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Join London protest to support Zimbabwean activists on trial for treason

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/action/71610

Charges against another 39 people who attended the meeting were dropped this week. A new website has been set up for the Free the Zimbabwean Treason Trialists campaign.

The campaign urgently needs money. Make payments to:

Account: CDL– MINE-LINE Worker Solidarity Fund
Deposit reference “Zimbabwe Treason Trialists Solidarity Fund”
NEDBANK, Killarney Branch, Johannesburg. 

Branch code: 191 60535
Current Account number: 100 185 3784, 
SWIFT CODE NEDSZAJJ

When you make a donation please email us at zimtreasontrial@gmail.com to tell us who it is from and how much it is.

No Land! No house! No vote! Voices from Symphony Way

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/71611

In 2007 hundreds of families living in shacks across the new ‘integrated’ township of Delft in Cape Town were moved into houses they had been waiting for since the end of apartheid. But soon they were told that the move had been illegal and they were kicked out of their new homes. They built shacks next to the road opposite the housing project and organised themselves into the Symphony Way Anti-Eviction Campaign. Written toward the end of the struggle on the pavements, this anthology is testimony, poetry and an expression of the fight to bring about change. Hear an interview with Symphony Way residents on the Pambazuka Press website.

“The Symphony Way pavement dwellers are the voices of struggle from below – of the landless, homeless and shelterless. The book is a compelling testimony to the ingenuity of the people to organise themselves and invent ever-newer forms of struggle.”
Issa Shivji, Mwalimu Nyerere Professor of Pan-African Studies, University of Dar es Salaam

“The Symphony Way occupation was a real attempt at an insurgent and tenacious solidarity against an increasingly exclusionary and brutal society. It was an experiment at the outer limits of the innovative and courageous grassroots militancies that have emerged in South Africa in recent years. This book is also an experiment at the outer limits of radical publishing. All the tenacity, beauty, pain, desperation and contradictions that breathe their life into any popular struggle haunt the pages of this searing book.”
Richard Pithouse, Department of Politics and International Studies, Rhodes University, South Africa

“A magnificent and moving account of a long and hard fought struggle ... [This book] is a clarion call for basic human rights and for human dignity. A powerful insider’s view into the landscape of poverty in neoliberal South Africa.”
Michael Watts, professor of development studies, University of California, Berkeley

“An extraordinary collection of writings from the spirit of resilience and strength of the collective which lay bare the betrayal of the people in post-apartheid South Africa.”
Sokari Ekine, author and award-winning blogger

“This book carries not only the suffering of the Symphony Way communities but of the millions of poor people of the world ... It is through this courage that we can all hope for the real struggle that intends to put human beings at the centre of our society.”
S’bu Zikode, president of the Abahlali baseMjondolo Movement, South Africa

“As middle-class African journalists and activists, we thought we were telling the tale of the poorest, but here we are surpassed. Their truths, spoken in their sharp vernacular tongue, fly straight to the heart of the matter.”
Michael Schmidt, journalist and author

“These powerful and poignant testimonies that have emerged from the blockade of Symphony Way are voices ensepulchered by the South African state yet they refuse to be silenced ... This is a story of horror conjugated with hope, compellingly told with a brutal directness and eloquence.”
Professor Peter McLaren, University of California, Los Angeles

Côte d’Ivoire: The logic of the absurd?

Pierre Sané

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71588

[url=http://www.flickr.com/photos/unisgeneva/5284807959/]
cc UNIS Geneva[/url ]The worst-case scenario for Côte d’Ivoire – outside of military intervention – seems to have been ruled out, but the West’s alternative strategy for ousting Laurent Gbagbo – economic and financial sanctions – will also destroy the country, argues Pierre Sané. Is it a question of ‘imposing Alassane Ouattara at all costs’, no matter what the true outcome of the election might have been?
The worst-case scenario, outside armed intervention, having apparently been ruled out, now we see the strategy of the absurd unfurling unafraid of contradictions. We are being promised an ‘economic and financial strangulation’ of the Côte d’Ivoire: A ban on the exportation of cocoa, banks banned from ‘cooperating’ with the regime of Laurent Gbagbo, a ban on the payment of the salaries of civil servants and soldiers, a freeze on the assets of individuals and national and private companies, restrictions on travel, just so many measures whose legality is at the very least doubtful.

With the unfolding of this strategy with clearly pernicious designs for the entire country and its inhabitants, it is legitimate to wonder whether this zeal is solely the result of the electoral dispute surrounding the presidential election of 28 November 2010. For if that is the case, one might quite simply expect the end of the mission of the African Union, whose recommendations are supposed to be binding. In the eyes of the French government, the ‘great arranger’ of this zealous campaign of sanctions, how important is it basically whether Laurent Gbagbo or Alassane Ouattara is the winner of the election? But for Nicolas Sarkozy, who has made it his personal affair… who knows? Result: French diplomacy in Africa continues to be caught up in confusion of personal interests, networks and logic of the state.

The sanctions targeting individuals and Ivorian companies (and even the credentials of ambassadors) that have been imposed by the European countries, Canada and the United States will crumble, this is my personal conviction, as soon as they are brought before the courts. For these sanctions are grounded in the refusal to recognise the president said to have been ‘elected’ and to work for him. Yet any judge guided by his ‘soul and conscience’ would above all else ask to examine the Ivorian constitution before coming to a decision. And since this constitution has never been suspended by any resolution of the United Nations Security Council, it would be the sole rightful source of authority for the judge.

Apart from the measures taken by the 30 or so countries mentioned above, the only other actions taken against the Côte d’Ivoire and the inhabitants of the country have come from the seven other countries of the Economic and Monetary Union of West Africa (EMUWA), and from Alassane Ouattara himself.

The withdrawal of the international signature at the level of the Central Bank of West African States (CBWAS) led to the suspension of mechanisms of interbank compensation and possibly the provisional closing of many banks, impeding clients’ access to their bank accounts. We risk facing serious violations of human rights in the coming future, for which these banks will be held responsible if their clients are unable to care for sick family members, feed their children properly, pay salaries in keeping with labour laws. It would be wise for non-governmental organisations and lawyers not to delay in setting to work actively to document accurately all the individual cases of human rights violations for the purpose of subsequent legal action before national, regional or international courts.

The temporary ban proclaimed by Alassane Ouattara on the exportation of cocoa beans is especially going to suit speculators who made purchases ahead of time and are going to profit from the surge in prices. In particular, the Armajaro company of the trader Anthony Ward, which in July 2010 acquired 240,000 tons cocoa, totalling 20 per cent of Ivorian production and 15 per cent of the world’s stocks. This company invested US$1 billion and will profit substantially from it just as a consequence of this decision by Alassane Ouattara, whose 35 year-old stepson, Loïc Folloroux, is none other than Anthony Ward’s director for Africa. Pure coincidence, needless to say. As for Ivorian producers and merchants... who cares about them? The goal is rather to ‘strangle’ them!

Strangling consists in stopping the breath by suffocation, in other words in killing. But who is going to be killed? Laurent Gbagbo or the Côte d’Ivoire? Who will be the killer? And why? Aren’t there any other alternatives? Or is it a question of imposing Alassane Ouattara at all costs, no matter what the true outcome of the election might otherwise be? And of doing so without waiting for the conclusions of the mission of the African Union?

Let us suppose for a minute that upon verification it is found that Alassane Ouattara did not win the elections. Would that be in the realm of the impossible or utterly off the track? What is the source of this unshakeable certitude concerning Alassane Ouattara’ victory? The proclamation of the outcome by the president of the independent electoral commission (CEI)? We know that there was no consensus within the CEI, which was, moreover, barred. The certification by the special representative of the secretary general of the United Nations? His haste and the lack of respect for the procedures unfortunately tarnished his certification. Whence a legitimate doubt in the minds of many. As long as we have any doubt, the least doubt, it would be disgraceful to allow a fellow country to be ‘strangled’.

Unshakeable certitude in the infallibility of the arbitrators, auxiliary arbitrators on top of that, and therefore in the victory at the polls of Alassane Ouattara (or of Laurent Gbagbo for that matter) is an undeniably absurd proposition and, even worse, dangerous, even suicidal since it maintains the two protagonists in maximalist positions.

Something is absurd that is unacceptable to reason and good sense. The strategy of financial strangulation is absurd because if Alassane Ouattara succeeds, with the backing of France, in strangling (killing) the Côte d’Ivoire, he will have nothing to govern but a pile of ruins. Furthermore, supposing that Laurent Gbagbo took the Côte d’Ivoire hostage, killing a hostage that one wants to liberate does not make the would-be hostage-taker the murderer. The murderer is definitely the one who will have done the killing (strangling) with premeditation and incompetence. Then, if Alassane Ouattara does not succeed in doing this, and the country manages to survive the attempted suffocation, no Ivorian will then want to see him come to power. Never! For it is no good telling oneself that those who wish to come into power can do whatever they like. There are actions that one must not engage in against one’s country and one’s fellow citizens. I remember what Abdoulaye Wade confided to me after the Constitutional Council proclaimed his adversary victorious in the 1993 elections in Senegal that he was convinced he himself had won: ‘I shall never enter the gates of the Palace stepping over the cadavers of Senegalese citizens’.

Something is absurd that is not in keeping with the rational laws of consistency and logic. The strategy of strangulation is absurd because the sanctions will not distinguish between the pro-Ouattara cocoa producers and those opposing him. The same for the civil servants deprived of their salaries. Won’t they all prefer a vote recount or a new election to strangulation? What is more, the banks that will have closed are going to lose their clients’ confidence whatever the outcome of the electoral dispute might otherwise be.

It is also absurd because the millions of Senegalese, Malians, Nigerians, Burkinabe, etc who live in the Côte d’Ivoire are going to suffer from these sanctions. They will perhaps even be obliged to leave their adopted country. It is easy to predict for whom they will vote when the time comes for the next election in their own countries if the decisions made by their respective heads of state happen to suffocate the economic lung of West Africa.

The tenacity of the absurd!

Laurent Gbagbo is accused of being a usurper, and to make him leave people want to suffocate the country. But he says he possesses proof of irregularities tarnishing the balloting. Saddam Hussein said that he did not possess weapons of mass destruction. He was told to ‘prove it’, which was absurd because the burden of proof always lies with the accusers. Laurent Gbagbo says that he has proof of fraud that distorted the final verdict. He was literally told ‘we don’t give a darn’ and, the height of absurdity, people are preparing to strangle his country when it would be enough to verify whether these proofs are tangible or not.

And the flow of absurdity does not stop there.

A sanction is something normally imposed on a lawbreaker, but we still need to be told what law was broken. There is a simple electoral dispute and the country’s Constitutional Council came to a decision and invested Laurent Gbagbo as president. The international community, not having any authority to name a president in the Côte d’Ivoire any more than in Gabon, Alassane Ouattara is, therefore, in fact a ‘self-proclaimed’ president, having himself in vain sought investiture by the Constitutional Council, and this being the case, he has continued to violate Ivorian law for the past three months. But it is Laurent Gbagbo who is being sanctioned! And what is more, it is he who would be removed from office by accepting a vote recount since he is already the president invested by the highest jurisdictional body there is!

How about that! We are definitely witnessing a veritable unleashing of absurdities in the Côte d’Ivoire.

All this absurdity exasperates me and leaves me perplexed.

What people are conveniently forgetting is that half of the electorate voted for Laurent Gbagbo. And who knows what the electorate of the Democratic Party of the Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI) would do, heated up as it is by the discovery of the reality of the Rally of the Republic (RDR)-rebel faction, if the elections were to be held again today. All the more since each time the political leader of the rebels opens his mouth, Alassane Ouattara loses credibility. Doesn’t he realise that African heads of state are ‘allergic’ to rebels? I furthermore defy the international community to require that new elections be held between Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, so as to finally settle the electoral dispute and put an end to this ‘festival of the absurd’!

Unless there was a deliberate intent to lead the country into war, civil war this time, in order to justify outside intervention! In that case, what appears absurd today will be logical and rational tomorrow.

Pathetic tale of brazenness and myopia!

In the meantime, it is obvious that what is being played out in the Côte d’Ivoire today is of prime importance for the future of our children in Africa and therefore raises questions for all of us. It is up to us to discover how to respond to this challenge at the opening of the second 50 years of the independence of our countries.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Pierre Sané, former secretary general of Amnesty International and former assistant director general of UNESCO, is the president of Imagine Africa
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Côte d’Ivoire: On the brink of civil war

Sokari Ekine

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71557

cc Pambazuka NewsThe lack of media coverage on Côte d’Ivoire doesn't mean the situation has improved, writes Sokari Ekine, in this week’s review of protests across the continent, which also features Egypt, Libya, Mauritania and Zimbabwe.

COTE D’IVOIRE

Two African countries are presently on the verge of civil war. One is being reported minute by minute by international media, twitter and on blogs. The other is just beginning to emerge from the margins of international consciousness. Unlike Libya, Cote d’Ivoire has no strategic importance and the possible loss of its main resource – cocoa – doesn't have the world financial markets and governments in a panic.

But for Cote d’Ivoire’s subsistence cocoa pickers, farmers and the country’s economy, cocoa is a lifesaver and very much worth fighting over. Alassane Ouattara had called for a temporary ban on cocoa sales in the hope this would force Gbagbo out of office. In response, Laurent Gbagbo has now ordered the government to seize control of all cocoa purchases and exports. Cocoa prices in Nigeria and San Tome have risen in the past few months and no doubt these countries will benefit from Cote d’Ivoire’s loss.

In a further escalation of the attacks on Ouattara and his supporters, the UK Guardian reports that gangs of youths have ‘ransacked’ the homes of ministers and other allies of President Alassane Ouattara who remains under UN protection as Laurent Gbagbo seems to be determined to take the country to civil war.

Last Friday, six women were killed and many more were injured by forces loyal to Laurent Gbagbo. This was not the first time that the women, supporters of Alassane Ouattara, had demonstrated peacefully and there was no reason to think that they would be shot at. IPS reports:

‘Sirah Drane, 41, who helped organise the march, said she was holding a megaphone, preparing to address the large crowd, when she saw tanks arriving.

‘"There were thousands of women," she said. "And we said to ourselves, 'They won't shoot at women.' ... I heard a boom. They started spraying us. ... I tried to run and fell down. The others trampled me. Opening fire on unarmed women? It's inconceivable."’

Local media are reporting the killings differently. Soir Info reports the women were ‘female militants’ who clashed with ‘Defense and Security Forces’. Notre Voie [pro Gbagbo] reports the ‘entire story is nothing but subterfuge to disparage the Gbagbo administration’.

The killings finally elicited a response from the US via Twitter from State Department spokesperson, PJ Crowley. Personally I think such a terrible event deserves more than a Twitter response from the US State Department, though Hilary Clinton later came out with a statement condemning the killings – but nothing as yet from President Obama.

The AU has proved itself to be completely inept and irrelevant to the continent’s crisis – possibly because many of the heads of state are themselves shaking in their boots at the thought of their own masses taking to the streets. The five mediators – Abdel Aziz (Mauritania), Jakaya Kikwete (Tanzania), Jacob Zuma (South Africa), Blaise Compaore (Burkina Faso) and Idriss Deby (Chad) – produced a third report, dated 7 March. They talk of shock at the situation and urge restraint from all parties – the usual meaningless niceties.

One response to the panel statement is scathing and likens the panel’s intervention to that of the US appointing itself mediator in the Palestinian/Israeli conflict:

‘That AU has expressed non-negotiable support for the foreign bin Ouattara and his band of rebels against President Gbagbo and the Ivorians in the unfortunate saga unfolding in the land of Ivory Coast.

‘What do we have here: A belligerent party in the conflict insists that the rival party in the belligerence must meet it on its turf - on its terms. What can you make of the waste of time and resources? ......The charade here reminds one of the spectacle of the USA appointing itself a mediator in the conflict between the Palestinians and Israel/USA. is it a wonder that "peace" remains elusive in that case? [Rather, Israel/USA party in the belligernce does NOT really desire 'peace' in that conflict. Belligerence and war are -desirable to USA/Europe (as a way of keeping resource-rich Arab/Palestinian countries destabilized while shipping crude and buying arms from the west) and a lucrative lifeline to resource-poor shrill Israel ..]’

A friend suggested one of the reasons for the lack of media attention on Cote d’Ivoire was due to the limited number of Twitter users and other social media in the country. This may influence the type and amount of information coming out of the country, but it is certainly not a reason for the lack of media coverage. One active Twitter account is that of Toussaint Alain, an aid to Laurent Gbagbo, who in one tweet accuses Ouattara of engaging in ‘satanic rituals in the service of political ambition’:

‘Alassane Ouattara ou la politique des corps brûlés. Rituels sataniques au service d'une ambition politique.’

Another, @marticotivoir writes he hopes the country does not descend into another Rwanda:

‘ne laissons pas la Côte d'Ivoire partir en vrille et devenir demain le Rwanda de l'Afrique de l'Ouest. pardon, LMpistes, réagissez’

NORTH AFRICA

It is becoming impossible to keep up with Tweets from Libya and Egypt. Al Jazeera has created a special Twitter dashboard which illustrates the numbers. On Monday 7 March, there were 1,391 for Egypt and 2,933 for Libya. Below is a brief roundup of North African bloggers.

Arabawy reports on the various protests across Egypt by workers calling for the removal of institutional ‘dictators’ including the offices of the State Security. He also reports on army ‘thugs’ attacking protestors trying to storm the Ministry of Interior – home of the state security forces. Revolutionaries found thousands of files on citizens kept by the SS.

Egyptian Chronicles writes about the ‘Night the Capital of Hell Fell Down’:

‘As I hinted in the previous two posts about Alexandria SS HQ and 6th of October SS HQ, protesters decided to protest only at the Nasr City SS HQ at 4 PM especially after knowing that the officers there are systematically getting rid from documents that can incriminate them. Some people say that the shredding and burning documents process started with the resignation of Shafik and the collapse of his cabinet while others say that that this systematic process was taking place since the fall of Habib Al Adly and his men.’

Alive in Egypt follows this up with a call on the military to stop those attempting to burn the archives of the Hosni Mubarak regime:

‘I call upon the high council of the military forces to fight firmly against all unlawful elements that attempts to burn the archives/records, the archives/records of the corrupt, defunct government. I wish that the military forces would take a firm stance against these individuals even if they were amongst the unlawful police officers and others who are trying to cover up what their hands and the hands of the previous government committed, even if this requires that portions of Egypt’s reserve army be summoned. Egypt has a huge defensive, reserved force. It is upon the military and the high council the summoning of half the reserves that will be able to maintain security, to help the army maintain order, and to render judgment upon all those acting in unlawful manners, even if they were amongst the corrupt police officer forces which frowns at the security and order of Egypt.’

In Libya, UNHCR reports of continued threats and attacks against migrant workers from south of the Sahara. Colonel Gaddafi along with Morocco’s King Abdullah had both made deals with Italy and Spain respectively to police the movement of African and Asian migrant workers. In Spain this meant that those trying to get to Spain had to take the longer and much more dangerous boat route from Mauritania to Spain. There was a case in 2005 when some 500 migrants were dumped in the Sahara without food and water by Moroccan police. This one case was exposed but I dont think it is unreasonable to suspect that this was not the first. In Libya, migrants who were caught have been imprisoned in the south of the country in horrendous conditions. In these circumstances one has to consider Europe’s desperation to secure her borders as a motive behind any support for the revolutionaries in Libya.

Pan African News [Gerald Perreira] posts the only article I have read which is sympathetic to Muammar Gaddafi’s ‘counter-revolutionary revolt’. He criticises what he calls the ‘Westoxicated analysts who have nothing but a Eurocentric perspective to draw on’. Some of the questions he raises need to be considered but this does not in my mind equate with supporting a man who has been in power for 40 years and has made deals with Europe to oppress and torture fellow Africans. As I understand it ‘Jamahiriya’ was supposed to mean the people’s democracy. Somewhere along the way this has disappeared. Some of the questions are: If unemployment in Libya is 30 per cent why are there so many foreign workers? The writer states that ‘there are many complexities to the current situation’. So why does he take such a simplistic view of migrant workers and levels of unemployment?

He questions the view that the ‘revolt’ is due to economic reasons because:

‘…the country has the “highest standard of living in Africa” “the young people are well dressed, well fed and well educated”...Every Libyan gets free, and often excellent, education, medical and health services. New colleges and hospitals are impressive by any international standard. All Libyans have a house or a flat, a car and most have televisions, video recorders and telephones. Compared with most citizens of the Third World countries, and with many in the First World, Libyans have it very good indeed.’

This may well be true but it goes to show that people want and need to feel they have some control over their lives – that they can voice their opinions freely and be a part of the political process. That they can decide how their communities are run.

What is really baffling is the writer goes on to name some of the titles bestowed on Gaddafi by other Africans such as ‘King of Kings’, ‘Brother Leader’, ‘Guide of the Revolution’ as evidence of his ‘revolutionary’ credentials and role as speaker of Africa. Building a grassroots movement with dictators and rulers at the top is not my idea of a people’s revolutionary democracy and is hardly moving towards radical transformation.

Finally he goes on to state that the mercenaries fighting for Colonel Gaddafi are actually ‘freedom fighters’ – they fight ‘to defend Gaddafi and the Libyan revolution’. This I really find hard to believe. If Gaddafi was so altruistic why has he acted as a proxy policeman for Europe? Why has he imprisoned thousands of Nigerian and other West African migrants in roasting boxes in the southern Sahara? As ‘Africa’s King of Kings’ why did he not embrace these migrants and let them enjoy the revolutionary gains of Libya?

Possibly this quote made last year by the revolutionary Colonel explains why (UK Guardian):

‘We don't know what will be the reaction of the white and Christian Europeans faced with this influx of starving and ignorant Africans,’ the Libyan leader told a Rome meeting attended by Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian prime minister. ‘We don't know if Europe will remain an advanced and united continent or if it will be destroyed, as happened with the barbarian invasions.’

Of course it is not beyond the realms of possibility that he was misquoted. The writer is right to be skeptical of a Eurocentric analysis but the narrative of present day Gaddafi as revolutionary King of Africa is equally questionable. Criticism of Gaddafi’s regime is not an endorsement of US and European policies towards Africa especially when we consider militarisation polices such as AFRICOM, ‘no-fly zones’ and Europe’s anti-immigration policies. It’s not an either or. Their rhetoric on democratisation is hypocrisy as the last outcome the US and Europe hope for is one where countries are no longer controlled by the dictates of the west.

The Arabist posts an informative graphical representation of the ‘social and power networks around Muammar a-Qadhafi’. It’s a work in progress and will be updated as more information becomes available. He also posts a similar one showing the Egyptian Military Council.

MAURITANIA

The Moor Next Door reports on Mauritania, where the organisers of the recent protests have published a list of seven demands on Facebook. (Read the blog post for a fuller explanation.)

‘The evacuation of the military [back] to its noble mission and its removal [withdrawal] from politics.
The true and complete separation of powers: legislative, judicial and executive.
The strengthening of national unity and the establishment of a national agency to fight against slavery and its legacy.
Radical constitutional changes to include the reform of the electoral system.
The reform and effective implementation of the Transparency Act.[1]
The abolition of the post of “Hakem”[2] and the granting of administrative powers to elected mayors.
The election of directors in audiovisual facilities and major state institutions and their non-appointment or dismissal by the unilateral decision of the President.[3]’

ZIMBABWE

39 of the 45 social justice activists have been released from Mugabe’s prison and the campaign to release the remaining six who are charged with treason continues. The six detained are: Gender activist Antonater Choto, Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) leaders Welcome Zimuto and Eddson Chakuma, Labour activist Tatenda Mombeyarara, International Socialist Organisation co-ordinator and labour lawyer Munyaradzi Gwisai, and Anti-Debt Campaigner Hopewell Gumbo.

Anarkismo has posted an update as follows:
‘…the legal rights of the six are already being violated and they are being severely punished before the court has ruled guilt or not. The men have been placed in solitary confinement for 23 hours a day and are allowed out in two 30 minute sessions a day. The women are being subjected to hard labour. Even the state prosecutor conceded that solitary confinement and hard labour were a serious violation of the activists’ rights (but denied the allegations).

‘But the state itself is showing signs of the campaign’s pressure. The magistrate has said of the remaining 6 that the discussion by Gwisai, Choto, Gumbo, Zimuto, Mombeyarara and Chakuma focusing on the possibility of doing what had been done in Egypt in Zimbabwe was not just “idle talk” but there was a conspiracy. Yet the Magistrate said the report of the State’s one witness (a police officer who attended the meeting surreptitiously and who had allegedly observed all the 45 suspects committing the offence) was fictitious.’

Never deterred, WOZA (Women and Men of Zimbabwe Arise) arose on Monday 7 March in five separate protests against the continued arrest and torture of their members, as well as an early celebration of International Womens Day:

‘Higher numbers of riot police were deployed at the previous target of WOZA protests – The Chronicle. However they quickly heard the loud singing and ran up several city blocks to respond. The song that carried a strong message – Kubi kubi siyaya – noma kunjani – besitshaya; besibopha; besidubula, siyaya. Roughly translated “the situation is bad but we will still get where we are going, even if the beats us, arrest us, or shoot to kill us, we will get there”. One police officer ordering one of the protests to disperse said – what rights are you talking about? – you are lying, you want to start a revolution!

‘After they dispersed the protests, about 40 uniformed and plain clothed police officers picked up every single placard and newsletter, exposing two of their colleagues who had tortured members. One police officer came across a man holding the placard. He asked the man to show him it and asked why he was writing on it. The man said he needs scrap paper to write something down. The officer took it and proceeded to carefully fold this A2 size placard into the smallest piece imaginable and put it in his pocket telling the man, holding such a thing is not allowed.’

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Sokari Ekine blogs at Black Looks.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Oil, despotism and philanthropic tokenism

Nnimmo Bassey

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71550

cc vaxzine‘Without doubt’, the crude oil business ‘is the stuff that oils the machinery of despotism’ and that ‘blinds the world to the bloods that flow on the streets as people fight for liberty’, writes Nnimmo Bassey.

Equatorial Guinea sits in the heart of Africa and is the fourth highest producer of crude oil in sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria, Angola, and Sudan. It has reaped huge revenues from crude oil sales since 1995 when commercial export began, although discovery of the product was made in the 1960s. It is one country whose political experience will make the years of brute military rule in Nigeria a mere child's play in comparison.

