ‘jeevamurtha’ a mixture of deshi cow dung, cow urine, some sweetener such as juggery or coconut water and some powdered cereal and a handful of soil from the neighbourhood that contains microbes that are present in the said environment. A similar mixture named beejamurtha is utilised to prepare seeds for germination. What is important is that this application requires no financial input and it utilises natural farming totally. These mixtures require only two days of fermentation to be ready for application and the result are immediate.

On the whole what is important in feeding the hungry is to allow the people who are threatened with hunger to develop their own techniques of finding their food by going back to nature and benefits of natural farming. What is necessary is to remove the policy obstacles that exist against this strategy. Already much has been achieved by way of techniques of natural farming. Sometimes these techniques are called organic farming, or ecological farming, it can also be named regenerative agriculture since the proper techniques of natural farming will also help in restoring the ability of nature to regenerate itself.

Restoring the capacity of nature to regenerate itself is a need for survival of all human beings and all other life forms. From this point of view, this restoration of agriculture back into its natural process of regenerating nature is an essential requirement to ensure survival. This is being highlighted in the other crises such as the crisis of climate change and global warming too. Therefore these tasks that should be achieved in our techniques and policies of food production need to be highlighted on the World Food Day. Any approach that restores the capacity of nature to regenerate itself has the moral right to claim ownership and control over agriculture. Thus, the poor and hungry people have a moral right to claim control over agriculture technology and resources of land and nature for production of food. Those who destroy this potential have no right to claim control and ownership.

IN SRI LANKA

In Sri Lanka the need for this transformation of agriculture is very high. There are many factors related to food and agriculture in Sri Lanka that cannot be effectively solved without this transformation. In summary these needs are to reduce the cost of food to the poor, reducing the present rates of malnutrition that have prevailed at unacceptably high levels for over twenty years , which damage not only the physical growth of children but the development of their brains too. A study done by the Ministry of Health, UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO) in March 2010 showed that the rate of malnutrition in the plantation children was as high as 40 per cent. Even in other agricultural districts it was higher than 20 per cent.

Another serious issue that is found in relation to food in Sri Lanka is that much of the food that is available is unhealthy, chemically produced and chemically contaminated. Food marketing is entirely in the hands of private companies and artificially processed foods are heavily promoted. Sri Lanka depends unnecessarily on imported food, imported seeds and imported agricultural inputs. Introduction of Commercial seeds of F-1 variety that cannot be used repeatedly are destroying the natural seed potential in the country. Unless we change this pattern, Sri Lanka’s agriculture and food situation is doomed.

The potential for adopting ecological and natural farming in Sri Lanka is very high. We have enough sunlight through out the year and also enough rainfall and water. Biodiversity and food diversity in Sri Lanka is very high and can be further improved too. The fact that we still have a very large population of small-holder farmers can turn out to be an advantage. This is because small farms can adopt this type of ecological farming with great efficiency. This can reduce the tremendous growth of health hazards that are caused by insufficiency of food and by unhealthy artificial and/or chemically contaminated food.

Although the government policies still give much priority to private sector agricultural control, the people on their own have already done much by way of small-scale ecological farming. A survey conducted by Movement for Land and Agricultural Reforms (MONLAR) in early 2008 showed that there were around 538 organisations in the country that were promoting and practicing some form of ecological farming.

The present government has many programmes trying to address issues of rural poverty and food insecurity. They are the ‘Api Wawamu Rata Nagamu’ (‘Let’s grow and build the nation’) programme which envisages the building of four million home gardens intending to get each of the families to have their own home garden. Another programme is ‘Gama Neguma’ for improving rural livelihoods and reducing rural poverty, another is Gemi Diriya (supported by the World Bank) and so on. However, unfortunately none of these programmes have a clear vision and strategy of ecological agriculture. This failure is largely due to the heavy influence of private companies such as CIC, Prima and other companies dealing with chemical agricultural inputs and commercial food that utilises the government to promote the type of farming that is beneficial to them to sell their inputs, seeds and technologies. What we need to do is to propagate the more effective alternatives that are very applicable and beneficial to Sri Lanka, to the farmers and also to consumers. This would be the best way of our preparing to face the future challenges of the country and also of the world.

It is time to set a new agenda of food production that allows and encourages the hungry and the poor people to take over the task of feeding themselves and also developing effective approaches that can feed the rest of the world. This approach can save the hungry from dying of hunger, the poor from extreme forms of poverty and also all others from ill-health caused by unhealthy food and unhealthy environment and saving the world from environmental calamities.

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* This article was first published by the Movement for Land and Agricultural Reforms (MONLAR).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

ReadWriteWeb honours Pambazuka: Pan-African 'citizen journalists'

2010-10-22

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/68017

See how the big boys run from the ICC's small axe

Muthoni Wanyeki

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/67976

Nothing ever proceeds as expected in Kenya. Our politicians and bureaucrats are masters and mistresses of double-speak — appearing to do the right thing, while quietly undermining whatever process is underway.

Look how the International Criminal Court’s investigation into the 2007-2008 post-election violence has become a game of cat and mouse. Any number of pebbles are being thrown into the public pond to see what ripples result.

Minister of Justice Mutula Kilonzo, out of the blue, states that the passing of the new Constitution and the judicial reforms it supports implies Kenya can now try those with greatest responsibility for the violence itself.

The statement has the desired effect. Public reaction is fast and furious, eventually coming down on the side of the ICC. The public mood having been successfully gauged, the Minister blithely ‘clarifies’ his intentions.

Then, also out of the blue, some Central Province politicians allege that the Gikuyu political leadership is being unfairly targeted by the ICC, soon followed by Minister of Environment John Michuki’s ‘endorsement’ of Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta as the ‘leader’ of the Gikuyu.

Again, public reaction is fast and furious. A sideshow ensues as to so-called leadership of the Gikuyu. But, importantly, the attempt to draw the public into a sideshow about the ICC investigation fails.

Which did not stop another curious event from happening, with one faction of the Orange Democratic Movement, out of the blue, referring to the existence of minutes ‘proving’ the involvement of Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s faction of ODM in the violence.

This ‘revelation’ obviously came far too late to be taken with any seriousness. Those making it know that — which means their motivation is elsewhere. To discredit the prime minister?

Or, more deviously, to place on the table the idea that all factions within the Grand Coalition Government now ostensibly have the same political interests to protect?

FIASCO

Finally came the ludicrous and overly legalistic fiasco over the ICC’s requests for minutes from security meetings and interviews with senior public administration and security service personnel.

The relevant cabinet sub-committee and then the two principals approved the handing over of only those minutes (or portions of minutes) the Attorney General and the National Security Intelligence Service deemed not threatening to our ‘national security.’

As for the interviews, although the government had authorised them, to a man, their advocates claimed the interviews are involuntary and insisted on the application of a portion of the International Crimes Act, ensuring their interviews would take place before a judge.

The judge was duly appointed. Then the advocates insisted the rules of procedure for the interviews be made known — as well as the lines of inquiry of the interviews themselves.
Clearly the point was to be able to present a bland and choreographed script.

Demolishing any utility of both the minutes and the interviews. The Prosecutor’s investigative team must have the patience of Job.

Despite it all, I feel amused by the goings-on. Our political and bureaucratic leadership has, for the first time in post-Independence Kenya, been faced with a problem that will not go away.

Going through this process is no doubt shocking for them — but good for us all. It is the small axe to the big tree of impunity.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Muthoni Wanyeki is executive director of the Kenya Human Rights Commission
* This article was originally published by The East African.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News

Uganda: Call for action over homophobic article

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/67879

Uganda: Call for action over homophobic article

Brussels-Rome-Kampala
15 October 2010

The Ugandan Rolling Stone tabloid has published an article entitled ‘100 Pictures of Uganda’s Top Homos Leak’ calling for the ‘hanging of homos’ in Uganda in its issue of 2 to 9 October, 2010, Vol.1, No. 5. The article shows pictures of some of the 100 alleged homosexuals and other human rights activists, alongside their names and a description of their professional jobs and private life, including where they live or work. The article also calls on the government of Uganda to take strong action against them.

The publication of the list of names in this context is bluntly incompatible with the principle of the rule of law. The principles relating to freedom of the press cannot be translated as meaning any lack of restraint in editorial choices.

The article calling for the hanging of members of a sexual minority in Uganda and inciting violence against a particular group of citizens, stigmatised by a Bill that makes a certain sexual behaviour an offence under Ugandan law, is an attempt to intimidate not only sexual minorities but also the authorities in charge of upholding the principle of the rule of law. The Rolling Stone tabloid should make immediately public apologies and stop the publication of such articles.

No Peace Without Justice (NPWJ), Certi Diritti, the Nonviolent Radical Party, Transnational and Transparty (NRPTT) and Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG) call on national and international civil society organisations and human rights activists to oppose this campaign orchestrated by The Rolling Stone tabloid immediately, strongly and unequivocally and express their clear support for the respect of fundamental human rights of LGBTI persons in Uganda, before any physical harm is inflicted on them.

NPWJ, Certi Diritti, the NRPTT and SMUG call on the government of Uganda to intervene immediately and take all appropriate measures to put a stop to this blatant incitement to public violence against a particular group of citizens. The Ugandan government should recognise and seize the opportunity to ensure the protection of human rights, which is entrusted to its authority, and uphold the Ugandan Constitution, as well as the major international and regional human rights instruments to which Uganda is a signatory.

For further information, please contact Elio Polizzotto (NPWJ), email: epolizzotto@npwj.org, phone: +32 2 548 39 21 and Advocacy Litigation Officer (SMUG) phone: + 256 773104971.

See also: http://www.npwj.org

Uganda: One year since the introduction of the anti-homosexuality bill

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/67880

Press release
Kampala, Uganda

One year since the introduction of the Anti-Homosexuality Bill

On 14 October 2009 the draft Anti Homosexuality Bill was introduced to the Parliament of Uganda by Ndoorwa West MP David Bahati. Bahati’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill stipulates the death penalty for repeated same-sex relations and life imprisonment for all other homosexual acts. A person in authority who fails to report an offender to the police within 24 hours will face three years in jail. Likewise, the promotion of homosexuality carries a sentence of five to seven years in jail.

This Bill is an expression of prejudice, intolerance, discrimination and violence. The bill abuses the dignity, privacy and equality of people with a different sexual orientation and identity other than heterosexual. If passed into law, it will further legitimize public and private violence, harassment and torture.

It has promoted hate speech in churches, schools and the media. It has led to defamation, blackmail, evictions, intimidation, arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention, physical assault, emotional and mental assault of LGBT activists, our families and allies.

The bill has further led to increased violence incited by local media, particularly The Red Pepper tabloid and recently launched Rolling Stone newspaper. The headline of the Rolling Stone viciously screamed ‘100 pictures of Ugandan’s top homos leak - Hang them’. They published pictures, names, residences and other details of LGBT activists and allies.

‘When my neighbors saw my picture in the paper, they were furious. They threw stones at me while I was in my house. I was so terrified somehow I managed to flee my home to safety.’ said one activist.

‘The sad truth is that most evil in Uganda is done by people who end up never being held accountable for their deeds. The Rolling Stone publication has incited violence against a group of minorities making them seem like less of human beings,’ said another.

The bill constitutes a violation of the right to freedom of privacy, association, assembly and security of the person as enshrined in Uganda’s constitution and international human rights law.

The impact of such legal and social exclusion is being felt in the lives of LGBTI Ugandans. Sexual Minorities Uganda strongly condemns such laws and the media witch-hunt of homosexuals.

We would like to acknowledge human rights institutions and activists, local, regional and international civil society, development partners and friends around the world for the enormous support to the Uganda LGBTI community and request for your continued call to African governments to repeal the ‘sodomy laws’.

Issued by: Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG)

Contacts:

Frank Mugisha
Pepe Julian Onziema
fmugisha@sexualminoritiesuganda.org jpepe@sexualminoritiesuganda.org

Haiti: Fundraising appeal for Port-au-Prince school

Sokari Ekine

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/67980

Fundraising appeal for SOPUDEP (Society of Providence United for the Economic Development of Petion-Ville) in Port-au-Prince

Dear friends,

The school was started in 2002 by community activist Rea Dol to provide education for children from the poorest families – those who could not afford to send their children to school. Ironically the school is housed in an old building which once belonged to Tonton Macoute Lionel Wooley and the torture chamber he used, now sealed, remains in the compound.

'Lionel Wooley was an assassin for the regimes of Papa Doc and Baby Doc Duvalier. In exchange for killing opponents of these repressive regimes in Haiti, he was allowed to steal the property of his victims and claim them as his own. In late 2000, Lionel Wooley died in exile in Miami and the government expropriated the properties he had stolen.'

SOPUDEP were able to secure the lease of the property through community and private donations and start renovations. At the time I visited the school in August 2007, whilst a great deal of work had been done, large sections of the school remained in disrepair and open to the sun and rain. SOPUDEP is a community school in the truest sense, which provides education for those who would otherwise not receive one. It also provides hot meals for all the children so at least everyone gets one good meal a day.

POST-EARTHQUAKE

28 children died in the earthquake and three teachers

Initially the school was being used as shelter but eventually it had to be abandoned due to extensive structural damage from the earthquake. However the school was already in the process of purchasing land for a new building. Desperate to bring some semblance of normality and routine for the children who were completely traumatised, the teachers created a school under tarp using what equipment they could salvage from the abandoned school. Fortunately the school began to receive private donations from Canada and they have been able to assemble a series of temporary structures for the classrooms.

Eventually there will be 16 of these making eight classrooms each housing 200 students. More will be used for housing families. Each structure costs under $250 and can last for at least a year before repairs.

However the children are in desperate need of classroom supplies, play ground equipment – stationary, chalk, exercise books, balls, skipping ropes etc, and the food programme must be maintained. I am on a mission to raise at least $1000 by the 21st November half to be used to purchase as much equipment as possible and half to be used towards the food programme. So I am counting on everyone following me on Twitter and those reading this blog to donate something no matter how small. Donations can be made VIA the CHIP IN widget on the sidebar.

For more information on the school visit their website here.

Thank you,

Sokari Ekine

World Food Day: Democratise agricultural research and ensure food sovereignty

IIED

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/67982

The publication focuses on West Africa and includes video clips and audio files that feature the voices and concerns of food producers from across the region.

A related website (www.excludedvoices.org) – also launched on 16 October – brings the concerns of marginalised food producers from West Africa, South Asia, the Middle East and the Andean region of South America to a global audience.

“Food and agriculture policy and research tend to ignore the values, needs, knowledge and concerns of the very people who provide the food we all eat — and often serve instead powerful commercial interests such as multinational seed and food retailing companies,” says project leader Dr Michel Pimbert of IIED.

“Agricultural research and policy must shift to focus on what farming communities and food consumers want and need. Farmers and other citizens must play a central role in defining strategic priorities for agricultural research and food policies.”

The multimedia publication presents the findings of citizens’ juries — held in 2010 — at which farmers, pastoralists, food processors and consumers from Mali, Senegal, Burkina Faso and Benin heard evidence from expert witnesses and made recommendations about the future of agricultural research and its governance.

The jurors called for direct involvement in the design and implementation of agricultural research. Among other things, they said research should focus on improving the productivity of local crop varieties and farming practices such as seed sharing instead of moving towards more intensive farming that relies on hybrid seeds and expensive external inputs.

“The democratisation of agricultural research is a vital for those who seek to make the human right to adequate food a reality,” writes De Schutter.

“I wish to applaud the efforts that led to citizens’ juries in West Africa and farmers’ assessments of public research for making such a significant contribution to the key values of participation and ownership that are at the heart of what democratisation means.”

The website shows how parallel processes to those underway in West Africa are revealing that small-scale farmers and pastoralists in Asia, Latin America and the Middle East also want more citizen controlled and inclusive forms of agricultural research.

“Achieving food sovereignty requires radically different knowledge than that on offer today in mainstream research institutes and policy think tanks,” says Michel Pimbert. “Such a transformation depends on farmers and ‘ordinary’ citizens directly deciding what kind of agricultural research they want – for whom, how it should be done, where and by whom, and with what likely consequences”.

“This is why the democratic process described here is so important for food security, local livelihoods and human well being, and resilience to climate change.”

"The 2008 food price crisis was a wake up call to the reality that despite advances in agricultural research, about a billion people remain hungry,” says Farah Karimi, executive director of Oxfam-Novib.

“In an ever more interdependent world, the global challenges of climate change, food and financial crises are putting pressure on food systems. It is therefore ever more important to re-examine the resilience of small-holder agriculture, and its great contribution both to local and global food security.”

“The book highlights the issues of West African farmers on how they see agricultural research best serve their interest and the global public good of sustainable and equitable food systems. As Oxfam Novib, we happily supported this important research of the IIED. Oxfam Novib commends the work of Michel Pimbert and IIED, not only for this critical and well written analysis, but also for creatively bringing forward the voices of West African farmers in this innovative multi-media publication”

For interviews please contact:
Dr Michel Pimbert (michel.pimbert@iied.org) +44 (0)207 3882117
Boukary Barry, Kene Conseils, Mali +223 76306876
Ibrahim Coulibaly, CNOP, Mali +223 2286800

NOTES TO EDITORS

Professor Olivier De Schutter was appointed the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food in March 2008 by the United Nations Human Rights Council. He is independent from any government or organization, and he reports to the Human Rights Council and to the UN General Assembly. For more on the work of the Special Rapporteur on the right to food, visit www.srfood.org

Dr. Michel Pimbert is the Team Leader of Food and Agriculture at IIED.

The multimedia e-book – Democratising Agricultural Research for Food Sovereignty in West Africa - is co-published by the International Institute for Environment and Development, the Coordination Nationale des Organisations Paysannes du Mali (CNOP), the Centre Djoliba, the Institut de Recherche et de Promotion des Alternatives en Développement (IRPAD), Kene Conseils, and the Union des Radios et Télévisions libres du Mali (URTEL). The book and the process it describes were co-funded by the Government of The Netherlands, the Swiss Development Cooperation, Oxfam-Novib and The Christensen Fund.