The current maximum ruler of that country took over power in a bloody military coup in 1979, eleven years after that country's independence from Spain. At that time, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo was a Lieutenant Colonel and his uncle, Francisco Macia Nguema, was the president. He is said to have personally supervised the execution of his uncle by firing squad and has reigned supreme over the country of less than a million people since then.

The nation's GDP of about $37,900 is many times above that of Nigeria. The truth, however, is that the high GDP does not translate to a better life for the people. Since the ascendancy of crude oil as a major income earner, other aspects of the economy, especially production of agricultural produce such as cocoa, have suffered neglect. Does that not remind you of Nigeria?

While looking up on President Nguema, one could not avoid visiting the pages of Wikipedia where parts of the entry on this man reveals the following: "In July 2003, state-operated radio declared Obiang to be a god who is "in permanent contact with the Almighty" and "can decide to kill without anyone calling him to account and without going to hell." He personally made similar comments in 1993. Despite these comments, he still claims that he is a devout Catholic and was invited to the Vatican by John Paul II and again by Benedict XVI. Macías had also proclaimed himself a god.'

STANDING UP TO THE DESPOT

The president, his family, relatives, and friends are said to own most businesses in the country. With the severe curtailment of freedom in the country, it has come as a vent of fresh air when the writer, Juan Tomas Avila Laurel, called for change and embarked on a hunger strike demanding an end to the despotic reign in his country.

In a letter to Jose Bono Martinez, the president of Spanish parliament, dated 11 February 2011, Mr. Laurel states among other things that,

"Since you believe so deeply in the moral solvency of President Obiang, who has been in power since 1979, we fervently request that you exert some influence and take steps towards the formation of a government of transition; one in which those who have held positions in the last 32 years in Equatorial Guinea must not take any part.

"This is not a political demand, as it might seem to you, but a socially and morally driven one. We cannot continue living under a dictatorship that eats away at our very souls.

"Mr. Bono, all we are asking is that you find asylum in a safe country for Obiang, his son Teodorin, first lady Constancia, and his brothers and cousins, the generals and colonels who maintain this unspeakable regime. We believe that one-third of the money that any one of them has deposited in banks abroad would be enough to support themselves for the rest of their days. The remaining sum has to be returned to the country."

The letter ends with a painful plea for intervention: "Mr. Bono, it is not fair for me to put my life in your hands. I will not deny, however, that whatever happens to me will depend in great measure on what you do."

GADDAFI'S OILY STAND AND NEO-PHILANTHROPISTS

The events in North Africa and in the Middle East clearly highlight the fact that crude oil has been largely responsible for the entrenchment of crude regimes in the region.

This is particularly visible in Libya where the man who has been in power for over four decades clings on, threatens to cleanse the country of protesters house to house and if necessary blow up the oil and gas fields of the country.

This threat has introduced a new dimension to the volatility of crude oil supply and threatens to push prices to record high. Call him what you like, but Mr. Gaddafi and his cohorts have fed from the feeding bottle of crude oil and taking that from them without a period of weaning is bound to result in the slaughter and tantrums that is the hall mark of the regime in Tripoli.

A quick look back at the third week of February 2011 shows that as we saw a fine being slammed on the oil giant, Chevron, for polluting the Amazonian region of Ecuador, we heard of the company's philanthropic move in the Niger Delta.

The gesture is a clear case of philanthropic tokenism. It appears that Chevron sought to draw attention away from the long-awaited verdict from Ecuador by moving across the Atlantic and displaying a suspect front of compassion in the bloodstained and oil soaked creeks of the Niger Delta. The link and the timing are inescapable.

The company announced with much fanfare a splash of $50 million, ostensibly to ignite economic development and tackle conflict in the region - of which, it must be said, the company admitted to being a contributor in the past.

The money is being funnelled through the company's Niger Delta Partnership Initiative and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and will be spent over the next four years. The thrust will obviously be to generate employment since the oil company hires only a tiny fraction of the millions it has impoverished through the destruction of the creeks, swamps, farmlands and forests that they depend on for their livelihoods through oil spills, gas flares, and the dumping of other toxic wastes.

These are interesting days indeed. Without doubt, crude oil business is not only volatile, but explosive. It is the stuff that oils the machinery of despotism and it is the stuff that blinds the world to the bloods that flow on the streets as people fight for liberty.

It is also the stuff that bluffs and seeks to blind us from demanding environmental justice but accepting tokens.

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* This article first appeared on 234next.com
* Nnimmo Bassey is director of Environmental Rights Action (ERA)/ Friends of the Earth Nigeria.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Saluting the revolutionary women of Egypt on International Women’s Day

Horace Campbell

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71607

cc HuguesHonouring the struggles of women all over the world against patriarchy and oppression in the week of the 100th anniversary of International Women’s Day, Horace Campbell focuses on the instrumental role of key women activists in the Egyptian protests.

When the revolutionary momentum in North Africa erupted onto the world stage at the start of January 2011, the world was exposed to a new force in international politics. This force was sustained by the energy and power of the grassroots women and youths of Africa. We want to use this day, the 100th anniversary of the commemoration of International Women’s Day, to salute the women who emerged in the leadership of this revolution that is still under way. In particular, it is important to salute women such as Amal Sharaf and Asmaa Mahfouz of the April 6 Youth Movement of Egypt, who showed exemplary leadership in challenging the much-dreaded Mubarak regime. These women are part of a new generation of revolutionaries who are fighting to shift the power in society from patriarchs and capitalists to working women and men. African peoples throughout the world have embraced the celebration of International Women’s Day, even though at the inception of this celebration, people of African descent were discriminated against in the mainstream women’s movement. We salute those women from Egypt along with the women who call for investment in caring instead of killing.

Tunisia’s Mohammed Bouzazi entered the annals of revolutionary martyrs when he sacrificed himself to rally the youths in Tunisia to stand up and fight. The Tunisian example gave confidence to youths all across Africa and the Middle East. But it is the outstanding leadership of Egypt’s women, especially Asmaa Mahfouz, that is being highlighted today. Asmaa Mahfouz is a young revolutionary who was one of the founders of the April 6 Youth Movement. This movement was formed by young Egyptian revolutionaries, including Ahmed Maher and Amal Sharaf, in 2008 to support the workers in the industrial city of El-Mahalla who were on strike for better working conditions, better wages and who were protesting rising food prices. The April 6 Movement used the tools of social media and brought new ideas about the politics of inclusion as well as new ideas about political organising to the forefront of Egyptian politics. Though mainly from the educated classes of the Facebook generation, this group of men and women struggled to translate online activism into real mobilisation of humans to stand up for their rights. Esam al-Amin, in his brilliant analysis of the implications of the Egyptian revolution, wrote that, ‘[a]s the demonstrations continued, every day broke new ground. It started with the educated youth, both middle class and affluent. They were soon joined by the oppressed and uneducated poor. Within a few days, the protests swelled to include all segments of society, including judges, lawyers, doctors, engineers, journalists, artists, civil servants, workers, farmers, day laborers, students, home makers, the underclass and the unemployed.’

When I was recently in Kenya grounding with grassroots activists from Bunge la Wananchi, I urged them to study carefully the lessons of the Egyptian process and to grasp the tactics and strategies of that revolutionary struggle. I recommended to them the writings of Esam al-Amin, who has consistently been elaborating to the world the unique lessons of this Egyptian revolution. His most recent input on ‘When Egypt's revolution was at the crossroads’ again shed light on the simple but clear demands of those who moved an uprising to the stage of a popular revolution. He clearly acknowledged that, ‘[i]ndeed the transformation from a protest to an uprising to a successful revolution was remarkable. But the ultimate triumph of Egypt’s revolution was not inevitable. At different junctures of the eighteen momentous days the revolution could have been aborted or taken a completely different turn.’

It is now internationally recognised that Asmaa Mahfouz played a crucial role not only within the April 6 Youth Movement but also by her own initiative to post the historic 18 January YouTube video calling on Egyptians to come out to Tahrir Square on 25 January 2011. In her outline of the 12 decisive moments that played a crucial role in maintaining the momentum of the revolution, Asmaa’s steadfastness, courage and initiative exposed to the world the new politics that is awaiting the world in this revolutionary moment.

Before recording the inspiring video, Asmaa had gone to Tahrir Square as a lone soldier with the hope of inspiring an uprising against the Mubarak regime. In the video, she chastised the people for not mustering the bravery to come out en masse and join her in Tahrir. She implored young people not to sacrifice themselves by self-immolation, but to stand up to fight the regime. In this call she said inter alia:

‘I posted that I, a girl, am going down to Tahrir Square and I will stand alone. And I will hold up a banner, perhaps people will show some honour. I even wrote my number, so maybe people will come down with me. No one came except three guys! Three guys and three armoured cars of riot police! And tens of hired thugs and officers came to terrorise us.’

Asmaa was challenging the Egyptian people to demand their honour and human dignity from a corrupt and brutal government that had ruled the country with an iron fist under emergency laws for over three decades. She implored her compatriots to head to Tahrir Square on 25 January to reclaim their future and their dignity. She said:

‘I am making this video to give you one simple message. We want to go down to Tahrir Square on January 25th. If we still have honour, and want to live in dignity on this land we have to go down (to Tahrir Square) on January 25th. We’ll go down and demand our rights, our fundamental human rights.

‘I am going down on January 25th, and from now till then, I am going to distribute fliers in the street everyday. I will not set myself on fire! If the security forces want to set me on fire let them come and do it. If you think yourself a man, come with me on January 25th.’

It is now history that the call of this young woman propelled a revolutionary moment that brought down the regime in Egypt. Al-Amin properly located the leadership of women such as Asmaa Mahfouz in his analysis when he noted that Egypt ‘is a largely patriarchal society not used to having women, especially young females, leading any group or organization, let alone a political movement.’ Women such as Asmaa Mahfouz are not unique in Africa and throughout the contours of the popular revolution Nawal El Saadawi and other veteran freedom fighters were bringing their experiences of anti-dictatorial and anti-sexist struggles to this revolutionary process. Asmaa was well aware of the patriarchal inclination of her society and the limitations of the patriarchal model of liberation when she asserted:

‘Whoever says women shouldn’t go to protests because they will get beaten, let him have some honour and manhood and come with me on January 25th… Sitting at home and just following us on news or Facebook leads to our humiliation, leads to my own humiliation…

‘If you have honour and dignity as a man, come! Come and protect me and other girls in the protest. If you stay at home, then you deserve all that’s being done to you. And you will be guilty before your nation and your people. And you will be responsible for what happens to us on the street while you sit at home. Go down on the street, send SMS, post it on the ‘net, make people aware.

‘Never say there’s no hope! Hope disappears only when you say there’s no hope. So long you come down with us, there will be hope. Don’t be afraid of the government, fear none but God!

‘Don’t think you can be safe anymore! None of us are! Come down with us and demand your rights, my rights, your family’s rights.

‘I am going down on January 25th, and I will say “No” to corruption. “No” to this regime.’

Asmaa was not only instrumental to sparking the Egyptian revolution, she and other women played critical roles in the decisive moments that guaranteed the victory of the people. They paid a heavy sacrifice, bearing the brunt of at least 10 per cent of the casualties in the first week. The women gave their time, their passion and their inspiration for the revolution.

Amal Sharaf was another one of the key organisers of the Egypt protest. She is an English teacher and co-founder of the April 6 Youth Movement. According to Amal, she has two daughters: her 10-year-old biological daughter and the April 6 Youth Movement. In an interview, it was revealed that 36-year-old Amal Sharaf worked round the clock along with her team of 10 persons from a ‘control room’ in Cairo to make sure that the protests were peaceful and persistent. Amal was arrested alongside other colleagues when security forces raided their office.

Patriarchy has historically oppressed women so that women’s roles in past revolutions and societal transformation were relegated to the footnotes of history. Just as in this revolution in Egypt, women have played frontline roles in the liberation of many societies from the shackles of colonialism and all forms of oppression, only for the male folks to turn to the oppression of women in the supposedly liberated societies.

Only one day in a year is dedicated to the celebration of women’s achievements globally. However, the commemoration of International Women’s Day at this moment offers us an opportunity to reflect on and support the efforts of women around the world to liberate themselves and to oppose a capitalist system that passes the heaviest burden of care onto women. When Asmaa chastised the critiques of women protesters to ‘have some honour and manhood’, it was a statement that seeks to redefine the honour of manhood in relation to standing up to the masculinists in society who support the dehumanisation and exploitation of women. This is a major statement about human rights and the transformation of gender relations in the 21st century.

On this International Women’s Day, I want to salute the revolutionary women all over Africa who are standing up for peace and justice. As I was writing this piece, news came through of the killing of unarmed women in Côte d’Ivoire, just as Egyptian women who were mounting an International Women’s Day rally in Tahrir Square were heckled by some men. These experiences are reminders of the uphill struggles that are still ahead to achieve the goals of the emancipation of women and the humanisation of the male. As my sister Ifi Amadiume rightly observed in her comments on the attack on the women in Tahrir Square, ‘Egyptian women are now saying that they are the deciding factor for the future of women's rights for the next decade.’ She notes that the struggle of the women was not only for their rights but also in a context where ‘building rudimentary democratic institutions from the bottom up’ will be an uphill task.

In Egypt, the contours of the revolutionary moment thus far reflect a high level of planning, tenacity, organisation and inclusiveness that transcends gender and religion. But the gains of the revolution are being threatened by counter-revolution manifest in the stirring-up of religious differences and what seems like an attempt to leave women out of the gains of a post-Mubarak reconstruction. According to Al Jazeera, there are ‘[f]ears that the condition of Egyptian women could return to “normal” after the uprising appears legitimate. After all, there have been several cases in history of uprisings that prove that women can be used in a revolution and then told “thank you, you can go back home.”’ The revolutionary process will face counter-revolutionaries just as the women faced sexism and harassment in ‘liberation square’ on International Women’s Day. These experiences further point to the reality that revolutionary struggles are protracted struggles and the revolutionary women must continue to command the revolutionary upper-ground that they commanded prior to and during the 18 days that shook the world.

Throughout the pan-African world, the struggles for reproductive rights along with the struggles for basic integrity as human beings have once again propelled women to the front of the African liberation struggles. On this International Women’s Day, I want to salute the revolutionary women all over Africa who are standing up for peace and justice. They are carrying forth the historic torch that will light up humanity against all forms of oppression and deformed masculinity.

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* Horace Campbell is a teacher and writer. Professor Campbell's website is www.horacecampbell.net.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The ‘mubaraking’ of Gaddafi, Maliki, Mugabe and others

Patrick Bond

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71572

cc markn3telTaking inspiration from the late South African anti-apartheid poet–activist Dennis Brutus’s verb-play, Patrick Bond discusses the ‘mubaraking’ currently faced by a number of dictatorships across Africa.

The late South African anti-apartheid poet-activist Dennis Brutus occasionally used “Seattle”, the name of a city in the northwestern United States, as a verb. We should “seattle Copenhagen”, he said in late 2009, to prevent the global North from doing a climate deal in their interests, against Africa’s.

The point was to communicate his joy that in December 1999, the efforts of tens of thousands of civil society protesters outside the Seattle convention centre and a handful of patriotic African negotiators inside together scuppered the Millennium Round meeting of a stubborn ruling crew: the World Trade Organization. Their pro-corporate, free-trade agenda never recovered.
Although a decade later Brutus died, his verb-play signalling a democratic society rising against tyranny lives on if we consider the shaken ruling gangs of Libya, Iraq, Zimbabwe and Durban in South Africa, each a product of scandal-ridden crony capitalism and each impervious to popular demands that they quit. After Tunisia and Egypt, where Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak lost power in recent weeks, a growing cohort of now fragile dictatorships are experiencing a dose of “mubaraking” by hordes of non-violent democrats.

BRITISH SUPPORT FOR GADDAFI

Libya is the ripest regime to fall, but London’s generous military aid and support from politicians like former prime minister Tony Blair, oil company BP, arms-deal facilitator Prince Andrew and London School of Economics (LSE) intellectuals seem to have emboldened Muammar Gaddafi and his family, leaving open the question of how many more hundreds – or thousands – the lunatic will kill on his way down.

Gaddafi may try to hang on, with his small band of loyalists, allegedly bolstered by sub-Saharan African mercenaries – potentially including Zimbabweans, according to the Harare media – helping Gaddafi for a $16,000 payoff each. After Gaddafi zigzagged to a pro-Western stance in 2004 by demobilising weapons of mass destruction in exchange for closure on the PanAm airline bombing and subsequent sanctions, some millions of the family’s ill-gotten wealth were showered on the academic crowd most favoured by Blair.

Blair’s “Third Way” political advisor, former London School of Economics director Lord Anthony Giddens, visited the Libyan dictator in 2007, pronouncing: “As one-party states go, Libya is not especially repressive. Gaddafi seems genuinely popular… Will real progress be possible only when Gaddafi leaves the scene? I tend to think the opposite. If he is sincere in wanting change, as I think he is, he could play a role in muting conflict that might otherwise arise as modernisation takes hold.”

To help “mute conflict”, as Giddens might have it, British weaponry is mainly being deployed against Libyans in the capital Tripoli, for Gaddafi’s army seems to have defected nearly everywhere else. Muammar’s second oldest son (and most likely successor) Saif al-Gaddafi – who has vowed to “fight to the last minute, until the last bullet” – was awarded a doctoral degree from the LSE and his foundation then gave £1.5 million to its Centre for Global Governance.

The centre’s money-blinded director, Professor David Held, remarked at the time: “It is a generous donation from an NGO committed to the promotion of civil society and the development of democracy.”

But to clear-sighted LSE students, that funding “was not obtained through legitimate enterprise but rather through 42 years of shameless exploitation and brutal oppression of the Libyan people”, as one put it, and so a sit-in ensued last week to demand that Held transfer the funding back to assist Gaddafi’s victims.

So far Held has only agreed to halt the North African reform research underway with the Gaddafi money, not return it, and last week his lame excuses for the murderous Saif sickened former admirers (myself included).

In the same spirit, several African civil society organisations and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu insisted on February 25 that the African Union (AU) act against Gaddafi, on grounds that “Article 3 of the Constitutive Act of the AU lists the promotion of peace, security and stability on the continent as one of its key objectives. Despite this, the AU and African governments have been slow to react.”

SOUTH AFRICAN ARMS TO GADDAFI

Sorry, don’t expect peace promotion from the African National Congress government in South Africa. Late 2010, the chair of South Africa’s National Conventional Arms Control Committee, justice minister Jeff Radebe, approved the sale of 100 South African sniper rifles and more than 50,000 rounds of ammunition to Gaddafi. Any references to human rights in the committee’s deliberations are already considered a joke, but Radebe may now have some serious bloodstains on his reputation.

The civil society/Tutu statement continued: “The three African countries that sit on the UN Security Council – South Africa, Nigeria and Gabon – as representatives of the continent have a special responsibility to ensure that the people of Libya are protected from grave human rights violations constituting crimes against humanity.”

But all three also have substantial popular uprisings underway internally.

IRAQ

Looking eastward from Libya to Iraq, the US-installed government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki was protested by tens of thousands on February 25, in a “day of rage”.

According to Washington Post reporters, state security forces opened fire, killing 29 and arresting “300 prominent journalists, artists and lawyers who took part in nationwide demonstrations, in what some of them described as an operation to intimidate Baghdad intellectuals who hold sway over popular opinion”.

The Iraqis were “handcuffed, blindfolded, beaten and threatened with execution by soldiers from an army intelligence unit”.

Iraqi protester demands “ranged from more electricity and jobs, to ending corruption, reflecting a dissatisfaction with government that cuts across sectarian and class lines”, according to the Post. The day was “organized, at least in part, by middle-class, secular intellectuals” against whom Maliki’s troops “fired water cannons, sound bombs and live bullets to disperse crowds”. Shades of Saddam.

Moving south and west, other democracy protests were waged in recent days by tens of thousands of activists in Gabon, Oman, Djibouti and Sudan, where on January 30, “students held Egypt-inspired demonstrations against proposed cuts to subsidies on petroleum products and sugar”, according to a Durban journalist serving Al Jazeera news’ courageous service, Azad Essa. In Ethiopia, Essa reports, police “detained the well-known journalist Eskinder Nega for ‘attempts to incite’ Egypt-style protests”.

ZIMBABWE REPRESSION

Even harsher treatment was meted out by Robert Mugabe’s police to 46 Zimbabweans led by former member of parliament Munyaradzi Gwisai. The group was charged with “high treason” (punishable by death) for showing news clips of Egyptian and Tunisian protests at a February 19 meeting of the International Socialist Organization-Zimbabwe.

As 10 of the group were apparently tortured by Mugabe’s police and the dozen women arrested were transferred to the notorious Chikurubi maximum security prison, demands for their release grew louder, with South Africans chiming in at a Hillbrow, Johannesburg picket on February 26.

At home, brave Zimbabweans’ support will emerge more publicly on March 1 at noon, when democracy activists gather in Harare Gardens to demand the prisoners’ release, Mugabe’s resignation, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, press freedom, fair elections and an end to the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) regime’s political violence, which is currently resurgent in several hotspots, from Mutare in the east to Harare to Gwanda in the west.

DIAMONDS FUND ELECTION IRREGULARITIES

But Mugabe wants to hasten the same kind of unfree, unfair elections he has been “winning” over the last decade, and has apparently amassed a war chest through illicit diamond sales to once again dominate the campaign. On February 22, finance minister Tendai Biti from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) confronted Mugabe over the diversion of $300 million in revenues from the Marange diamond field, site of hundreds of civilian deaths by the armed forces a few years ago.

The Kimberley Process to identify “blood diamonds” remains chaotic and corrupt, as self-interested South Africans and Israelis support diamond exports controlled by Mugabe’s generals. Reports Harare journalist Dumisani Muleya, “There are fears that the $300 million has either been stolen or was being kept secretly somewhere by Zanu-PF ministers as a war chest for anticipated elections.”

Rebutting wildly, Mugabe’s ally and chair of the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation, Godwills Masimirembwa, claimed (without proof) that Biti would not pay civil servants a promised pay rise in order to prompt an “insurrection so that we have another Egypt or Tunisia in Zimbabwe”.

Amnesty International representative Simeon Mawanza blames South African President Jacob Zuma and other regional leaders: “Their silence might be interpreted as being complicit in what we are seeing.”

Hopewell Gumbo, who contributed enormously to one of our Centre for Civil Society political economy programs in Durban, was one of the activists tortured after their arrest on February 19. He was recently quoted on the radio: “I personally work for an organisation that has started an initiative with the rural cotton farmers, in terms of pricing of their commodities, that kind of strategy goes above political differences because when ZANU-PF and MDC farmers meet they realise their problems are common and political issues can only divide them at the end of the day.”

More international solidarity for oppressed Zimbabweans is urgently needed, and from 12:30-2 pm on March 1 in Durban, refugees Shepherd Zvavanhu and Percy Nhau lead a Centre for Civil Society public discussion on the situation in the University of KwaZulu Natal’s (UKZN) Memorial Tower Building, and at 5:30 pm in Washington DC, a pro-democracy demonstration will be held at Zimbabwe’s embassy on New Hampshire Avenue near DuPont Circle.

FROM DURBAN TO WISCONSIN

Meanwhile, back home in Durban, city manager Michael Sutcliffe’s regime appeared terminally wounded when his protector, provincial African National Congress chairperson John Mchunu, died late last year. The neoliberal-nationalist municipal order is now in much greater danger because in recent days, the figurehead mayor, Obed Mlaba, broke with Sutcliffe and his officials over a $500 million fast-track spending scandal. The ruling party seems to be backing Mlaba.

Sutcliffe has repeatedly defended corrupt municipal deals with the Mpisane family on ill-constructed black township housing and Remant Alton on the failed privatisation of municipal buses. Sutcliffe is widely disliked because of autocratic tendencies, including the repeated banning of protest marches, a factor that community and environmental activists are factoring into considerations for the November-December 2011 UN world climate summit.

The “mubaraking” of Libya’s Gaddafi, Iraq’s Maliki, Zimbabwe’s Mugabe and Durban’s Sutcliffe is long overdue. But revolt is just as necessary in the country that long propped up so many dictatorships, the United States.

On February 26, all 50 US state capitals witnessed demonstrations held in solidarity with public sector workers in Wisconsin, who are under attack by a hardline conservative governor. Even in the frigid weather and snow of the Wisconsin capital, Madison, 70,000 people marched against the Republican governor’s attempt to end collective bargaining, in what is probably the most important US class struggle since the 1930s.

Revolution is still in the air and throughout the most visionary television network has been Al Jazeera. Its director general Wadah Khanfar had an easy explanation for the network’s repeated scoops: “When opinions crowd and confusion prevails, set your sight on the route taken by the masses, for that is where the future lies.”

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* Based at the Centre for Civil Society in Durban, Patrick Bond is completing a book, 'Politics of Climate Justice'.
* This article as first published by LINKS - international journal of socialist renewal.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Western Sahara: 35 years of colonisation and exile is enough

Peter Kenworthy

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71578

cc Wikimedia CommonsRecognised and supported by an extensive range of governments and countries across the globe, Western Sahara’s colonisation and exploitation at the hands of Morocco must come to an end, writes Peter Kenworthy.

‘We would like to call on the influential international actors to take immediate measures, including exerting pressure and imposing sanctions on the Moroccan government, to put an end to this conflict,’ said Mohamed Abdelaziz, president of Western Sahara’s Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), at the 35th anniversary of the proclamation of SADR. He was speaking to his fellow countryfolk at the anniversary, but he was also speaking to the many foreign delegations that had come from all over the world, as well as those countries not present.

For those who do not know what SADR is, and there are unfortunately many who do not, SADR is the internationally recognised exile government of the people of Western Sahara, the Saharawis. The SADR government is a member of the African Union and has a president, a prime minister, a judiciary, ministerial departments and a parliament, just as any other country in the world. And the reason that the conflict is largely unknown in Europe and the USA is probably that the USA and France, both permanent UN Security Council members, and Spain, are not interested in changing a status quo that they believe they benefit from strategically and financially, and that low-intensity conflicts, such as the one in Western Sahara, do not get much coverage in the press.

The distinctive feature of the SADR government is that its administration lies in a refugee camp near Tindouf in neighbouring Algeria. The reason that SADR and many Saharawis are exiled in inhospitable camps in the middle of the Algerian dessert, where thousands fled to escape the advancing Moroccan army in 1975, is that Morocco has illegally occupied the more fertile and resource-rich three-quarters of the Western Saharan territory for the past 35 years and brutally clamped down on anyone within this occupied territory who dares dispute their rule, however peacefully.

The Saharawis have been in a non-violent protracted struggle with Morocco to gain control of the whole of Western Sahara since a ceasefire was negotiated with Morocco in September 1991 that ended actual military battle between the two. But although SADR-controlled Western Sahara is fully dependent upon outside aid, life in the refugee camps near Tindouf is about much more than conflict and desperation. Indeed, as the foreign delegations to the anniversary celebrations discovered, the Saharawis there were both welcoming, proud to show their culture, and ardent in their call for political and national recognition, as well as for the referendum on the status of Western Sahara that the UN and international law has demanded since 1975 but not delivered.

As part of the Danish delegation to the anniversary, I first experienced this when staying at the ‘27 of February’ camp near Tindouf. Here I briefly lived and socialised in the houses and tents of the people in the camp and was treated to meals, large quantities of Saharawi tea and to political discussions about Western Sahara and the unfolding situation in Libya. The discussions of the latter was especially fuelled by the TV in the common tent of my hosts, where family and friends gathered to drink tea, talk and watch Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya.

There are four large Saharawi refugee camps, as well as smaller satellite camps such as the ’27 of February’ camp. The camps have a total population of around 165,000 according to the UNHCR, although this number is disputed by Morocco for political reasons. The camps lie near Tindouf in an area known as ‘The Devil’s Garden’ where temperatures in summer reach 50 degrees. The area has little vegetation and experiences frequent sandstorms. Drinking water has to be brought in by lorry and many of those living there experience nutritional deficiencies.

Despite all these challenges, the SADR government and the Saharawi people seem to be coping remarkably well. The educational level in the camps, for instance, is surprisingly high, mainly because the SADR government has made education a priority. About 90 per cent of the population are literate, against a regional average of about 50 per cent, a dramatic rise from the 10 per cent literacy when the Saharawis arrived in the camps in 1975. Saharawian women are also seen as some of the most liberated in the Arab and Muslim world. These facts underline the impression the foreign delegations came away with from the celebrations that SADR is a well organised and efficient entity and that the Saharawis in general have decided to make the best of the situation while waiting for the world to help them regain their homeland in its entirety.

But when driving from the camps in Tindouf to Tifariti in the SADR-controlled part of Western Sahara where the first part of the celebrations took place, the unsustainability of having 165,000 people cramped together in camps near Tindouf really became obvious. The desert might be able to sustain the scattered Bedouins living in impermanent tent camps with free-roaming goats and camels that we passed, but certainly not such a large and densely populated population. The area is a vast, but surprisingly beautiful and diversely coloured, desert where much of the sand has been scorched by years of unforgiving sun. This part of the desert therefore appears almost black. Apart from the semi-domesticated animals belonging to the Bedouins, the little animal life that there is on the route to Tifariti consisted mainly of the odd bird or lizard.

In fact the only larger, fixed manmade construction that we passed in the over six hours that the journey by car to Tifariti takes, was the Moroccan wall, ‘Berm’ or ‘Wall of Shame’ as the Saharawis call it. It is manned by thousands of soldiers, is heavily mined with around 6 million mines and spans and divides the entire length of Western Sahara. The wall was and is an attempt by Morocco to protect the resources that they illegally extract from occupied Western Sahara. What it means for the Saharawis, apart from being a symbol of the occupation of their land, is that families living on opposite sides of the wall have been unable to visit each other for years on end as crossing from one part to the other is virtually impossible. Indeed, activists from the Moroccan-controlled occupied territories had to take a long detour via Algiers or Mauritania to be able to participate in the celebrations in Tifariti.

The town of Tifariti lies near Western Sahara’s border with Mauritania and has a population of around 3,000 people, many living in scattered tents. There is also a hospital, a school, and many new houses are being constructed. Tifariti was the scene of several battles during the Western Saharan war (1975–91) between Morocco and Polisario, the Western Sahara liberation movement that also forms the government. Ruins of houses destroyed during this war and scattered shells and missiles still bear witness to this legacy, especially that of the heavy Moroccan bombardment of Tifariti two weeks before an already-agreed ceasefire between Morocco and Polisario in August 1991.

Tifariti still has a military presence, as the sound of orders from soldiers of the Polisario’s Sahrawi People's Liberation Army exercising on the morning of 27 February, the day of SADR’s 35th anniversary, could be heard throughout the early morning. In fact, the first event of the day was a huge military parade held at a small stadium where thousands of soldiers, with each unit representing the different regional army divisions, paraded in front of the crowds of ululating women and foreign delegations. The military feel to the celebrations, epitomised by the donning of a military outfit by President Abdelaziz and the vast scope of the actual parade itself, which included thousands of male soldiers, women soldiers and soldiers on camelback, reflected the fact that the Western Sahara conflict is still potentially ‘hot’ and can still descend into actual physical warfare. It was also clearly meant as a symbolic gesture to the Moroccans to show the military strength and resolve of Polisario. As if to press the point home, the announcer proclaimed during the military parade that the Saharawis can be proud of their army that has ‘won important military battles’, thereby ensuring that ‘Morocco cannot defeat Western Sahara militarily’.

The 82 flags that lined the parade ground represented the mostly African, Asian and South American nations that recognise SADR, showed the support and legitimacy of the SADR government in the eyes of most of the world. No countries, on the other hand, recognise Morocco’s claim to Western Sahara. Further legitimacy came from the presence of the many press delegations – including news agencies such as Reuters, Associated Press, EFE, Cardena Ser, France Presse – that were present, as well as from the many delegations of ambassadors, parliamentarians, activists, NGOs and others from around the world. Saharawi TV, who broadcast throughout the day, made sure that Saharawis in the camps and in the diaspora who were not present in Tifariti could also watch and feel part of the celebrations.

‘Inviting the world to be part of the celebrations is also to show you that Western Sahara is more than conflict and refugee camps,’ Polisario representative to Denmark Abba Malainin told me. This view was also reflected in the post-parade speeches. SADR President Mohamed Abdelaziz spoke of the ‘determination and resourcefulness of the Saharawi people’ who are trying to ‘build a Saharawi modern society’, and who have ‘attained great achievements in the political, diplomatic, military and social fields, as well as in vital domains such as education, health and the like.’ Other speeches, including those of representatives from the Algerian parliament and the African Union, made similar points.

The delegates speaking later during an evening programme that also included musical performances, theatre, the reading of Saharawi nationalist poems and other cultural events, spoke of their support for independence for Western Sahara. Speeches from South African ambassador to Algeria, Ashraf Suliman, who promised to ‘continue to work with our brothers and sisters in Western Sahara’ and the Cuban ambassador Eumelio Caballero, who stated that there is ‘no option but independence for Western Sahara’, summed up the many pledges of support. The evening’s entertainment was also a welcome diversion from the seriousness of the subject in the speeches, both for the delegates and for the thousands of Saharawi soldiers that had marched in the parade and who whose makeshift open-air camps scattered the landscape.

The following days of the anniversary also focused on Saharawi culture, including a huge cultural parade in the Smara camp, but also on more urgent material matters such as natural resources. SADR Minister of Reconstruction and Urbanisation Salek Baba spoke of the lack of water in SADR-controlled Western Sahara as one of the main resource problems. ‘The Saharawi people want to stay in the liberated zones,’ he said, ‘but they need water to do so.’ A programme for reconstruction of the SADR-controlled Western Sahara is therefore underway, with Tifariti being the area that will initially benefit mostly from this. ‘But Morocco wants to deliberately impoverish the citizens of liberated Western Sahara,’ Salek Baba continued, and is doing so by ‘putting great pressure on the organisations that are trying to help in this reconstruction.’ Solar and wind energy especially were seen as promising energy sources that could also power water extraction by the delegates. Conventional power sources are expensive and ill-suited to servicing the many remote and scattered areas of Western Sahara, but solar and wind power are perfect because Western Sahara has an ample and continuous supply of both these resources.

It was thus clear to those who attended the SADR anniversary celebrations that both the solidarity of a large part of the world and constructive solutions to specific problems, such as access to vital resources such as water, were there. The problem was not so much the governments, organisations and people who were at the celebrations however, but those who were absent. Even though the many issues I have presented here make the Western Saharan conflict seem complex and difficult to solve, it is really a straightforward case of decolonisation that has some relatively straightforward solutions.

Firstly, it is obvious that any solution to the Western Sahara conflict should include the permanent members of the UN Security Council, especially the USA and France who have strategic and real political interests that have caused them to veto any UN action on Western Sahara.

Secondly, it is also obvious that the governments and companies of the European Union and Western Sahara’s former colonial power, Spain (Western Sahara’s de jure administrative power according to international law), must play a part – among other things because of the huge but illegal presence of mostly Spanish fishing vessels in the waters of occupied Western Sahara, the large illegal selling of other Western Saharan resources such as phosphates, and the important role that the selling of these resources plays in enabling Morocco to continue to fund its colonisation of Western Sahara.

Thirdly, and finally, it is equally obvious that a solution must include some sort of change within Morocco itself, as the current Moroccan regime has issues of both self-preservation and finance at stake with regards to Western Sahara. In plain language, the present Moroccan regime and its army use Western Sahara as both a diversion from its internal problems and the dissatisfaction within the Moroccan population with the regime, and as a source of considerable income.

But as the SADR Minister of Reconstruction and Urbanisation Salek Baba said during the anniversary celebrations as an analogy to the recent pro-democracy uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, ‘policies such as those of Morocco will not last forever.’ And as SADR President Mohamed Abdelaziz also insisted in his speech, Polisario’s fight is not with the Moroccan population but with its undemocratic and brutal regime.

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* Peter Kenworthy is Africa Contact's communication and project officer.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Imperial duplicity and the ‘colour revolutions’

Nicholas H. Tucker

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71540

cc nebedaayWho defines true liberation? Watch out for the role of the global elite in manipulating the outcome of the Middle East and North Africa revolutions, writes Nicholas H. Tucker.

Putting forward progressive views in these times can be a veritable mine-field for any individual or organisation who attempts to formulate a clear, well reasoned analysis of the real facts on the ground. Asking the question ‘…are the rebellions across North Africa and the Gulf merely “colour revolutions” or are they the real thing?’ will guarantee that you are labeled as ‘something’ and invariably the label will be unsavourary.

In order to make the point I need to make I will start with a homegrown situation, or more accurately an imported problem - that being Wal-Mart. Quite correctly, from the perspective of all progressive organisations in support of the unions, and in defence of workers rights, we need to oppose the very existence of this rapacious capitalist monolith that rapes the workers of every country - including those that it may not have a physical presence in.

Now, in our opposition to Wal-Mart we have found ourselves some strange bedfellows in the form of Shop-Rite and other capitalist entities, who have for years been plundering and exploiting Africa and today express concern that Wal-Mart will contribute towards massive inequality and food insecurity.

Yes, I see it in your eyes, you do recognise the dilemma we face if we find our slogans being chanted by the very exploiters that have looted and plundered our people for so long. If we do not analyse that particular situation smartly, we could find ourselves fighting for the ‘rights’ of our exploiters.

All of which brings me back to the ‘Arab’ revolts throughout North Africa and the Gulf States, and the shameless lies emanating from the global elite and their mind-washed mouthpieces in the mainstream media around the world.

The current situation in Libya presents a most complex and tricky situation to unravel, but unravel it we must if we are to prevent workers’ struggles for true liberation from being subverted and controlled by the global elite.

The sudden rebellion taking place in Libya is no accident as it follows hotly on the heels of Egypt and the clamorous anti-Mubarak uprisings, the dismissal of the government of Jordan, students clashing with police in Sudan, protests in Yemen, opposition to Lebanon's ‘new’ prime minister, protests in Algeria, the fleeing of Tunisia's Ben Ali and the more recent wide scale protests in Bahrain and Oman.

As things stand, Egypt is not yet in the bag and requires that the situation be kept in check by a ‘friendly’ military Junta to ensure that the Suez Canal remains open at all costs. The inherent value to be protected in all other countries where ‘pro-democracy’ is out on the streets so happens to coincide with the fact that they are oil producing countries, as well as the fact that they lie along the shores of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

Libya, Tunisia and Algeria on the other hand, all share a Mediterranean shoreline and contribute some seven per cent towards global oil thirst. The newest country on the block is Southern Sudan, which has appreciable oil reserves. All of this presents a delicate balancing act for America to keep the sea-lanes clear - and have the oil as well, hopefully with not too much ‘blow-back’.

Libya's Gaddafi, for the greater part of 40 years, refused to succumb to the threats or the inducements of imperialism like the puppet Mubarak of Egypt. The nationalisation in 1969 of Libya’s oil for the benefit of the Libyan economy was a situation that rankled the imperial order. It was after all their oil and gas - who the fuck was this ‘dirty Bedouin’ to squander ‘their profits’ on bettering the lives and conditions of an even bigger bunch of Bedouin’s. They determined that he would be immortalised like Gamal Abdul Nasser, such that by 1986, after numerous covert attempts, the US actually launched major air strikes on Tripoli and Benghazi, killing 60 people, including Gadhafi’s infant daughter - an event that is never mentioned by the corporate media.

This was followed by devastating sanctions, imposed by the US and supported by its puppet the UN, in a desperate effort to wreck the Libyan economy and sink Gaddafi in the process. Their failure to get Gaddafi inspired them to pin the Lockerbie slaughter on Libya - a cruel and murderous CIA/Mossad plot that lead to vicious sanctions and embargoes against that country for some 15 years.

In 2003 the world got a taste of ‘Shock and Awe’ and an objective lesson in ‘…nobody walks away from us, unless we say so…’ when America flattened Baghdad with a horrific bombing campaign and an invasion that has resulted in the slaughter of some 1,5 million Iraqi civilians. This was enough to make Gaddafi reconsider his anti-imperialist stance by making big political and economic concessions to the imperialists in order to avoid an ‘Iraq’ being pulled on Libya. In 2004, Gaddafi reluctantly agreed to pay $2,7-billion for the Lockerbie bombing and then proceeded to open the Libyan economy to foreign banks and corporations. He agreed to IMF demands for ‘structural adjustment’, privatising many state-owned enterprises and cutting state subsidies on necessities like food and fuel.

The net result is that the Libyan people are suffering from the same high prices and unemployment that underlie the rebellions elsewhere and that flow from the worldwide capitalist economic crisis. There can be no doubt that the struggles sweeping the Arab world for political freedom and economic justice have also struck a chord in Libya. There can be no doubt that discontent with the Gaddafi regime is motivating a significant section of the population.

However, it is important for progressives to know that many of the people being promoted in the West as leaders of the Libyan opposition are long-time agents of imperialism. The BBC on 22 February 2011 showed footage of crowds in Benghazi pulling down the green flag of the republic and replacing it with the flag of the overthrown monarch King Idris - who was a puppet of US and British imperialism some 40 years ago.

The deliberate distortion of reality to suit imperial agendas has become evident in the western media, who base a great deal of their reporting on agendas, using ‘spokespersons’ drawn from the National Front for the Salvation of Libya, a group trained, armed and financed by the CIA. On the 23 February 2011, the Wall Street Journal editorial literally demanded that, ‘The US and Europe should help Libyans overthrow the Gaddafi regime.’ Cold, indifferent silence from the same media sources as well as their controllers in the ‘corridors of power’ about similar interventions to help the oppressed and exploited people of Kuwait or Saudi Arabia or Bahrain or Oman to overthrow their dictatorial rulers.

Of course we know that it would be unthinkable to make such utterances, even if it was to simply create the impression that, ‘all things are equal’. Worse yet, how about them calling on the US to intervene to help the Palestinian people of Gaza by lifting the Zionist blockade or demanding that reparations be paid for the Dresden style bombing of Gaza? In fact the very opposite occurred. On 18 February 2011, the US vetoed a UN resolution condemning the Zionists - a resolution that was supported by no less than 130 Nations.

We do not have to scratch too deeply to find out what imperialism’s interest is in Libya. As Africa’s third-largest producer of oil, it has the continent’s largest proven reserves - 44.3 billion barrels. It is a country with a relatively small population, but the potential to produce huge profits for the giant oil companies. That’s how the imperialists look at it, and that’s what underlies their professed concern for the people’s democratic rights in Libya.

It was not enough to stick Libya with a massive reparations claim for Lockerbie, or to squeeze concessions out of Gaddafi by allowing the imperialist oil barons entry into Libya. What they want is a straight-up government that they can own heart and soul, lock, stock and oil-barrel. Of course they have never forgiven Gaddafi for overthrowing the monarchy and nationalising the oil.

Former-president of Cuba Fidel Castro, in his column ‘Reflections’, takes note of imperialism’s hunger for oil and warns that the US is laying the basis for military intervention in Libya. Such an intervention means the murder of millions of Libyans, in the same way that intervention in Iraq lead to the murder of 1.5 million and the displacement of over four million killed and displaced by US intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The Socialist Party of Azania is in sympathy with the rebellions spreading across North Africa and the Gulf states. Their success is dependent upon us supporting the justifiable struggles in whatever form they take, while rejecting imperialist intervention.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Nicholas H. Tucker is from the Socialist Party of Azania.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Silencing the tools of Revolution 2.0

Dibussi Tande

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71581

Dibussi TandeCameroon’s Biya regime has embarked on a ‘futile battle it will never win’, writes Dibussi Tande, following the government's attempt to silence digital activists by banning a mobile Twitter service.

Scribbles from the Den comments on the government of Cameroon’s decision to ban the Mobile Twitter service that was being offered by mobile operator MTN in partnership with Twitter:

‘Obviously, the government has failed to learn the lesson from North Africa, particularly in Tunisia, where the Ben Ali regime was still toppled even though it had banned all social media sites for years and had engaged in a sophisticated cyber-war with Tunisian digital activists. The government has also completely misread the lessons of the February 23 protests; even though Twitter played a prominent role in informing the world of what was happening in Cameroon, over 95% of the tweets which the international media relied on for updates did not originate from within Cameroon. It was information obtained via mobile phones, regular SMS and email which ended up on Twitter and not real-time tweets from activists on the ground…

‘In country where politics trumps everything else and where the survival of the Biya regime is becoming a self-destructive obsession, the socio-economic benefits of Twitter have been completely overlooked in favor of a largely symbolic policy which does not change the digital balance of power between the regime and the digital activists within and out of Cameroon...

‘Every Cameroonian with a cell phone (that is about 6 million individuals) knows what a text message is, and/or has texted at least once before. Increasingly smartphones are making their way into Cameroon, and practically every phone in the market has a camera. The combination of standard SMS and smartphones is where the potential "threat" to national security (i.e., the Biya regime) really lies, and not on a service that was used by only a handful of people...

‘So, unless the government plans a total Internet blackout, including the banning of all mobile phones and standard SMS, then it has embarked on a very futile battle which it will never win.’

Readwriteweb argues that the Twitter ban by the Biya regime stems from a widespread misconception about the role of social media in political uprisings:

‘Clearly, President Biya believes he can cut off future protests by eliminating one of the tools those protesters might use...

‘The ban brings keeps an interesting issue alive. As I discussed in my review of "The Net Delusion," it is easy for actors on both sides of a political struggle to over-emphasize the power of a given social media tool. On one side, there is a belief that Twitter or Facebook, for instance, will provide protesters with a tool against which no government can prevail. On the other side, governments can wind up believing the same thing, so they presume that if they simply eliminate that tool, any protests will fail.

‘The truth is, social media is very valuable to those who wish to be heard and who wish to communicate with each other. Like any element in a struggle it can provide the straw that breaks the camel's back. But finding the social media tool that “guarantees” a protest will be successful (or fail) is a lot like a business instructing its marketing department to “make a viral video.” You just don't know what tool will be the make-or-break.’

Andrew Trench theorises that the level of Internet penetration may be used to determine where revolutions might likely occur:

‘Is there a tipping point of internet penetration which provides a critical mass for social revolution in a country with a non-democratic or repressive government?

‘It's a thought that's been bugging me ever since I read about the Wikileaks Factor in the Tunisian revolution which ousted president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. For this to be a factor plenty of Tunisians would have had to access the Wikileaks documents which details the scandalous affairs of this crooked president.

‘Social networks have also been given plenty of credit for the revolution unfolding in Egypt.

So I went and had a look at the numbers over on www.internetworldstats.com to see what they could tell us about these two scenarios. Well, fascinatingly, both Egypt and Tunisia have seen a massive growth in internet users and internet penetration over the last 10 years. Both have now got internet penetration of over 20% and in Tunisia's case it was as high as 34%.

‘While it is clearly simplistic to over-state this factor and there must be many more drivers contributing to such a rapid political uprising, it is obviously a factor as evidenced by the Egyptian regime pulling the plug on the country's internet access to try and block the rising tide of revolt.

‘My back-of-napkin theory is this: that a rapid increase in internet penetration in a repressive regime does play an important role as it provides an unfettered channel of communication allowing disaffected citizens to share views - and more importantly - to rapidly organize and mobilize.

‘If Egypt and Tunisia are valid case studies, it looks like internet penetration of around 20% is the mark.’

The Gambia Voice believes that impact the fall of the Gaddafi regime, if it were to happen, would be as momentous as the collapse of the Soviet Union:

‘The sudden transition of the political landscape, especially in West Africa, in the 1990s owed much to the fall of the Soviet Union when countries that benefited from super-power patronage found themselves with limited external support. The results of that, without doubt, were the very destabilising wars and coups that took over in countries such as Sierra Leone and Liberia.

‘Since the 1970s, Libya had been the preferred ground for Sub-Saharan warlords who used it to train and arm fighters, who were then sent back to their respective countries to ignite national upheavals and skirmishes. Such recruitments were very effective in the Sierra Leone and Liberia wars...

‘Coups and elections are not successful without Ghaddafi’s intervention one way or the other. Prolonged and destructive civil wars are not possible without being sustained by the man who wants to unify Africa.

‘The significance of Ghaddafi in Sub-Sahara Africa should not be underestimated at all; he is the only North African leader who looks southward. He considers himself very much African, and he advocates for a united Africa. This claim and link enabled him to detach himself from the Middle East, and used his huge oil wealth to bankroll the AU (Africa Union)... Since the beginning of the Libyan upheaval the AU has remained silent, fearing that if any hasty statement is made to condemn the revered Colonel, it may come back to haunt them and their crumbling regimes…

‘It is now a matter of who first is going to put his head in the snood by publicly condemning the Colonel. African dictators are fully familiar with the proverb that one should never crack a nut on the head of he who carries you on his shoulders.’

ImageNations cautions that revolutions do not always usher in political systems that are in line with the expectations of the revolutionaries:

‘While the toppling of autocracies is a sign that the people are fed-up with their governments and would want to live in a freer society where resources are equitably distributed and rights fairly expressed, it would be better if we do not take these quests as constants in the outcomes but to question their attainment...

‘Many opposition political parties are headed by autocrats whose sights rest not on the suffering populace for whom they pretend to represent but on how to wrench power from the current rulers and make a dynasty out of it. Thus, though currently we may be happy these demonstrations and on-going topplings, let's not be over-enthusiastic for they are creating spaces for the autocrats-in-waiting, those who are envious of the way these people are amassing wealth. The likes of Dennis Sassou Nguesso of Congo (Brazzaville) who was president for 12 years, from 1979 to 1992. Defeated in 1992, he fought the president for five years until he ousted him in 1997 and has been president ever since...

‘Yet, there are always positives to every event. Some revolutions have led to deep constitutional changes that has benefitted the masses like the Ukraine's Orange Revolution. Yet, which group are likely to replace Qaddafi if he leaves? Is it a democratic one? A religious group? A dynastic family? or what? Currently, all is quiet in Tunisia, but have things returned to normalcy? We would have to explore these and debate amongst ourselves and be vigilant so that those whose blood were shed would not die in vain.’

Chronikler believes that thanks to the Egyptian revolution, it is now possible to determine the true political strength and size of the Muslim Brotherhood:

‘The Brotherhood was previously portrayed as a mighty political organisation by the regime itself as a way to attract the support of those who opposed them inside and outside Egypt, and to help maintain the status quo. I personally have often been asked, at the first sign of my criticising Mubarak, if I would prefer the Brotherhood, as if there were no third option.

‘The Egyptian revolution has reduced everyone including the Brotherhood to their actual size, since now everything is more transparent...

‘In post-Mubarak Egypt, as the country's political structure takes shape, the Brotherhood will emerge as one political party among many. And when all the politically inactive Egyptian liberals take to the ballots, once again the Brotherhood will further be reduced to its actual size...

‘While the world is closely watching Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood has a great opportunity to abandon some of its former discriminatory ideas against women and religious minorities and reach a political maturity that could allow it to share power and be part of decision- and policy-making in a future democratic Egypt...The Islamic movement should stay true to this spirit of the revolution, which allowed it to become an officially recognised political party rather than a banned group chased by Mubarak's security apparatus.’

Swazimedia wonders whether the Inability of the Swazi government to pay nurses is a sign that it is running out of cash:

‘Swaziland’s nurses took to the streets of the capital Mbabane yesterday (8 March 2011), blocking traffic for two hours, because the government failed to pay them their allowances as promised... The nurses are demanding that government pays them overtime allowances dating back to 2007.

‘There are now serious doubts about the Swaziland Government’s ability to pay its bills. At the weekend teachers heard that money deducted from their salaries for pensions was not being forwarded by the government. There is a wide spread belief that the government is using the money to pay its day-to-day bills.

‘Majozi Sithole, the Finance Minister, has constantly said that even with the present meltdown of the economy, health and education services would not be affected.

‘Events are now showing that he can’t be trusted on this. Instead, slowly we are beginning to realise that the budget he announced last month was a fiction. Technically, the budget is an estimate of how much will be spent in the coming years. Just because the government estimates it will spend E824 million on primary education in the coming year, it doesn’t mean it will spend that money. Put simply, it can only spend the money if it has it – and all indications are that the government doesn’t have it.