Food sovereignty is the right of peoples to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and their right to define their own food and agriculture systems. It puts those who produce, distribute and consume food at the heart of food systems and policies rather than the demands of markets and corporations.

The International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) is an independent, non-profit research institute. Set up in 1971 and based in London, IIED provides expertise and leadership in researching and achieving sustainable development.

Protect and respect African journalists

Federation of African Journalists (FAJ)

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/68009

On the Occasion of African Human Rights Day, October 21, 2010, the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), the African Regional Organisation of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), solemnly commemorates this important day by remembering the African journalists who lost their lives in the line of duty as they sought to offer noble service to their audiences. Our hearts also go out to those who continue to drive the spirit of independent journalism at great risk to their personal safety and security in conditions of exploitation by employers.

Freedom of expression and press freedom is routinely violated in Africa, by both governments and non state actors on the continent. Assassinations of journalists, abduction and illegal detention have become almost normal business and there is little will to bring the perpetrators to account.

Safety of journalists is of foremost importance if society expects journalists to continue to perform their duty bringing the truth and media providing a platform for the free exchange of opinion.

Killing journalists is killing the messenger. Unfortunately, the physical elimination of journalists is becoming common as rule of law breaks down in different countries. Criminals and some members of the political class find a point of convergence as they seek to hide information on violation of human rights, graft and abuse of power.

This is a clarion call by the journalists’ fraternity of Africa on governments on the continent to guarantee the freedoms and rights of African journalists by ensuring rule of law, justice and security for all citizens. Politicians must bring their political will to bear by developing a continental policy framework for safety of journalists, domesticating this policy properly and establishing structures to ensure compliance.

By enacting malicious legislation intended to muzzle the press, and allowing irregular elements to harass media, the political leaders are failing in their primary duty of ensuring respect for, and protection of the right to freedom of expression, the most basic and source of all other human freedoms and rights.

FAJ urges the African Union and its 53 member States to ensure safety and protection of journalists by passing and implementing a continental policy on safety of journalists. There cannot and there will not be peace and security in Africa when the communicators and facilitators of citizen exchange have no right to live and work in peace and security.

Impunity is the fuel driving danger and violence directed at journalists. Pervasive impunity has serious implications for social justice and citizens rights in Africa and beyond. FAJ wishes to restate that apprehension and punishment of perpetrators of human rights violations remains the single most effective deterrent against these heinous crimes. It is also the only consolation that can give a sense of vindication to the victims and their families.

Rights and freedoms of journalists to perform their work are not the only human rights of journalists violated. Though fundamental, labour rights of journalists continue to be accorded little or no respect. The record of compliance with labour rights in the media in Africa is very poor. There is a significant imbalance between returns on capital and wages in the media industry in Africa. Working journalists earn low remuneration, work long hours and work in hazardous conditions without social security, health benefits or job security.

While they are not accorded even the most basic social benefits, Freelance journalists are forced to work long hours without due compensation, exposing them to ruthless exploitation and work in inhumane and degrading conditions.

Excessive restrictions on freedom of association and a determined anti-union agenda including dismissals of members of unions are common in many places in Africa.

FAJ call on Governments not to be partial to employers who violate labour rights of journalists and should offer unequivocal support to the right to form unions (where they do not exist), collective bargaining and the right of workers to withdraw their labour.

For more information contact +221 33 867 95 87 The FAJ represents over 50,000 journalists in 38 countries in Africa

Nigeria: Human rights and the indigene/settler dichotomy

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/67979

NIGERIA: THE IMPACT OF THE INDIGENE/SETTLER DICHOTOMY ON THE ENJOYMENT OF FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS: A LEGAL CHALLENGE.

Twenty Nigerian citizens and a non-governmental organisation are challenging the indigene/settler dichotomy legally before the Federal High Court in Nigeria. The Federal High Court, Kaduna, presided over by Hon. Justice Mohammed Lawal Shuaibu, adjourned the case to 24 November 2010. The applicants contend that the indigene/settle dichotomy impacts negatively on the enjoyment of fundamental human rights enshrined in Nigeria’s constitution and African and international human rights law.

21 applicants mounted a constitutional challenge before the Federal High Court in the Kaduna Division against the Federal Government, the Federal Character Commission, Plateau, Kaduna, Kano and Katsina states and Jos North Local Government Area (LGA), Shendam LGA, Kaduna South LGA, Giwa LGA (Kaduna), Fagge LGA (Kano), Kumbotso LGA (Kano), Nassarawa LGA (Kano) and Tarauni LGA ( Kano). The Applicants are challenging the policy and practice of discrimination meted out to them by the named respondents through their classification as “settlers” or “non-indigenes”. This suit, brought under the new Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 2009, therefore seeks to obtain a decision that will lead the Respondents to fully recognise and respect the rights of the applicants, as well as of all other Nigerians.

The Applicants, all residents in the said States and Local Governments for decades (and their families sometimes for centuries), are seeking an order for the enforcement of their fundamental human rights. They contend that these rights are enshrined in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 and other laws, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights Act 1995 (Federal Laws of Nigeria, Cap. 10). They also base their claims on international law, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

A favourable outcome will benefit millions of victims and reform the current order. It is hoped that this suit will generate change in Government policy and practice with regard to this issue. Additionally, the suit will inject objective and universal constitutional concerns into the otherwise polarised and potentially explosive question of denial of constitutional rights and discrimination on the basis of place of origin and ethnicity

Background

The Federal Character Principle is enshrined in s. 147 (3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. However well-intentioned, in a multi-ethnic setting like Nigeria, the Principle has been unnecessarily expanded and distorted, allowing for politicization of the question of who is considered “indigene” of a State or Local Government Area in Nigeria. Further, classifications of “indigeneity” and issuance of “indigene certificates” have resulted in preferential and sometimes exclusive access to rights and services ordinarily due to all citizens. As a result, Nigerians who are classified as “non-indigenes” or “settlers” are marginalised and excluded in ways that have nothing to do with the aims of preservation of cultural identity and autonomy envisioned by the Federal Character Principle.

The discriminatory treatment meted out to “non-indigenes” has deep historical and socio-political underpinnings, and is probably the most sensitive subject in Nigeria’s public life. It has contributed to a cycle of violence in certain states and is of earnest national security concern for Nigeria. As such, if not resolved, it can threaten the very social fabric of Nigeria.

“Non-indigenes” are discriminated against and are denied rights, opportunities and benefits, including:

a. educational opportunities and benefits;
b. employment opportunities and benefits;
c. access to public and military service;
d. property ownership and allocation;
e. government infrastructure and services such as roads, water and schools; and
f. political participation and opportunities.

The discriminatory treatment faced by “non-indigenes” defeats the idea of integration which should help in moulding society and strengthening the “One Nigeria’ belief.

Counsel for the applicants:

Barrister Festus Okoye
Akika, Abashi, Okoye & Mann,
4th Flr, Suites UF 80 & 97,
Turaki Ali House, 3 Kanta,
AU Summit Highway, Kaduna

Barrister Muhammad Lawal Ishaq,
Messrs. Alhaq Chambers,
No 84/4 Yandoka Street,
Jos

Barrister Gaye Sowe
IHRDA,
949 Brusubi Layout,
P.O.BOX 1896
Banjul, The Gambia

‘Everyone is lying’: Exposing the global diamond trade

Review of ‘Blood on the Stone’

Brian K. Murphy

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/68011

Few issues are contested today as actively and profoundly as the impact of uncontrolled resource extraction on the development (and underdevelopment) of nations and peoples. An ever-deepening resistance has formed on a wide front locally and globally to challenge the systematic human exploitation that flows from the interaction among the structures of international capital (corporations, and their bankers), militarism, and the security state.

‘Blood on the Stone: Greed, Corruption and War in the Global Diamond Trade’,Ian Smillie’s new book on conflict diamonds in Africa, is an important window into what is a stake in this contest. It tells the story of a small group of international actors taking on the most powerful forces and institutions on the planet. As the context and ground of global politics shifts, seemingly almost moment to moment, the strategies and gambits of the protagonists are forced to shift and shuffle along with them. Caught up in his narrative, we experience the pitch and roll of international advocacy in full flight.

The story and Smillie’s telling of it exposes the dilemmas and fault lines of international social justice action, in a deeply intimate and detailed fashion. And in its unfolding we glimpse the limits of the prevailing paradigms of international institutional social justice advocacy. It can be read as an inspirational story of trial and triumph, or as a cautionary tale; in fact it is both, and worth studying on both counts.

‘Blood on the Stone’ describes the ins and outs of one of the most ignominious industries in the world and the role that this industry played in African wars that took an estimated four million lives, dislocated millions more, and undermined the economies and very social fabric of Angola, the Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Smillie makes clear that these wars were not so much about diamonds – which is often the public impression – as fuelled and funded by them:

‘These wars might or might not have happened without diamonds, but they never would have been so brutal, would never have taken so many lives, would never have attended the destruction of so much infrastructure and humanity had there never been diamonds.’ [196]

This is the history of competing interests struggling over a hundred years to monopolise and dominate a fantastically lucrative trade that was and remains inherently corrupt, and corrupting. It relates how the interplay and intrigue among a global corporate cartel, self-interested governments – north and south – despots and guerilla leaders, organised criminals and, ultimately, warlords and other associated sociopaths, allowed country after country to descend into anarchy and war fuelled by diamonds. The book describes how the diamond pipeline functions, as raw stones are (still) moved from war-torn Africa to discrete wholesale establishments on the staid thoroughfares of Antwerp, and on to the glitz of luxury retailer salons in capitals around the world.

Early on in the conflict diamond campaign, Smillie was invited to serve on a five-person UN Security Council Expert Panel investigating the links between illicit weapons and the diamond trade in Sierra Leone, and West Africa more generally. His book is enlivened by his experience in this investigation. Smillie’s intimate knowledge of the published and unpublished finding of his own panel, and other related reports from the UN and from independent NGO investigators, allow him to bring fresh and intimate details concerning the complex roots, protagonists and trajectories of the conflicts examined. The narrative takes us not only to the capitals and remote frontiers of the African countries at war, but to the murky terrain of corporate and government intrigue in South Africa and Israel, Russia and India (India alone, we learn, accounts for 90 per cent of global diamond processing, its single largest export). It takes us to Venezuela and Brazil, countries also deeply implicated in the illicit global diamond trade, as well as into the world of insurrectional Islam, the struggles among various Palestinian factions and their backers in Syria and Iran, and to the realm of Muammar Gaddafi and his shadowy ‘World Revolutionary Headquarters’ in Benghazi.

‘Blood on the Stones’ unfolds with the pace of a John le Carré thriller. The language is clear and direct; every sentence is information. At times – when relating what Smillie and his colleagues experience in investigating first-hand the wars and the crimes of the butchers and paymasters – it has (appropriately) the subtlety of whiplash.

At one point Smillie reveals that he ‘began to think that we should title our report to the Security Council, “Everyone is lying”’. In the course of the book he exposes the lies, and elaborates what he sees as an approximation of the truth. The lies are familiar. Less familiar is this version of the approximate truth, and the book is valuable if just for that.

The heart of the book is its telling first hand of an NGO campaign that from humble beginnings in 1998 eventually captured the world’s attention and forced the industry and more than 50 governments to create a global certification system – the ‘Kimberley Process’ – whose stated goal was to prevent the continued circulation of illicit ‘blood diamonds’ into the retail trade. It was a campaign that began modestly in a couple of action-research projects launched independently but more or less simultaneously by two groups at the time unknown to each other: Global Witness in the UK, which in 1998 carried out a ground-breaking study on the effects of diamonds in the conflict in Angola; and Partnership Africa Canada, where Smillie was based, which in early 1999 began a similar study of the role of diamonds in the brutal conflagration in Sierra Leone.

The two efforts quickly found each other and became allies in an increasingly ambitious initiative that perhaps more than any other effort defined international NGO policy action on Africa in the public mind during the first years of the 2000s. A process that began with two teams of three people each working in isolation with few resources save their own time and energy, ultimately became a critical global movement. At its peak the coalition was supported by over 200 organisations mobilised to prod and push and finally – with concerted political pressure and audacious public awareness tactics – shove a multitude of corporations, governments, UN bodies and international institutions into action that they resisted with a complacent and banal doggedness that still astounds, even though we have seen it so often.

Blood on the Stone concludes with an assessment of the certification system as it developed and has been applied, and that soon became a dysfunctional hostage to diverse material and national interests, politics, venality and bureaucratic incompetence. Although tentative, and too brief, this section bears close reflection.

The conflict diamonds campaign unfolded within the framework known as CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility – a framework that emerged full-blown in the 90s and thrives today even as it is increasingly challenged on the margins of civil society social justice action. The strategies and tactics employed throughout the campaign were largely bound by the polite fiction that corporations are at the very least benign, and in general a positive force in ‘development’ (read: ‘economic growth’). In this fiction, occasional malfeasance is an aberration within a norm of good corporate citizenship and social responsibility.

The story that Smillie relates is paradigmatic in revealing the coarser reality. Corporate crime – legal and illegal – is not at all an aberration; it is a norm. The story of the illicit diamond trade which funded and fuelled the so-called diamond wars of Africa, is a story of organised crime, involving a conspiracy among legally-constituted corporate entities and constitutional governments, and ‘irregular’ entities in the form of criminal cartels, local gangs, militias, and rogue military rulers and despots. Much of this activity contravened national laws, international laws, international conventions, and universal human mores. It extended beyond diamond smuggling, to illegal trade in weapons, and the enslavement and trafficking of human beings. Wholesale murder and torture on an almost unimaginable scale prepared the ground, and terror greased the wheels.

Smillie writes:

‘By ignoring, condoning and even participating in the corruption of countries like the Congo, Sierra Leone and Angola, the better parts [sic] of the industry had allowed a long-standing infection to go septic. By ignoring tax evasion and the use of diamonds for money laundering, the industry only encouraged it. By hiding details of their contracts with, and payments to corrupt governments, they abetted graft and embezzlement. By pretending for years that diamonds had nothing to do with the worsening conflicts in Africa, they provided tacit and tangible support for terrorism, human rights abuse, state collapse and death.’ [161]

Nor does he ignore that this complicity extended beyond the corporations involved. Elsewhere he writes:

‘…it was no secret to the diamond industry that major exporting countries like Liberia and the Republic of Congo produced no diamonds worthy of the name. The traders who bought diamonds from these impoverished developing countries knew beyond doubt they were dealing in goods that were stolen, smuggled or used for tax evasion. Belgian import authorities and those in other countries like Israel and the United States had to know they were aiding and abetting corruption and criminal behavior. The World Bank, the IMF, other lenders and donor agencies examining the accounts of these countries also knew that something was wrong. Yet nobody said a word about it. Ever.’ [127-28]

As the campaign described in ‘Blood on the Stones’ evolved, and the grim facts of the conspiracy and the intransigence of the protagonists became unavoidably clear, so did the duplicity of the process become stark, as did the limitations of the CSR approach of self-regulation and voluntary remediation. Smillie discusses the dilemmas and the debates and explains how the negotiation process unfolded, and why the bets that were made, were made. He is frank in his assessment of the results, and offers his own brief reading of what would be required to begin to set it right. What Smillie does not say is that on the basis of the conclusions explored in this book, he ultimately resigned from active involvement in Kimberly in May 2009. The letter he wrote to colleagues in the Kimberley Process at that time has not been published, but excerpts appeared in an article in ‘Diamond Intelligence Briefs’[1] and is worth reading as an addendum to this story.

Smillie currently chairs the Diamond Development Initiative, a complex and ambitious project in support of African artisanal miners. Its outlines began to emerge in 2006 even as Smillie and others were struggling with the limits of what they had achieved in fomenting global scrutiny of the diamond industry and its inglorious contribution to a terrible human tragedy. The book ends with a very brief discussion of this new initiative, and the hopes that some have vested in pioneering an alternative route to transforming this tragedy into a legitimate and transparent diamond trade that contributes to local livelihood and development. The course of this experimental initiative will itself bear critical scrutiny, given the antecedents and challenges documented in this book.

At the same time, other elements in the larger movement to constrain the license of the resource extraction industry worldwide are beginning to move beyond the norms of the Corporate Social Responsibility discourse. The goal is finally to bring into force transparency and strict regulation of an industry too long cocooned in an environment of lawlessness and impunity. In Canada, for example, a broad civil society movement has successfully brought before the Canadian Parliament a private member’s bill, ’Bill C-300, An Act Respecting Corporate Accountability for the Activities of Mining, Oil or Gas Corporations in Developing Countries’. While the fate of this bill remains tenuous in a highly polarised political environment dominated by a Conservative minority government that opposes the legislation, it has galvanised as never before public debate in Canada on corporate behaviour and accountability in the resource sector.

‘Blood on the Stone’ relates an important chapter in the long struggle for global corporate accountability in the resource extraction sector. And the story continues…

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* ‘Blood on the Stone: Greed, Corruption and War in the Global Diamond Trade’ by Ian Smillie is published by Anthem Press, London & New York, in cooperation with the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, 2010. (Paperback ISBN: 978 0 85728 947 6, e-book ISBN: 978 1 55250 498 7)
* Brian Murphy is an independent writer and policy analyst, formerly with the Canadian international social justice organisation, Inter Pares. He is author of ‘Transforming Ourselves, Transforming the World: An Open Conspiracy for Social Change’ (ZED Books/London and Fernwood/Halifax, 1999).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES

[1] Chaim Even-Zohar , “PAC’s Smillie Casts Final ‘No Confidence’ Vote in KP and Goes Home”, Diamond Intelligence Briefs Online, 28 May 2009; available at: http://www.diamondintelligence.com/magazine/magazine.aspx?id=7895

A warrior of the mind

An interview with Neal Hall

Caribbean Book Blog

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/68015

Meet Dr Neal Hall. A graduate of Cornell and Harvard University, he is an ophthalmologist and reactionary poet.