‘So all we really have are empty promises from the government.’

Constitutionally Speaking believes that party discipline and democratic centralism is a threat to constitutional democracy in South Africa:

‘In South Africa at the national and provincial level we do not vote for individual people who happen to represent a specific political party. We vote for political party of our choice and that political party decides in any way it deems fit who should appear on the electoral lists and thus who will represent the party in the various legislatures. Members of the leadership of the majority party usually then also become members of the executive...

‘Because we vote for a party and not an individual, members of the legislature and executive must broadly adhere to the policies of the political party they belong to. Members of the legislature do not have a free mandate to vote according to their conscience (if any).

‘The heart of our democratic system is supposed to be the National Assembly, but if the ANC members of the National Assembly as well as the Cabinet Ministers are mere appendages of the extra-Parliamentary wing of the ANC then the National Assembly and the Executive become mere rubber stamps for decisions taken by a body that is not democratically elected. Instead of being governed by those representing the more than 10 million voters who voted for the ANC, we are then governed by those who were voted into office by 2400 delegates at Polokwane.

‘Provisions requiring Parliament to facilitate public involvement in the law making process and provisions requiring members of the executive to be accountable to the legislature then become meaningless as both the majority of members of the legislature and the cabinet are then only accountable to the ANC leadership which was not elected into office by the voters.’

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Dibussi Tande blogs at Scribbles from the Den.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Talking about the market

Samir Amin

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71606

cc markwainwrightBeginning by praising the work of Rod Hill & Tony Myatt and Ha-Joon Chang, Samir Amin highlights the complete absence of adequate critical reflection across contemporary economics. ‘The true aim of the “science” of conventional economics’, he writes, ‘is simply to divest it of its political aspect and pretend it is something “neutral”, hence “objective”. The result is the annihilation of the capacity for critical thinking and reducing the citizen to being a mere spectator of history.’

Every honest economics teacher absolutely must make the book written by Rod Hill and Tony M]yatt (‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’, Zed Books, 2010) compulsory reading for their students, fed almost exclusively on the conventional textbooks that are prescribed reading.

An honest teacher is one who contributes to developing the critical spirit in their students. They have to teach them how to deal with doubt, which depends on an open discussion of conflicting positions on any issue. Otherwise, the teacher becomes a bureaucrat, a cog in a brainwashing company. Unfortunately, the majority of our teachers already belong to this category, one in which they are getting further entrenched by espousing the privatisation of ‘research’ which will make them well-paid employees of those who they serve: monopoly capital.

‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’ is written like a standard textbook in its language and style and naturally leads the reader to some major conclusions which I won’t elaborate on (just read the book).

Standard textbooks use a method that eschews the most elementary logic. They don’t ask the real question: does the system (described as the ‘market’, in fact it’s capitalism) exist because it’s rational, or for other reasons? They replace this question with an a priori response, that is, because the system exists, it is rational. Obviously, the adjacent question – what is the nature and what are the limits of this self-evident rationality? – is also ignored in favour of an already-formulated response: it is rational from the standpoint of society, reduced to the sum of the individuals who compose it.

Textbooks are therefore quasi-fundamental religious texts, and nothing else. One has to believe them like one has to believe the biblical story (or dogma) of creation. In Europe during the Middle Ages, or in Saudi Arabia even today, questioning the text means risking one’s life. Descartes, who placed doubt at the origin of critical thinking (non-critical thinking is not thought), thereby flying in the face of the religious dogma of his times, is ignored by conventional economists, dogmatic in the very essence of their approach.

The ‘system’ imagined in textbooks is therefore an imaginary system (what I have called the substitution of real capitalism by an ‘imaginary capitalism’) similar to the story (or stories) of creation. In reality, there is no market economy, only monopoly capitalism.

The moment one raises the question of the rules which govern the passage from ‘micro’ (the rational decision of an individual or a firm) to ‘macro’ (the laws which govern the functioning of the system as a whole), one discovers that the theorems and explanations concocted to understand the micro lose their validity at the macro level. Society therefore, is not the sum of its individuals and this kind of imaginary society cannot possibly function. I will return to this central observation.

‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’ unravels the mechanisms used by textbooks to explain the wages of labour and shows how the reasoning behind is in fact pure and simple tautology. But it’s a useful tautology because it legitimises the exploitation of the labour force by simply eliminating it from the equation. I have nothing to add to this demonstration, which I have myself reproduced in my writings.

‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’ also shows how the reasoning that underpins textbooks eliminates from the outset the thorny question of the cost for ‘some’ and ‘benefit’ for others that is inherent in the use of the planet’s natural resources in any real process of production. The book goes further: it proves that suggestions to integrate externalities in conventional, supposedly rational economic calculations are in fact nothing but subterfuges whose value is at the very least debatable. But these subterfuges are nonetheless very useful because they allow monopoly capital to don ‘a green cloak’, to simultaneously use environmental arguments while looking for new avenues for its destructive expansion. Here too, I have nothing to add to the argument which I have also written about.

A first conclusion would be that textbooks, like all dogmatic texts, are not aimed at forming critical minds, but at brainwashing. Though I am wary of using the term ‘totalitarianism’ – which can mean everything and nothing at the same time – I don’t see why those who use and abuse this kind of condemnation in reference to some kinds of thinking exclude the discourse of the conventional economy.

2

I equally recommend Ha-Joon Chang’s book ‘23 Things They Don’t Tell You About Capitalism’ (Allen Lane, 2010).

The author uses a totally different approach. He addresses himself to the wider public and not to economics students. Written in a form and style perfectly suited to his aim, the author singles out 23 widely held ideas about the way the world works, regularly reproduced by the media. He dissects each case and shows why they are wrong, and how their arguments lack rigour and are contradicted by facts on the ground.

So why continue with this critique if Chang’s analysis is so convincing? Actually, it’s a very useful exercise because the ideas disseminated by the media are, alas, so dominant that they are accepted not just by the defenders of the system but even by many (probably the majority) of its critics.

I would like to draw attention to question 22: ‘financial markets need to become less, not more efficient’. Chang demonstrates that the ‘rationality’ of the inventions of the contemporary credit system is useful only for speculators who made their fortune on it (they are even protected from the risk of devastating losses because they are bailed out by taxpayers' money) but it's destructive for the economy (and hence irrational for society).

3

The authors of these two books could have gone further than they have done. They seem to have decided to stop at what they wanted to demonstrate: that the theories taught to beginner economists and mainstream ideas about the economy were false and had nothing to do with the reality they claimed to analyse. And their superb demonstrations would have perhaps lost their force of conviction if they had gone further. They wanted to lay the seeds of doubt. They succeeded.

Nonetheless it is important to go further.

The authors of ‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’ could have gone further in their discussion of externalities and the cost of factors of production (in the plural) in chapters 7 and 8. This would have shown that conventional economy (in this case its fundamental marginalism) glosses over ‘productivity’, a key aspect of the factors (in the plural) of production. Marx wasn’t around when these ‘kinds of reasoning at the margin’ were invented in order to contradict them. But he did demolish the basis for this kind of thinking in his famous critique of his predecessors, ‘A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy’, the subtitle of ‘Capital’ – while serious economists (Adam Smith, David Ricardo) bear the brunt of his criticism, neither are the more frivolous ones of his time (and others) spared. Productivity can only be defined one way – something obtained from the process of production in given natural conditions and the results of the deployment of social labour on equipment invented by advances in technology. However, conventional economy, like scholastic theology, disassociates body from soul.

The two chapters in question could therefore have concluded that the law which governs the accumulation of capital destroys the two fundamentals of the wealth of nations: human beings are reduced to a marketable labour force (wage slaves?) and nature is seen merely as a commodity (or simply ignored). They would have discovered what Marx did without having to critique the theory of marginalism. They would have learned never to confuse the concepts of value and wealth. Ignoring this means missing the distinction between the relative rationality of capitalism (governed and limited by immediate and maximum profit from investment) and social rationality. That is, what seems rational for monopoly capital is not rational for society as a whole.

Next, I would like to concentrate on the critique of fundamental research developed by the two greatest empirical, positivist economists after Marx, Walras and Sraffa, who both want to show that one can dispense with Marx and yet understand how the economy functions.

Wahas, as we know, puts forward a system of equations which describe the interdependency of prices and the costs of the factors of production. But he fails to show how this system, once functional, ‘can be stable’. The system lurches from one instability to another without ever reaching a perceptible balance. But Walras was honest enough to admit this crucial weakness and concluded that stability is only possible if the system is governed by an ‘auctioneer’ (or the perfect uber-rational as the authors of ‘The Economics Anti-Textbook’ put it, that is to say the planner of the ideal Gosplan) who knows everything (the perfect forecasting capacity of economists adrift today).

Sraffa proposes another system in which wages disappear and are substituted by the consumption of merchandise bought by employees. He calculates the amount of profit (surplus) derived from this ‘production of merchandise through the means of merchandise’. He too fails and is unable to define how a stable standard (and a standard which is not stable isn’t a standard) can operate independently of wages, that is, independently of the rate of capital gains (the degree of exploitation of the labour force) and of the effects of technical progress on the evolution of relative prices.

These two failures – about which I have written extensively in my last book (‘The Law of Worldwide Value’) – prove that it is impossible to exclude value and the production of surplus from the equation. But to admit that would be to confess that conventional ‘economics’ cannot be considered to be a science.

It is not possible to understand nature – and hence the functioning – of capitalism without delving beneath the waves (market) of a troubled sea to discover the hidden depths of the mode of production in which value (and not wealth) and its distribution (surplus) are in fact produced. Marx based his critique of his greatest predecessors – he went beyond Smith and Ricardo – on placing this crucial aspect at the point of departure.

But this is not the path chosen by today’s conventional economists, who despite the failure of Walras and Sraffa continue to rush headlong into an impasse in their market analyses. And when they come to a dead-end, they invent pseudo-concepts such as the ‘forecasting capabilities’ of economic players who determine the movement of the market. But the formulation of anticipated trends is no substitute for discovering the reasons behind the chronic and real instabilities of capitalism. They only amplify instability. Keynes understood this. But not one of the Nobel Prize for Economics winners of the past 30 years has recognised this. It is no surprise therefore that none of them (even the likes of Stiglitz, a self-declared critic) were able to see what others (whom they do not read) predicted as inevitable and unavoidable. These Nobel winners are the equivalents of the 19th-century academic painting prizes, awarded generally to producers of mediocre paintings.

When the question asked lacks pertinence (what is forecasting capability?), the answer must necessarily be irrelevant. That is why I have described the kind of research practised by our Nobel laureates as akin to the discussions amongst theologians during the Middle Ages (what is the sex of angels?).

The critique of capitalism is weak when it stops half-way. This is how for example, Joan Robinson, more Keynesian than Marxist, coined the unfortunate phrase that is still in use: ‘the misery of being exploited by capitalists is nothing compared to the misery of not being exploited at all’. Marx’s analysis provides a counterpoint to Robinson’s absolute opposition between the world of labour and that of the excluded and the marginal. For Marx, the active army and the passive army are two sides of the same coin, the process of proletarianisation.

Nonetheless, the majority of contemporary ‘radical critics’, especially those who one calls anti-globalists, have ambiguous positions. Their critiques are unable to understand the ‘financialisation’ of the system, which they still think is a derivative that can be rectified, that it is a product of moneytheism. This is now part of reality, and is as lethal as other dogmas, religious or not. But it is not the cause of disaster; it is the consequence of the exigencies of the reproduction of monopoly capitalism. This system can only continue by riding the crest of financial bubbles. These bubbles are not an obstacle to growth which it will hinder, but as John Bellamy Foster demonstrated, but the condition of growth. Neither the timid regulatory mechanisms proposed by the G7 nor the seemingly radical solutions put forward by the anti-globalists are capable of dealing with this challenge.

Those who refuse to understand the system, for fear of being attracted to Marx no doubt, cannot deconstruct and de-legitimise the system and its underpinnings. Critical discourse then disappears from the stage of scientific analysis and is replaced by sermonising. And so we sing the US refrain ‘yes we can’ when it would be more realistic to say ‘no we cannot’ as long as monopoly capital remains at the helm of the ship.

The true aim of the ‘science’ of conventional economics is simply to divest it of its political aspect and pretend it is something ‘neutral’, hence ‘objective’. The result is the annihilation of the capacity for critical thinking and reducing the citizen to being a mere spectator of history. The challenge can only be taken up by a renaissance of ‘political economy’, or better, historical materialism. Otherwise, it is impossible to de-legitimise the system.

An opinion poll (I don’t think it has been done yet) I would like to see conducted would show, I am fairly certain, that the vast majority of people in the US think capitalism is perfectly legitimate (and that sermonising would rectify the mistakes). There would be similar results, but perhaps with more reservations, in Europe (and in France more than elsewhere). In countries of the South, it would be accepted by the majority of the middle classes (particularly in Latin America), but it no longer has any meaning for most people in the global South, who constitute the bulk of humankind.

4

Analysing the market while disassociating it from the mode of production, from its operational framework as it were, is nonsensical and the conclusions obtained from such an analysis can hardly be relevant, since they were based on the invention of an imaginary world which has nothing to do with reality.

What we have is not a ‘market’ but a ‘capitalist market’, that is to say the market of the exploitation of wage labour.

Moreover, capitalism doesn’t just mean the capitalist market. As has been aptly shown by one of Marx’s successors, Braudel, through rigorous historical analysis, capitalism is also the product and offshoot of social forces that dominate and shape the market. Today, these forces consist of what I call ‘generalised monopolies’, a new stage in monopoly capitalism. In other words, the means used by these monopolies to cope with inherent structural instabilities, typical of this stage of senile capitalism, including the policies of depoliticising people and the expansion of imperialist plunder, are part and parcel of the apparent functioning of real markets.

But what future is there for the ‘market’ beyond capitalism? Undoubtedly, the capitalist market, which operates on the basis of the dominance of value, should disappear along with capitalism. Historical Marxism has stuck to this theory probably because it remains fixated on this historical concept of the market.

But if one defines the market as a synonym for the organisation of the division of labour and exchange, it should be evident that no society, even the simplest one, but more so complex ones, can ignore these aspects.

It is possible to imagine a ‘socialist market’ (if one can retain that term), one that organises the exchange of goods and services on the basis of a socialised economic management, a market that creates institutions which Marx qualified as ‘utopian’, which substitutes ready-made formulae with socialism derived from the struggles and experience of peoples, and a combination of (non-bureaucratic) planning and political negotiations between all concerned (workers, consumers, producers, citizens). Certain forms of ‘state capitalism’ will probably continue to exist, because if I and many others are right, such structures will remain indispensable for a long time in the transition to socialism.

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* Samir Amin is the director of the Third World Forum.
* Translated from the French by Sputnik Kilambi.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

UN Security Council and Libya: courting murderers

Tim Murithi

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71541

cc Wikimedia CommonsHas the UN Security Council cynically deflected its responsibility to the International Criminal Court through its referral of Muammar Gaddafi and his regime to the court? Tim Murithi critiques the decision.

The referral by the United Nations (UN) Security Council of Muammar Gaddafi and his regime to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for possible crimes committed in suppressing the ongoing uprising is perplexing. The UN Security Council’s actions are akin to threatening a serial killer with arrest in the middle of one of his deranged killing sprees. Once the serial killer calculates that he has already committed atrocities that will subject him to ‘jail time’, what is to prevent him from continuing with his murderous activity?

The UN Security Council also imposed an arms embargo, which is ineffectual since Gaddafi already has all the armaments that he needs; a travel ban which will have minimal impact because the regime has to consolidate its position in the country; and an asset freeze, which will be difficult to implement because of the extensive global resources at the disposal of the regime. In effect, the UN resorted to economic sanctions rather than the more robust enforcement measures which are more likely to lay the foundation for the liberation of Libya.

The UN Security Council chose this route in order to be seen to be doing something. Given the economic and oil interests of key Security Council members, including the permanent five who have a veto over decisions, the sanctions and ICC referral was considered as a compromise option.

African countries were effectively caught flat-footed by the Security Council (despite the presence of key players on the Council like South Africa and Nigeria). African countries and their continental organisation the African Union (AU) have demonstrated a lack of appetite for confronting Gaddafi. The AU is not prepared to do anything more concrete than issue statements and perhaps send an envoy. In the absence of any concrete action from the AU, the UN Security Council’s actions are the only act of ‘intervention’ from an international organisation. The African countries on the UN Security Council could not dissent with the referral to the ICC because they could not propose an alternative way of dealing with Gaddafi.

The only other UN Security Council referral, that of President Omar Al-Bashir of Sudan, for crimes committed in Darfur, has met with controversy and yielded few results. As a result of this referral the AU is in the middle of a stand-off with the ICC, and has decreased its cooperation with the court. The fact that African countries on the UN Security Council overlooked this current AU-ICC stand-off to support the resolution for a referral and sanctions raises a number of issues.

Unfortunately, it would appear that the UN Security Council is deploying the ICC to fight its own battles. A UN Chapter 7 resolution was necessary to deal with the Libyan situation given the clear breach of international peace and security, and a worsening humanitarian crisis along its frontiers. Specifically, Article 42 of the UN Charter enables the UN to ‘take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security’.

Article 43 further states that ‘all members of the United nations…undertake to make available to the Security Council…armed forces, assistance, and facilities, including rights of passage, necessary for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security’. The Council should have deployed an enforcement mission to intervene, but since Gaddafi has promised that foreign troops will come home in body bags, like Vietnam, no country on the UN Security Council was prepared to even contemplate such an option.

Interestingly enough there is a much clearer case for a UN enforcement mission on humanitarian grounds in Libya today, than there ever was in Iraq. Such is the duplicity of the current international system.

In the final analysis, if the UN Security Council is using the referral as a sleight of hand to decrease the pressure on it to fulfill its mandate, enshrined in the Charter, then it is not a good day for the ICC. Gaddafi will only appear in the Hague if he loses the ongoing battle and if he is over-run by the opposing armed militia. Obviously, the very same UN Security Council will not intervene to arrest him and take him to the Hague. But what if he does not loose and the gallant efforts of the uprising are brutally suppressed? Then the international community will once again have blood on its hands. Furthermore, the ICC will still not be able to arrest him.

The prosecutor of the ICC has no option but to undertake the necessary interventions. But at the end of the day it appears that the UN Security Council has cynically deflected its responsibility to the ICC, knowing full well that the only other option it would have to contemplate would have been a military intervention. In the meantime the clamour for the Council to do something has died down temporarily. The ICC prosecutor has stepped into the fray. The battle for Libya continues and the poverty of the international system in promoting peace and security is yet again exposed.

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* Dr. Tim Murithi is Head of the Transitional Justice Programme at the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation in Cape Town.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The crisis for US policy in North Africa

Imperial anxieties

Vijay Prashad

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71608

cc tolkien1914‘The slow US support for the uprising in Egypt, the cautious tone with Bahrain and Yemen, and the strident language against Libya are of a piece: The US is not driven by the popular upsurge but by its desire to control the events in north Africa and the Gulf to accord with the three pillars of its foreign policy in the Arab world, writes Vijay Prashad.

An act of self-immolation in central Tunisia would normally matter very little to the intelligence and diplomatic corps in Washington, D.C. But Mohamed Bouazizi's suicide before the Town Hall in Sidi Bouzid had an electric effect. It galvanised the people of Tunisia against their suave and ruthless leader, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who had been praised by the governments of France and the United States, by the International Monetary Fund and by the bond markets. Only last year, the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report picked Tunisia as the leading country for investment in Africa. Neoliberal policies pleased everyone but the Tunisian working people, who took Bouazizi's sacrifice as the spark to rise up and send Ben Ali into his Saudi exile.

The immediate reaction in Washington was that this was a containable problem and that the small protests that broke out in support of Tunisians across the Arab world would not have any impact in their home countries. This was a premature judgment. Long-standing grievances among Egyptians pushed them on to the streets, most famously into Cairo's Tahrir Square. It took them two weeks to pressure Hosni Mubarak to release the reins of government and go to his seaside villa in Sharm el-Sheikh.

Mubarak did not leave easily. He was given a lease of life from the Saudi promises of financial support and from the arrival of the U.S. envoy, Frank Wisner Jr. Mubarak and Wisner are old friends. When the latter was U.S. Ambassador to Egypt between 1986 and 1991, Wisner coaxed his friend to provide diplomatic support for the U.S.-led Gulf War against Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. During Wisner's tenure, Mubarak cemented Egypt's allegiance to the U.S. and to the neoliberal path of economic development. After Wisner left Cairo, he remained a defender of Mubarak. In the tense aftermath of the contested 2005 election, Wisner praised his friend's re-election. When human rights organisations and electoral officials complained of voter intimidation, Wisner said, "There were no instances of repression; there wasn't heavy police presence on the streets. The atmosphere was not one of police intimidation." A few days after his visit to a beleaguered Mubarak in January 2011, Wisner told a Munich conference that his friend needed to remain in power for the sake of stability and his own legacy. It was an obscene affront to the people in Tahrir Square.

American policy in the Arab world is built on three pillars. The first is its reliance upon the region for oil, which must be allowed to flow freely into the car culture of Europe and the U.S. The second pillar is that its allies in the Arab world (such as Ben Ali, Muammar Qaddafi, Mubarak and the Saudis) must stand firm with the U.S. in its war on terror. Mubarak's security chief, Omar Suleiman, had opened his jails to the "ghost prisoners" of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and Qaddafi had closely collaborated with U.S. intelligence services and with Suleiman in the transit and torture of suspected Al Qaeda members (such as Sheikh al-Libi). The third, of course, is that the Arab allies had to tether their own populations' more radical ambitions vis-a-vis Israel. Egypt accepted a U.S. annual bribe of $1.3 billion in order to honour its peace agreement with Israel, and this has allowed Israel to conduct its asymmetrical warfare against the Palestinians and the Lebanese. The maintenance of these three pillars is a fundamental goal of U.S. foreign policy in the Arab world.

Wisner's visit was not idiosyncratic. It was to put some stick about in the Arab world's most important capital, Cairo. If Mubarak had to go, then Mubarak's regime had to remain in place and the public outcry had to be silenced slowly. The Egyptian military, well funded by the U.S. since 1979, came in to do the work.

However, the military might not be as pliable as it seems. Which is why the State Department's Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs Bill Burns and the National Security Council's Senior Director David Lipton hastily travelled to Cairo. They needed to shore up people such as Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, the head of Egypt's Higher Military Council. When the Tahrir Square protests began, Mubarak sent Tantawi to Washington to seek support for his regime and for anti-riot equipment. Tantawi is an old warhorse of the Mubarak regime.

BAHRAIN PROTESTS

Protests in Bahrain sent a shiver through the Washington establishment for two reasons. First, the archipelago on the eastern flank of the Arabian peninsula is home to the U.S. Navy's Fifth Fleet. It is just a few miles off the coast of Iran and is able to fully support the U.S. adventures in Iraq. If the monarchy in Bahrain falls, there is every indication that a civilian government led by al-Wifaq National Islamic Society will ask the fleet to depart. An economically strapped Dubai might welcome a base, but that would mar its desire to be a Global City. The velvet glove of commerce likes to distance itself from the iron fist of military force. Secondly, if the ruling family in Bahrain is toppled it might embolden protests in the other emirates and, then, certainly, in the lead emirate, Saudi Arabia. The domino of republicanism had been throttled in the 1950s (as Nasserism) and it had to be crushed once more. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Jeffrey Feltman and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Michael Mullen went on a tour of the capitals of the emirates, declaring their unconditional support. The U.S. stands for "universal human rights", Feltman told the emirs, but of course since "each country is unique" these rights would emerge in their own way. Mullen was at hand to "reassure, discuss and understand what's going on". The key word here is "reassure".

With Libya, the tenor is different. Qaddafi has been a loyal soldier in the U.S.-led war on terror. He has also, over the past 20 years, brought his country in line with the neoliberal policies that wrought havoc a decade earlier in South America and the rest of Africa. Egypt, Tunisia and Libya began to take their orders from IMF manuals in the late 1990s, and the current rebellions are as much anti-IMF riots as they are pro-democracy demonstrations. In early February 2011, the IMF said of Libya that it had followed its "ambitious reform agenda", and the Fund encouraged Libya's "strong macroeconomic performance and the progress on enhancing the role of the private sector". The pain of these policies pushed the needle of distress beyond the bearable.

ERRATIC QADDAFI

What distinguishes Qaddafi from the emirs is that he is erratic and has a difficult history. An anti-imperialist Colonel in 1969, Qaddafi often returns to the rhetoric of his youth, but rarely the policies. It confuses people around the world. They think of him as the revolutionary Qaddafi, when in fact that is a posture that has long worn thin. Since 9/11, Qaddafi has been a loyal servant in the Global War on Terror and has been muscular in his propagation of the paranoia about the growth of Al Qaeda in the Sahel region of Africa. Any dissenter is tagged with the label of Salafi. But his allegiance to the Bush world view is not reliable. In August 2010, in Europe, Qaddafi said the continent's future was in Islam. At a Group of Eight (G8) dinner, he, however, changed places and sat near Silvio Berlusconi and Barack Obama. Qaddafi's radical past and erratic present have earned him few friends in Washington, even though he himself has been an unswerving ally of its policies over the past decade.

When the Bahraini emirs authorised their security forces to open fire in Manama, the U.S. said that force must not be used. It was the polite language of diplomacy. With Libya, the tone is harsher. Senators John McCain and Joe Lieberman wanted the North Atlantic Treaty Organisationn (NATO) and the U.S. to create a "no-fly zone" and the United Kingdom sent warships off Libya's coastline. The Wall Street Journal editorial noted that their government should "tell the Libyan armed forces that the West will bomb their airfields if they continue to slaughter their people. Arming the demonstrators also cannot be ruled out."

This kind of language is dangerous. It will only embolden Qaddafi to crack down on the protesters with more force, returning him to his "radical" roots fed by his paranoid idea that any protest against him is conducted by Al Qaeda in the Maghreb (or associated Islamist groups).

The slow U.S. support for the uprising in Egypt, the cautious tone with Bahrain and Yemen, and the strident language against Libya are of a piece: the U.S. is not driven by the popular upsurge but by its desire to control the events in north Africa and the Gulf to accord with its three pillars. Cracks in the consensus come here and there. Representative Adam Smith (Democrat from Washington) admitted to reporters: "The old days of 'as long as we can make a positive relationship with the autocrat who is running the place, then we are friends with the country' are dead and gone." This is a remarkable disclosure, and one that is rarely heard openly in Washington. It was commonplace in the 1980s, when the then U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., Jeanne Kirkpatrick, distinguished between "traditional autocrats" (the emirs, for instance) and the "revolutionary autocrats" (she had in mind the Communist states). Even Smith's cautionary note is quickly suborned to the logic of the three pillars. It is not enough to listen to the people of north Africa and the Gulf, to learn from them about their grievances and their desires. Far more important is to yoke them directly to the pillars of U.S. imperial interests, without the indirect filter of the autocrats. "We have to be much more interested in trying to get the actual populations in those countries to be supportive of us," Smith said. "What we have to start thinking about in the foreign policy establishment is what shifts in our foreign policy do we need to make to target the populations."

Over the past decade, the countries of South America walked through the exit from the theatre of U.S. hegemony. Galvanised by events in Venezuela and Bolivia as well as Argentina and Brazil, these countries are no longer in the reliable orbit of U.S. policy. The Arab people seem now in search of just this exit. The struggle is on to see if they will be able to find it. The U.S. and the remainder of its allies (in the emirates mainly) want to define these revolts in their image, with Donald Rumsfeld giving George W. Bush the credit (this is his freedom agenda, apparently) and Obama's cronies saying that all this is a result of his speech in Cairo. But these are feints. In Cairo, Obama said, "We will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist." During the Tahrir Square standoff, protesters chanted, "We have extended our hand, why have you clenched your fist?"

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* This article first appeared on CounterPunch
A version of this piece originally ran in Frontline.
* Vijay Prashad is the George and Martha Kellner Chair of South Asian History and Director of International Studies at Trinity College,Hartford, CT.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

South Africa: The history and character of 'black economic empowerment'

Dale McKinley

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/71539

cc Abahlali baseMjondoloDale McKinley explains how black economic empowerment in South Africa has come to be associated with elite accumulation, corruption and extreme inequality.

Amid all the usual political propaganda and grandstanding at the African National Congress 99th anniversary rally in Polokwane on 8 January 2011, it was none other than ANC Youth League (ANCYL) president Julius Malema who came up with the most honest statement of the day.

Defending himself against charges that he and his ANC Youth League cronies were continuing to economically benefit from associated businesses awarded government tenders, he argued that business is intrinsically elitist. As such, Malema claimed, ‘BEE will never be broad’ - and in this rare case, he got it right.

To understand why though, we first need to have a clear understanding of the core historical context within which ‘black economic empowerment’ (or BEE in South Africa) was incubated and subsequently pursued. If we go back to the beginning of the 1900s, we can see that the initial impetus for the formation of the ANC - as an organisational expression of black nationalism - derived from a combined ‘protest’ over the lack of political and economic opportunities of the small (but influential) black petty bourgeoisie. It was this social force that wanted to find a political and organisational means to stem the racialised assault on its own specific class interests - as well, of course, on what they saw as the political and economic wellbeing of Africans in general.

The majority of this new ANC cadre not only brought with them their particular class politics but also a heavy dose of Christian (Calvinist) education and corresponding social mores. This led to a perspective that incorporated a politics of non-violence and of incorporation in which the main priority became one of persuading the ‘civilised’ British that the educated, propertied and ‘civilised’ Africans could be incorporated into the mainstream of South African society. In other words, as applied to their own economic interests, the leadership of the early ANC simply wanted a specific section of the black population to become an integral part of the capitalist system.

From this point on, BEE was framed by this approach and understanding but (to varying extents) was mediated by the macro-nationalist politics of the ANC which provided a sense of collective (predominately racial) and de-classed ‘ownership’ over the emerging struggle against the racialised organisation of South African society.

This was best exemplified in an early call by ANC founder P.I. Seme that, ‘we are one people’. Thus, from a very early stage, the concept of political freedom for all black South Africans was aligned to a nationalist politics that accepted the capitalist class system and thus the specific (and dominant) need for economic empowerment of the class of blacks that could join (and potentially eventually replace) white capitalists as the precursor to wider-scale ‘economic empowerment’ of the black masses.

WORKING CLASS SIDELINED

However, after the rank failure of the early ANC to organise and mobilise the black majority behind its program of incorporation, the next phase in the development of ‘black empowerment’ came in the late 1930s and early 1940s when the ANC and the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) joined forces under the ‘people’s front’ strategy. While in theory the ‘people's front’ strategy stressed the need to bring together all social forces that might play a positive role in furthering the demands of national liberation, in practice it meant two crucial things: sidelining the black working class as a major force for radical change in favour of ‘progressive’ white labour, ‘liberal’ British/international capital and a decidedly narrow black African nationalism; and, identifying the struggle against capitalism (i.e., socialism - working-class politics and mass economic empowerment) as a mostly foreign (white) ideology that was not appropriate to ‘African conditions’ and thus a general obstacle to the national liberation of the black majority.

The affirmation of this approach is best represented by the remarks of Dr. A.B. Xuma (ANC secretary general) in 1945 when he said, ‘it is of less importance to us whether capitalism is smashed or not. It is of greater importance to us that while capitalism exists, we must fight and struggle to get our full share and benefit from the system.’

This conceptual understanding and practical approach to black ‘empowerment’ was then consolidated as the dominant expression of the liberation struggle from the 1960s onwards (codified in the ANC’s 1969 Strategy & Tactics document). Here, the ‘new’ basis for the pursuit of ‘black empowerment’ was set against the theory of ‘colonialism of a special type’.

The core of the argument was that apartheid emanated from the era of monopoly capitalism and that South Africa reflected ‘a combination of the worst features of imperialism and colonialism within a single national frontier’ in which black South Africa was a colony of white South Africa. As the African population was seen as having ‘no acute or antagonistic class divisions at present’ (i.e. a seamless identification of all blacks as being part of a common and oppressed ‘class’ of people) it was only logical that the immediate task was to fight for the national liberation of the ‘colonised’. As such, this task would be carried out through a ‘national democratic revolution’ with the multi-class liberation movement (the ANC) acting as the main vehicle, but with the working class constituting the leading revolutionary force within it. Since not all classes had an objective interest in a fundamental (anti-capitalist) economic transformation of a post-apartheid South Africa the working class' leading role would – theoretically - ensure that the struggle could be extended towards a second stage of socialism.

The ‘result’ was that by the time serious mass struggles against the apartheid system took centre stage (in the 1980s), the entire concept of BEE was wrapped up in a hopelessly contradictory ‘liberation’ paradigm. National liberation itself was analytically and practically circumscribed – i.e., the political side of the national liberation struggle had become detached from the economic side (the struggle for social and material liberation). In other words, BEE would, of necessity, have to be practically implemented as part of a de-racialised capitalism (after political freedom) in which the logical aim would be the empowerment of an emergent and black capitalist class (bourgeoisie) as a means of overcoming general racial oppression. In turn, this empowerment would then trickle down to the black majority of workers and poor, who would, ostensibly somewhere in the distant future, rise up and overturn the capitalist system (and the newly empowered black capitalists within it).

By the time 1994 rolled round, the mould of any future BEE was set. The primacy of developing a black bourgeoisie as the accumulative vehicle for an extended BEE and the maintenance/enhancement of capitalist relations of production as the macro-developmental framework within which that took place (alongside political ‘freedom’) - was presented as the logical and indeed desired outcome of the liberation struggle itself. Under the ‘cover’ of the national, multi-class (but in reality predominately black working-class) struggle against apartheid, there soon emerged the widespread notion that there was a common - national and class -interest in pursuing such a ‘model’ and outcome.

FROM LIBERATION MOVEMENT TO PARTY

The ascension to and capturing of political power always has a way of (eventually) exposing the practical underbelly of the victor’s ideological dressage. And so it was with the ANC’s transformation from liberation movement to political party in the early-mid 1990s.

Flush with their ‘overwhelming mandate from the people’ in the 1994 election, the ANC leadership quickly abandoned any possibility of a radically redistributive socioeconomic developmental path that would (as had been proffered so many times in the past) begin a process of economically empowering the vast majority of South Africans, who were both black and poor. The quick step from growth through redistribution as encapsulated in the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) to redistribution through growth (GEAR, the neoliberal Growth, Employment and Redistribution macroeconomic policy) was brutally decisive and wholly consistent with the historic development of BEE as understood by an ANC leadership, now with institutionalised political power.

The open embrace, both institutionally and ideologically, of a capitalist political economy - grounded in apartheid socioeconomic relations - practically meant that there were only two possible ways of going about building and expanding the black (‘patriotic’) bourgeoisie that would constitute the foundation (indeed, the essence) of both a post-apartheid BEE and developmental path:

- By encouraging and/or pressurising white corporate capital to facilitate such BEE through selling (non-core) businesses to existing and emerging black ‘investors’, who in turn, would be assisted by (white-controlled) financial institutions through ‘special purpose vehicles’;

- By utilising the institutional and capital resources of the state to facilitate such BEE, mainly through the privatisation/corporatisation of state assets, awarding of government tenders, the provision of seed capital and the threat of effective expropriation (not nationalisation) through the unilateral imposition of quotas of black ownership in key sectors of the economy. This would then be combined with a separate ‘wing’ of ‘broad-based’ BEE that would target the empowerment of the black majority through increased capital expenditure, enhanced support for small, micro and medium enterprises (SMMEs) and facilitation of skills training and institutional capacitation.

For the first several years of ANC rule, the first ‘way’ was dominant. A rash of ‘empowerment’ deals between emergent/wannabe black capitalists (most often all with close political connections to the ruling ANC) and white corporate/finance capital took place. Best known amongst these was NAIL (Metlife, African Merchant Bank, Theta) and the NEC (Anglo’s Johnnic).

BLACK MILLIONAIRES

Literally overnight, South Africa had ‘created’ new black millionaires who publicly paraded their new found riches and loudly claimed that this was the start of a new dawn in which all black South Africans could share (for example, Cyril Ramaphosa and his ‘people’s’ Ikageng Shares). ANC politicians lauded South Africa’s equivalent of the ‘American dream’ and loudly endorsed the morality of blacks getting ‘filthy rich’. However, when the Johannesburg Stock Exchange imploded in 1997-98, the dominant strawman edifice of this BEE strategy came crashing down as well. What made the exposure so politically damaging were two powerful (yet radically distinct) charges against the ANC government that had been its chief champion.

From the side of the wounded black bourgeoisie came the charge that their government had not nurtured and protected them from hostile economic conditions both domestically and internationally. This was coupled with the charge that the ANC state’s neoliberal macroeconomic policy framework was inherently antagonistic to the sustenance of an emergent black capitalist class since its core policies were effectively facilitating the interests of domestic (white) and international corporate capital rather than ‘its own’.

From the side of the majority of black workers and poor - as well as from sections of the ANC’s alliance partners, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) - came the charge that the ANC government’s neo-liberal policies, with BEE at the centre, were responsible for massive job losses, increasing impoverishment and inequality, a lack of basic services and most damaging of all, a betrayal of the redistributive principles and vision of socioeconomic equality of the liberation struggle. Here, it was the creation and privileging of a small and politically connected black elite at the expense of the vast majority of poor black people that represented ample confirmation.

Both private capital and the ANC scrambled to ‘repair the damage’, or at least be seen to be doing so. The second ‘way’ approach took over. By the early 2000s, a range of new empowerment deals, equity programs, social awareness plans and longer-term ‘empowerment’ scenario planning had been put in place/publicly unveiled by white corporate capital which was clearly trying to preempt what they feared might well be a class and racial backlash. For its part, the ANC state embarked on a strategic approach that sought to ‘mainstream’ BEE as part of an expanding ‘developmental’ state dedicated to the social and economic upliftment of the black majority.

While it was stated, once again, that this would be achieved through creating a ‘national consensus’ that recognised, but cut across racial and class lines, the reality was that such a strategy was nothing more than the logical extension of the historic corporatist logic of the ANC leadership; in other words, cutting up the capitalist pie more evenly without ‘revolutionary’ disruptions to South Africa’s political economy. As usual though, there was no acknowledgment that the real issue is who is cutting up the pie and which ‘pieces’ are being eaten by whom.

Then-president Mbeki’s two-nation thesis provided the necessary analytical and explanatory rationale (utilising the implicit threat of social disorder) and the ‘turn’ to a stated commitment to adopt a kinder and more human faced capitalism (social democracy) in the face of continued poverty and global inequality provided the necessary political rationale. Soon there emerged a range of new initiatives (such as the BEE Commission) and legislation that would ‘guide’ BEE through a more systematic program of targeted ‘empowerment’ deals and integration into the state’s capital expenditure outlays to ostensibly benefit the poor. Despite these manoeuverings and more recent politically motivated forms of BEE initiatives, most black South Africans remain deeply sceptical and generally hostile to the way in which BEE has been, and continues to be, pursued.

As a result, the ANC implicitly understands that it will not suffice simply to rearrange the BEE deckchairs but that it is, more than ever, necessary to make a reconnection with the real basis of the ANC’s continued legitimacy (i.e., the liberation struggle) in order for BEE not to be rejected by the majority of its own professed constituency. So, in order for what, in reality, continues to be a specific program of class accumulation and privilege to be ‘seen’ and accepted as part and parcel of the historic mandate of the ANC (i.e., the economic emancipation of the workers and poor) there is the continued need to provide ideological ‘cover’. As in the past, the ‘national democratic revolution’ (NDR) is the associated talisman.

Besides its more widespread ‘deployment’ as the generic underpinning of South Africa’s ‘transitional’ political economy - for example, in the service of the SACP and COSATU’s continued alliance with the ANC - what we now have is a concerted attempt by the ANC to resurrect the practical applicability of NDR theory as the macro framework for pursuing BEE and rationalising all its other associated and contradictory ‘developmental’ policies and activities. In this respect, its crucial function is to provide justification for the existence and expansion of a (‘patriotic’) black bourgeoisie - which practically represents the leading ‘motive force’ - alongside continued and close cooperation with white capital.

The result is that contemporary BEE in South Africa has become, more than ever, the prime practical vehicle for elite accumulation, rent seeking and corruption as well as the conceptual cover for extreme inequality.

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* This article first appeared on the South African Civil Society Information Service website.
* Dr. McKinley is an independent writer, researcher, lecturer and political activist based in Johannesburg.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

African refugees in Libya: Whose responsibility?

Nunu Kidane

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71569

The way migration is discussed in this country one would think it is a problem of the US alone and not a global phenomenon about people’s movement, displacement and mistreatment across national boundaries.

People in the US have always viewed historic events as if this country is the centre of the world and those living outside, and particularly in the global South, are of no consequence. But migrants, people who are not born in the US, make up over 10 per cent of the US population and do not share this view.

As an immigrant from Eritrea, when I hear of the continued unrest and resistance of the people of Libya it fills me with hope for their struggle and fear and concern for what is happening to migrants and refugees there.

News reports change daily, but the UN figures from 3 March showed nearly 200,000 refugees on the Libya–Egypt border alone; another 100,000 or so are across the eastern border in Tunisia.

Daily news bulletins of the BBC and major newspapers like the Guardian in the UK or The New York Times also have some coverage that addresses the plight of refugees and displaced persons in these crisis areas of North Africa. As an Eritrean, I’m also plugged into various list-serves and social media connections that have information on what is happening to Eritreans and Somali refugees in Libya.

The stories are heart-wrenching, of individuals under siege, afraid to stay and afraid to leave. No government or institution is helping them (with the exception of the UNHCR, and they are stretched beyond capacity.) These refugees are virtually ignored by all nations of the world as they try to rescue their respective nationals through air and sea.

A friend in Italy, Seleba Welday, who had been in Libya as a refugee himself not too long ago, sent an urgent message on Facebook about a group of young Eritrean men who are desperate to escape and in fear for their lives. The best he could do was give them the UNHCR hotline (the UNHCR has established a hotline for refugees and asylum seekers in Libya – the number is here for those in need: +218 214777503). See also this report from Human Rights Concern Eritrea.

The big papers of course focus their stories on Gaddafi and the government of Libya, stories of those of power and influence, of oil and geopolitical considerations, whether to invade Libya or not, if a military intervention is a better option than economic sanctions, the role of the US and of European countries and those of the Arab sates. Lost in this shuffle are the lives of people who are migrant workers, refugees, displaced persons – poor and inconsequential in the eyes of the powerful.

My friend Bill Minter, editor of one of the best electronic bulletin news sources, AfricaFocus recently sent me this from Al Jazeera English: ‘Many African migrant workers report that they have been attacked by anti-government protesters, after having been mistaken for mercenaries hired by Gaddafi’. In this case, refugees from Sudan find their homes burned to the ground.

Recently, a blog by Tedla Asfaw on Nazareth.com speaks on racial identification of migrants in Libya. ‘Racism rears its ugly face in Libya uprising live on TV’ tells of the clash between Libyan nationalist activists and ‘African’ mercenaries. The topic of race and identity between North Africa and Africa south of the Sahara is too long to cover on this blog, but deserves some research and analysis.

Some readers may recall similar stories not too long ago about Darfur, Sudan where ‘Africans’ were being attacked by the ‘Arabs’. Concepts of race and ethnicity get misconstrued when read by audiences in the US whose concept of race is profoundly framed by their own history and limited to the black/white dichotomy. It is of course much more nuanced in Africa and other regions of the world. It is a subject that begs understanding of histories of movement of people from centuries ago. But, let's be honest, most Americans are not big fans of reading past history – what matters is what is happening now and if CNN does not cover it, it is obviously not important.

For those interested in reading more in this topic, Farai Sevenzo attempts to put a historic perspective on Libya's ties with the rest of Africa for a commentary on the BBC.

But to get back to the issue of better coverage of news and analysis on what is happening to migrants and refugees in Libya – and especially to migrants and refugees from sub-Saharan African countries – one must ask the question ‘who is responsible?’ Is it regional institutions from within Africa, like ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States)? What are the leaders of West African countries doing to rescue their citizens and nationals? Who are these so-called mercenaries that Gaddafi has hired, are they mere individuals in it for the money, or trained military personnel with connections to power? We know they are largely from West African countries – what is ECOWAS’s responsibility in this regard? What about the Arab League? Their biggest concern seems to be the effect of the crisis on the price of oil and how to prevent Western intervention and ensure a ‘pan-Arab solution.’ There is virtually no discussion about the ‘responsibility to protect’ – either Arab nationals or all people, regardless of ethnicity.

Then lastly and probably most important, what about the African Union? How is it possible that the biggest organisation representing the continent should remain virtually silent on the issue of protection of Africans in times of crisis ? BBC asked this question ‘Why has African response to the Libyan crisis been so muted?’

African heads of states (starting from the formation of the pre-AU body, the Organisation of African Unity) make it clear that their priorities are perpetuating their stay in power and securing their interests and territories. The citizenry, which is mentioned in the AU vision statement, is clearly not on the top agenda now; it never has been.

‘Colonel Ghaddafi plays a prominent role in the African Union. Some say he bankrolls the organisation and has been known to pay the dues for many smaller, poorer countries. As a result, African presidents have been accused of staying silent on the situation in his country.’

‘Mozambique's President Armando Guebuza speaks on BBC Network Africa about Libya.’

In his interview, President Guebuza is non-committal and does not make clear the responsibility of African heads of state on this matter, only that military intervention is not advised.

I commend the United Nations in its effort to deal with the massive refugees who are crossing borders on a daily basis. The UNHCR in particular continues to be the voice of the hundreds of thousands who are fleeing across borders. The agency has limited resources (and an even more limited mandate) and cannot be the only response to the crisis of displacement in the region. African governments, and especially the AU, need to step up to this task.

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* This article was first published on Mayibuye Africa – Migration Blog.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Disempowered voices: The status of civil society in Equatorial Guinea

EG Justice

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71558

Citizens in Equatorial Guinea trying to take advantage of the government’s pledge to allow greater citizen participation continue to face serious obstacles that hinder their efforts, EG Justice said in Lmb]a report released on 3 March. The country was delisted from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI)—a voluntary international effort to strengthen governance in resource-rich countries through improved transparency and accountability—in April 2010 for its failure to comply with the EITI’s requirements, including failing to allow unfettered civil society engagement. Nearly one year later, the Equatoguinean government has not implemented the necessary reforms to guarantee citizen participation and to increase the likelihood that the country will be readmitted to the EITI.

The 37 page report, “Disempowered Voices: The Status of Civil Society in Equatorial Guinea”, identifies systematic failures on the part of the Equatoguinean government to allow the full and independent participation of civil society organizations. The report examines the ways in which governmental actions and laws hinder effective civil society mobilization and activism inside the country, including problems associated with undue government intervention in civil society activities and an ambiguous and arbitrarily enforced legal framework that enables government officials to selectively discriminate against organizations. The report calls on the Equatoguinean government to take the necessary measures to ensure full citizen participation. These should include the elimination of all restrictions on press freedom and amending the country’s laws to allow civil society organizations to operate autonomously.

“The government of Equatorial Guinea has repeatedly stated that increasing citizen participation is a priority, yet it still has not implemented the necessary reforms to make this a reality,” stated Tutu Alicante, executive director of EG Justice. “Promises leave empty echoes when not followed by concrete measures.”

The report highlights the gaps that exist between the government’s commitments to regional and international covenants that promote basic civil liberties like freedom of the press, association, and assembly, and the government’s failure to guarantee those liberties. The contradiction between rhetoric and reality recently grew even starker when the country’s president, Teodoro Obiang Nguema, assumed the chairman position at the African Union, the regional body tasked with promoting and protecting citizen’s liberties across the continent.

“Despite ratifying a number of African Union covenants that promote democracy, civil society participation, and freedom of information, the Equatoguinean government has failed to uphold these principles,” stated Mr. Alicante. “With Mr. Obiang as the new chair of the African Union, the Equatoguinean government has an opportunity to apply the African Union’s principles to its own people,” stated Mr. Alicante.

The obstacles to citizen engagement have exacted a serious toll on the country’s civil society organizations, which struggle to obtain the capacity and resources necessary to successfully carry out their mandates. Decades of repression have prevented civil society from acquiring the skills, training, and financial stability required to foster active and dynamic organizations capable of organizing and collaborating with other domestic and international civil society groups. As a result, organizations remain weak, isolated, and unable to effectively monitor and counterbalance government authority.

EG Justice sets out detailed recommendations for reform to the Equatoguinean government.

They include:
- Update and clarify the laws that pertain to civil society organizations, and apply them consistently and transparently.
- Standardize and streamline the procedures required for civil society organizations to register and gain legal status.
- Remove government restrictions on freedom of the press, including removing the legal language that allows the government to censor journalists and media outlets.
- Establish an access to information law that grants individuals and civil society organizations the right to obtain and share information.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Download the report: ‘Disempowered Voices: The Status of Civil Society in Equatorial Guinea’
* For more information, please contact Tutu Alicante or Joseph Kraus (English, French, Spanish).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Ethiopia: Deform or reform the EPRDF?

Elyas Mulu Kiros

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71586

Following the uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East, many bloggers, intellectuals, pseudo-intellectuals, political commentators and the mainstream media as a whole have been debating and forecasting that the revolutionary fervour will undoubtedly spread to sub-Saharan Africa, sooner or later. Particularly, the Ethiopian opposition in the diaspora continue to hope that Jasmine-inspired non-violent revolution will shock and awe the Meles Zenawi-led EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) government and will deform its foundation, destroying its legitimacy and eventually its existence. Some of the agitators have already posted Gene Sharp-inspired articles on the web, which are scarcely accessed in Ethiopia, articles that instruct on how to dethrone the EPRDF, the only party that controls the state apparatus with all its bureaucratic cracks. The vocal diasporas, a title supporters of EPRDF ‘affectionately’ gave to these radical voices, believe that the only solution to the betterment and democratisation of Ethiopia is the complete destruction of the regime in Addis Ababa.

While the silent majority both inside and outside Ethiopia wonders in silence, EPRDF officials and their ardent supporters, on the other hand, seem quite certain that what the country desperately needs is not a fruit or a flower revolution, but economic growth and transformation that will elevate it from abject poverty and launch it to a middle-income status. For them, reforming and pushing the EPRDF towards genuine constitutionalism, but not destroying it, will surely pave the way for better management and democratisation of one of the oldest nations in the African continent; while acknowledging the obvious failures, they argue that Ethiopia under the EPRDF’s leadership has become a thriving economy that has just opened its eyes from centuries of slumber.

The following is an online exchange with six young Ethiopian friends:

MR B: I believe EPRDF has to reform itself and has to level the political and economic playing field so that everyone gets equal opportunity or else face what the Arab countries are experiencing now.

MR C: EPRDF has a lot of things to reform, and they are continuously re-inventing themselves, which explains their longevity and popularity. But reform does not come by standing on the side and criticizing from distance. A true activist risks fights on the ground for his cause. The Arab movement is working because people are willing to sacrifice themselves for the peaceful resistance of their rights. Not many Habesha follow that mentality. We are mostly war mongers, we encourage war at the expense of the poor Ethiopian; the poor Ethiopian is often the one sent to the front lines to fight their battles, while the ones with big mouths talk shit from America. Let any Ethiopian go home and do what he does best, whether pushing for change or building something. Let him put his knowledge into action and walk the talk. If everyone does that, we will have a nation that sets an example for the rest of Africa. A nation is not built through words alone. No one, not me, is qualified to speak righteously when they have not tried to do something themselves in Ethiopia. The local working context is very important. Often times, it is much easier said than done. When people are wealthy enough and can feed themselves, the inevitable happens. They start to ask for more rights. Right now, I think every Ethiopian is too busy trying to bring food to the table. We have all gone through traumas of war and misery. We all want peace and prosperity for a change, not many are willing to sacrifice whatever good they have going for the ‘luxury’ thoughts of western ideology. Most just want to eat three times a day.