He recently published a critically acclaimed anthology of verse – ‘Nigger For Life’ – reflecting his painful, later-life discovery that in ‘unspoken America’ (despite hard work and drive) race is the yardstick by which he is ‘first’ measured and judged; it is the benchmark against which his life and accomplishments are metered and thereby accorded diminished value, dignity and equality – all of which are indispensable in accessing choice, opportunity, power and freedom in America.

‘Nigger For Life’ reveals his deep sense of betrayal combined with his fervent passion for life and his desire for equality for ‘all’. His words pierce through in candid, gut-wrenching clarity. He bares his intelligence, wit and dreams.

Dr Cornel West, a professor at Princeton University and one of America’s foremost public intellectuals and a champion for racial justice, hails Hall as ‘a warrior of the spirit’ and ‘a warrior of the mind,’ adding that his poetry ‘has the capacity to change ordinary people’s philosophy on social and racial issues.’

Dr Howard Myrick, a professor of broadcast, telecommunications and mass media at Temple University praised Nigger for Life for its ‘amazing economy of word, conveying vivid images, riveting style, lucid insight and possessing that destined-for-repeat-reading quality.’

It says a great deal about Hall that, notwithstanding his substantial achievements, he has not allowed himself to be tamed into acquiescence by the trappings of material success, nor does he view America through rose-tinted glasses.

His anthology is as confronting as it is illuminating, as disarming as it is thought provoking; as cathartic as it is inspiring.

Whether an ophthalmologist or poet, Dr Hall’s reality is clear-cut – in the eyes of ‘unspoken America,’ he is a Nigger For Life.

I contacted Dr Hall and he kindly agreed to an interview to talk about his book and to share his views on race relations in America, the implications of Barrack Obama’s rise to the US presidency and a host of other related issues.

To read the interview, please visit Caribbean Book Blog.

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'A vision of justice and self-determination for all Africans'

Shailja Patel

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/67981

End oil theft and make history

Open letter to President Goodluck Jonathan

Uche Igwe

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/67943

President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan PhD GCFR
Presidential villa
Abuja
Nigeria
14 October 2010

Our dear president,

I bring you warm greetings and heartfelt regards at this auspicious time in the history of our nation. Fifty years ago, our founding fathers under took this bold journey into nationhood for the world’s most populous black nation. It has been a long and tortuous journey but let me say that we have emerged a united, strong and prosperous nation. Thank you for the sacrifices that all of you our leaders have made and are still making to move Nigeria forward.

As a Nigerian, I share your disappointment at the embarrassing bombing that almost marred our 50th anniversary celebrations in Abuja. I also share your grief at the painful loss of innocent lives through that unfortunate incident. I am confident that all concerned security agencies would uncover the perpetrators and prosecute them according to the laws of the land.

I equally share your optimism in the speedy restoration of peace and sustainable development in the Niger Delta region and indeed other parts of the country that are still witnessing pockets of unrest.

My main purpose of writing you at this time is to seek your intervention on the menace of oil theft in Nigeria. It is a well-known fact that hundreds of thousands of barrels of our crude oil leave our shores illegally to the international market daily.

The clandestine nature of the trade has made reliable statistics impossible. However, estimates leave the number of stolen barrels to an alarming 400,000 daily. At the current crude rate of US$82 per barrel, this would amount to a whooping US$32.8 million (4.920 billion naira) daily worth of revenue lost to criminals. It is believed that Nigeria has lost close to US$25 billion in the last 10 years (an assertion by one of the major players in the oil industry in Nigeria). Indeed, the extent of the loss is simply unquantifiable.

This national haemorrhage is not only embarrassing but unacceptable.

As an indigene of Otueke community from Ogbia extraction, same as Oloibiri where oil was first discovered in a commercial quantity, this sad reality must be twice as worrisome to you, your Excellency.

A few years ago, an audit conducted by the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) revealed that the number of barrels of oil produced in Nigeria is yet unknown because of the absence of precision meters at flow stations. Currently what is known is the amount of oil exported as metering is done only at various export terminals. The report further reveals that all the losses of crude oil happen between the various flow stations and these export terminals. This also affects the current calculations of royalty and Petroleum Profit Tax (PPT) as defined in our laws. These revelations have been in the public domain since 2006.

A peep into global best practice reveals that precision meeting can happen at various flow stations to get accurate hydrocarbon mass balance (actual number of barrels of oil produced) and that it is both technically and financially feasible to do the same in Nigeria.

All concerned regulatory agencies are aware but for some reasons no one has dared to break the status quo and that is why I seek your kind intervention. The Norwegian government had once offered technical assistance in this regard to deploy a technology in monitoring oil production in the Niger Delta. The institutional reforms proposed in the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) (currently awaiting passage) have done nothing to improve the metering regime. This is an opportunity to make history by stopping these predatory activities, privileged criminality and economic sabotage.

It may also please our Mr President to note that it is widely believed by the public that the same route through which our barrels of oil leave serves as the route of entry for all forms of arms and ammunitions that are currently used to perpetrate mayhem in many parts of our country today. From Jos to Maidugiri, from Aba to Bauchi, the new wave of crime that we are witnessing today is a direct reflection of reckless inflow and stock-piling of small arms and light weapons mostly received from external sources.

I respectfully ask you to take advantage of the goodwill that your government is enjoying internationally, especially among energy partners in the Gulf of Guinea, to ensure that this wicked economic crime is put to a stop. Late president Umaru Yar’Adua at the G8 summit in 2008 called on the world to ‘treat stolen crude oil as it treats stolen diamonds as both generate blood money’.

Citizens deserve the maximum benefits that are possible from our natural resource endowment. Our oil will not last forever and so we must hurry to ensure that we use the revenue to diversify our economy. This will require rapid infrastructural development, industrialisation and job creation. The beginning of this will be to plug any form of leakages in revenue and improve our national earnings to be able to finance these capital-intensive, long-term projects. There will also be no need for a nation like ours to borrow at this time. Generations yet unborn will not forgive us if we fail. No other Nigerian leader is better positioned than you, your Excellency, to match rhetoric with action in this regard.

I respectfully await your usual swift action, action which has endeared you to many as a listening and responsive leader. May wisdom be stirred up in you to lead our country especially through a free, fair and transparent election in 2011.

Yours sincerely,

Uche Igwe
Africa policy scholar
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
Washington DC, USA

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Seasons of Red

Amira Ali

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/67973

I was born on the side
where kingdoms reigned,
times of which queens thrived
and made the love of that
of es Sudan's gifted mysterious
blued Nile; gushing in the bosom
of unfathomable nights
to live in the subtlest of passion.

Nights of wisdom turned to
seasons of empty space, time
barn by the flattened storm wind,
it was all erased

words of history
not sided to side me,
history burnt to ash to not
celebrate me and yours, I now
stand with the history I know,
born in thy heart to bloom
to the path inside;
harboring silenced war
that is silenced all the time.

Witness to the dreaded season,
the villain side of red,
armed by cold hearts to terror
the dead out of the grave,
carried storms and thunders
to domiciled love chambers,
as distant calls of the army echo'd
in the ears of love making.

The living story of that season;

drips of red rained to flood bodies
of the dead, as the living
cling’d for life, rouge colored sky
veiling the day into night,
clouding the light, sending the living
to meet the lion's hungry heart,
mockin’ the grace of creation
as it blooded the streets of the heart.

Basest maniacs, dispersing
grasshoppers to invade,
to feed on the living and dead
they clouded light covering the soul,
casting a shadow on all,
leavin’ them with nothing
as raiders left with something.

But you see
nothing turned to something,

as love returned to its history
in ecstasy of union,
celebratin’ an unalike season
of red, in its vital to awake
the sleeping giant
to tell the story of that
which has been kept quiet.

My history repeats
'till I stand and awaken
you and all of you,
to rise to anew
season of red,
to tell the story in truth
to spread the news
of the towering cypress
found in this season of red.

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* afro'disiatic © 2010
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Tears of Fish

J.K.S. Makokha

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/67928

There
will be no tears of fish or even humans
this time when tides of street tidings reach us
that all poll promises you made have died again
on your fat tongue and were buried yet again
in the spacious rooms of your soft rotund belly
jelly dancing inside your suave suits from Dubai
like the yolk of life in the shell of Allah Himself…

Hon. Politician-cum-Poet
Do you read the books in the August House library?
Books such like the various Holy Books among us:
The Bible, The Quran, Ka, Vedas or Kitáb-i-Aqdas?
Hear with ears of conscience, just as example
what the 26th Chapter of the Quran says of your ilk:

In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful

Shall I inform you (of him) upon whom the Shaitans descend
They descend upon every lying, sinful one,
They incline their ears, and most of them are liars.
And as to the poets, those who go astray follow them.
Do you not see that they wander about bewildered in every valley?
And that they say that which they do not do,

So
Honourable Politician-cum-Poet,
There
will be no tears of fish or even humans
when we boycott this umpteenth requiem
to your electoral promises and chase away
under a hail of stone curses and placards
your minions with their verses of invitation
to the grand banquet you are throwing again
to soothe soul sorrows in this vote-rich slum
by acting Obama as you abuse oral artistry
while we feed on plates upon plates of zeros
and drink chalices upon chalices of our sweat!

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Pambazuka News 163: 50 ans d'indépendance et des défis qui restent entiers

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summaryfr/67983

President Jakaya Kiwete on another begging mission

Gado

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/67920

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Mubarak and Egypt: Economic progress with political paralysis

Gado

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/67921

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Chilean miners freed, Hollywood swoops

Gado

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/67922

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One man, one vote

Francodus

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/67923

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Nigeria at 50 or split 50–50?

Francodus

2010-10-20

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/67926

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Civil society leadership to meet Zuma team

2010-10-20

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news191010/civilsoc191010.htm

The top leadership of Zimbabwe’s civil society organizations will meet with South African President Jacob Zuma’s facilitation team at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on Wednesday. The meeting, at the instigation of Zuma’s team, will explore ways of how SADC can help Zimbabwe come up with guidelines for violence-free elections, which are expected mid next year. The poll is expected after the drafting of the new constitution.

Journalists denied coverage of Mugabe

2010-10-21

http://www.misazim.co.zw/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=734&Itemid=1

State security agents on 15 October 2010 allegedly blocked accredited journalists from covering the graduation ceremony at Great Zimbabwe University in Masvingo, officiated by President Robert Mugabe. According to the daily NewsDay the state security agents blocked journalists from entering the ceremony, demanding invitation cards similar to those issued to graduates and their relatives in addition to their accreditation cards.

Mugabe threatens retaliation if ambassadors sent back to Zim

2010-10-20

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news191010/retaliation191010.htm

Robert Mugabe has threatened to retaliate if ambassadors he unilaterally appointed to the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU) are sent back to Zimbabwe. Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last week told the EU and the UN that ambassadors appointed solely by Mugabe don’t speak on behalf of the whole government. But Mugabe has now threatened that the EU will face retaliation if they heed Tsvangirai’s advice and expel the diplomats he appointed. His spokesman George Charamba on Monday told NewsDay news service that Zimbabwe would reserve the right to ‘reciprocate’ if its diplomats were thrown out of their postings.

Zim unity government must end in 2011, says Mugabe

2010-10-18

http://www.mg.co.za/article/2010-10-15-mugabe-zim-unity-govt-must-end-in-2011

President Robert Mugabe wants Zimbabwe's power-sharing government to end next year, saying the unity pact was only meant to last two years, state media has reported. 'Some will say let us negotiate and give it another life. I am reluctant because part of the things happening [in the inclusive government] are absolutely foolish and stupid,' Mugabe said in the Herald newspaper.

Africa: AU draws up military deployment map

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/bciyva

The African Union (AU) is developing a map, detailing the rail, air, sea and navigable river systems in Africa to ease the future deployment of the African Standby Force in dealing with insecurity and armed conflicts, an AU official said Wednesday.

Africa: EU and AU joint task force to meet

2010-10-20

http://europafrica.net/2010/10/20/joint-africa-eu-task-force-meeting/

The joint task force will meet from 20 to 21 October to discuss the cooperation between EU and AU. It will prepare work for the upcoming Africa-EU Summit on 29-30 November in Tripoli, Libya. Participants will discuss progress in each of the eight partnerships of the Joint Africa EU Strategy, and agree on an action plan for the period 2011-2013, which will be adopted at the summit. Traditionally, the joint task force brings together services from the European Commission and the African Union Commission to discuss cooperation between both commissions.

Pan-African Parliament adopts recommendations on maternal and child health

2010-10-21

http://www.pan-africanparliament.org/News.aspx?ID=743

The Pan-African Parliament (PAP) has adopted recommendations for an action plan to coordinate with regional and national parliaments to ensure African parliamentary budget support for implementation of the July 2010 African Union Summit Declaration on Maternal, Infant and Child Health and Development in Africa; the AU Summit Decision for the Eradication of Mother to Child Transmission of HIV/AIDS; and the September 2010 commitments by African governments at the recent UN MDG 10th year review summit.

DRC: Rape victims march against sexual violence

2010-10-18

http://bit.ly/czAfQo

Many of Congo's rape survivors took to the streets Sunday to speak out against sexual violence in a country where it has become a weapon of war. Sunday's march was organised by the World March of Women in association with local women's groups. Organisers hoped the march would combat the stigma attached to rape victims and draw international attention to the problem of rape as a war tactic. (This post contains a video)

Global: Gender in the online news

2010-10-20

http://www.genderit.org/feminist-talk/gender-online-news-2010-gmmp

The Global Media Monitoring Project is the only international project that gives an idea of the gender bias of the news media. In the latest GMMP, conducted on November 10 2009, the internet news media was also analysed. The survey looked at 76 national news sites from 16 countries, and eight international news sites. Women's prescence in cyberspace news is a reflection of their presence in 'traditional' news, with a couple of caveats.

Global: Governments must empower women for full recovery from conflicts, says report

2010-10-21

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=36511&Cr=unfpa&Cr1=

Discrimination against women not only exposes them to the worst effects of disaster and war, including rape, but also deprives their countries of a prime engine for recovery, according to a new United Nations report. The release of the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) 'State of World Population 2010 report – From Conflict and Crisis to Renewal: Generations of Change' coincides with the 10th anniversary of the Security Council’s landmark resolution 1325, which aimed to end sexual violence against women and girls in armed conflict and to encourage greater participation by them in peace-building initiatives.

Global: Women, globalisation and migration

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/dtsLJV

Migration is an integral part of today’s process of global economic, social and political integration. Globally, more than 210 million people are estimated to be migrating. Around 105 million of them are women. There are diverse reasons and causes for migrating, but labour migration driven by large economic and social inequalities in the world is a key aspect in this context. The report 'Women's labour migration in the context of globalisation' offers an introduction to important contemporary political analysis on the influence of globalisation on women’s work, mobility and empowerment.

Mali: Women make video on violence against women for national TV

2010-10-20

http://bit.ly/cNfjrh

Women in Mali have produced a video about violence against women that was aired on Mali’s national television station. The topic is not openly discussed in Mali, and the film is one step towards more openness. The 20-minute video was aired primetime on ORTM, Mali’s national television station. It shows women victims of violence (anonymously) telling their story. The stories they tell are shown as illustrations made by a cartoonist.

Morocco: Initiative launched to improve image of women in the media

2010-10-20

http://bit.ly/auby0R

The Feminine Action Union (UAF), a Moroccan association for the promotion of women's rights, announced on 13 October the creation of the National Observatory for the Improvement of Women's Image in the Media. The new centre will monitor violations against Moroccan women's dignity in the media, including in advertisement and art productions, at national, regional and international levels.

Egypt: Dozens detained in pre-election crackdown

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/cbko8s

Amnesty International has called on the Egyptian authorities to immediately release, or charge with a recognizable criminal offence, more than 70 members of the Muslim Brotherhood group arrested this week. More than 150 people have been arrested since the Muslim Brotherhood chairman, Mohamed Badie', said on 9 October that the group will put up candidates in Egypt's parliamentary elections, scheduled for 29 November.

Egypt: Mapping torture

2010-10-21

http://tortureinegypt.net/

The website http://tortureinegypt.net/carries the daily experiences of citizens in a country ruled by an emergency sate, which continues to protect the perpetrators and to deny victims access to justice. Also included is a map showing where torture incidents have taken place.

Egypt: Rights organisation calls for release of Shi’ite Suspects

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/67881

The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) has expressed its dismay at the Egyptian government’s ongoing policy of punishing and discriminating against individuals because of their religious beliefs. Several media reports have reported in the past few days that a group of Shi’ites, both Egyptians and non-nationals, had been arrested and questioned by the Supreme State Security Prosecutor because of their religious beliefs, information confirmed by the EIPR. The EIPR asked the Public Prosecutor to immediately intervene to secure the release of the suspects and put an end to successive Interior Ministry campaigns of harassment against religious minorities in Egypt.
Freedom of Religion and Belief Program
Press Release – 14 October 2010

EIPR Calls upon the Public Prosecutor to Immediately Release all Shi’ite Suspects

The Interior Ministry’s custodianship over citizens’ beliefs and its interrogation of individual conscience must end

The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR) expressed its dismay at the Egyptian government’s ongoing policy of punishing and discriminating against individuals because of their religious beliefs. Several media reports have reported in the past few days that a group of Shi’ites, both Egyptians and non-nationals, had been arrested and questioned by the Supreme State Security Prosecutor because of their religious beliefs, information confirmed by the EIPR. The EIPR asked the Public Prosecutor to immediately intervene to secure the release of the suspects and put an end to successive Interior Ministry campaigns of harassment against religious minorities in Egypt.