MR D: EPRDF is like a rotten tree, waiting to fall anytime soon. Come a powerful wind of change that can resist the regime’s repressive methods, we will find this rotten tree fallen to the ground, never again to rise. Democratic and human rights are not ‘luxury’ items; they are not just ‘western ideology’, but universal human values that must be protected and respected. Democracy and development must not be treated separately as the progress of one complements the success of the other. Any development story that is never based on win-win strategy and that comes at the expense of the rights of ordinary citizens will not only benefit corrupt leaders and their cohorts, but will lose its value, and the system that maintains it will be subject to resentments and endless frustrations that can easily explode and destabilize the country's peace. As long as the economic gain fails to trickle down to the masses, any progress made will not be embraced as a success story. Therefore, EPRDF must not delude itself, believing that it can magically transform Ethiopia without 1) addressing basic rights issues, 2) genuinely executing the constitution that it ratified, and 3) opening up the political space for genuine contenders. One party, one man dictatorship, or authoritarianism masked as a developmental state, cannot be the answer for a multi-ethnic nation like Ethiopia; if that had not been the case, the country would not have gone through the civil war that cost us millions of lives, our economy, and left us landlocked. We must accept that it is the participation of each and every Ethiopian that will make the country a truly prosperous and transformed country, not just the policy prescriptions of EPRDF and the individuals that believe in and benefit from those prescriptions.

MR C: I feel perhaps I was misunderstood when I said western ideals are a luxury. Here is the context with which I made that comment: I don’t think those ideals are a luxury to ME, that is probably because I live in a western society with a decent job where I can actually think about those issues and don’t have to worry about my basic necessities. To the man or woman on the street in Ethiopia, who is constantly sleeping hungry or trying hard to feed his or her many children, having a perfect democracy is less of a cause to fight for than having a good job with a good economy. To that man or woman, everything beyond the basic necessities is a luxury, a nice-to-have wish list. I say this from a practical point of view, having lived and worked there and observed people first hand. I also have many family relatives that are struggling to feed themselves. Many people incorrectly assume that people that are moderates are directly or indirectly beneficiaries of the current regime. I find that offensive. I am a moderate and I have never taken a single cent from the government. It is self-righteous to assume that your opposition to the government is genuine and justified where as the voices of those that either support it or advocate for a constructive contribution are labeled as biased and untrustworthy. For example, to assume that all people from Tigray are beneficiaries is a tribal mentality. Not only it is false but it also creates a dangerous climate of hate, suspicion and discrimination. We will not move forward as a nation until we stop seeing everything with a pair of tribal glasses. The reality is that all the biheroch [ethnic groups] of Ethiopia face the same or similar challenges of poverty and lack of education, health and security. We should focus our energy on what makes us the same not on what separates us. That is why we have over 70 political parties each advocating their tribes when we can focus on the big challenges that our country is facing as a nation. You would be hard pressed to find more than 3-4 political parties in the west in any given country. There is a good reason for it. Let’s stop this fragmented mentality. It only makes us vulnerable to abuse by anyone who cares to take advantage of that division.

MS E: Poverty is not an excuse to suspend basic human rights. People in Egypt and Tunisia did not demand economic justice, they demanded freedom and dignity, which includes rooting out corruption and ensuring that the country’s resources are deployed fairly, as well as rule of law, ending censorship, et cetera. Tribal chauvinism is as much a diversion from the real issues as are complaints by expatriate elites that their Internet access is too often interrupted. While the Meles government is opening the country to unprecedented economic development (my take-away impression from a recent visit was that ‘the whole country is a construction zone’), control over this development is horribly lopsided. Soon, Ethiopians will be complaining not only that Meles’ wife owns too many corporations, but also that Chinese and Turkish investors are purchasing and exporting the nation’s wealth. Moreover, the factory workers, who are rapidly transforming from peasants to unionized laborers, are going to become a challenge to ‘robber baron’ capitalism too. I say, go home and engage in building the country in whatever way you know best – as an intellectual, in the private sector, in the NGO sector, even in the government! It is from the position of a functioning member of the society that one has a true opportunity to educate and advocate for democracy and civil society.

MS A: I agree with both Ms. E and Mr. C that to make a difference, through whichever way we think is best, we must be present at the scene of action, or be part of achievable solution from wherever. We must not only make noises from distance to feel ‘patriotic’, to act as a ‘freedom fighter’, or to appear as an ‘activist’; I find that phony. In order to deform or to reform the status quo in Ethiopia, one must have realistic goals, and must plan and implement realistic actions. Regarding development and democracy, this is not the chicken or the egg scenario. I want to repeat what Ms. E wrote: poverty is not an excuse to suspend basic human rights. That statement summarizes my take on this issue. I do not believe that Ethiopia will become a perfect democracy overnight (as there exists no perfect democracy), but I do not support the government moving backwards and becoming totalitarian either.

MS H: The very first question in Ethiopia or in any state that is ruled by a dictator is fairness and freedom. Ethiopians have been deprived from both of these virtues that they are entitled by birth, for so long. I was born in the time of Derg and grew up in the EPRDF regime and all my life what I have seen was suffering, oppression and instability. A system that can change laws as it pleases forcing people to live in tension and with no plans for the future. The regime would want to smear its false propaganda about winning poverty when we the people and the whole world know that Ethiopia is one of the poorest countries. That being said, the revolutions that erupted in the Middle East have been initiated by the youth who have come from the different walks of life, poor, rich professionals, and laymen. What united them was the common question of freedom. This has cleaned the dust off the question in the minds of many Ethiopians making them think of the possibilities of struggling for an oppression-free Ethiopia because as long as a Dictator is in place a revolution is inevitable. The one thing to note here is that this is not something that we will achieve easily so it really needs serious thought and real commitment, a commitment that requires the participation of every Ethiopian, not the poor-mothers’ sons only. Are we in for and is the moment now, are the two big questions.

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* Elyas Mulu Kiros blog is http://kweschn.wordpress.com
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

From critical troubador to the politics of emancipation

A tribute to Dennis Brutus

Patrick Bond

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71562

I am enormously honoured by the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy (CANRAD) to be delivering this lecture in honour of Dennis Brutus, in part because the Mandela Metropole was a home in so many material, spiritual and political ways for our beloved poet-activist. And it has been an occasional home to me, as well, for example in mid-1989, when I learned a great deal about South Africa here. New Brighton comrades toured me around the township sites of struggle, and I met a then-banned NMMU (Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University) political theorist, Janet Cherry, after an Idasa seminar at a local hotel. Together, they gave me some of the most inspiring lessons I’ve ever had, in political bravery and in the strategy and tactics of jujitsu against an oppressive state. But I was well prepared for this education, because like tens of thousands of other internationalists, my main tutor in anti-apartheid politics during the 1980s was Brutus.

A LIFE IN MOTION

From his birth in then Salisbury Rhodesia in 1924, Brutus resided for extended periods in several South African locations (initially in Port Elizabeth – then Fort Hare for university, Cape Town and Robben Island at a different university, and Johannesburg on several occasions), then London, and during the 1970s-90s various US university campuses, and then home again, mainly in Durban from 2005-09. After eight months of prostate cancer treatment, and exceptional care from his daughter in law Jenny, on December 26, 2009, Brutus died at the home of his son Tony in Cape Town, in his sleep, aged 85.

It was at NMMU on 17 April 2009 that Brutus received his penultimate honorary doctorate, the seventh of eight, and he was mighty pleased to have such attention from Vice Chancellor Derrick Swartz, the faculty and the graduating class. Just as pleasing was the ceremony on the previous day, at Paterson High School.

Everywhere he went, Brutus left extraordinary memories and wondrous tales. In my own attempts to record these from January-May last year, I was overwhelmed by several hundred messages of condolence and a dozen well-attended memorial services: First in Cape Town, and then Port Elizabeth, Johannesburg twice, Durban twice, and then Harare where the chimurenga hiphop band Chavunduka threw a party, Benin City in Nigeria where a poet’s collective and Friends of the Earth honoured him, at the Porto Alegre World Social Forum, and five times in the US as well: San Francisco, Washington, New York, Pittsburgh and Worcester Massachusetts (home of the largest Brutus archive). Remembering this brings first sadness, then joy that so many had only the kindest words for the Brutus memory – with perhaps two exceptions I shall mention later.

Brutus did not fade away, that’s for sure. Even in his last days, just before the Copenhagen climate summit in December 2009, he was fully engaged, advocating social protest against those responsible for climate change, and promoting reparations to black South Africans from corporations that benefited from apartheid. He was a lead plaintiff in the Alien Tort Claims Act case against major firms that is making progress in the US court system.

Brutus was born in Harare, Zimbabwe in 1924, but his South African parents soon moved home to Port Elizabeth where he attended Paterson and Schauderville High Schools. He entered Fort Hare University on a full scholarship in 1940, graduating with a distinction in English and a second major in Psychology. Further studies in law at the University of the Witwatersrand were cut short by imprisonment for anti-apartheid activism.

After his banning in 1961 under the Suppression of Communism Act, he fled to Mozambique but was captured and deported to Johannesburg. There, in 1963, Brutus was shot in the back while attempting to escape police custody. Memorably, it was in front of Anglo American Corporation headquarters that he nearly died while awaiting an ambulance reserved for blacks.

While recovering, he was held in the Johannesburg Fort Prison cell which more than a half-century earlier housed Mahatma Gandhi. Brutus was transferred to Robben Island where he was jailed in the cell next to Nelson Mandela, and in 1964-65 wrote the collections Sirens Knuckles Boots and Letters to Martha, two of the richest poetic expressions of political incarceration.

Subsequently forced into exile, Brutus resumed simultaneous careers as a poet and anti-apartheid campaigner in London, and while working for the International Defense and Aid Fund, was instrumental in achieving the apartheid regime’s expulsion from the 1968 Mexican Olympics and then in 1970 from the Olympic movement.

Upon moving to the US in 1971, Brutus served as a professor of literature and African studies at Northwestern (Chicago) and Pittsburgh, and defeated high-profile efforts by the Reagan Administration to deport him during the early 1980s. He wrote numerous poems and he helped organise major African writers organisations with his colleagues Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe.

Following the political transition in South Africa, Brutus resumed activities with grassroots social movements in his home country. In the late 1990s he also became a pivotal figure in the global justice movement and a featured speaker each year at the World Social Forum, as well as at protests against the World Trade Organisation, G8, Bretton Woods Institutions and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development. Brutus continued to serve in the anti-racism, reparations and economic justice movements as a leading strategist until his death.

His final academic appointment was as Honorary Professor at the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society (UKZN CCS) and for that university’s press and Haymarket Press, he published the autobiographical Poetry and Protest in 2006.

Amongst numerous recent accolades were the US War Resisters League peace award in September 2009, the two Doctor of Literature degrees conferred in the Eastern Cape (at Rhodes and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Universities) in April 2009 – following six other honorary doctorates – and the Lifetime Achievement Award of the South African government Department of Arts and Culture in 2008. He also won the prestigious Paul Robeson and Langston Hughes awards.

TROUBADOUR POLITICS

How, in all of this, did Brutus maintain his ‘stubborn hope’? What links these two central themes, poetry and protest, I asked the itinerant Brutus, and he replied, ‘The role of the troubadour’. Traveling from court to court during the Middle Ages, the troubadour was Southern Europe’s sage, a wit whose satirical songs offered some of the most creative expressions of love for life and people.

Too often, though, Brutus’ poetry reflected such acute pain, suffering and above all anger at the court’s ruling elites – surgically delivered, at times breathtaking, at times didactic, at times counterposing society and nature with dramatic insight, capable of breaking free from accepted form – that his internal punning and literary references were typically lost on followers who were first and foremost political junkies (like myself). Trying to keep up with the octogenarian after his 2005 move to Durban dazed even the most Brutus-addicted staff at CCS and the Centre for Creative Arts, for which he served as a fixture at the Time of the Writer and Poetry Africa festivals.

At least one overarching impression sings out from the cacophony of warm memories: The Brutus philosophy that genuine emancipation – not the half measures won in 1994, when class apartheid replaced racial domination – represents a war to be waged on many fronts because as one battle is won and many more usually lost, there are still others on the horizon that make an engaged life fulfilling, that keep the fires of social change desire burning long into the night.

No South African threw themselves more passionately into so many global and local battles. But from where did the indomitable energy emerge? In his youth, Brutus was radicalised in part by the denial of opportunities to play sports here in Port Elizabeth’s segregated neighbourhoods, in which racial discrimination was inscribed on the playing fields. He was restricted to competitions in the black townships, hence his first campaign was for athletic fairness. This was an entrypoint into revolutionary politics, initially with the Teachers League and then the Congress movement.

By 1968, Brutus had lobbied sixty Third World countries to boycott the Olympics if the white South African team participated, and thus defeated the notorious International Olympic Committee leader, Avery Brundage, a man who was pro-Berlin in the 1936 Nazi games, pro-Salisbury after Ian Smith took over in 1965, and very pro-Pretoria at the Mexico Games.

In the process, Brutus received deep battlefield scars, suffering bannings (both personal in 1961 and affecting most of his poetry until 1994), a 1963 police kidnapping in Maputo followed by the near-fatal shooting outside Anglo American’s central Johannesburg headquarters during an escape attempt, imprisonment and torture at the Hillbrow Fort Prison and on Robben Island from 1963-66, and alienating times in exile from 1966-1991.

It was partly his infinite mischievousness that prevented exile from wearing Brutus down. Former Bureau of State Security agent Gordon Winter called him ‘one of the twenty most dangerous South African political figures overseas.’

He was extremely effective. At the 1971 Wimbledon tournament, Brutus disrupted a semifinal match played by Cliff Drysdale, winning acquittal for his deed from the House of Lords. Other pranks with a bite included the weed killer he and local students poured onto the rugby pitch to spell out ‘Oxford Rejects Apartheid’ just as a key match began, forcing cancellation, following a march of 18,000 Londoners against racist sport, which compelled the Springboks to cancel their 1970 tour.

Such fun never quite washed away the bitter taste of apartheid. The residue lingered long after, especially when Ali Bacher won membership in Naas Botha’s SA Sports Hall of Fame, because the cricket administrator ‘organised international rebel tours in the early 1980s,’ as the induction award stated. Brutus was also on the verge of induction at the same December 2007 ceremony, but upon mounting the stage, he handed back the statue, announcing:

‘I cannot be party to an event where unapologetic racists are also honoured, or to join a Hall of Fame alongside those who flourished under racist sport. Their inclusion is a deception because of their unfair advantage, as so many talented black athletes were excluded from sport opportunities. Moreover, this Hall ignores the fact that some sportspersons and administrators defended, supported and legitimised apartheid.’

It was such deep principle that led Judge Irving Schwartz to declare in 1983, ‘There is no question that Professor Brutus has made himself hated by just about every [white] South African.’ Schwartz rebuffed Reagan Administration efforts to expel Brutus from the United States.

Those three decades in the US spent teaching at leading universities (Northwestern, Pittsburgh, Dartmouth, Swarthmore and others) gave Brutus opportunities for high-profile support to every doomed lefty political struggle: Ending the unfair incarceration of Philadelphia poet Mumia Abu Jamal, American Indian Movement leader Leonard Peltier and Guantanamo Bay prisoners; halting sweatshops; imposing Boycott Divestment Sanctions on Israel; building Burmese solidarity; opposing Washington’s militarism by following Thoreau’s lead and refusing to pay a portion of his taxes; and attempting to prosecute George Bush for war crimes.

Without much if anything to show for these efforts, what did Brutus do, then, upon returning to South Africa? In 1998, he and Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane inaugurated Jubilee South Africa to, first, demand rejection of inherited apartheid debt, which Trevor Manuel’s finance ministry was dutifully repaying, and then launch a ‘World Bank Bonds Boycott’ aimed at defunding the Washington nerve centre of free market ideology.

Brutus and Trevor Ngwane initiated the latter campaign at the April 2000 protests against a Bank and International Monetary Fund meeting. At the world’s largest private pension fund, TIAA-CREF, Brutus then persuaded trustees to divest Bank investments, just as he had twenty years earlier during the anti-apartheid struggle.

War on ‘global apartheid’ was now Brutus’ apparently Quixotic campaign. Yet exactly three months before the infamous Battle of Seattle at the World Trade Organisation summit in November 1999, he addressed a major rally with a scarily accurate premonition: ‘We are going to set in motion a movement and a demand and a protest around the world which is going to say no to the WTO and it is going to start right here in Seattle!’

The WTO never recovered, and as recently as April 2009, the IMF also looked down and out – losing major borrowers, operating in the red and retrenching a tenth of its economists – until Manuel spearheaded a US$750 billion bailout by the G20 group of large economies, infuriating Brutus.

Other SA-based campaigning included leading demonstrations against the World Conference Against Racism in 2001 and World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002; anti-privatisation (he was at the founding meeting of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee in 2000); climate; apartheid reparations (which Pretoria finally has conceded make sense); a reversal of the 2007-10 US travel ban on University of Johannesburg deputy vice-chancellor (and CCS founder) Adam Habib; fighting World Cup forced removals; Zimbabwe and Tamil solidarity; and in Durban, support for Warwick Junction small traders who were facing eviction, and a variety of other local eco-social justice struggles.

For this Brutus was labelled ‘ultra-left’, or as Mbeki aide Essop Pahad put it in a 2002 statement to The Sowetan, “’Dennis the Menace!... We cannot not allow our modest achievements to be wrecked through anarchy. Opponents of democracy seek such destruction.’

In the same spirit, Sam Ramsamy’s takeover of the SA NonRacial Olympic Committee in 1990 exemplified the strategies of conciliation versus principled struggle. A week after Brutus died, Ramsamy observed that one of the world’s greatest sports justice campaigners

‘did not fully comprehend the realities of reconciliation. Sadly, he divorced himself from post-apartheid reconstruction of SA sport. I believe that was because he did not fully comprehend the realities of reconciliation and the difficult process of uniting all sectors of SA society.‘

The reason was simple, as leading radical scholar-activist Ashwin Desai replied:

‘It is indeed true that Dennis did not understand the complexities of reconciliation and nation-building. This is not because he was for one moment of his life trapped in any obsessive racial mindset. He was the most open and approachable person on a one-to-one basis. Dennis ignored the national agenda because his political goals did not including the realities of a certain form of reconciliation. During the 1990s-2000s, as he became involved in social movement politics, he freed himself from those complexities, just as he had earlier freed himself from complexities imposed during apartheid upon “responsible” blacks, to bolster the PW Botha regime’s fake reforms.’


LITERARY ACCOMPLISHMENTS

‘I will be the world’s troubadour
if not my country’s
Knight-erranting
jousting up and down
with justice for my theme
weapons as I find them
and a world-wide scatter of foes

‘Being what I am
a compound of speech and thoughts and song
and girded by indignation
and accoutred with some undeniable scars
surely I may be
this cavalier?’

- Dennis Brutus (1978)

Much can and has been said about the loving and nurturing characteristics of Brutus as a literary figure. Those who knew him understood how much he encouraged future generations of poets. His written word was often breathtaking, and few have written so movingly of injustice combined with incarceration (Letters to Martha and Sirens, Knuckles and Boots during the mid-1960s), exile (e.g, Poems from Algiers and China Poems during the 1970s), and social struggle (Stubborn Hope and Salutes and Censures).

Anger against injustice generated intense and insightful poetry, because Brutus had the self-discipline to construct lyrical prose, haikus and free-form poetry in a way that fused his emotions and liberatory strategy. Nadine Gordimer described Brutus accurately: ‘A freedom fighter who never thought it necessary to give up being an intellectual, but combined both.’

Brutus’s poetry collections are:

Sirens Knuckles and Boots (Mbari Productions, Ibaden, Nigeria and Northwestern University Press, Evanston Illinois, 1963).
Letters to Martha and Other Poems from a South African Prison (Heinemann, Oxford, 1968).
Poems from Algiers (African and Afro-American Studies and Research Institute, Austin, Texas, 1970).
A Simple Lust (Heinemann, Oxford, 1973).
China Poems (African and Afro-American Studies and Research Centre, Austin, Texas, 1975).
Strains (Troubador Press, Del Valle, Texas).
Stubborn Hope (Three Continents Press, Washington, DC and Heinemann, Oxford, 1978).
Salutes and Censures (Fourth Dimension, Enugu, Nigeria, 1982).
Airs and Tributes (Whirlwind Press, Camden, New Jersey, 1989).
Still the Sirens (Pennywhistle Press, Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1993).
Remembering Soweto, ed. Lamont B. Steptoe (Whirlwind Press, Camden, New Jersey, 2004).
Leafdrift, ed. Lamont B. Steptoe (Whirlwind Press, Camden, New Jersey, 2005).
Poetry and Protest: A Dennis Brutus Reader, ed. Aisha Kareem and Lee Sustar (Haymarket Books, Chicago and University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 2006).

A further volume of 70 previously unpublished poems was published by Worcester State College in May 2010.

BRUTUS, POLITICALLY-POSTHUMOUS?

The literary legacy will live on. What about the impact on our political development? After all, if Brutus was alive today, he’d be out cheering the victorious insurgent democractic forces of Tunisia and Egypt, and hoping for a bottom-up victory in, Palestine, Algeria, Bahrain, Yemen, Iraq, Iran and today, Libya. Anywhere US and Israeli governments have propped up North African and Middle East leaders, Brutus could be found in solidarity with the oppressed, including one memorable trip to Lebanon to bear witness to Israel’s indiscriminate bombings during its ill-fated July 2006 invasion.

In addition to the reparations case, which continues in the US courts, there are two other crucial political lessons for us in the wake of Brutus: The 2010 World Cup and 2011 world climate summit in Durban. On the first, Brutus was an unequivocal critic, and he proved prophetic during an interview for the documentary film banned by SABC, Fahrenheit 2010: “When you build enormous stadiums, you are shifting resources … from building schools or hospitals and then you have these huge structures standing empty. They become white elephants.” He would not have been surprised at all by the near universal reports that stadiums have become vast annual budget liabilities for nearly every major South African municipality.

He had the same foresight on the even bigger challenge that South Africa faces in November 2011, in Durban: Hosting a world climate summit destined to fail, given that elites are not serious about solving the problems they have created. As Brutus put it in September 2009,

‘My own view is that a corrupt deal is being concocted in Copenhagen with the active collaboration of NGOs who have been bought off by the corporations, especially oil and transport. They may even be well-intentioned but they are barking up the wrong tree… we should “Seattle Copenhagen”, with the left outside protesting and African elites inside denying consensus, so as to delegitimize the process and outcome, just as we did in 1999.’

That was the spirit that will guide a great many Climate Justice activists when they arrive in Durban, as well as the homegrown community, environmental, women’s, youth, cultural and labour movements there, as well.

They, like all of us here, and like Noam Chomsky, have enduring respect. As Chomsky put it, his friend Brutus was ‘a great artist and intrepid warrior in the unending struggle for justice and freedom. He will long be remembered with honour, respect, and affection, and his life will be a permanent model for others to try to follow, as best they can.’ Like Chomsky, most followers will find the Brutus legacy of politico-literary contributions reason to adopt the title of another poetry collection: Stubborn Hope.

In sum, the memory of Dennis Brutus will remain everywhere there is struggle against injustice. Uniquely courageous, consistent and principled, Brutus bridged the global and local, politics and culture, class and race, the old and the young, the red and green. He was an emblem of solidarity with all those peoples oppressed and environments wrecked by the power of capital and state elites. But in his role as a world-class poet, Brutus also taught us well, that social justice advocates can have both bread and roses.

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* This speech was made as the Dennis Brutus Memorial Lecture at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy, South End Museum, Port Elizabeth on 23 February 2011.
* Patrick Bond is director of the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society and a visiting scholar in the Geography Department of the University of California-Berkeley.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The revolt of South Africa’s untouchables

Pedro Alexis Tabensky

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71559

The levels of anger are steadily rising among the poor in direct proportion to the number of empty promises made to them. Their lives are defined by violence; unemployment; poor housing; poor schooling; corruption at municipal level in addition to incompetence; and hunger. Those who have not been co-opted by the mainstream, or are not fanatically wedded to a party that offers them little; or, alternatively, who are not drifting aimlessly, lost to reason or quashing their misery with Umtshovalale, are preparing for something. And the anger fuelling the urge to prepare is of the best sort: Slow-burning and steady; optimistic yet realistic; informed ever more thoughtfully by the idea that there is no blueprint for a better tomorrow. And since things could not be much worse than they are today, the only existing alternative left to the poor, in the eyes of those who in increasing numbers are developing a fighting spirit, is to take matters into their own hands. Over and over again it has been shown to them that officialdom cannot be counted on, that the democracy that we have today is not for them, and hence is a democracy in name only.

Of course there are those among the poor who are resigned to their fate, but resignation can be found in large number in any group (even among the prisoner ranks in Auschwitz). What cannot be ignored, despite these qualifications, is that, increasingly, powerful bonds of solidarity are being forged among the marginalized—often despite fundamental ideological differences and allegiances—against the status quo and its architects.

In increasing numbers, and with increasing levels of sophistication, the poor are coming together, ganging up against the common foe responsible for their shameful predicament. These movements include: Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), the Poor Peoples’ Movement, the Landless Peoples’ Movement, the Anti-Evictions Campaign, Mandela Park Backyarders, Sikhula Sonke, and the Unemployed Peoples’ Movement (UPM).

And these independent movements are communicating with one another on a regular basis, having conferences such as the recent Conference of the Democratic left in Johannesburg, and using the law and its institutions to achieve their aims. As other movements in Northern Africa and the Middle East, particularly in Tunisia and Egypt, which have very recently forced their despots to flee, they are becoming increasingly more sophisticated. They are learning how to use the structures of power to their own advantage. They are finding moneys here and there without strings attached, thinking about possible futures without economic injustice, rereading Biko and Fanon, and using their feet and voices. And, crucially, for much of the future of revolt will be shaped by this, they are using communication technologies to great effect. The cell phone and the internet are becoming instruments for genuine democracy outside of the stifling structures of power.
Sadly, more often than not, the voices of the dispossessed are met with police or grassroots thuggery (such as the widely reported violence met out against AbM in Durban in 2009 and the ANC Youth League sabotage of a meeting convened by the UPM to discuss the Makana Municipality water crisis in 2010). But this violence only stops them temporarily. In the medium term, it works as a catalyst. The more they are shot at and beaten in police stations and on the streets around the country, the more they become convinced that their fight is to assert their humanity; the more they are convinced that they are largely alone and that what they hope for can only be brought about by their own efforts. They are no longer waiting for a kind of secular second coming.

And their voices are starting decisively to be heard and taken seriously by the mainstream, despite countless acts of official and semi-official violence met out against them, and despite mainstream condescending portrayals of them as angry children unproductively venting out frustration or as blind automata of some mysterious third force.

This condescension is not new in our country. Biko warned the architects of apartheid that one of the worst things they can do for their nefarious cause is to assume that black people—almost all extremely poor—cannot think. This false assumption, Biko thought, helped bring the township about, an ideal place for people to share ideas, to plan and above all to mobilize. History speaks of the results.

As mentioned above, these movements are flourishing outside of official party-political structures. And the choice to remain outside of such structures speaks of a lack of trust in officialdom, of a sense that the democracy that this country requires must start on the ground and, especially, in the shacks. One key reason why this sense has become particularly relevant to our current context is that there is an increasing realization that there are no viable mainstream political parties.

The realization that democratic action can no longer be deferred is motivating grassroots movements to promote the idea that the best vote is not to vote at all. There is the standard view that one of the primary democratic tasks of all responsible citizens happens in the voting booth. But arguably voting for this party or that is only genuinely a democratic task when the available alternatives are acceptable. However, in a context where this is not the case, then the most democratic thing to do could be to make a statement of non-confidence by not voting.

And it is also not surprising that grassroots political movements are encouraging their members not to vote, for they tend to have a conception of democracy which is radically participative. They do not believe that the best citizens can do is to delegate political responsibility in the voting booth. Rather, for them, true democracy occurs when citizens take it upon themselves to be the makers and caretakers of democracy.

South Africa’s untouchables are growing restless and they are no longer waiting inside their shacks for democracy to pay them a visit.

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* Professor Pedro Alexis Tabensky is in the Department of Philosophy at Rhodes University, South Africa.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Ngoliba: The place where Kenyatta dumped squatters

John Kamau

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71570

Some 33 kilometers along the Thika-Garissa highway, a small and sleepy shopping centre sticks out like a sore thumb. Apart from the lone signboard that signals to visitors that they have now entered Ngoliba, there is nothing else to suggest how this sun-baked shopping centre - actually a row of Indian-styled Dukas - came into being.

A peep down into the rocky valley, where farmers grow mangoes, reveals very little economic activity. The grass thatched houses, which are mud-walled at best and falling apart at worst, show that the Ngoliba Settlement Scheme, as originally mooted in 1964, collapsed a long time ago. Residents have to rely on relief aid.

The Thika River, which was to have provided water to irrigate the scheme, has turned to a stream. Its banks show small plots of vegetables for domestic use.

New archival documents now shed light into how Ngoliba was used as a dumping ground for squatters who lived and wanted to purchase a farm next to former president Jomo Kenyatta’s farm in Kasarani.

They were not only forced to sell all livestock - since settlement scheme policy did not allow livestock to go with them - but were also supposed to plant sisal. When the global sisal industry collapsed in the 1970s, Ngoliba collapsed. Today, it stands out as yet another showcase of the misuse of power, might and money.

In August 1964 when Sasini Tea and Coffee Estates decided to donate some 8,000 acres of their land to accommodate squatters, little did they know that it would spark a political row.

Documents now show that government officials were constantly embarrassed by the presence of squatters on Block’s Farm next to Mama Ngina’s farm in Kasarani (Mama Ngina was Kenyatta’s wife and the first lady). This forced the commissioner of squatters, Zachariah Shimechero, a former police officer, to order their relocation to the 8,000 acre Ngoliba farm, the farm that had earlier been earmarked for a separate group of squatters.

A secret letter written by Mr Shimechero to the permanent secretary of lands and settlement tells him: ‘You may or may not be aware that Block’s Farm is adjacent to Mama Ngina’s farm and Mzee is normally bothered by the presence of 200 squatter families next to his farm…’

One of the conditions given by Sasini when they donated the land was that squatters were to be accommodated in Ngoliba ‘on condition that they base their economy on sisal’.

But it appears that there were no funds available and a way had to be found to use the British funds from the Million Acre Scheme kitty for this purpose. This was an anomaly since Ngoliba was outside the Million Acre Scheme that covered only the White Highland areas.

Ngoliba was outside the scope of the funding but since it was involved in settling squatters who could embarrass Kenyatta, Geofrey Kariithi, who later became a powerful figure in the Kenyatta government, wrote to the first permanent secretary of the new ministry of cooperatives asking him to get money.

Actually, it was then not clear what ministry was to handle the 8,000 acres that had been donated.

‘I still maintain that we are not funded for schemes like this and the under-secretary is fully aware of this position and until the government agrees on the overall question of schemes outside former Scheduled Area (white highlands) there is little that we can do,’ wrote the director of settlements on 22 September 1966.

What perhaps he didn’t know was that Kenyatta had a personal interest in Ngoliba. Even as officials planned on how to settle the 200 people, Kenyatta added a new twist when he demanded that two people he had selected should be given 10 acres each.

The names were given to Jackson Angaine, the lands and settlement minister, who filed them and wrote a small note dated 11 November 1966: ‘The President insists that his two people must be allocated 10 acres each and Mr Shimechero (commissioner of squatters) is not willing.’

Shimechero had told the permanent secretary that: ‘It will be very bad for the overall morale if we are to allocate them with 10 acres when everybody is getting five acres and also when they have not contributed to the communal work carried out by the others.’

When the matter was brought to Kenyatta’s attention by Angaine he was ordered to issue them with a title-deed immediately. The others waited for a two-year period with temporary occupation licenses.

The two special cases were of Njau Gakinya and Gacheru Gatere.

Actually, Kenyatta visited Ngoliba on 26 November 1966, perhaps to make sure that his two settlers had found a place among the 200 who had been relocated from Block’s Farm. But it was not clear why the two had received Kenyatta’s personal attention.

Ngoliba, from the start, was a bay of confusion. In the confusion, farmers were issued with occupation licenses without paying the stamp duty - and it later became a big row within the ministry of lands on how to collect the money.

But it was the dispatch of 200 squatters who were living next to Kenyatta’s farm in Kasarani that brought a huge political row and annoyed Kamba politicians. It was sparked by local MP Gideon Mutiso. The MP was a few years later charged with treason.

On the day the final group was to be taken to Ngoliba on 31 January 1968, Kenyatta happened to be in Eastern Province and the move was postponed.

It was at this time that assistant minister Gideon Mutiso learnt about the exercise and wrote a protest note to lands and settlement minister, Jackson Angaine.

‘I am sure you are no doubt aware that 200 squatters were recently moved from Block’s Estates near Nairobi, all of them of the Kikuyu tribe and were settled at the above scheme, along with some other squatters within the area,’ said the letter, dated 15 February.

‘This means that those people who originally belonged to Ngoliba and who wasted a lot of their energy in clearing bush, putting up houses, and schools will now be moved to a complete new area,’ wrote the MP, who feared that the move could spark a tribal conflict.

Ngoliba was threatening to explode and Angaine wrote a small note dated 3 March to his permanent secretary saying: ‘I am not going to allow politicians to play with my staff. Mr Mutiso is out of date and needs just a slight adjustment to bring him up to date.’

Apparently, the commissioner of squatters had decided to dump the 200 squatters, who had indicated interest in buying Block’s Farm in Yatta.

Perhaps to minimise skirmishes, Ngoliba was shifted from Yatta to Juja constituency that was to be represented by Kenyatta’s eldest son, Peter Muigai.

Today, Ngoliba has turned out to be a ghost settlement with hardly any economic activity. The sisal industry that was meant to support its inhabitants hit rock bottom in 1970s after global prices slumped.

Anytime you hit the Garrissa Road, watch out for Ngoliba; for here is a settlement that is dead in the water.

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* John Kamau is a journalist interested in African politics, history, globalisation and human rights. This article is from his [url= blog]http://johnkamau.blogspot.com]blog[/url][/url]
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Oil, gas, Algeria, Libya and the empire

Sukant Chandan

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/71571

On 24 February last week a right-wing British mainstream newspaper, The Evening Standard’s business section, had a major piece on the price of oil. All the calculations were based on a scenario in which Algeria would follow Libya. Al Jazeera is playing an increasingly obvious role in helping the West to target certain states for regime change through 'colour revolution' type of movements, with the whole of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation), the EU (European Union) and the US supporting the forces who want to overthrow the Libyan state – and especially the Libyan leader Gaddafi.

Al Jazeera have failed to have one voice which gives any anti-imperialist critique as to events in Libya, whereas they have given all the time to well-known CIA- and MI6-backed Libyan opposition groups such as the National Front for the Salvation of Libya. Perhaps one of the low points of Al Jazeera recently is allowing Britain to get away with murder, literally. Al Jazeera made nearly no criticism of British Prime Minister David Cameron's arms selling trip to the Gulf. Instead of using this trip to agitate the regional revolution, as they did in Tunisia and Egypt, they gave Cameron all the airtime to conduct war propaganda against Libya. Furthermore, Al Jazeera has at least twice given pro-Western voices airtime to finger Algeria. Firstly, Jeremy Keenan, a 'security expert on North Africa’, launched a major attack on Algeria, alleging that it was involved militarily in Libya to help Gaddafi against the rebellion there. Secondly, the British economist Neil Atkinson, energy director of Datamonitor, mentioned Algeria after a whole show discussing Libyan oil and energy issues at 23 minutes, 10 seconds into this programme.

If the West wrests control of Libyan and Algerian hydrocarbons (which at present they don't have – joint ventures, exploration rights and profit-sharing agreements do not constitute the type of monopolisation and control that Western oil companies require), then it is a massive boost to the West, giving it life for another century nearly, which is a strategic setback for the Third World revolution which has pushed back US hegemony for the good part of the last decade.

Western Europe specifically – one leg, along with the US and Japan, of the tripod of the Western capitalist world system, AKA empire – has basically three sources of oil and gas: North Sea; Middle East & North Africa (MENA); and Russia and the former Soviet republics (CIS). North Sea oil and gas is divided between Britain and Norway. Norway's is quite enough for its domestic needs. Good for Norway.

The UK's is not, and is rapidly being depleted. Maybe there are major new fields but British capitalism, which is in a decrepit and decaying state, does not have the dough to develop them. Regarding CIS, Russia is simply too big to just be a puppet, besides which Vladimir Putin is a patriot. Only the communist party and government collapsed in the USSR. The Soviet army and the security and intelligence services did not and they are the main component of state power. The empire set great store on pitting Ukraine against Russia. But the return of Yanukovich is the return of Ukraine to the Russian camp. Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, the other two key CIS oil and gas powers, are also increasingly aligned with Russia and China.

Hence MENA grows in importance. And in this smokeless oil and gas war, Libya and Algeria (if anything Algeria) have been staunchly aligned with Russia, not to mention being solid OPEC brothers in the same trench with Venezuela, Iran and so on. The added importance of Libya and Algeria to Europe is geographical proximity and also that Libyan oil is sweet crude.

A Western victory in Libya in overthrowing the state and the Libyan leader would mean that it would march on Algeria. Indeed, Al Jazeera is also pushing for rebellion in Algeria. However, capturing Libya and Algeria for the empire would mean possibly a second life for its quickly degenerating hegemonic position across the world. Empire failing to achieve its aims in Libya would mean another defeat for the West. While most of the West's militarily aggressive stance on Libya is mostly psy-ops, as the West cannot maintain even no-fly zones over Libya, the West has pushed itself into a position whereby the defeat of the empire in Libya would be that much more profound and significant as a result of the hysterically high-pitched nature of imperialist arrogance and propaganda over Libya.

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* Sukant Chandan is a London-based political analyst and filmmaker and can be contacted at sukant.chandan@gmail.com.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Celebrating 100 years of International Women’s Day

FEMNET

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/71598

On 8th March every year the world marks the International Women’s Day (IWD), a day recognized by all the member states of the United Nations. The IWD provides an opportunity to review how far women have come in the struggle for equality, peace and sustainable development. This year, the day is particularly special because it marks 100 years since the first International Women’s day was commemorated in 1911. The theme for this year is: Equal access to Education, Training and Science and Technology: Pathway to decent work for Women. The theme could not have come at a better time than now when limited access to quality education and training opportunities continues to hinder women’s equal participation in decision making, leadership and in the economy. Despite the fact that equal access to education has been a long term vision of the United Nations since it adopted the Right to education (Article 26) in 1949, as one of the fundamental human rights of individuals, the efforts for equal access for boys and girls; men and women have not yet resulted in gender parity at all levels including in adult education programmes. The Beijing Platform for Action stresses education as one of the most powerful and effective tool for women empowerment in Africa.

The relevance of this year’s theme is further justified by findings in a recent study [1] conducted by Professor Grace Chibiko, from the University of Nigeria. The finding indicates that every girl child needs education because the degree and quality of participation in society depends to a large extent on the degree and quality of her education. The study further observes that by getting access to quality education, the girl child will be able to perform her political and other citizenry duties as well as exercise her rights.

There are some positive strides that have been made by African Governments regarding recognizing the importance of educating women and girls. [2][2]This is evident from initiatives undertaken by several African governments of facilitating access to education for girls from elementary to tertiary levels. However, despite the positive steps, certain factors like forced early marriages, girls remaining at home to provide domestic labour as opposed to going to school, continue to hinder the progress in education and training of women in some African communities. As a result, the majority of illiterate populations in most African countries are women. Accessing the Internet and modern technology is one of the greatest challenges in many parts of Africa. In the academic sector, the science and mathematics courses continue to be perceived as male oriented, as evident in the academic performances, even though the number of female students pursuing courses in these fields is gradually increasing.

During the 55th session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, the African Women’s Caucus did acknowledge that most African countries have taken initiatives to adopt pertinent policies and programs, geared towards achieving basic education for both boys and girls. Countries like Kenya, Uganda and Ghana have adopted affirmative measures that create a favorable level ground for girls to continue with their post secondary education either in tertiary colleges or universities. For instance, this year the Kenyan University body, Joint Admission Board (JAB) lowered the cut-off points by two- from 63 to 61, to allow for the admission of more female students. FEMNET applauds this move because an additional number of 1,600 female students were admitted to the university as a result of such affirmative action. We call on other African governments to emulate the three countries by increasing the number of women accessing university education. Allowing women to access quality education and training and especially in the scientific field, is the pathway to getting full employment and decent work in the job market. This is because the scientific related courses and skills provide a solid foundation for the best career opportunities that are well rewarding. African Governments should increase opportunities that encourage more women to venture into the scientific fields by offering scholarships to pursue such courses at higher levels.

As we celebrate the 2011 International Women’s Day, FEMNET wishes to congratulate African governments that have continually recognized the role and importance of women in political, economic, science & technology and sustainable development. The contributions made by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) towards women empowerment cannot be ignored. It is important that CSO initiatives are embraced by governments in order to realize the main objective of the African Women’s Decade (2010-2020) which is to facilitate women’s empowerment and articulate concrete actions that should be taken; to accelerate momentum in implementation of all protocols and agreements that support gender equality and women empowerment in Africa. FEMNET is appealing to African leaders to ensure that they devise clear work plans for implementation of the African Women’s Decade so that by 2020, equal access to education, training and science & technology will be a pathway to decent work for women.

Happy Women’s Day!

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* The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET).
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES

[1] http://www.ifuw.org/fuwa/docs/Girl-Child-Education-Africa-part2.pdf
[2] UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) regional reports on Beijing +15.

Equal access: Pathway to decent work for women

Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/71568

As Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe, we note that continued homophobic language, patriarchy, discrimination and stigmatisation that lead to Gender Based Violence or Violence Against Women, have negative impacts on the girl child, women, lesbian, bisexual and transgender peoples’ access to education and decent work.

Recent statements by education officials in Bulawayo ‘condemning acts of homosexuality in schools, as unacceptable’ are irresponsible and fuel victimisation. Such statements serve as confirmation of institutionalised homophobia practiced by public officials going against the principles of articles 23 and 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

1. Everyone has the right to education, without discrimination on the basis of, and taking into account, their sexual orientation and gender identity.

2. Everyone has the right to decent and productive work, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment, without discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.

GALZ calls on families, parents, political, religious, cultural and traditional leaders and society at large to:

1. Renounce discrimination and language that incites violence against girls, women, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered people

2. Encourage self-determination that will realize the full utilization of citizens’ capacities to build the nation

Ensure that education is directed to the development of respect, the upholding of dignity for people’s rights, peace, tolerance, and equality.

Tel: Harare: 04- 741736 or 04-740614. Fax: 740610 or Bulawayo: 0773 063 290Email: info@galz.co.zw

Or visit: www.galz.co.z

Munhu munhu, hazvienzani nembwa!

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* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Life expectancy is just 33.5 years for Zimbabwean women

This and other facts on Women’s Day 2011

Sokwanele

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/71595

Life expectancy is just 33.5 years for Zimbabwean women – the lowest in the world.

At least 18% of the population lives with HIV and AIDS

Of the 1,6-million Zimbabweans with HIV, 55% of are women

Women dying in childbirth is estimated at 880 per 100,000 live births (UK: 13 per 100,000)

With little access to healthcare, almost 30% of births take place without a skilled attendant

12% of Zimbabwean children die before their fifth birthday

Women are poorly represented at cabinet, parliamentary and local-government level — limiting their capacity to make decisions on issues affecting them.

Female representation in parliament 9%

An estimated 80% of marriages in Zimbabwe are ‘customary marriages’, in which a woman’s right to inherit property upon the death of her husband can be severely compromised

Around 18% of women are in polygamous marriages, which further limit a wife’s property rights

Childless widows are often evicted, as are those who refuse to be physically ‘inherited’ by a male relative of their late husband

Child marriage is common in Zimbabwe, and 21% of children (mostly girls) are married before the age of 18

This increases the risk of contracting HIV and AIDS, and makes it less likely that girls will continue into higher education

38% of women had been victims of some form of physical, sexual, or psychological abuse.

The media increasingly reports incidents of rape, incest, and sexual abuse of women.

Domestic violence against women, especially wife beating, is common and crosses all racial and economic lines.

In Zimbabwe, domestic violence accounts for more than 60% of murder cases that go through the high court in Harare. (ZWRCN)

54 percent of the women counseled for domestic violence have sexually transmitted diseases, including many with HIV/AIDS.

Over 80% of the Zimbabwean population lives in poverty

Unemployment is estimated at 93%

One in three working women at all levels are reported to be subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace, as defined by Zimbabwean legal experts.

Although labour legislation prohibits discrimination in employment on the basis of gender, women are concentrated in the lower echelons of the work force and commonly face sexual harassment in the workplace.

The literacy rate in Zimbabwe is high, with a total adult literacy rate of 90%, and 86% among women. This is a 10% increase in women’s literacy since 1990, although this improvement is gravely threatened by the rise in poverty and internal political upheaval.

Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, rarely is performed in Zimbabwe. However, according to press reports, the initiation rites practiced by the small Remba ethnic group in Midlands Province include infibulation, the most extreme form of FGM.

Given the current crisis in Zimbabwe, many of the statistics have deteriorated since they were compiled.

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* This article first appeared on Sokwanele.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

South Africa: Issues confronting the nation

South African Municipal Workers' Union (SAMWU)

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/71592

The SAMWU National Executive Committee meeting (NEC) noted a number of serious developments confronting the nation that need responding to.

Samwu at its last Congress in 2009 and the Cosatu Congress of the same year resolved that it would support the ANC in the forthcoming local government elections. However, a number of recent developments have made the implementation of this resolution difficult to enforce.

The resolution was premised on the ANC being worker friendly. This position is becoming increasingly unlikely to believe.

Cosatu has failed to secure a pact with the ANC. This has meant that many of the issues that concern the working class have not been incorporated into the manifesto. The manifesto continues to provide for the needs of capitalists. We fear that the dire straits of working class communities will continue to be ignored in the aftermath of the elections.

The nomination process of ANC councillors continues to be fraught with a lack of transparency and democracy. Positions of list conferences are completely being ignored. Furthermore, there are names on the list of ANC members who have been completely discredited due to mismanagement and other undisciplined and self-interested actions.

The ANC has failed to dismantle provinces, which are a serious drain on the fiscus, meaning that there is less money to provide much needed service delivery.

National government continues to pursue the transfer of services from local to provincial government despite clear evidence that health services are best placed at local government level.

The failure of the ANC to agree that the capitalist plays no progressive role in the development of our country. The presence of capitalist elements within ANC structures continues to ensure that state policies benefit these individuals and the broader capitalist class. Without the purging of these elements from the ANC, it will be impossible to address the needs of the vast majority in this country.

This bias towards capitalism is expressed by the appointment of Jimmy Manyi as cabinet spokesperson. The President of the Black Management Forum represents the interest of the upper sections of the black middle class who are closely associated with the interests of capital. His racist comments represent the arrogance of the African section of the bourgeoisie as they seek to benefit at the expense of other sections of the bourgeoisie. We condemn his statements and call upon the Zuma administration to show their commitment to non-racialism and a working class bias to dismiss him forthwith.

The killing of Msiza by SAPS last week in Tshwane, while lawfully and peacefully undertaking his Shop Steward duties leading a peaceful picket of SAMWU members.

That this fatality is one in a long line of deaths and serious injuries that have been sustained by SAMWU members at the hands of police while exercising their civil liberties.

The fact that police attend SAMWU and other Labour Movement marches and actions carrying live rounds of ammunition underlines their intent to use deadly force if they deem it appropriate.

The disinformation police spread by briefing the media that there were acts of violence being perpetrated by SAMWU members, including damage to property, none of which are substantiated.


That there appears to be a concerted campaign by the police and other security forces, in collaboration with municipalities to undermine legitimate trade union action and especially SAMWU in contradiction to the law and Constitution.

We have the further militarisation of the police force in the recent period. This development undermines democracy and distances the police from the people it is meant to serve.

That SAMWU will not be intimidated by such attacks and will escalate efforts to counter privatisation and expose corruption.

The action of the SAPS to invade the office of the Public Protector in the wake of her disclosure of mismanagement of the lease and purchase of the new police headquarters is equally deplorable. We call on the police to unreservedly apologise with this invasion

We note the dismissal of 1 000 employees at Tshwane Metropolitan Council without a hearing. Further dismissals have taken place in Ekurhuleni, North West and the Free State. This comes at the same time that the government has committed itself to creating 500 000 new jobs.

An agreement dealing with wage scales was concluded on 20 April 2010. Salga subsequently tampered with this agreement forcing the union to seek legal recourse to rectify Salga’s action. This court action has not yet resolved itself.


This Union therefore resolves the following:
1) In the spirit of Samwu’s commitment to support the ANC in the forthcoming elections, we find it impossible to convince our members and the community to do this until the issues mentioned above are resolved. We thus call upon the ANC leadership to intervene urgently to address our concerns.
2) The ANC is also called upon to engage Salga, which is dominated by the ANC, to act urgently to address the serious concerns raised above.
3) We call upon the ANC to move speedily to dismantle provinces and release funds for urgent intervention in the local government sector. In the same vein, as per President Zuma’s State of the Nation Address, a review of local government structures.
4) That there be an urgent inquiry into the death of Comrade Msiza.
5) That a campaign be launched to demand a Judicial Inquiry into Police Violence and Tactics in relation to Trade Union Action, and that this become a key national campaign of the Union and COSATU.
6) These concerns about the police’s heavy-handed actions are similar to the manner in which they have approached the Public Protector.
7) That the Union will open criminal charges in this regard.
8) That additional legal capacity and expertise should be sought from the Legal Resources Centre or similar organisation, and that a case is opened with the Human Rights Commission.
9) That we raise this matter in Alliance Structures, and if necessary intervene into the Local Elections Process to raise the demand for a Judicial Inquiry and for end to police violence.
10) That we call for a two hour national work stoppage on the day of Comrade Msiza’s funeral in every municipality to draw public attention to the unlawful killing of our comrade, and also to demand a Judicial Inquiry and an end to police violence against workers.
11) We call upon the ANC structures to immediately intervene to ensure the reinstatement the dismissed Tshwane and other workers.

Issued by:

Tahir Sema
National Media and Publicity Officer
South African Municipal Workers' Union of COSATU
Office: 011 331 0333

Fax: 086 618 6479

Cell: 082 940 3403

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* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Urgent action: Crackdown on activists in Zimbabwe

Amnesty International

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/71609

Human rights and political activists in Zimbabwe are facing a major clampdown, with over 60 currently held in detention and many allegedly tortured. In Harare, 45 people have been charged with treason and face the death penalty if convicted. More activists have been arrested in Bulawayo and Manicaland province.

On 19 February, Munyaradzi Gwisai and 44 other activists were arrested by police in Zimbabwe's capital Harare while holding a meeting to discuss events in Egypt and Tunisia. They were detained beyond the 48 hours prescribed by law and were told that they were being charged with treason just minutes before being taken to court on 23 February. If convicted of treason, they could face the death penalty. Munyaradzi Gwisai told the court that he and other activists had been tortured while in detention at Harare Central police station. The activists were denied access to their lawyers and medical treatment. The 34 men are now detained at Harare Central Remand Prison while the 11 women are detained at Chikurubi Women’s Prison.

On 28 February seven members of the campaigning organizations Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (MOZA) were arrested in Bulawayo. They were reportedly tortured at Bulawayo Central police station. They were released on 2 March on $50 bail and must report to police twice a week. On 1 March, 14 WOZA activists were arrested during various meetings on social issues in Bulawayo and released the same day without charge.
In Manicaland, 23 villagers and their Member of Parliament, Douglas Mwonzora, have been in custody since their arrest in mid-February. They are accused of public violence following clashes between members of President Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party and the MDC-T party, to which Douglas Mwonzora belongs. No ZANU-PF activists were arrested. The 24 detainees were granted bail on 21 February but the state used Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act (CPEA) to suspend the bail order, and extend the detention by another seven days. This section of the CPEA has been used in the past to prolong detention of perceived opponents of ZANU-PF.

PLEASE WRITE IMMEDIATELY in English or your own language:

- To the Attorney General of Zimbabwe and Commissioner General of Police expressing concern over the arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention and torture of Mr Munyaradzi Gwisai and some of the 44 activists arrested on 19 February after holding a meeting to discuss events in Egypt and Tunisia. Urge them to end abusing the law against perceived political opponents of ZANU-PF party;

- To the Attorney General urging him to drop the treason charges against the 45 activists arrested solely for exercising their right to freedom of expression. Urge him to immediately and unconditionally release them;

- To the Commissioner General of Police urging him to end arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention of human rights activists and perceived opponents of ZANU-PF. Urge him to investigate the allegations of torture and bring the responsible security agents to justice. Urge him to guarantee access to lawyers and medical treatment to all detainees including those allegedly tortured in custody.