“The Interior Minister continues to punish individuals for their religious beliefs, imposing police custodianship over society. This is a flagrant violation of all international conventions upholding freedom of religion and belief, not to mention the Egyptian Constitution, which guarantees the same right to all people,” said Adel Ramadan, EIPR's Legal Officer. “This isn’t the first time that people have been arrested because their religious beliefs differ from the majority. Other Shi’ites, Qur’anist and Ahmadis have also been detained," he continued.

The EIPR however was unable to ascertain the charges against the Shi'ite suspects or the conditions of their detention and arrest. AFP quoted a security source as saying that 24 people were arrested, a number confirmed by al-Shorouk; meanwhile, al-Masry al-Yom and al-Dostour reported that the Supreme State Security Prosecutor had ordered 12 suspects held on remand on 12 October for 15 days pending an investigation. According to the media reports, the charges against the detainees are connected to the rejection of the caliphates of Abu Bakr, Umar Ibn al-Khattab and Uthman Ibn Affan, as well as differences over a hadith and a refusal to recognize al-Bukhari’s hadith collection. If these charges are correct, they represent a suppression of belief and a blatant violation of freedom of religion and belief.

“No prosecutor has the right to question individuals about what they believe, their differing version of a hadith or an opinion at odds with the views of official clerics," said Soha Abdelaty, Deputy Director at the EIPR. "This is all the more reason why the Public Prosecutor must intervene immediately to release all the Shi’ite detainees, drop the charges against them and stop the Interior Ministry from acting as the self-proclaimed guardian of individuals’ minds and their beliefs,” she continued.

--
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
Email: eipr@eipr.org
Tel./fax: +(202) 2794-3606, 2796-2682
Website: www.eipr.org
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Equatorial Guinea: UN drops award sponsored by Obiang

2010-10-21

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-11595933

A United Nations agency has suspended plans to grant a prize sponsored by Equatorial Guinea President Teodor Obiang Nguema after lobbying by human rights groups. Obiang is accused of rights abuses, rigging elections and corruption. He has previously denied such charges.

Ethiopia: Donor aid supports repression

2010-10-19

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/10/18/ethiopia-donor-aid-supports-repression

The Ethiopian government is using development aid to suppress political dissent by conditioning access to essential government programs on support for the ruling party, Human Rights Watch has said in a new report. Human Rights Watch urged foreign donors to ensure that their aid is used in an accountable and transparent manner and does not support political repression. The 105-page report, 'Development without Freedom: How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia,' documents the ways in which the Ethiopian government uses donor-supported resources and aid as a tool to consolidate the power of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

Malawi: Proposed pension bill outrages workers

2010-10-20

http://www.ips.org/africa/2010/10/proposed-pension-bill-outrages-malawi-workers/

A draft pension bill has created great concern among workers in Malawi, with some hurriedly seeking early retirement before it will be passed. The bone of contention is a section pegging the retirement age for women at 55 and men at 60. Labour experts say this age bracket is far too high in a country like Malawi, where the World Health Organisation estimates the average life expectancy at 50 years.

Nigeria: Enabling corporate crime

2010-10-20

http://www.africafocus.org/docs10/nig1010.php

A September US Court decision dismissed a case against Shell for human rights abuses in Nigeria, with the sweeping claim that corporations could not be held liable under international law for human rights abuses. And a UN Environmental Programme report on oil in the Niger Delta, due to be completed early next year and funded by Shell Oil, is reported to include, without alternate views, claims from Shell that 90 per cent of oil spills from its facilities are due to sabotage or attempts at theft rather than to negligence. The AfricaFocus Bulletin available through the link provided contains several articles and blog commentaries on the two new developments.

Zambia: Chinese managers charged for allegedly shooting workers

2010-10-19

http://www.panos.org.uk/?lid=33409

Zambian police have arrested two Chinese coal mine managers for attempted murder after they allegedly shot and injured 12 local workers. The miners staged a demonstration on Friday to protest against poor working conditions and wages at the Chinese-run Collum Coal mine, in the southern town of Sinazongwe. The Chinese managers allegedly opened fire at the protesters because they felt threatened.

Africa: Safe stove initiative for displaced women

2010-10-18

http://www.wunrn.com/news/2010/10_10/10_11_10/101110_safe.htm

“You cannot divorce food from fuel, they are completely interlinked. One-hundred bags of food is useless without firewood.” For millions of families around the world, cooking fuel is a critical, daily concern, with serious health and safety implications. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton put this issue in the spotlight when she announced the Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves, which aims to provide 100 million fuel - efficient stoves to people in developing countries by 2020. These stoves will make a crucial difference in the lives of the people who receive them - especially those who have been displaced by armed conflict and natural disasters.

Angola: Angola's oil-fuelled tragedy

2010-10-21

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/oct/18/angola-jimmy-mubenga-human-rights

Passive before human rights abuses in Angola, the British government often shows little concern for people who have come to this country seeking refuge, writes Lara Pawson in the London Guardian in reference to Jimmy Mubenga, a man who died while being deported to Angola. As the facts of Jimmy Mubenga's death come to light, we would do well to consider why he ever sought refuge in the UK, and why 'I don't want to go' were among his last words, she says.

Egypt: Egypt to chair refugee agency's governing body

2010-10-21

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/10/08/un-egypt-chair-refugee-agencys-governing-body

Egypt, the new chair of the UN refugee agency's governing body, should immediately end its policy of shooting foreign nationals trying to cross from Egypt into Israel, Human Rights Watch has said in a letter to the Egyptian authorities. Egypt should also stop impeding the refugee agency's access to foreign nationals detained in Egypt who want to claim asylum. Member States of the executive committee of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) elected Egypt to chair the committee for one year on 8 October 2010. Hisham Badr, Egypt's ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva will serve as the chair.

Global: Driven to desperate measures

2010-10-21

http://www.irr.org.uk/2010/october/ha000024.html

Recently, an Angolan asylum seeker died during his deportation from the United Kingdom. But this is not an isolated case. According to a report by the UK Institute of Race Relations (IRR), 'Driven to Desperate Measures: 2006-2010', 44 people have died since 2006 as a consequence of the iniquities of the immigration/asylum system. Another seven died at the hand of racists.

Kenya: Stuck in camps three years after post-poll violence

2010-10-19

http://www.IRINnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=90714

Elizabeth Njeri, a social worker at a camp for thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Kenya's Central Province, frequently feels powerless, especially when faced with medical and logistical difficulties that can have catastrophic results. 'I watched two children die of pneumonia in my arms; they needed a professional health expert who could administer strong drugs, but I was helpless,' Njeri, herself an IDP, who also serves as a medical officer at the Mawingo IDP camp, told IRIN, underlining the camp's lack of access to health facilities.

Mauritania: Refugee returns resume

2010-10-21

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90828

After nearly a year the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Senegal and Mauritania have resumed the repatriation of Mauritanians to a country they call "home" but for now represents mostly uncertainty. Resuming on 18 October, weekly UNHCR convoys are expected to bring some 2,500 people back to Mauritania by the end of the year. The returnees are Mauritanians who have lived in Senegal since 1989, when ethnic clashes forced out tens of thousands.

South Africa: Conference of the Democratic Left supports Abahlali baseMjondolo

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/socialmovements/68016

The Conference of the Democratic Left in the Western Cape reiterates its support for the period of action called in October by Abahlali baseMjondolo in the Western Cape in protest at the lack of housing and service delivery. In contrast to others, we regard the tactic of direct action and civil disobedience as legitimate forms of protest under a neo-liberal and pro-capitalist state.
Conference of the Democratic Left in the Western Cape Statement of Support for the Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape Call to Action in October

20 October 2010

The Conference of the Democratic Left in the Western Cape reiterates its support for the period of action called in October by Abahlali baseMjondolo in the Western Cape in protest at the lack of housing and service delivery. In contrast to others, we regard the tactic of direct action and civil disobedience as legitimate forms of protest under a neo-liberal and pro-capitalist state.

Our democracy would not have come into existence without such acts of civil disobedience on a mass scale, and sustaining and deepening democracy can also depend on such acts of civil disobedience as long as they enjoy the support of the people on the ground. We also reject the idea that has been put forward that such actions are “anarchic” or “reactionary”. We note that some of those who have condemned Abahlali baseMjondolo for “violence” or “anarchy” did not condemn the community of Hangberg Hout Bay for their violent response to police attempting to enforce evictions in the area. Indeed many of them supported the community of Hangberg, as did the Conference of the Democratic Left in the Western Cape.

Those that criticize the Abhalali baseMjondolo call for mass direct action pretend we live in a “normal democracy” and forget the gross inequality and violence of the current system. They also forget that this system has a name – capitalism.

We invite all organizations who have criticized Abahlali baseMjondolo to meet with them, hear their point of view, and discuss rather than flying into public criticism. At the minimum there can be agreement to disagree about tactics without public criticism. We invite all organizations who support the aims of Abahlali baseMjondolo to participate in the march on Parliament called by Abahlali baseMjondolo on 28th October to demonstrate their commitment to struggle for these aims.

For comment please contact Martin Legassick on 0834176837

South Africa: Trade unions to march against corruption

2010-10-21

http://www.ansa-africa.net/index.php/views/news_view/trade_unions_to_march_against_corruption/

Members of the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) and SA Municipal Workers' Union (Samwu) will march in Klerksdorp on Friday against corruption, Cosatu said. 'On October 22 the streets of Klerksdorp will be brought to a halt as Cosatu and Samwu members in the North West Province and other trade union activists from all over the country sing and toyi-toyi to expose rampant corruption,' said Cosatu spokesperson Patrick Craven in a statement on Tuesday.

Africa: Could a rusty coin re-write Chinese-African history?

2010-10-21

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-11531398

It is not much to look at - a small pitted brass coin with a square hole in the centre - but this relatively innocuous piece of metal is revolutionising our understanding of early East African history, and recasting China's more contemporary role in the region. A joint team of Kenyan and Chinese archaeologists found the 15th Century Chinese coin in Mambrui - a tiny, nondescript village just north of Malindi on Kenya's north coast.

Emerging powers news roundup

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/emplayersnews/67990

All the latest news about Africa's engagement with China, India and other emerging powers. Stories this week include a plan by South Africa for a Cape-to-Cairo trade deal; Attempts by China to block a UN report on Darfur; Attempts by South Sudan to assure China on oil investments; Predictions that Chinese investment in Africa will slow this year and concern by India over Kenya's anti-counterfeit law.
Call for applications- Deadline Extended

Journalist Study Tour to India 2010: FAHAMU Emerging Powers in Africa Programme

The Fahamu Emerging Powers in Africa Programme is pleased to announce a call for applications for its Journalist Study Tour to India. Four successful applicants will be chosen to participate in a 6 day study tour. African media professionals in print, broadcast, radio and online fora throughout Africa are encouraged to apply for this study tour. African lecturers from journalism schools and media programmes on the continent may also apply.

1. Introduction

There is a growing need for independent inquiry and investigation into the engagement of India in Africa from African media sources- this as media coverage has been largely dominated and influenced by Western media reports. This becomes particularly important as Indian corporate interest, aid, bilateral trade and investment in Africa continues to grow. Furthermore, India will host the forthcoming India Economic Summit in November 2010, while the second India-Africa Forum Summit will take place in Africa in 2011 following the first Summit concluded in April 2008 in India. These events will provide important outcomes related to both India and Africa’s development path, with consequences relevant to both Africans and Indians alike. Within this context the need for greater collaboration and interaction amongst African and Indian media will become ever more pertinent.

The Fahamu Emerging Powers in Programme is therefore pleased to announce a call for applications for its Journalist Study Tour to India. Four successful applicants will be chosen to participate in a study tour to India that aims to:

- Strengthen the capacity of African media commentators on India's engagement with Africa
- Facilitate greater understanding of perceptions of India in Africa, and vice versa
- Expand on knowledge amongst African media of India’s political, economic, societal and media landscape
- Create an opportunity for African media organisations and journalism schools to develop long-term relationships, collaborations and exchanges with representatives from Indian media organisations and institutions
- Provide a platform to facilitate the implementation of capacity building projects and greater media coverage amongst African media on India's activities in Africa
- Include greater media participation in discussions and advocacy in India and in Africa about India's role in Africa
- Include visits to various Indian media organisations, associations, research institutes and journalism schools.

2. Call for Applications

Media professionals in print, broadcast, radio and online fora throughout Africa are encouraged to apply for this study tour. Lecturers from journalism schools and media programmes in Africa may also apply. Applicants must:

-Provide frequent reports to their national, regional, or local print media, radio, television channels or online fora on topics related to India's activities in Africa; or lecture at a journalism school or training programme at a higher education institution in Africa

-Have 8- 10 years experience as a journalist or journalism lecturer

-Be fluent in English

-Have a valid passport and comply with their country's visa criteria for travel to India.

The following costs will be reimbursed:

- Return ticket, economy class to India
- Accommodation in India for the duration of study tour,
- Visa costs,
- Meals and transport for duration of study tour.

The study tour will take place in November 2010.

Applications close on 5 November 2010

3. Requirements

All applications are to be submitted electronically and must include:

- A current resume including professional work history

-A 500 word article on a topic that is currently relevant to the India-Africa engagement

-A brief proposal in English outlining a story you wish to cover in Africa related to Africa-India relations and that will be of interest to your target audience

- A letter of recommendation from your organisation head/faculty head . If journalist applicants are not employed directly through a media organisation, please provide a letter of support from the organisation to which you are affiliated, including your relationship to the organisation

- A letter, signed by your (affiliate) organisation or faculty head, motivating how participation in the study tour will benefit your professional work and the work of your organisation. This should include an action plan detailing how your experience in India will be incorporated into further capacity building and knowledge development within your organisation/journalism school in the three months following completion of the study tour

- Provide samples of three or four professional pieces of written work/manuscripts that have been printed or broadcast in the last 12 months; or an outline of courses taught if a lecturer in a journalism school/programme.

-Please ensure that all documents are compressed and/or zipped in compressed files to ensure all applications can be uploaded.

4. Concluding Remarks

A contract will be signed by participants requiring the following obligations to be met following conclusion of the tour:

- Produce a commentary piece for the Fahamu Emerging Powers in Africa Newsletter based on their experience in India incorporating topical issues related to Africa-India relations

- Make regular contributions on civil society issues for publication in the Fahamu Emerging Powers in Africa Newsletter

- Provide a follow up report detailing the implementation and outcomes of a capacity building activity completed through the participants (affiliate) organisation or journalism school within three months of completing the study tour.

Please direct all queries and applications to:

Ms Hayley Herman
Programme Officer
Emerging Powers in Africa Programme
Email: hayley@fahamu.org

General

Uganda: Pay the Tax Money Or Get Out
It was an act of greed that "flabbergasted" even the President himself. Wildcat oil explorer Heritage got paid US$1.5 billion (Approx. Shs 3.5 trillion or half Uganda's 2010/11 national budget) for its shares in Uganda's oil fields by former partner Tullow and then skipped town without paying taxes. In a letter to Energy Minister Hilary Onek seen by The Independent, President Yoweri Museveni expresses his rage at the audacity of Heritage, which invested a paltry US$150 million in the venture, not paying its tax. Museveni is angry that Heritage refused to contribute just 30 percent of its earnings to the nation's underdeveloped economy, despite a 966 percent profit on the sale.

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World Bank study suggests ways to increase African farm output
The World Bank’s Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) has released its report into world farming techniques and has suggested ways for African farmers to improve growth. The “Growth and Productivity in Agriculture and Agribusiness: Evaluative Lessons from World Bank Group Experience” report has drawn on the World Bank Group’s experience in supporting agricultural growth in the past decade. The report points to areas where increased funding can translate into higher impact.

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SA moots Cape-to-Cairo trade deal
African countries need to boost regional trade and investment to keep pace with growth in other emerging economies that have large consumer bases, such as India and China, Trade and Industry Minister Rob Davies said on Monday. Davies, in Cairo for a high-level, bilateral state visit to the continent's second biggest economy, said Egypt and South Africa were trying to seal a Cape-to-Cairo free trade agreement that could help reduce dependence on flagging European economies. "The fact of the matter is we don't as single countries begin to touch the sizes of the domestic market of China and India, but as a grouping from Cape-to-Cairo we do start to hit that league," Davies said.

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China in Africa

Zambian miners shot by Chinese managers
Police said that the Chinese executives opened fire on workers protesting against poor pay and conditions at the Collum coal mine in the southern Sinazongwe province on Friday. Eleven people were admitted to hospital with wounds to the stomachs, hands and legs, and two are understood to remain in a critical condition. A Foreign Ministry official in Beijing said that the shooting was a "mistake" but the incident has fuelled demands to curb China's overwheening position in mine investments. The Patriotic Front, a leading opposition party, is campaigning for elections next year on platform of restricting Chinese investment until conditions are improved.

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Zambia: Don’t be xenophobic against Chinese – SACCORD
Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (SACCORD) has urged Zambians not to become xenophobic against Chinese nationals following the shooting incident of workers at a Chinese owned Coal mine in Southern Province. SACCORD informationa officer Obby Chibuluma said the incident that happened last week was not a true reflection of all Chinese nationals’ character, adding that there were many other Chinese investors that respected the Zambian labor laws. “There are some Chinese who are friendly and have respect for people, they respect labor laws, so that was not the reflection of the Chinese people in Zambia, it was just a few bad eggs that are tarnishing the name of the Chinese people. He urged Zambians to remain calm and peaceful and allow the law to take its course.
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China 'trying to block publication of UN Darfur report'
Beijing is trying to prevent the release of a report which says Chinese bullets have been used against Darfur peacekeepers, unnamed UN diplomats say. The report is being discussed by a United Nations committee which monitors sanctions against Sudan, including an arms embargo on Darfur. Beijing says it is vaguely worded and full of flaws. Ceasefires and peace negotiations have failed to end the conflict in the volatile western Sudanese region. The report says that a dozen different brands of Chinese bullet casings have been found in Darfur, some at sites where attacks on UN troops took place.

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SA worried about Chinese relations – analysts
Political analysts said on Friday the South African government may be avoiding congratulating the Nobel peace prize winner because of its ties with China. Liu Xiaobo – who is serving an 11-year jail sentence for subversion – won the Nobel peace prize for his decades of promoting democratic change in China. He won the award last week and there has been no message from South Africa to congratulate him yet – despite doing this with previous winners.

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Home Affairs minister in China
Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini arrived in China on Saturday to highlight South Africa's vibrant economy at an expo, her office said. The country's participation in the Shanghai expo, which opened in May, was to show that its economy was open for business, Dlamini-Zuma said in a statement.

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Chinese abandon Nedbank bid
Chinese financial services giant HSBC will not proceed with a partial offer for Nedbank following the expiry of the agreed exclusivity period, Old Mutual said. "Consequently Old Mutual is no longer in discussions with HSBC concerning its shareholding in Nedbank," the insurer, who is the majority owner of Nedbank, said in a statement.

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Standard Bank offers Africa yuan bank accounts
South Africa's Standard Bank is offering clients across the continent yuan bank accounts for trade with China, a sign of the Chinese currency's emergence as a global commercial currency. "Trade with China and Africa has seen massive growth in the last decade and Standard Bank, with its African roots, is uniquely placed to assist in the two-way trade flows between China and Africa," its China chief executive, Craig Bond, said. The ability to transact in yuan applies to all of the 17 countries where Standard Bank, the continent's largest bank by assets, has a presence and reduces companies' exposure to fluctations in the value of the dollar, the company added.

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South Sudan tries to assure China on oil investments
South Sudan vowed on Friday that China’s huge investments in its oil sector would remain safe, whatever the outcome of the region's January 9 independence referendum. Pagan Amum, secretary general of the south’s ruling Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM), said ties between Beijing and the south were "very good," following talks with a delegation of senior leaders from China’s ruling Communist Party.

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Thousands get free health care in ‘floating hospital’
The crew, which leaves the port of Mombasa tomorrow, has been doing an average of six operations, 80 physical examinations, 110 dental check-ups, 35 CT scans, 200 DR examinations, 240 ultra sound cases and 170 heart check-ups per day. The medical team also visited the Ziwani School for the deaf, Tom Mboya School for Cerebral Palsy, the Mji wa Salama Children’s home and did physical examination on 243 children, 30 of whom were taken to the ship for further treatment.

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Where others fear to tread
FOR anyone seeking proof of the extent of China’s reach into Africa, this year’s graduation ceremony for executive MBA students at the partly state-run China Europe International Business School (CEIBS) in Shanghai would have been a good place to start. Alongside the predominantly Asian faces delightedly collecting their degrees were 30 Ghanaians and 12 Nigerians—the inaugural cohort on CEIBS’s Africa programme. The programme, which kicked off in Accra, the capital of Ghana, in early 2009, is one of the first offered by a renowned international school in sub-Saharan Africa. Alongside the executives from both local and international companies were a smattering of governmental types, including a Ghanaian MP and a high court judge. Virtually all had met the programme’s $30,000 cost from their own pockets.

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China investment in Africa to slow this year: Ministry
Chinese investment in African countries will grow at a slower pace this year because of an uncertain economic outlook in the region, the Commerce Ministry said on Thursday. The slowdown should only be temporary, and Beijing aims to invest in a wider range of industries on the continent, including new energy, financial services and manufacturing, said Zhong Manying, head of the ministry's West Asia and Africa department. Zhong did not provide any investment growth data for comparison. Chinese direct investment in Africa totalled $9.3 billion as of the end of 2009, according to the commerce ministry.

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China-Africa trade volume set to hit new record high this year: report
The bilateral trade volume between China and African countries in 2010 is expected to exceed the record high of 106.8 billion U.S. dollars attained in 2008, said a report released Thursday by a research institute under the Chinese Ministry of Commerce (MOC). First published this year, the China-Africa Trade and Economic Relationship Annual Report said China-Africa trade declined from the beginning of 2009 before it returned to growth last November, thanks to the rebounding world economy.

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Sino-Eritrean trade ties strengthened
As the African nation's preferred commodity partner, China is playing a key role in Eritrea's socioeconomic development through the supply of aid, capital, machinery, technology, knowledge and skills. Chinese enterprises and equipment are also widely involved in the rebuilding of vital infrastructure such as roads, airports, power and telecommunications, schools and hospitals. "Our priority has been the creation of a good climate for investment and development," said Afewerki, who took office in 1993 as head of the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

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India in Africa

India Offers Training, Revenue Guarantees in Bid to Capture Zimbabwe Diamonds
Defending its position as top global diamond polisher against an emerging challenge by China, India has offered to train young Zimbabweans in diamond cutting and polishing in return for a guaranteed flow of Marange diamonds. Zimbabwe's Marange diamond field in the east of the country has generated much controversy in the West based on allegations of human rights abuses and illicit dealings in rough diamonds, but China and India are in hot competition for preferential rights to cut and polish the precious stones coming out of the Southern African country.

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Indian firms find Africa fertile ground for contract farming
State-owned trading firm MMTC Ltd, the Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative (Iffco) and the conglomerate Bharti Enterprises plan to join the growing number of Indian entities engaged in commercial farming in Africa. Cheap land and labour costs in Africa are attracting a number of Indian firms with interest in agriculture. A large number of people in East African countries such as Kenya work in the cultivation of tea, coffee, corn, vegetables, sugarcane, wheat and fruits, among other things.

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India concerned over Kenya''s anti-counterfeit law
India today conveyed its concerns to Kenya over its Anti-Counterfeit Act which confuses Indian generic medicine, hailed worldwide for affordability, with counterfeits. India's apprehensions were conveyed by visiting Commerce and Industry Anand Sharma when he met Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga. Sharma highlighted Indian pharmaceutical industry's contribution to making available life-saving medicines at affordable prices, especially through generic route.

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Bhel plans to make transformers in Kenya
State-run power equipment maker Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd (Bhel) plans to set up a transformer manufacturing plant in Kenya in a joint venture with the Kenyan government, as part of India’s growing engagement with Africa. In addition, India has also offered to help Kenya put in place a standards and labelling programme for electrical equipment and an energy conservation building code. At the recent sixth meeting of the joint trade committee (JTC) in Nairobi, India also proposed developing port, airport, road and railway infrastructure in Kenya by state-owned Rail India Technical and Economic Services (RITES), a subsidiary of Indian Railways.

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Egypt rolls out the red carpet for India’s healthcare players
Egypt, one of the largest markets for healthcare in Africa, wants players from countries such as India to tap its booming potential. Rachid Mohamed Rachid, minister of trade and industry and acting minister of investment, government of Egypt, says investments will be aggressively sought in sectors such as healthcare and the country’s population of 80 million implies tremendous opportunity. “We want to make healthcare in Egypt more organised. Hence we would provide access to accreditation to foreign service providers, easy licences, attractive pricing policies, etc.” said Rachid.

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India, South Africa to team up on HIV vaccine research
India and South Africa will launch a joint research project on basic science and vaccines for HIV strains common to both countries. The project was formally approved by the governments of both countries last spring and is expected to be launched by the end of 2010. Virander Chauhan, director of the International Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology, New Delhi, told SciDev.Net that the five-year, US$1 million dollar project will involve around five research groups from each country with core competence in basic and HIV vaccine research.

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Zuma and the Guptas
The revelation that a company partly owned by one of the Gupta brothers, Rajesh, bought a R4-million mansion for President Jacob Zuma's son, Duduzane, raises more questions over the cosy relationship between the wealthy family and that of the head of state.
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In Other Emerging Power News

PetroSA and Angola's Sonangol eye oil joint venture
Angolan state-owned oil firm Sonangol and South Africa's PetroSA are considering setting up a joint-venture to build and manage refineries, Angola's oil ministry said in a statement. The announcement was made after a South African delegation, led by Energy Minister Dipuo Peters, met with Angola's Oil Minister Jose Botelho de Vasconcelos in Luanda earlier this week, Angola's oil ministry said. "Both parties are considering the possibility of creating a joint venture between Sonangol and PetroSA for the construction and management of refineries and terminals of petroleum products," the oil ministry said.

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Zambia launches $380 million dollar copper mine project
Zambian President Rupiah Banda on Thursday inaugurated a new 380-million-dollar copper mine project, a joint venture between mining companies from Brazil and South Africa. Brazilian company Vale and South Africa's Africa Rainbow Minerals (ARM) are to construct the new Konkola North mine in Chililabombwe, in the country's Copperbelt region. Zambia is southern Africa's largest copper producer. The mine is expected to become operational in two years, with the annual output expected to be around 45,000 tons of copper, contributing to a nationwide production target of 1 million tons by 2013, presidential spokesman Dickson Jere said.

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Zuma demands direct African flights

Africa needs better road, air and sea transport to realise the dream of a Cape-to-Cairo free trade zone and reduce dependence on European markets, officials from the continent's two biggest economies said on Tuesday. Hundreds of Egyptian and South African businessmen were meeting in Cairo as part of a high-level state visit that included President Jacob Zuma, aimed at bolstering currently weak trade ties between the two countries.

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Blogs, Opinions, Presentations and Publications

Why China should keep off Gibe III
It is quite alarming that a couple of Chinese businesses have already dipped their fingers into the controversial Gilgel Gibe III dam project. It is normally not good news when the Chinese get involved in anything in Africa. The reputation that precedes the Chinese in Africa is that they do not care much for the consequences of their projects - as long as they get what they came for. Their entry into the Gibe III fray should awaken all of us who care about Lake Turkana, its environment, and its people as well as the entire Lower Omo basin.

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Shyam Saran: India in the UN Security Council
For the many enthusiastic votaries of the ongoing Commonwealth Games (CWG), one compelling argument advanced was that India’s ability to plan and execute, with visible success, a complex, large-scale and multinational event, would, among other benefits, burnish its credentials to eventually host the International Olympics. The Games commenced with an impressive inaugural event and were handled with commendable efficiency, but the chaos and veritable panic that preceded them, makes it difficult to believe that the Olympics could be trusted to India. At least, certainly not in the foreseeable future. In a somewhat different context, India is set for another preview of its performance, this time its ability to deliver on its role as a major regional and global player on the international stage. India has been elected with an overwhelming majority to a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council for a two-year term in 2011 and 2012, after a gap of 20 years. Its previous term was in 1990-92 and it had failed in its attempt to get re-elected in 1996.

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Podcasts, Reviews and Interviews

Chinese Relationship and Marriage Customs in Africa
In this edition of the “China in Africa” podcast, Sino-Zambian relations scholar Solange Guo Chatelard details why traditional Chinese marriage and relationship customs are critical to understanding the social glue that binds the Chinese diaspora in Africa. While it goes without saying that immigrants of all kinds bring along their social customs, Chatelard explains that in Africa there are unique challenges confronting Chinese immigrants that often frustrate their ability to easily replicate longheld relationship, courtship and marriage customs.

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Zambia: Mine incident shooting a canary in the mine shaft?

2010-10-21

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/peter-bosshard/new-conflict-at-zambia-mi_b_768971.html

Miners work at the physical edges of our consumer society, writes Peter Bosshard from International Rivers, in this Huggington Post article. 'Like the canary in the mine shaft, they are sentinels for the triumph, toil and tragedy of the global economic system. Only days after the miraculous rescue of the Chilean miners, Chinese supervisors shot and wounded 11 workers in a coal mine in Zambia on 15 October. The labour conflict casts a dark shadow on the track record of Chinese overseas investors.'

Egypt: Gag tightens on media ahead of elections

2010-10-20

http://www.ips.org/africa/2010/10/egypt-gag-tightens-on-media-ahead-of-elections/

Media watchdogs see the 'invisible hand' of the ruling party behind a string of firings and resignations that have removed some of Egypt's most prominent government critics from their soapboxes just weeks before parliamentary elections. 'Oblique threats and backroom deals that are not visibly linked to the government have started silencing some of Egypt's most critical independent voices,' says Mohamed Abdel Dayem, Middle East and North Africa programme coordinator of the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Guinea: Clashes ahead of Guinea run-off

2010-10-20

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2010/10/201010205344798530.html

Two political protesters have been killed and several others injured in street clashes with police in Guinea's capital, Conakry, just days before a presidential run-off election. According to witnesses, the police were initially attacked on Tuesday by supporters of Cellou Dalein Diallo, the leading candidate contesting the October 24 poll.

Nigeria: Arrests over Abuja bombings

2010-10-19

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2010/10/20101017111630705601.html

Nigerian security forces have arrested the brother of Henry Okah, a former leader of the rebel Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend), over his suspected involvement in deadly bombings in Abuja, the capital, on October 1. Charles Okah was taken into custody at his home in the southern city of Lagos on Sunday.

Rwanda: Opposition party leaders targeted

2010-10-19

http://www.ifex.org/rwanda/2010/10/18/ntaganda_imprisonned/

The Rwandan government should fully respect the rights of opposition party members and allow them to carry out their legitimate activities without fear for their safety, Human Rights Watch has said. Human Rights Watch issued its statement in response to the re-arrest of Victoire Ingabire, president of the opposition party FDU-Inkingi, and the transfer from prison to a hospital of Bernard Ntaganda, president of another opposition party, the PS-Imberakuri, both on 14 October 2010. Both parties have been critical of the Rwandan government and were prevented from participating in the presidential elections in August.

Somalia: New PM appointed

2010-10-20

http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2010/10/2010101594852564890.html

On Thursday October 14, Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the president of Somalia, appointed Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed 'Farmajo' as his new prime minister. Mohamed, a Somali - American and a member of the Somali diaspora, is a relative unknown in the Somalian political scene. Systemically, institutional divergence prevents Somalia from establishing a strong system of national governance. The appointment came after the September 21 resignation of former prime minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke.

Tanzania: Politicians jump on social media bandwagon

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/9qkXf6

Tanzania will go to the polls on October 30, 2010 and the general election campaign is well underway. As the campaigns heat up, presidential candidates and other candidates fighting for parliamentary seats are using new media tools to communicate with potential voters. Along with campaign rallies, which target the majority of the population, a small number of politicians have started to use social media tools such as blogs, online videos, Facebook and twitter to create deeper engagement with voters.

Tanzania: Tanzania ready for elections

2010-10-19

http://www.afrol.com/articles/36777

Seven presidential candidates will take part in the 31 October general elections in Tanzania, with incumbent President Jakaya Kikwete being the clear favourite. But the opposition may make important gains. Education, health and employment are some of the main issues dominating the election campaign as Tanzanians prepare for the 31 October election. President Kikwete and the CCM are expected to be rewarded by voters for the positive economic development in Tanzania during his first period.

Zimbabwe: Piercing the corporate veil

2010-10-21

http://hir.harvard.edu/blog/khadija-sharife/piercing-the-corporate-veil

Mugabe Inc. has once again, in anticipation of forthcoming elections, vigorously begun to engage in exploitation through 'primitive accumulation' of resources via war vets, corrupt corporate execs and political cronies, writes Khadija Sharife in this article for Harvard International Review. Prior to the discovery of diamonds, specifically in Marange the big kahuna was land. This time around, legal concessions to Marange have been voided, with two South African companies granted right of access via fraudulent licenses.

Africa: Indian firms find Africa fertile ground for contract farming

2010-10-21

http://farmlandgrab.org/16474

State-owned trading firm MMTC Ltd, the Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative (Iffco) and the conglomerate Bharti Enterprises plan to join the growing number of Indian entities engaged in commercial farming in Africa. Cheap land and labour costs in Africa are attracting a number of Indian firms with interest in agriculture. A large number of people in East African countries such as Kenya work in the cultivation of tea, coffee, corn, vegetables, sugarcane, wheat and fruits, among other things.

Africa: Prospects for tackling rural poverty

2010-10-19

http://www.ifad.org/rpr2011/index.htm

The Rural Poverty Report 2011 from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) provides a coherent and comprehensive look at rural poverty, its global consequences and the prospects for eradicating it. Young people and children make up the single largest group among poor rural people, and the Report emphasizes the importance of creating new and better opportunities for them – in particular, with a focus on expanding educational opportunities that specifically address the skills young people will need to succeed in the rural context.

Africa: World Bank pushes for intra-African trade

2010-10-20

http://www.tralac.org/cgi-bin/giga.cgi?cmd=cause_dir_news_item&news_id=94313&cause_id=1694

Obiageli Ezekwesili, the World Bank vice president for Africa, has invited policymakers and leading private sector representatives to discuss how to accelerate trade among African countries. Intra-Africa trade has long been viewed as the key to unlocking the continent’s growth potential. But in spite of the development of economic blocs such as custom unions and common markets, as well as improvements in inter-continental transport, only about 10 per cent of trade on the continent takes place among African countries.

Global: Group of 77 and China cooperate on biodiversity for development

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/67955

At the First Forum on South-South Cooperation on Biodiversity for Development, convened in Nagoya on 17 October, the Group of 77 and China unanimously adopted a draft Multi-Year Plan of Action on South-Couth Cooperation on Biodiversity for Development. 'The Plan defines targets and South-South cooperative strategies, including triangular cooperation and programmes, to the year 2020,' said Ambassador Abdullah M. Alsaidi, permanent representative of Yemen and chairman of the G77.
Press Release

Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity
United Nations Environment Programme
413 Saint-Jacques Street, Suite 800, Montreal, QC, H2Y 1N9, Canada
Tel : +1 514 288 2220, Fax : +1 514 288 6588
secretariat@cbd.int www.cbd.int

PRESS RELEASE
The Group of 77 and China propose a Multi-Year Plan of Action for South-South Cooperation on Biodiversity for Development for adoption at the tenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties
Nagoya, 19 October 2010.

At the First Forum on South-South Cooperation on Biodiversity for Development, convened in Nagoya on 17 October, the Group of 77 and China unanimously adopted a draft Multi-Year Plan of Action on South-Couth Cooperation on Biodiversity for Development.

“The Plan defines targets and South-South cooperative strategies, including triangular
cooperation and programmes, to the year 2020,” said H.E. Ambassador Abdullah M. Alsaidi,
Permanent Representative of Yemen and Chairman of the G77. “The Plan also reflects the need
to include consideration of the loss of biodiversity in other types if South-South and triangular
agreements, therefore, calls for further exchange of knowledge and technology among Member
States.”

“The adoption of the Plan by the Group of 77 and China is a milestone towards a successful
outcome of the tenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties,” said Ahmed Djoghlaf, Executive
Secretary of the Convention on Biological Diversity. He thanked Ambassador Alsaidi for his
leadership in building consensus of the 131 Parties of the Group of 77 and China, as well as
H.E. Ambassador Conrod Hunte of Antigua and Barbuda, the past Chair of the G-77, for his
contribution to the development of the Plan. He also welcomed the proactive attitude of
H.E. Ambassador Daniel Chuburu, Argentina, who is the future Chair of the G-77.

Participants from Grenada, Brazil and Malawi highlighted the importance of a united voice from
all 131 Parties of the Group of 77 and China, to the overall success of the meeting of the
Conference of the Parties, particularly on key issues such as the adoption of the international
regime on access and benefit-sharing (ABS), the 2011-2020 Strategic Plan and a suitable
financial mechanism to support their implementation. Participants agreed also on a regular
coordination meeting schedule during the meeting.

“Developed countries are our partners, and we must seek constructive collaboration with them,”
stated Ambassador Alsaidi, on behalf of the Group of 77 and China “We look forward to its
adoption at this meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological
Diversity and we call on our partners to support for its implementation.”

Information on COP 10

- Cop 10 will be held from 18 to 29 October 2010 at the Nagoya Conference Centre, in Nagoya, Aichi Prefecture, Japan. See www.cbd.int/cop10 for more information.
- Live and recorded webcasts of the proceedings of the tenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties can be accessed at: http://webcast.cop10.go.jp/
- Press briefs of the main issues under discussion can be found at: http://www.cbd.int/cop10/meeting/media/
The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) Opened for signature at the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, and entering into force in December 1993, the Convention on Biological Diversity is an international treaty for the conservation of biodiversity, the sustainable use of the components of biodiversity and the equitable sharing of the benefits derived from the use of genetic resources. With 193 Parties, the Convention has near universal participation among countries. The Convention seeks to address all threats to biodiversity and ecosystem services, including threats from climate change, through scientific assessments, the development of tools, incentives and processes, the transfer of technologies and good practices and the full and active involvement of relevant stakeholders including indigenous and local communities, youth, NGOs, women and the business
community. The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, a supplementary treaty to the Convention, seeks to protect biological diversity from the potential risks posed by living modified organisms resulting from modern biotechnology. To date, 159 countries and the European Union have ratified the Protocol. The Secretariat of the Convention and its Cartagena Protocol is located in Montreal.
For more information visit www.cbd.int

For additional information, please contact: David Ainsworth on +81 (0) 80 699 04168 (until 29 October 2010) or at david.ainsworth@cbd.int; or Johan Hedlund at johan.hedlund@cbd.int

Africa: New meningitis vaccine a 'revolution'

2010-10-19

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90773

The emergence of a new meningitis vaccine, rather than a large-scale outbreak of the disease, has prompted the current vaccination drive across West Africa. Health officials say the vaccine marks a 'revolution' in preventing the highly contagious and fatal disease. Health workers in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger - the three countries selected for introduction of the vaccine - are preparing for country-wide campaigns set for December, having just completed a limited pilot phase.

Africa: Sexual partnerships debate heats up

2010-10-19

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=90801

An academic dispute about whether concurrent sexual partnerships are really a major factor behind high rates of HIV in sub-Saharan Africa could affect the future of prevention programmes. The relatively common practice in many African countries of having ongoing relationships with two or three partners at the same time, has led researchers to explore concurrency as a possible explanation for why parts of the continent have been so hard hit by HIV.

Global: Stephen Lewis Foundation challenges Canadians to join the conversation about HIV/AIDs

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/67954

Beginning today, hundreds of inspired Canadians will take on personal and group challenges to raise funds for community-based organisations turning the tide of AIDS in Africa, as part of the Stephen Lewis Foundation’s 'A Dare to Remember' campaign. Now in its second year, the national campaign extends to World AIDS Day (December 1), engaging communities in a meaningful dialogue about HIV/AIDS.
For Immediate Release –

Canadians Take on A Dare to Remember to Raise Funds for Grassroots Organizations Turning the Tide of AIDS in Africa

The Stephen Lewis Foundation challenges Canadians to join the conversation about HIV/AIDS

Toronto, October 19, 2010 – Beginning today, hundreds of inspired Canadians will take on personal and group challenges to raise funds for community-based organizations turning the tide of AIDS in Africa, as part of the Stephen Lewis Foundation’s A Dare to Remember campaign. Now in its second year, the national campaign extends to World AIDS Day (December 1), engaging communities from coast to coast in a meaningful dialogue about HIV/AIDS.

Canadians are facing their fears, letting their creative juices flow, testing their endurance and mobilizing their communities in support of African women, orphaned and vulnerable children, grandmothers and people living with HIV and AIDS.

Last year, more than one thousand Canadians took on dares like bungee jumping, giving up coffee for a month, growing sideburns, shaving heads and marathons of yoga and comedy to raise close to $1 million.

Canadian grandmothers cooked up a Dare to Dine - more than 240 feasts in communities across the country for the Stephen Lewis Foundation’s Grandmothers to Grandmothers Campaign.

This year, Montreal’s Yasmin Fudakowska-Gow set a Guinness World Record by doing 32 hours of continuous yoga practice raising $3,700 towards her goal of $10,800 by December 1, 2010.

For the second year, Hoax Couture and the Fashion Design Council of Canada (FDCC) are hosting Dare to Wear Love, a fashion-forward and cause-driven closing night show on Friday, October 22 with Canada’s top designers and celebrity guest models for LG Fashion Week beauty by L’Oréal Paris.

Canada’s hottest sketch-comedy group and internet sensation Picnicface created a humorous step-by-step instructional video to encourage Canadians to choose a dare, set a fundraising goal, register online, and encourage their friends, families and colleagues to sponsor them:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Elb7m9lTheM

“We are encouraging Canadians to take on A Dare to Remember as an act of solidarity with the people on the frontlines of the AIDS pandemic,” says Foundation Chair Stephen Lewis. “While the act of doing a dare serves to inspire people to raise money for the transformative grassroots projects in sub-Saharan Africa, it is also a catalyst for a greater conversation about HIV and AIDS that must happen in order to turn the tide.”

Proceeds from A Dare to Remember will support community-based organizations in 15 sub-Saharan African countries. These grassroots groups are pioneering approaches that are changing the course of the AIDS pandemic. They provide counseling and education about HIV care, prevention and treatment; distribute food, medication and other necessities; reach the sick and vulnerable through home-based health care; help orphans and vulnerable children access education and work through their grief; and support grandmothers caring for their orphaned grandchildren.

For more information about A Dare to Remember or to register a dare, please visit: adaretoremember.com

-30-
For media inquiries, please contact:

Nikki Gentles
Stephen Lewis Foundation
416.533.9292, ext. 222
ngentles@stephenlewisfoundation.org

Joe Cressy
Stephen Lewis Foundation
416.533.9292, ext. 262
jcressy@stephenlewisfoundation.org

About the Stephen Lewis Foundation
The Stephen Lewis Foundation (SLF) supports community-based organizations that are turning the tide of HIV/AIDS in Africa. They provide care to women who are ill and struggling to survive; assist orphans and other AIDS affected children; reach heroic grandmothers who almost single-handedly care for their orphan grandchildren; and sustain associations of people living with HIV and AIDS. Since 2003, SLF has supported more than 300 community-level initiatives in 15 sub-Saharan countries. To learn more, visit www.stephenlewisfoundation.org

Kenya: Sex workers care for HIV-affected peers

2010-10-21

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=90836

Shunned by mainstream society, sex workers with HIV-related illnesses in Nairobi are unlikely to receive help from concerned neighbours. Instead, some of them are being cared for by fellow sex workers. A group of 25 sex workers who call themselves 'Knight Nurses', have been active for a little over a year in the slum of Huruma. They regularly visit fellow members of the group and their family members who are HIV-positive and bedridden to cook for them, wash them and tidy their homes.

Sierra Leone: Unfulfilled promise of free maternal health care

2010-10-20

http://bit.ly/9JCdqP

Marie Musa, 37, is devastated. After the mother of four gave premature birth, her baby boy died a few hours later - because the hospital did not have enough incubators to rescue the infant. In August, the same month that Musa’s baby died in hospital, James Bamie Davies, commissioner of the customs and excise department of Sierra Leone’s National Revenue Authority (NRA), announced in a government gazette an auction of medical appliances, including eight incubators. One in five children die before they reach the age of five in Sierra Leone, and one in eight women die during childbirth, according to the 2008 United Nations Human Development Index.

South Africa: Lack of transport hampering treatment success

2010-10-20

http://www.health-e.org.za/news/article.php?uid=20032977

Lack of affordable and accessible transport is emerging as a major hindrance towards poorer South Africans accessing state health care, especially for those living in rural areas. The Western Cape is perceived as a well resourced province, but for some HIV-positive patients living in Mooreesburg, accessing treatment means relying on the goodwill of strangers for a lift and running the danger of defaulting on their treatment.

Sudan: Severe rise in Kala-azar cases in South

2010-10-19

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90788

A failed harvest and the effects of prolonged flooding may be fuelling an outbreak of Visceral leishmaniasis, also known as Kala-azar, in parts of Southern Sudan, say health officials. Some 6,363 Kala-azar cases and 303 deaths have been reported since the outbreaks began in September 2009, according to a UN World Health Organization (WHO) update from 8 October.

Zimbabwe: Debt pushes out health spending

2010-10-21

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=53196

Zimbabwe’s debt burden of about 8,3 billion dollars, owed to internal and external institutions, is crowding out essential national budget items such as health and basic services, with detrimental effects for particularly women. Indications are that many Zimbabwean women opt to give birth at home, with some children being born HIV positive because their mothers cannot afford the maternity fees or the fees charged at hospitals and clinics for the prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV, according to the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development (ZIMCODD).

Rwanda: Outcry as Rwandan govt shifts money to primary education

2010-10-20

http://www.ips.org/africa/2010/10/outcry-as-rwandan-govt-shifts-money-to-primary-education/

In an attempt to meet the development goal of universal access to primary education by 2015, Rwanda’s government has decided to reallocate a large part of its tertiary education budget to the primary education sector. As a result, thousands of students who rely on bursaries fear that they will have to abandon their studies if their allowances and merit-based college scholarships - which cover students' tuition fees, accommodation and living expenses - are scrapped.

South Africa: Schools take government to court over lack of resources

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/9Jpnww

In what could be a landmark case, seven schools in the Eastern Cape's OR Tambo district, near Mthatha, are taking the local, provincial and national governments to court due to the lack of resources, saying their pupils' right to basic education has been violated. The attorney representing the schools, Cameron McConnachie, from the Legal Resource Centre, said the right to education by means of proper infrastructure had not yet been tested in a court of law.

Africa: Gay rights in Africa, now for the good news

2010-10-21

http://ilga.org/ilga/en/article/mFx4YLt1V0

If all you ever read about gay people in Africa is in the western media (including gay media), you would be forgiven for thinking it's one endless horror story. Largely unnoticed amid all that has been the quickening development of gay communities and movements in many parts of Africa. In Kenya, for instance, David Kuria - a gay man - is standing for the senate. If elected, he'll be the second openly gay politician in Africa.

South Africa: Homophobia at schools

2010-10-20

http://www.mask.org.za/homophobia-at-schools/#more-2568

Despite liberal laws that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (LGBTI) students at schools and at tertiary institutions are faced with the harsh reality of prejudice characterised by homophobic slurs despite policies meant to protect learners. The South African Schools Act states that a school must serve learners’ educational requirements without unfairly discriminating. However previous research conducted showed that discrimination experienced by lesbian and gay people at schools is prevalent.

South Africa: Out in Africa festival launched in Johannesburg

2010-10-20

http://www.mask.org.za/out-in-africa-film-festival-officially-opened-in-johannesburg/

The Johannesburg edition of the 17th annual Out In Africa Film Festival officially opened on 14 October Thursday at NuMetro, Hyde Park, with the screening of Loose Cannons. Launched in 1994 with the aim of celebrating the inclusion of the clause prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, the Out In Africa South African Gay & Lesbian Film Festival sets out to address the lack of visibility of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) individuals in the South African social and cultural life after decades of apartheid repression.

Zambia: Ruling party uses gay debate to disparage opposition

2010-10-20

http://www.mask.org.za/ruling-party-uses-gay-debate-to-disparage-opposition-–-zambia/

The ruling party in Zambia, the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) has suggested that certain government officials have been meeting opposition leader Michael Sata in a plea to recognise homosexuality, which according to activists is a conspiracy to disparage the opposition party. Amidst the recent tabling of the draft constitution currently siting before parliament, the Forum for Leadership Search revealed that it had information that some government officials have been meeting opposition leader Sata of the Patriotic Front (PF) to lobby for recognition of homosexuality in Zambia.

Africa: Climate not to blame for African civil wars

2010-10-18

http://www.eldis.org/assets/Docs/56107.html

Vocal actors within policy and practice contend that environmental variability and shocks, such as drought and prolonged heat waves, are important drivers of violent conflict. This paper examines the scientific evidence base for this claimed relationship, investigating whether future wars will be fought over diminishing resources. This document from the International Peace Research Institute shows that exposed societies that lack necessary capacity and knowledge to adapt successfully may face increasing asymmetries between demand and supply of subsistence resources.

Africa: Strengthening cooperation to secure power

2010-10-18

http://www.ipsnews.net/africa/nota.asp?idnews=53184

Southern African nations need to agree on a common operational system to manage energy in the region, environmental experts advise. If they don’t, the region could experience power shortages and resulting economic deficits. The Southern African Power Pool (SAPP), which was formed in 1995 as part of an inter-governmental agreement between the twelve mainland SADC countries, is an ambitious regional initiative that encourages electricity sharing and the selling of surplus to their neighbours who experience power deficiencies.

Africa: Thinking big on climate change modeling

2010-10-21

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=90751

If African countries had had the capacity to do climate change projections, their data could have been fed into the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) assessments for the continent, said Richard Odingo, former vice-chair of the IPCC at one of the discussions ahead of the Seventh African Development Forum. The IPCC is still recovering from its controversial warning about the impact of climate change on food production in Africa, cited in its synthesis report. The warning turned out to have been based on a non-peer reviewed academic paper for three North African countries.

Africa: Waste shipment from UK to West Africa exposed

2010-10-18

http://bit.ly/cOmK5H

Nine people have been charged in what the Environment Agency is saying is biggest investigation ever into illegal electrical waste exports from the UK to West Africa. All nine have been charged with offences under the Transfrontier Shipment of Waste Regulations 2007 and European Waste Shipment Regulations 2006 and bailed to attend Havering Magistrates Court on November 11. In some instances, it is alleged by the agency that 'considerable sums' of money changed hands in deals to collect and recycle electrical waste while treatment costs were avoided.

Africa: Zenawi statement on climate deal angers critics

2010-10-19

http://www.scidev.net/en/news/african-climate-leader-says-cancun-talks-will-flop--1.html

Upcoming international climate talks will be 'a total flop', according to Africa's leading spokesperson on climate change. Neither this year's talks in Cancun, Mexico, nor the ones in South Africa next year, will deliver a deal with set targets for greenhouse gas emissions reduction, said Meles Zenawi, prime minister of Ethiopia and coordinator of the Committee of Ten African Heads of State and Government on Climate Change. His statements have provoked anger from some critics who see them as undermining the African Union's stance on climate change.

East Africa: Tree-planting campaign takes root in Africa

2010-10-19

http://bit.ly/aSrZmI

Hundreds of people from different walks of life - from young schoolchildren to army officials - are planting trees across East Africa in the latest activities to be registered under Plant for the Planet: Billion Tree Campaign (BTC) run by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

Global: New biosafety treaty faces tough tests ahead

2010-10-20

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=53185

A new international treaty on the safe use of modern biotechnology has just come into being, but developing countries say the real challenge lies in how its lofty ideas can be transferred into practical realities. The new supplementary protocol provides international rules and procedure on liability and redress that countries can seek for environmental damage to biodiversity resulting from the importation of living modified organisms (LMO).

Global: UN study highlights price of nature to mankind

2010-10-20

http://nyti.ms/cADREJ

Governments and businesses need an overhaul of policies and strategies to respond to the rapid loss of nature's riches, worth trillions of dollars but long taken for granted, a UN-backed study said on Wednesday. Damage to natural capital including forests, wetlands and grasslands is valued at $2-4.5 trillion annually, the United Nations estimates, but the figure is not included in economic data such as GDP, nor in corporate accounts.

Africa: Africa lays foundations for commercial GM crops

2010-10-19

http://www.scidev.net/en/opinions/africa-lays-foundations-for-commercial-gm-crops.html

Under a new proposal from the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), a trade bloc of 19 African nations, the bloc would carry out science-based risk assessments on growing commercial GM crops in any of the bloc's countries. If COMESA finds the crop safe for the environment and for human consumption, the crop could then be grown in all COMESA countries, although individual countries would retain the right to withhold, says an editorial in nature.

Africa: Improve child nutrition to reduce global hunger

2010-10-18

http://www.wunrn.com/news/2010/10_10/10_11_10/101110_2010global.htm

Malnutrition among children under two years of age is one of the leading challenges to reducing global hunger and can cause lifelong harm to health, productivity, and earning potential, according to the 2010 Global Hunger Index (GHI). In Sub-Saharan Africa, low government effectiveness, conflict, political instability, and high rates of HIV and AIDS are among the major factors that lead to high child mortality and a high proportion of people who cannot meet their calorie requirements. In some countries of Sub-Saharan Africa, for example Burundi, Madagascar, and Malawi, about half of the children are stunted (low height for age) due to poor nutrition.

Africa: Speculation fuels food price hikes

2010-10-21

http://www.wdm.org.uk/press-release/‘summer-speculation’-fuelled-food-price-rises

New evidence that speculation on food by hedge funds, pension funds and investment banks is fuelling the rise of bread and other basic foods has been released by anti-poverty campaigners on World Food Day, October 16, 2010. The World Development Movement has calculated that over the summer, financial speculators in Chicago alone bought up corn futures contracts equivalent to nearly 1.7 billion bushels - more than the annual consumption of Brazil, a country of some 260 million people and the world’s third largest consumer of corn.

East Africa: GM maize trials to begin

2010-10-18

http://www.iol.co.za:80/news/africa/gm-maize-trials-to-begin-in-east-africa-1.687064

Confined field trials of genetically modified maize will begin in Kenya and Uganda this year, the US-based non-profit African Agricultural Technology Foundation (AATF) said. Scientists from Kenyan and Ugandan government research bodies, Monsanto and research body International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT) developed the 12 varieties of Water Efficient Maize for Africa (Wema) due to be planted.

Improving small holder food production

Catherine Njuguna

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/67975

October 16 is the United Nation’s World Food Day. It is a day set aside for
us all to reflect on the fate of the 950 million men, women and
children worldwide that, according to UN statistics, go to sleep
hungry.




October 16 is the United Nation’s World Food Day. It is a day set aside for
us all to reflect on the fate of the 950 million men, women and
children worldwide that, according to UN statistics, go to sleep
hungry.





The vast majority of the hungry, obviously are the world’s poor. Rarely would anyone with money in their pockets lack food. Unfortunately, the majority of the world’s poor and hungry live in Africa. Why has Africa not able to meet its food needs despite years of investing in the agricultural sector? There are as many reasons as
there are answers and solutions.

However, there are a few areas I
would like to highlight that would make a big difference if they
received adequate attention. Post harvest loss - the big hole that food meant for the hungry falls
into - is top of my list. Farm produce rotting in the fields is a very
common scenario in Africa. Due to poor infrastructure, small-holder
farmers are unable to get produce to the market or in times of abundance,
they flood the market and prices drop drastically.

The good harvest becomes a curse. Early in the year, we saw farmers in Kenya pouring away their milk when the
production outweighed the capacity of the industry to absorb it. This
must have been a very painful exercise for them – it was literary
pouring much-needed money down the drain. Similarly in Tanzania, we are just coming out of the orange season.
If you travel in the orange-growing areas, the fruits are rotting on
the farms and in the markets. On the other hand, in the supermarkets, a
box of orange juice, most probably imported, fetches a tidy sum.
Why didn’t the Kenyan farmers make cheese and yoghurt? Why aren’t
their Tanzanian counterparts making juices and jams? Is it lack of
capital, knowledge, processing equipment, confidence by the farmers or
even the need for a pioneer to set an example for the farmers? It is a combination
of all these and other factors.



The International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) is working
with small-holder farmers to promote simple technologies for processing
crops into valuable and marketable products to avoid such post-harvest
losses and improve incomes. The institute has had immense success in commercialising cassava by
promoting the production of high quality cassava flour and starch. The
flour has a wide range of uses at home and in the bakery industries to
make cakes, bread, biscuits and other products either on its own or
mixed with wheat flour. The starch has diverse uses in the brewery,
pharmaceutical, textile, paper, plywood and food industries. The old crop of Africa is hardy and performs relatively well in
drought conditions. By using the cassava alternatives, many African countries would save
millions of US dollars by reducing importation of wheat and starch.
At the same time it would create income for many in the value chain:
farmers, transporters, machine fabricators and small scale processors.
It would also create employment in the rural areas, reducing rural to
urban migration.


IITA is using the same approach for soybean, banana and cowpea and the
same can be extended to many other crops grown by African farmers. The farmers can also avoid the glut in the market by changing the
timing of their harvest to coincide with low season when the demand
and prices are high. A study by IITA in Uganda - the second largest producer and consumer
of bananas in the world - showed that with better timing, farmers can
harvest their banana ‘off season’ when prices are better, avoiding the
huge price fluctuations and post-harvest losses experienced during
high production season. According to the research, though the bunches harvested off-season
were relatively lighter by 25 per cent compared to those harvested in peak
season, their price was up to 50 per cent higher. Thus they were more profitable.





Most farming in Africa is still traditional - manual with minimal use
of fertilizers and adoption of high-yielding improved varieties and
other modern farming practices. A USAID-funded study carried out by IITA in Uganda showed that only five per cent
of farmers use fertilizer on their bananas yet its moderate use would
easily double the crop’s yield. For example, yields doubled from 10
to 20 tonnes per hectare per year in Central Uganda with modest
fertilizer application.





The farmers in the study said that they did not use fertilizers
because they are expensive and not available in affordable packs. They also cited
the lack of access to credit facilities, limited knowledge of
fertilizer use, and misinformation about fertilizers’ negative effect
on soil quality and on the taste of the bananas.





However, Piet van Asten, a scientist with IITA and one of the researchers,
said fertilizer use becomes more profitable when it is specific to a
crop and a region, and specifically targets only those nutrients that
are most deficient. He said unfortunately most farmers follow blanket
fertilizer recommendations which can be very inefficient and
expensive.





Another IITA research project in Uganda found that farmers could get more
income from growing coffee and bananas together rather than growing either
crop alone. It showed that farmers who had intercropped bananas with
coffee increased yield. This is despite a
reduction in the number of coffee plants to make room for the banana.

To fight hunger and its evil twin sister, poverty, efforts to increase
the production of Africa’s small-holder farmers must be redoubled. The technologies
that enable them to do this must be made available to them with all
the necessary support to implement them.
 Under this year's theme, United Against Hunger, I salute the men and
women working tirelessly to end hunger. Let the struggle continue
because it is possible!





* Catherine Njuguna is c
orporate communication officer for Eastern and southern Africa

,
IITA-Tanzania

. The article reflects the writer’s own views.



South Africa: Making fairtrade fair

2010-10-19

http://anothercountryside.wordpress.com/2010/10/06/fairtrade-and-the-south-african-challenge/

Fairtrade has assisted greatly in steering agricultural in a developmental direction, despite its lack of a bottom–up approach, says this post on the blog of the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies at the University of the Western Cape. However, in South Africa, with its stark legacy of oppression more is needed. However, Fairtrade beneficiaries need to lead the process of bottom up development, to direct the Fairtrade movement in terms of their reality and their needs.

Swaziland: Government tried to underreport hunger

2010-10-19

http://www.afrol.com/articles/36780

Swaziland is one of very few African countries where hunger has become more widespread during the last decades, new evidence shows. But Swazi authorities tried to manipulate data to the UN, saying the opposite. Today, 18 per cent of Swaziland's one million people are suffering from hunger, compared to 12 per cent in 1990. In addition, 6.1 per cent of Swazi children under five are underweight, compared to 8.1 per cent in 1992.

Africa: Five decades after independence, journalists still seeking freedom

2010-10-20

http://en.rsf.org/africa-five-decades-after-independence-20-10-2010,38609.html

With many African countries marking the 50th anniversary of their independence, 2010 should have been a year of celebration but the continent’s journalists were not invited to the party. The Horn of Africa continues to be the region with the least press freedom but there were disturbing reverses in the Great Lakes region and East Africa.

Egypt: Free expression organisations express support for targeted newspaper

2010-10-19

http://www.ifex.org/egypt/2010/10/15/ngos_express_concern/

A collection of human rights organisations have expressed their full solidarity with Al Dostour's journalists and Ibrahim Essa, editor-in-chief of the newspaper. They have appeal to all civil society organisations to not only guarantee the journalists' rights but to combat the government's plan to impose restrictions on independent mass media ahead of the parliamentary elections. The organisations have expressed their deepest worries over the restrictions imposed on freedom of opinion and expression in general and Al Dostour newspaper in particular.

Rwanda: Journalists work from exile

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/9UrRfj

In April, Rwanda's media council suspended Umuseso, the nation's once-leading independent weekly paper, for a period of six months. By June, life had become too difficult for the main players behind Umuseso. Chief editor Charles Kabonero and web editor Richard Kayigamba found themselves in exile along with Gasana. Undeterred, the exiled editors launched a new independent weekly called The Newsline. Their first edition was ready in July, and they attempted to ship it into Kigali in advance of Rwanda's elections.

South Africa: Mass resignations halt New Age launch

2010-10-21

http://www.mg.co.za/article/2010-10-20-speculation-mounts-over-new-age-resignations

The media sector has been buzzing with speculation about the reasons why five senior editorial staff at the New Age newspaper simultaneously quit their jobs on Tuesday, a day before the paper was due to launch. Though derided by some as the mouthpiece of the ANC and praised by others as a chance to bring diversity to the media landscape, readers from all quarters have been awaiting the launch of the New Age with great anticipation.

Zimbabwe: MISA-Zimbabwe sets up first rural community radio initiative

2010-10-21

http://www.misazim.co.zw/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=733&Itemid=1

MISA-Zimbabwe on 16 October 2010 set up the first rural community radio in Ntepe, 40kms South-West of Gwanda town. Ntepe community radio station is the first rural community radio initiative in Zimbabwe. All the other community radio initiatives in the country are located in the urban areas of Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru, Kwekwe, Mutare, Hwange, Kadoma and Mutare. MISA-Zimbabwe is currently running a broadcasting campaign, calling upon the authorities to open up the airwaves for Zimbabwe to have a three-tier broadcasting system that includes public, commercial and community broadcasting.

Break the Silence Congo week

2010-10-21

http://bit.ly/c28pfx

The purpose of the Break the Silence Congo Week is to raise consciousness about the devastating situation in the Congo and mobilize support on behalf of the people of the Congo. Break the Silence Congo Week will take place from Sunday 17 October to Saturday 23 October 2010.

Africa: Floods leave 377 dead

2010-10-20

http://bit.ly/bYFQTV

Nearly 400 people died in flooding in central and West Africa, with nearly 1.5 million people affected since the start of the rainy season in June, the United Nations said. It said last year floods killed almost 200 people in West Africa and affected over 800,000 others. Deaths resulting from flood were reportedly highest in Nigeria with 118, followed by Ghana (52), Sudan (50), Benin (43), Chad (24), Mauritania (21), Burkina Faso (16), Cameroon (13), Gambia (12), with other countries reporting less than 10 dead.

CAR: Regional military force established to crack down on Lord’s Resistance Army

2010-10-19

http://bit.ly/cgrnvd

A number of central African countries overwhelmed by the brutal attacks and mounting regional destabilization caused by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) have established a comprehensive plan to combat the rebel group. Ministers from Uganda, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the Central African Republic agreed Friday in a meeting in Bangui, the capital of the latter, to create a joint military task force, centre of operations, and border patrol capacity, all to be supervised by a representative from the African Union.

DRC: Congo crimes should be on the agenda of the UN security council

2010-10-19

http://bit.ly/bM018T

The UN's release of a long awaited report on crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993-2003 is not only an opportunity to re-examine the historical record of mass violence in DRC - the scale and nature of which was often overlooked in the wake of the genocide in neighbouring Rwanda - but is also a chance to correct the terms of the deceptive and fragile peace some leaders wish to proclaim in the resource-rich Great Lakes region of Africa, writes Fabienne Hara, the vice president for multicultural affairs at the International Crisis Group.

Nigeria: Gold rush kills more children

2010-10-21

http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900SID/VVOS-8AEJUQ?OpenDocument

Ibrahim Bello says he can earn $23 in two hours extracting gold from the ground, more than he can make in two months from cultivating millet. Such is the economic draw of the 'gold rush', with impoverished farmers digging up rocks by hand in open mines, that many are in denial about its devastating consequences. At least 400 children have died from poisoning caused by illegal gold mining since March because the ore being unearthed around their villages contains high concentrations of lead, contaminating the air, soil and water.

Nigeria: Reports of renewed bomb threats

2010-10-20

http://www.xinhuanet.com/english2010/world/africa.htm

Nigeria's main militant group on Tuesday threatened to carry out another attack in the capital Abuja, weeks after it claimed responsibility for twin car bombings on the West African country's independence day. The threat was contained in a statement by Jomo Gbomo, spokesman for the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), reports xinhuanet.com.

Somalia: Somali troops recapture town

2010-10-18

http://www.iol.co.za:80/news/africa/somali-troops-recapture-town-1.686964

omali government troops and allied forces retook the south-eastern town of Bulo Hawo near the Kenyan border on Sunday after defeating al-Qaeda-inspired al-Shebaab Islamists, officials and witnesses said. The Shebaab control large swathes of southern and central Somalia and have wrested control of much of the capital Mogadishu, where they have relentlessly attacked government and African Union forces.

Sudan: China tries to dodge Darfur bullets report

2010-10-20

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE69J01H20101020

China has tried to suppress a UN report that says Chinese bullets were used in attacks on peacekeepers in Sudan's conflict-torn Darfur region, diplomats said on Tuesday. The UN Security Council's Sudan sanctions committee will discuss the latest report and recommendations from the so-called Panel of Experts on Sudan. The group monitors compliance with a 2005 arms embargo in place for Darfur.

Egypt: Fears that new SMS rules will prevent organising

2010-10-19

http://www.ngopulse.org/newsflash/egypt-slammed-over-new-sms-rules

Activists have warned that Egypt telecommunication regulator’s new rules for companies sending text messages to multiple cellphones will stifle efforts to mobilise voters ahead of upcoming parliamentary elections. Reform groups in Egypt, as well as elsewhere in the region such as Iran, have increasingly relied on the Internet and cellphones to organise, mobilise and evade government harassment.

Kenya: Slum dwellers map their way out of oblivion

2010-10-20

http://www.alertnet.org/db/blogs/65712/2010/08/22-133722-1.htm

How much state attention and help can you expect if the area where you live is not even marked on official maps? Not a lot, decided the residents of one of Africa's biggest slums and designed a digital map of Kibera - a great help in all too familiar emergency situations. Such information is useful to the Kenya Red Cross, which deals with 144 fires in Kibera each month.

Kenya: Solar powered computer lab launched

2010-10-19

http://computeraid.org/news-detail.asp?ID=56

Computer Aid has launched its first solar powered Internet cafe in Kenya in conjunction with longstanding Kenyan partners Computers For Schools Kenya (CFSK). The Internet cafe made its long journey from London to Nairobi in the guise of a standard 20ft shipping container, normally used to transport refurbished computers. On arrival the container converts into a fully functional Internet cafe for 11 users at a time.

Somalia: Islamist rebels ban mobile transfers

2010-10-19

http://www.panos.org.uk/?lid=33413

Islamist militant group al-Shabab said on Monday it would ban all mobile phone cash transfers in Somalia. The rebels released a statement ordering three local mobile phone companies which have developed the popular service in the country to stop mobile money transfers within three months. Al-Shabab argued that the transfers were 'unIslamic'.

Africa: Research grant program for young African scholars

H.F. Guggenheim Foundation

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/67957

The H.F. Guggenheim Foundation makes grants for scholarly research into problems of aggression and violence. One program is reserved for African Scholars under the age of 35, educated and living on the African continent. Selected applicants will attend a methods workshop to refine and improve their research plans in Accra, Ghana, in March 2011, and after submitting revised plans, will receive grants of $2000 each to support their fieldwork. In 2012 they will be funded to attend a professional conference to present their findings and will receive assistance in finding a publisher for their work.
RESEARCH GRANT PROGRAM FOR YOUNG AFRICAN SCHOLARS

The H.F. Guggenheim Foundation makes grants for scholarly research into problems of aggression and violence. One program is reserved for African Scholars under the age of 35, educated and living on the African continent. Selected applicants will attend a methods workshop to refine and improve their research plans in Accra, Ghana, in March 2011, and after submitting revised plans, will receive grants of $2000 each to support their fieldwork. In 2012 they will be funded to attend a professional conference to present their findings and will receive assistance in finding a publisher for their work.

Applications are due by December 1, 2010 for the 2011-2012 awards. Awardees will be announced before the end of the year.

This year’s theme is “Spirituality and Violence.” Proposals are invited to investigate how aspects of religion, ideologies, and traditional cultures and beliefs work either to mitigate conflict (conflict resolution and reconciliation, personal values, community and family strength, etc.) or to encourage conflicts (religious conflicts, subjugation of women, sorcery killings, bias against sexual and other minorities, etc.)

Proposals should be around ten pages in length, include a description of the problem to be investigated, specific research questions and plans to pursue the answers to those questions, and a c.v. for the applicant including proof of age and residence.

Send them to Karen Colvard, Program Director, as email attachments to kjcolvard@aol.com, or by mail to her at the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, 25 West 53rd St. New York, NY 10019, USA.

Africa: Research grant programe for African scholars

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/67956

The H.F. Guggenheim Foundation makes grants for scholarly research into problems of aggression and violence. One program is reserved for African Scholars under the age of 35, educated and living on the African continent. Selected applicants will attend a methods workshop to refine and improve their research plans in Accra, Ghana, in March 2011, and after submitting revised plans, will receive grants of $2000 each to support their fieldwork. In 2012 they will be funded to attend a professional conference to present their findings and will receive assistance in finding a publisher for their work.
RESEARCH GRANT PROGRAM FOR YOUNG AFRICAN SCHOLARS

The H.F. Guggenheim Foundation makes grants for scholarly research into problems of aggression and violence. One program is reserved for African Scholars under the age of 35, educated and living on the African continent. Selected applicants will attend a methods workshop to refine and improve their research plans in Accra, Ghana, in March 2011, and after submitting revised plans, will receive grants of $2000 each to support their fieldwork. In 2012 they will be funded to attend a professional conference to present their findings and will receive assistance in finding a publisher for their work.

Applications are due by December 1, 2010 for the 2011-2012 awards. Awardees will be announced before the end of the year.

This year’s theme is “Spirituality and Violence.” Proposals are invited to investigate how aspects of religion, ideologies, and traditional cultures and beliefs work either to mitigate conflict (conflict resolution and reconciliation, personal values, community and family strength, etc.) or to encourage conflicts (religious conflicts, subjugation of women, sorcery killings, bias against sexual and other minorities, etc.)

Proposals should be around ten pages in length, include a description of the problem to be investigated, specific research questions and plans to pursue the answers to those questions, and a c.v. for the applicant including proof of age and residence.

Send them to Karen Colvard, Program Director, as email attachments to kjcolvard@aol.com, or by mail to her at the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, 25 West 53rd St. New York, NY 10019, USA.

New manual to implement the global torture prevention system

2010-10-18

http://bit.ly/ccY8yI

A new manual: 'The Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture: Implementation Manual' addresses all the questions on implementation of this innovative international human rights treaty. Drawing on initial good practice from all world regions, the manual is designed to serve as a practical reference tool for international, regional and national stakeholders involved in OPCAT ratification and implementation.

Telling Africa’s untold Stories: new IPS website launched

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/67884

Inter Press Service (IPS) Africa has created a new multimedia website to present the story of Africa’s development. The website launch in Africa will coincide with the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty, commemorated on October 17.
Inter Press Service (IPS) Africa

Press Release: 17/09/2010

Telling Africa’s Untold Stories: new IPS website launched

Inter Press Service (IPS) Africa has created a new multimedia website to present the story of Africa’s development. The website launch in Africa will coincide with the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty, commemorated on October 17.

The theme for 2010 International Day for the Eradication of Poverty -- “Working together out of poverty” -- highlights the need for a truly global anti-poverty alliance, one in which both developed and developing countries participate actively.

Africa is hungry – 240 million people are undernourished. This year, the trauma faced by Niger brought once again to the world’s attention the need to increase the long-term planning capacity of African countries.

Since its inception, back in 1964, IPS has believed in the role of information as a precondition for lifting communities out of poverty and marginalization. This belief is reflected in our mission: “giving a voice to the voiceless”.

Through providing informed, contextualised and integrated reporting on economic, environmental and social issues, Inter Press Service considers its journalism to make a vital direct contribution to achieving sustainability.

Visit http://www.ips.org/africa for the latest development news and features in Africa.

--------------------------------------------
Inter Press Service (IPS) Africa
http://www.ips.org/africa

Head Office: Suite 283, Dunkeld West Centre, Cnr Jan Smuts Avenue &
Bompas Road, Johannesburg. PO Box 413625, Craighall, 2024, South
Africa. Tel:+27 11 325 2671; Fax: +27 11 325 2891; Email:
africahq@ips.org

Congolese women to speak at London event

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/67883

On Saturday the 23rd October 2010 Congolese women will be speaking about the situation in the Congo and would like to invite you to join them between 3pm and 6pm at the Church Hall, Lancing Street off Eversholt Street, NW1 (Opposite Euston Station).
Liberation
9 Arkwright Road, Hampstead,
London NW3 6AB
+44 020 7435 4547
info@liberationorg.com
www.liberationorg.co.uk

Dear Friends

On Saturday the 23rd October 2010 Congolese women will be speaking about the situation in the Congo and would like to invite you to join them between 3pm and 6pm at the Church Hall, Lancing Street off Eversholt Street, NW1 (Opposite Euston Station).

Congolese people long for truth and justice, without which there will be neither lasting peace nor stability within the Great Lakes Region of Africa and in the Democratic Republic of Congo. For too long they have gone without. Past and present on-going human rights violations committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo have remained largely uninvesigated and those responsible not held accountable.

We are concerned that hundreds and thousands of Congolese women and girls have been raped and mutilated over the past decade in the Democratic Republic of Congo, while the world watches in silence. The aim of the meeting is to raise awareness and tell the truth of what is really happening in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Congolese women will expose the underlying forces that produce the war, rapes and the biblical suffering of the people of Congo in order to help people grasp the reality of the crisis.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo has remained under the aggression of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi with the support of the Big Powers of the Western World for sixteen years.

The Mapping UN Report on the crimes against humanity in the Democratic Republic of Congo is a compilation of many other reports and denunciations but never followed up with sanctions. “No report could sufficiently describe the horror that the civil populations in Zaire, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo, have endured and continue to do so”.

The Congolese women call on you to join them in their plea for help to stop these atrocities now. There cannot be world peace until these crimes against Congolese women are brought to an end. PLEASE JOIN US IN OUR CAMPAIGN.

Victoria Dove Dimandja and Jose Musau Kalanda
General Secretary

Kenya: Femnet holds programming conference

2010-10-18

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/67888

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) will hold its 5th Programming Conference and General Assembly from 16 - 18 October 2010, at Crowne Plaza Hotel, Nairobi under the theme: ‘The African Women’s Decade- A Road Map for Bigger Dreams’. The conference which brings together over 120 women rights activities from across Africa.
PRESS RELEASE
For Immediate Release
16th October, 2010

THE AFRICAN WOMEN’S DECADE- A ROAD MAP FOR BIGGER DREAMS

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) will hold its 5th Programming Conference and General Assembly from 16th- 18th October 2010, at Crowne Plaza Hotel, Nairobi under the theme: ‘The African Women’s Decade- A Road Map for Bigger Dreams’. The conference which brings together over 120 women rights activities from across Africa.

Every three years, FEMNET in accordance with its Constitution, convenes a three days Programming Conference and General Assembly (PC/GA) for its members and partners where delegates engage on topical issues in Africa that are affecting the gender equality agenda and women’s advancement as part of the development goals for Africa. Based on the key outcomes from the deliberations the delegates identify priorities and recommend actions that FEMNET would spearhead in Africa in the next three years.

The FEMNET 5th PC/GA will come at a very historic moment in Africa, a day just after the official launch of the African Women’s Decade on October 15, 2010. The African Women’s Decade (2010-2020) will be launched by, the African Union, in collaboration with the Government of Kenya and civil society organizations. The decade is meant to provide African countries with the opportunity to reflect on progress made in advancing gender equality and women’s empowerment. It will also provide an opportunity for African governments to take concrete action by ensuring that their commitments to regional and international instruments aimed promoting gender equality in Africa are realized during the next ten years.

“FEMNET hopes that as Kenya prepares to host the continental launch of the AU African Women’s Decade, it will ratify the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa and serve as an example for other African countries that have also not yet ratified the protocol. Currently 28 Countries have ratified the Protocol. During the period of the African Women’s Decade It is very important that African governments go beyond ratification but that they fully deliver on their commitments to gender equality” said Ms. Norah Matovu-Winyi FEMNET Executive Director.

More information will be provided in the Media Kit.

If you would like to schedule an interview with FEMNET Executive Director or any of the speakers at the Programming Conference Please call: Carlyn Hambuba, FEMNET Communication Officer: +254725766932/ + 254 20 2712971/2; 20 2341516/7 (Wireless) or email: communication@femnet.or.ke

Winter short courses January 2011

Center for Migration and Refugee Studies (CMRS) at the American University in Cairo (AUC)

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/67963

The Center for Migration and Refugee Studies (CMRS) at the American University in Cairo (AUC) is offering the following three winter short courses in January 2011:
1. Introduction to Refugee Law (January 9-13, 2011)
2. Migration/Displacement, Development and Gender (January 16-20, 2011)
3. Community Interpretation for Refugee Aid Settings – CCIP Interpreter Training Short Course (January 23-27, 2011)
Please contact CMRScourses@aucegypt.edu for more information.

Research Associate

The Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID)

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/67958

AWID is currently seeking an activist/researcher with a strong background in economics and development to work with our Influencing Development Actors and Practices for Women’s Rights (IDeA) strategic initiative. IDeA is engaged in an exciting action-research agenda that is attempting to connect theoretical debates on development and the need for alternative models with concrete experiences, lessons learned and analysis from a women’s rights perspective.
IDeA – Research Associate/ The Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) / Location: Flexible / Closing date: Sunday, November 14, 2010



Organization:
The Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) is an international feminist membership organization that works to strengthen the voice, impact and influence of women's rights advocates, organizations and movements internationally.

AWID is currently seeking an activist/researcher with a strong background in economics and development to work with our Influencing Development Actors and Practices for Women’s Rights (IDeA) strategic initiative. IDeA is engaged in an exciting action-research agenda that is attempting to connect theoretical debates on development and the need for alternative models with concrete experiences, lessons learned and analysis from a women’s rights perspective. We’re looking for someone with excellent writing and research skills, including knowledge of both quantitative and qualitative research methods. The successful candidate will be able to critically engage with the assumptions of mainstream/orthodox economics from a women’s rights perspectives.

Overview of the Strategic Initiative:
Launched in 2008, AWID’s strategic initiative, Influencing Development Actors and Practices for Women’s Rights (IDeA) advances feminist understandings of the relationship between development and women’s rights with a particular focus on the aid effectiveness agenda and the Financing for Development process at the UN. The initiative produces and disseminates knowledge on development issues with special emphasis on women’s perspectives and aims to connect theoretical debate on development and the need for alternative models or paradigms with concrete experiences, lessons learned and analysis from women’s rights perspectives.


QUALIFICATIONS
Experience:
4 to 6 years experience:
- working for a non-profit organization in a related role
- conducting research, including collecting, analyzing, and presenting data
- working in a multi-cultural team
- Significant experience in writing and editing research to communicate research findings to diverse audiences
- Experience with advocacy initiatives or influence strategies
- Experience working with non-profit organizations based in the Global South and/or Central and Eastern Europe

Academic Qualifications:
- University degree or college diploma in a related field: economics, political science, international relations, development, women’s studies, etc.

Expertise & Skills:
- Ability to engage critically with the assumptions of mainstream/orthodox economics from a women’s rights perspective in order to analyze and engage meaningfully in debates around challenges to the current neoliberal models of growth and development.
- Demonstrated capacity to connect related micro and meso level debates around alternative models to current trends and challenges to the neoliberal economic model at a macro level
- Excellent research, writing and editing skills, ability to analyze information across a range of disciplines and able to extract relevant analyses and communicate them to diverse audiences
- Good knowledge of research methodologies including statistical and quantitative methods as well as qualitative methodologies (interviews, case studies, etc.)
- Demonstrated capacity with alliance-building and negotiations among diverse groups (including women’s rights organizations)
- Strong administrative and computer skills, including word processing, presentation packages (Power Point), Internet, and email
- Effective public speaking and presentation skills
- Keen attention to detail and quality control
- Able to manage conflict effectively
- Strong interpersonal skills and able to build alliances with diverse actors
- Able to multi-task, and willing to perform diverse tasks as needed in a timely manner
- Proactive, able to work independently and as part of a team
- Able to work under pressure and to produce results quickly
- Strong written and verbal communication skills in English

Knowledge & Other Requirements:
- Strong knowledge of feminist/heterodox economics, with a clear understanding of the implications of economic policies and principles on different groups
- Some knowledge of development and economic rights frameworks and related UN processes
- Familiarity with international and regional women’s rights organizations and networks working on development and economic rights
- Able to travel internationally (approx. 7 weeks per year)
- Committed to the principles and values of feminism and anti-oppression

Assets:
- Graduate degree in a related field
- Courses or certificates in women's/feminist studies, political economy or human rights considered an asset
- Relationships with women’s rights organizations in multiple regions, particularly Africa and/or Asia
- Bilingual (English as well as Spanish and/or French)

For a complete job description, please visit our website at www.awid.org

How to Apply:

Please send:
1) Cover letter and current CV (addressing how you meet the necessary qualifications and outlines why you want to work for AWID)
2) The exact source/location you saw the advertisement for this position

Fax: +416 594 0330
E-mail: jobs@awid.org (please include “IDeA – Research Associate” in the subject line of the email)

No phone calls please. Only email and faxed applications will be accepted. The application closing date is Sunday, November 14, 2010. We thank all who apply, but only shortlisted candidates will be contacted. AWID encourages, promotes and supports diversity in all aspects of its work.

To learn more about AWID and our programs, please visit our website at www.awid.org

Senegal: Senior Program Specialist - Globalisation, growth and poverty

The International Development Research Centre (IDRC)

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/67962

The International Development Research Centre (IDRC)

The International Development Research Centre (IDRC) supports research in developing regions of the world to promote growth and development. The result is innovative, lasting local solutions that bring choice and change to those who need it most.

We are seeking a dynamic professional for a key specialist position in Dakar, Senegal.

SENIOR PROGRAM SPECIALIST - Globalization, Growth and Poverty
Dakar, Senegal

Job Overview

The goal of the Globalization, Growth and Poverty Program is to support policy reforms in developing regions aimed at promoting inclusive growth, by funding policy-oriented research and strengthening research capacities. The Program is currently undergoing a renewal to review programming priorities and strategic approaches to research funding.

As the Senior Program Specialist, you will collaborate in managing research activities that support broader Program challenges around promoting inclusive growth, including labour market issues, institutional frameworks for investment, competition and entrepreneurial activity, and the role of social protection policies. Reporting to the Program Leader and the Regional Director, you will develop, manage and monitor a portfolio of research projects in West and Central Africa. As part of a global team and a corporate Program Area, you may have selected responsibilities for projects in other regions as well as working in collaboration with the Think Tank Initiative. You will also interact with experts in the field and represent IDRC in a variety of fora, draw attention to new developments in economic policies and research, and play a key role in the progress of strategic thinking in this area.

Candidate Profile

Education
• PhD and a record of research and publication in a relevant discipline such as economics, public finance, or international development, or, Masters degree in a relevant discipline and significant work experience

Experience
• Eight years related experience in managing, assessing and conducting research and project management in West and Central Africa, which includes: developing and monitoring budgets; establishing and building partnerships with research organizations and other donors; and strengthening research capacity through teaching, mentoring and/or supervising
• Experience initiating and implementing innovative approaches to understand and address complex development challenges
• Work experience in a policy research or grant-making organization is an asset

Note: Candidates with less experience may be considered for appointment at the level of Senior Program Officer (CA $83,685 - CA $100,825).

Language
• Bilingual positions (French/English) at an advanced level

Knowledge
• Knowledge of current debates and research agendas on development economics and on political economy approaches to growth-related issues in developing regions
• Knowledge of the research environment and policy-oriented research organizations in West and Central Africa




Competencies
• Excellent interpersonal and communication skills, and sensitivity towards individual, gender and cultural differences
• Results oriented with strong organizing, problem-solving, negotiating, implementing and monitoring skills
• Solid analytical and writing skills
• Proven creativity, initiative and ability to work under pressure
• Ability to establish, manage and monitor relationships with various stakeholders
• Ability to work in a multidisciplinary and partially virtual team including diverse cultures, expertise and experiences

Additional Information

This position requires a willingness to travel, mainly in the region and internationally, an average of 60 days per year.

In addition to base salary, candidates will receive a monthly cost-of-living adjustment and competitive allowances (e.g. housing, transportation, etc.) and benefits.

If you are interested in a career with a lasting impact, we invite you to join our multidisciplinary team of dedicated and skilled professionals operating in a stimulating and diverse environment. For more information about this opportunity and how to apply, visit www.idrc.ca/careers

Application Deadline: October 24, 2010.

IDRC encourages applications from qualified women, Aboriginal peoples, persons with disabilities, and members of visible minorities.

South Africa: Senior Programme Developer - to support mobilisation and organisation in African fishing communities

South Africa: Senior Programme Developer - to support mobilisation and organisation in African fishing communities Masifundise Development Trust

2010-10-21

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/67953

Masifundise is a community orientated development NGO in Cape Town, South Africa supporting fishing communities to mobilise and organise at community level to become strong and democratic role players in local community development. As an expanding organisation, Masifundise is desirous take its 30 years of South African experiences across the borders and work towards empowerment of fishing communities and fair re-distribution and management of the marine and freshwater resources.
South Africa: Senior Programme Developer - to support mobilisation and organisation in African fishing communities

Masifundise Development Trust

Closing date: Friday, 5 November 2010
Starting date: as soon as possible
Nationality: South African or citizen of an African country

Masifundise is a community orientated development NGO in Cape Town, South Africa supporting fishing communities to mobilise and organise at community level to become strong and democratic role players in local community development. As an expanding organisation, Masifundise is desirous take its 30 years of South African experiences across the borders and work towards empowerment of fishing communities and fair re-distribution and management of the marine and freshwater resources.

Masifundise is seeking to appoint a development organiser with outstanding communication and programme development skills to lead and further develop our programme 'building the capacity of small-scale fishers, on the African continent, to become better organised'. The successful appointee should be a post graduate or equivalent, have at least 10 years of intensive work experience with expertise in one or more of the following areas: political and social development, civil society capacity building, small-scale fisheries, project management, establishing and building networks, and advocacy at national and international levels. Fluent in written and spoken English is essential and language skills in Portuguese and French will be an advantage.

The position will be located in Cape Town, South Africa and South African labour laws will apply.

For further details please contact Naseegh Jaffer at +27 (0)21 685 4549 or at the email address below.

CV, application and letter motivating the application has to be submitted by email to Naseegh Jaffer at info@masifundise.org.za by no letter than Friday, 5 November 2010.

Fifa suspends executive committee members over corruption allegations

2010-10-21

http://www.rttnews.com/Content/GeneralNews.aspx?Id=1451238&SM=1

FIFA, the world's governing body for football, announced Wednesday that it has provisionally suspended two of its executive committee members who allegedly demanded money in return for their votes in the bidding process for the 2018 World Cup.

Fahamu