PLEASE SEND APPEALS BEFORE 14 APRIL 2011 TO:

The Attorney General
Johannes Tomana
Government of Zimbabwe
P. Bag 7714, Causeway
Harare, Zimbabwe
Fax: +263 4 777049
Salutation: Dear Attorney General

Commissioner-General of Police
Augustine Chihuri
Zimbabwe Republic Police
P. O. Box 8807, Causeway
Harare, Zimbabwe
Fax: +263 4 253 212
Salutation: Dear Commissioner-General

Copies to: Her Excellency
Ms Jacqueline Nomhle ZWAMBILA, Ambassador,
Embassy of the Republic of Zimbabwe,
11 Culgoa Circuit,
O'Malley ACT 2606,
Fax: (02) 6290 1680,
Email : zimbabwe1@iimetro.com.au ,
Salutation: Your Excellency

Please check with urgentaction@amnesty.org.au if sending appeals after the above date.
UA: 55/11 Index: AFR 46/004/2011 Issue Date: 03 March 2011

* Editors' note: We received the following update from South Africa's Keep Left:

'The campaign around the Zimbabwe activists has borne some results. The good news is that yesterday 39 of the 45 activists had their charges dropped by the Magistrate court. The Magistrate judge (Mutevedzi) said the arrest of the 45 people was “a dragnet arrest by the police who didn’t verify or attach criminal conduct to each of the accused persons”. The judge also stated that there “glaring weaknesses” in the State case and that it wasn’t “clear what the rest of the accused persons did to deserve to be arrested and charged with treason”.

'But the remaining 6 are still being detained. They are:
-Gender activist Antonater Choto
-Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) leaders Welcome Zimuto and Eddson Chakuma
-Labour activist Tatenda Mombeyarara
-International Socialist Organisation co-ordinator and labour lawyer Munyaradzi Gwisai
-Anti-Debt Campaigner Hopewell Gumbo

'The legal rights of the six are already being violated and they are being severely punished before the court has ruled guilt or not. The men have been placed in solitary confinement for 23 hours a day and are allowed out in two 30 minute sessions a day. The women are being subjected to hard labour. Even the state prosecutor conceded that solitary confinement and hard labour were a serious violation of the activists’ rights (but denied the allegations).

'But the state itself is showing signs of the campaign’s pressure. The magistrate has said of the remaining 6 that the discussion by Gwisai, Choto, Gumbo, Zimuto, Mombeyarara and Chakuma focusing on the possibility of doing what had been done in Egypt in Zimbabwe was not just “idle talk” but there was a conspiracy. Yet the Magistrate said the report of the State’s one witness (a police officer who attended the meeting surreptitiously and who had allegedly observed all the 45 suspects committing the offence) was fictitious.'

The (not-so) curious case of Colonel Gaddafi

H. Nanjala Nyabola

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/panafrican/71567

Is Muammar Gaddafi crazy? Western media outlets have spent the better part of the last two decades implying that he is. Television pundits, magazines and newspapers have produced quizzes, photo spreads and endless paragraphs of writing to argue the case, backed up by the evidence of his eccentric dressing, his penchant for plastic surgery and having his hair dyed, and his over-the-top statements on everything from the Middle East peace process to the possibility of a unified African state. Now that Libya is on the brink of civil war, it seems that powers in Washington, London and other European capitals are more than a little confused, lacking the tools to build a systematic and coherent foreign policy approach to an oil reach and geostrategically significant nation that is run as a personal fiefdom. Yes, it is increasingly clear that the leaders and analysts aren’t quite sure if Gaddafi is crazy, eccentric or just a savvy dictator, even though there has never been a greater need for surety, as Gaddafi is unlikely to be the last example of this particular brand of politicking.

The recent flip-flopping in policy by the UK, French and US policy emphasises the inadequacy of existing, state-centric approaches to global politics and diplomacy in the face of an explosive and unpredictable personality. Oftentimes, it is evident that diplomats are unsure if they are negotiating with the man or the machine, resulting in absurd promises of cooperation or needless compromises in human rights and accountability, such as those accorded by the British government to Tripoli. Faced with the uncertainty, the inclination is to deal with the man and hope that the machine falls into place, which it usually does as long as the proceeds from the exchange continue to flow. The challenge to this unholy equilibrium usually emerges around the time when we are facing some kind of inevitable global crisis – the oil shock did it for the Shah in Iran, the end of the Cold War undid many an African regime, and today the global spike in food prices is shaking the ground underneath the feet of Gaddafi and his ilk across North Africa and the Middle East.

One rule emerging even from the most cursory analysis is that insofar as personal relationships seem to be the cornerstone of international diplomacy, we are clearly willing to walk away from them with remarkable ease. The muted African response to the Libyan crisis highlights the unease that certainly governments, but likely also individuals, feel at criticising a man who has personally bankrolled any remnants of the pan-African idealism of the post-colonial era. Gaddafi has spent a large volume of his personal – probably plundered – wealth to shore up various pan-African initiatives, including the rebirth of the crumbling Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as the relatively invigorated African Union (AU). Similarly, aside from funding most of the significant research that has emerged from the AU, especially on the question of integration, Gaddafi has also through the Libyan Arab African Investment Company (LAICO) overseen substantial investments, especially in the luxury hotel industry at a time when major European and North American backers were pulling out of troubled nations like Gambia, Burkina Faso and Kenya. Several of these governments owe much of their liquidity and continued existence to these investments, and to Gaddafi’s moral ambivalence.

Unfortunately for the colonel, the magnanimity isn’t cutting both ways. While Gaddafi was more than ready to look the other way as Yahya Jammeh in Gambia continued to kill journalists critical of his government, or Blaise Campaoré in Burkina Faso flattened the homes of thousands in order to make space for the new diplomatic quarter Ouaga 2000 – incorporating the luxurious Laico Ouaga 2000 – it seems that in ‘dictatoring’, as in the playground, money can’t buy you friends, or rather can only buy you friends as long as no one else offers them more money. None of these countries spoke up against a recent resolution to eject Libya from the Human Rights Council even though several key Gaddafi allies currently sit on the council. Gaddafi, the self-proclaimed king of kings of all of Africa, who prided himself on cultivating personal relationships with various African leaders and leveraging this to gain influence (especially with the AU), finds himself facing the most significant threat to his presidency apparently friendless. For those opposed to Gaddafi in the first place, this is probably a good development, but for the thousands of mercenaries shipped in by Gaddafi and his allies, not to mention the ordinary Libyan people, it introduces a new front in the conflict. If Gaddafi survives this revolution, his relations with the rest of Africa are likely to be soured; if he doesn’t, it is unlikely that the incoming regime will be even half as warm to African interests.

In the same breath, as the West scrambles over itself to back track on the increasing warmth that many nations had extended to the long-serving dictator, we are starkly reminded of the fluidity of the values that govern international politics. Aside from the insatiable thirst that Western nations have for oil – a moral blind spot that makes it alright to look the other way as illegal immigrants are allowed to drown, or political dissidents and suspected Al Qaeda operatives are tortured – there is also the historical pattern of accommodating the excesses of larger-than-life personalities in order to pursue ‘stability’. Gaddafi is the latest in a long line of eccentric authoritarian rulers that have merited a ‘look the other way’ response from Western nations, a list that represents a veritable who’s who of brutal dictators, including Mobutu Sese Seko, Omar Bongo and Sani Abacha, in efforts to maintain some kind of predictability in international politics. Indeed, the progress of the uprising in Libya is a reminder of the dangers of an international morality built around individuals, amended or retracted at will, depending on the situation that said individual finds themselves in, and with authoritarianism still de rigeur in many parts of the world it is extremely unlikely that Gaddafi will be the last beneficiary of this particular treatment.

In fact, it is almost absurd that so many quarters are only now falling over themselves to criticise Gaddafi, as if with the exception of the Lockerbie bombing, the previous 42 years had not happened. Even conceding that Gaddafi’s disproportionate use of force against his people in recent weeks is a dark turn in the country’s politics, it is hardly unprecedented or even unexpected. This is the man who personally sponsored some of the most brutal conflicts in West Africa, funding and training the likes of Charles Taylor and Forday Sankoh, who in turn meted out some of the most disgusting acts of violence on their own people. He has run Libya as a veritable fortress in the last four decades, and recent reports confirm that many Libyans are frightened of their leader and concerned about his capacity to inflict physical and economic harm. Gaddafi didn’t change – hasn’t changed – and one wonders if the Libyan people would have continued to be ignored had they not taken up arms against him.

If Gaddafi is crazy, then of course it barely matters what we do in Libya – the exigency of the situation demands a prompt, if ambiguous response. But on the chance that he isn’t, that instead he is simply very good at playing a deeply flawed system – and I believe that he is – then it’s high time that the international community started to work towards resolving the inconsistencies of its approach to rulers like him. The lesson in Libya for the international community is clear: the age of propping up regimes constructed around flamboyant individuals is dead, regardless of how much oil lies underneath their territory. Otherwise, it’s only a matter of time before the next crisis breeds the next Libya.

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* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

‘The bottom billion': Defending neoliberalist shock therapy

Erik S. Reinert

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/71574

Paul Collier is an Africa expert and a former director of the Development Research Group of the World Bank. At the core of the argument in his bestselling ‘The bottom billion’ are four ‘traps’ that lock Africa into poverty: The conflict trap, the natural resource trap, the trap of being landlocked with bad neighbours, and the trap of bad governance in a small country. Compared to what used to be ‘development economics’, Collier represents a new economic genre.

Collier and his colleagues Jeffrey Sachs and William Easterly – all former employees of the Washington Institutions – are the forefront of today’s thinking about economic development. It is interesting to compare this literature to what, until about thirty years ago, was ‘classical development economics’. In spite of a good track record of promoting economic development during the decades following the Second World War, the field of development economics was virtually mobbed out of existence. The reason for this was twofold: First, the field did not have any ‘rigorous models’ that became fashionable; and second, it had built-in doubts that the neoliberal project of instant global free trade would benefit the poorest countries of the world.

Collier, Sachs, and Easterly in fact belong to a new and different academic sub-field, which we could call ‘development aid strategy’, that took over the position once occupied by development economics. Since no country has ever become wealthy through development aid (which is not per se an argument against aid), this development aid literature represents a problem. It contains little theory about what causes economic development besides aid, and – of particular importance – does not look at the strategies followed by today’s wealthy countries in their transition from poor to rich.

Compared to classical development economics, Collier’s analysis is surprisingly static. Development economics typically postulated virtuous and vicious circles in the economy, not static traps. At the core of the virtuous circles of development lay a large division of labour, alongside the increasing returns and technological change found in the industrial sector. Monoculture, diminishing returns, and increasing population pressure formed the core of the vicious circles. Collier also discusses ‘traps’ that, to a large extent, are a result of poverty, not their root cause. Had he focused on an ‘unemployment trap’, he would have been able, to some degree, to explain both the conflict trap and the bad governance trap. It can be argued that the most important raw material for the kind of conflict from which Africa suffers is unemployed young men. But the World Bank has almost consistently used models assuming full employment, thus assuming away a huge part of the problem of poverty. Models including unemployment would have produced situations where free trade is not always the best policy – when a country is far from its production possibility frontier – and during the neoliberal reign such policy recommendations were unwanted for ideological reasons. The bottom billion appears after a long period of dominance of Washington Consensus policies in the ‘developing world’. Compared to the first decades after the Second World War, the growth record of this neoliberal period has been dismal. In Africa, in the former Soviet Union, and in many small Latin American countries, this policy did not lead to a Schumpeterian creative destruction but rather to a destructive destruction. Industries died, but very little new development came instead. Indeed it is clear that today’s most successful nations – China, India, and Brazil – continued to grow during the neo-liberal period essentially as a result of their ideological inertia. They did not buy the core recommendation of neo-liberalism: Free trade shock therapy and the rolling back of the state. In this academic field of ‘development aid strategy’ a theoretical axis appeared between the development aid enthusiasts, exemplified by Jeffrey Sachs, the father of the Millennium Development Goals (The end of poverty, 2005) on the one hand, and William Easterly, who, briefly stated, is of the opinion that development aid does not work (The white man’s burden, 2006), on the other. From this perspective,

The bottom billion represents a kind of middle position between Sachs’ optimism concerning aid and Easterly’s pessimism. However, all three have a past in important positions in Washington institutions whose shock therapies caused so much damage to the economic structures of many poor countries. These authors do not come from a position of objectivity when they attempt to explain what went wrong. The bottom billion is heavily marked by the need to defend the past policies of the World Bank. The most salient misinterpretation of history is when Collier presents the successes of China and India as results of the policies of the Washington institutions. In reality, the basis of these two nations’ success, apart from the size of their markets, is they have built an industrial sector consistently for more than 50 years and that, contrary to the World Bank recommendations, they opened their economies gradually, not through shock therapy. Clearly these countries both clung to the planning paradigm for too long, but history shows that following this type of industrialisation strategy too long is infinitely better than never having embarked upon it at all. In spite of internal differences, classical development economists all agreed that development required industrialisation. The historical record of all developed countries – going back at least 500 years – confirms this policy as a mandatory passage point to development.

It is also not obvious that Collier’s book uses the right criteria for measuring success. He implicitly sets up maximising of world trade as a measurement of economic success. However, in many countries – Peru being just one example – globalisation has lead to an impressive growth in exports, while real wages have been halved because manufacturing industry has virtually died out, and with it the labour unions that provided ‘stickiness’ to national wages.

In the tradition of the Washington institutions, Collier tends to reverse the directions of the arrows of causality and even to disregard co-evolution of economic structure and institutions. Banking and insurance were invented in cities with a particular economic structure. It is not that Venice invented insurance and thus could have long-distance trade. Insurance was invented to solve a problem of risk distribution in early capitalism. Reducing risk by hugely increasing the number of owners of one single shipload became impractical, and insurance provided a solution. However, the World Bank approach has been to focus on institutions disregarding the underlying economic structures that create them. Establishing institutions from the industrialised West in societies based on subsistence agriculture is futile.

To the economists of the Enlightenment, ‘good governance’ or democracy seemed to be a product of a certain economic structure: Diversified nations and city-states such as the Dutch Republic, Florence, and Venice were pioneers of democracy, while feudalism never produced a case of ‘good governance’. Landlocked Florence and Switzerland developed into democracies. A country’s economic structure used to be a key factor explaining both democracy and wealth. Coming from a neo-classical tradition where all economic activities are seen as qualitatively alike, this point escapes Collier and his colleagues.

Collier is right when he claims that high tariffs protecting national monopolies create corruption and high prices, but a solution to that problem would have been to encourage competition, not to kill industry as was done. Collier is also right when he flags the problem of small countries. Indeed, the minimum efficient size of a moderately wealthy country has no doubt increased considerably. But this argument calls for regional economic integration, not for returning to raw material monoculture. As one eighteenth-century economist put it, diversifying the economy away from dependence on agriculture cured the main ills of mankind: Unemployment, superstition, poverty, and shortage of foreign exchange. Today’s failing states in Africa all have one thing in common: A minute industrial sector. In Collier’s defence he does recognise this to some extent, but is seemingly unwilling to endorse the kind of trade policies that would lead to the desired results. Apart from his defence of military intervention in poor countries, his recommendations are not particularly original.

Collier does not analyse the mechanisms that lifted the presently wealthy nations out of poverty. From the Enlightenment through to twentieth-century fascism, Nazism, Stalinism, and Western democracies, all development strategies were based on industrialisation. When the Allies wanted to punish Germany after the Second World War the cruellest plan they could come up with was forced deindustrialisation: The Morgenthau Plan. This plan was, however, so effective in producing mass poverty that it only lasted two years and was replaced by the Marshall Plan, a plan for re-industrialisation. This point was completely lost to development economics under neoliberalism.

In this longer term perspective, the de-industrialisation caused by the neoliberalist shock therapy – a modern Morgenthau Plan – will increasingly be seen as a folly. Putting Paul Collier, the former chief economist of the World Bank and one of the architects of this folly, in charge of explaining what went wrong with globalisation is akin to putting Attila the Hun in charge of the Ministry of Roman Reconstruction. Collier’s book contains more attempts to cover up the past than to present new constructive insights, and more descriptions of symptoms of poverty than of its root causes.

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* Paul Collier’s ‘The bottom billion: why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it’ is published by Oxford University Press, 2008 (ISBN: 978-0-19-537338-7).
* Erik S. Reinert is at Tallinn University of Technology and The Other Canon Foundation, Norway.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Open letter to our brother, President Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Rainbow PUSH Coalition

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/71565

As people of faith, we know that the road to democracy and justice is not an easy one. These years of enforced exile have been painful – not only for you and your family, but for the people of Haiti. We join the call from all over the world for this exile to end.

The poor of Haiti, those you have represented with such tenacity and dignity over all these years, continue to demand your presence. We hear their voices and we join their call.

In the strongest terms, we urge the United States government to cease its opposition to your return. There can be no democratic development while a democratically elected leader is banished. And there can be no true reconstruction without the participation of the majority of Haiti’s people.

In the aftermath of the terrible earthquake of 2010, your return will provide hope and lift spirits. Please know that when you get to Haiti, we will be there with you.

You are in our hearts and in our prayers.

Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Sr.

Bishop Thomas Gumbleton, Archdiocese of Detroit
Rev. Phil Lawson, Interfaith Program Director, East Bay Housing Organizations
Rev. C.T. Vivian, Civil Rights Activist, Atlanta, GA
Rev. Sir John Alleyne, Church of England, UK
Dr. Amer Araim, Dar-ul-Islam Mosque, Concord CA
Father Roy Bourgeois, Founder, SOA Watch
Kathy Boylan, Catholic Worker, Washington, D.C.
Rev. Dr. Lorenzo Carlisle, Pastor, Faith Healing Prayer Deliverance Christian Center, Oakland, California
Rabbi David J. Cooper & Rabbi Burt Jacobson, Kehilla Community Synagogue*, Oakland California
Sister Maureen Duignan, OSF, Executive Director, East Bay Sanctuary Covenant
Father Renaud Francois, Montreal, Canada
Sister Stella Goodpasture, OP, Justice Promoter, Dominican Sisters of Mission San Jose
Dr. Jacqueline Grant, Womanist and Director of Systematic Theology, Interdenominational Theological Center, Atlanta, GA
Rev. Graylan Scott Hagler, Senior Pastor, Plymouth Congregational United Church of Christ, Washington, D.C. and National President, Ministers for Racial, Social and Economic Justice of the United Church of Christ
Father Lawrence Lucas, Our Lady of Lourdes, R.C. Church, Harlem, NY
Rev. Dr. Carolyn McCrary, Womanist and Director of Pastoral Care, Interdenominational Theological Center, Atlanta, GA
Rev. Paul Nicolson, Chair, Zacchaeus 2000, UK
Dr. Itihari Ture, Director of Center for African Biblical Studies, DeKalb County, GA
Mama Zogbe, Chief Priestess, Mami Wata Healers Society of North America
Mamissii Makena Zannu, Priestess, Mami Wata Healers Society
Reverend Doctor Nozomi Ikuta, Interfaith Prisoners of Conscience Project

*for identification purposes only

Why we oppose the anti-ICC campaign

Letter to the High Commissioner for India

Kenyan Asian Forum

2011-03-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/71601

8 March 2011
HE Sibabrata Tripathi
High Commissioner for India
Jeevan Bharat House
Harambee Avenue
Nairobi

Your Excellency:

Re: Anti-ICC campaign by a Coalition partner in the Government of Kenya

The Kenya Asian Forum (KAF) expresses its deep concern regarding the spirited efforts being made by one of the Coalition partners in the Government of Kenya to have the UN Security Council defer International Criminal Court’s cases against six Kenyans suspected to be behind the 2007/8 Post Election Violence (PEV).

The shuttle diplomacy is being led by the Vice-President, Hon. Kalonza Musyoka is comprises Cabinet Ministers Sally Kosgei (Agriculture), Helen Sambili (East African Community), Njeru Githae (Nairobi Metropolitan), Chirau Mwakwere (Trade) and Foreign Affairs Assistant Minister Richard Onyonka.

After having convinced the African Union to support their bid for a deferral of the ICC cases, they are now attempting to get acceptance from the UN Security Council for the same. As part of the anti-ICC campaign, they plan to make a similar appeal to the Government of India since it is a member of the UN Security Council.

KAF along with the majority of Kenyan people is totally opposed to the anti-ICC campaign. This position is endorsed by the vast majority of the Kenyan people. The governments of the USA and the UK have already declared that they intend to veto the proposal in the Security Council.

Our grounds for opposing the anti-ICC campaign are as following:

1. All attempts in 2010 to set up a local tribunal to try the alleged perpetrators of the 2007/8 PEVwere scuttled by parliament. This was because the Kenyan people were demanding a credible andjust process which cannot be implemented under the current judicial structure and political climate.
2. The persons supporting the present initiative were the very ones who then, when the ICC enquiry started, chanted ‘Don’t be vague – Go the Hague’.
3. When Hon. Kalonzo Musyoka says ‘we want our country back’ he actually is seeking to get the process under the control of his cabal.
4. Failure to bring the perpetrators to justice could result in gross violence in the 2012 general election. This conflagration will be infinitely more widespread and destructive than that of the 2007/8 PEV. Some of the six persons named by the ICC are already inciting the people on tribal lines as they campaign for the next general election.
5. This initiative, as well as the earlier one to the African Union, to date has neither been discussed in the Cabinet nor approved by it.
6. Huge sums of public monies are being spent on these divisive and futile forays while hundreds of IDPs of the PEV continue to suffer and die in makeshift tents. 7. The Government has refused to suspend from office the individual suspects named by the ICC in spite of repeated calls from Civil Society for it to do so. The so called ‘Ocampo Six’ continue to sit in Cabinet and make vital decisions affecting the Kenyan people.
KAF requests Your Excellency to convey our stand to the Hon. Prime Minister and the Minister ofForeign Affairs of India and to advise them to desist from supporting the anti-ICC campaign by a Coalition partner in the Government of Kenya. KAF will be making similar requests to other member states of the UN Security Council and the Commonwealth.
We thank you for according us the opportunity to meet with you.

Sincerely
Prof. Yash Pal Ghai - KAF Convenor

On behalf of KAF Steering Committee: Davinder Lamba, Zarina Patel, Suddhir
Vidyarthi, Zahid Rajan, Jill Cottrell Ghai, Abdul Hamid Slatch, Mohez Karmali,
Madhukant Shah, Rustam Hira

Petals of Pride

Billene Seyoum Woldeyes

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/71560

Mama, don’t put me under the knife
Give not to culture
A slice of my precious life

My body I feel you holding
In the warmth of a mothers touch
Betrayed by the act of folding
Into the excuse of social norms we use as a crutch

With your hands you cover my eyes
Knowing I am fragile like bone-china
Yet for now my sense of sight
Lives in the pain that radiates from my vagina

Papa, don’t get friendly with the razor
Let not a community of traditions
Be a girl’s appraiser

Hold not a feast
In my cutting honour
For the wounds are rising like yeast
From hurt for which my father was a donor

How can you celebrate
The closing of a blooming flower
As my helpless tears reverberate
And I sit in the remains of my bloody shower

They have cut me open now, Ma!
And taken away my labia
They have sewn me up now, Pa!
Deformed my genitalia

My voice is drowned
In the rhetoric of
Infibulation
And the forced entry of penetration

My vagina a medical journal
Riddled by excision
And cutters calling it
Mere female circumcision

How have I been transformed into a vessel
Carrying the burden of a man’s sexual pleasure
Robbed of my rights to even wrestle
For the part of me I treasure

Mama, don’t put me under the knife
Give not to culture
A slice of my precious life

Papa, don’t get friendly with the razor
Let not a community of traditions
Be a girl’s appraiser!

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* Billene Seyoum Woldeyes holds an MA in Gender & Peacebuilding and is an MA candidate in Peace, Development, Security and International Conflict Transformation. She is an Ethiopian poet, writer, feminist activist and blogger at http://ethiopianfeminist.wordpress.com
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Pambazuka News 180 : Côte d'Ivoire : L'absurdité des sanctions économiques et financières

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summaryfr/71561

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Pambazuka News 36: Eleições em Cabo Verde & Balanço do Fórum Social Mundial

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/summarypt/71566

African Union to replace Gaddafi

Gado

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/71563

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Gaddafi, Kenya and the ICC

Gado

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/71564

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Zimbabwe: Anti-sanctions campaign kicks off

2011-03-08

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92090

Thousands of Zimbabweans attended a rally organised by President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party on 3 March in the capital, Harare, to mark the launch of an anti-sanctions campaign. The aim is to collect at least two million signatures on a petition against the sanctions, which Mugabe has blamed for the country's dire economic situation and prolonged food insecurity.

Zimbabwe: Court frees 38 over Egypt revolution talk

2011-03-08

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-07-court-frees-38-zimbabweans-charged-over-egypt-talk

A Zimbabwean magistrate's court has freed 38 activists charged with treason for discussing the mass protests in Egypt that toppled president Hosni Mubarak, a lawyer said. 'Of the 46 who were in custody, 38 have been released completely after the state agreed with us that they had no case to answer,' their attorney Alec Muchadehama told Agence France-Presse. But eight others, including Munyaradzi Gwisai, a university lecturer and former lawmaker from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, remained in custody after the court denied them bail.

Zimbabwe: Police arrest two human rights activists in Chinhoyi church

2011-03-10

http://www.swradioafrica.com/news090311/policearrest090311.htm

The wave of arrests in Zimbabwe continued on Wednesday (9 March) when police in Chinhoyi disrupted a workshop and arrested two human rights activists, in a church. The event had been organised by the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and the United Church of Christ Zimbabwe (UCCZ).

Egypt: Is the revolution sidelining women?

2011-03-10

http://livewire.amnesty.org/2011/03/08/egyptian-revolution-sidelining-women/

In Egypt, where the country begins to look toward its future, women are in danger of being sidelined again. 'Incredibly, despite decades of discrimination and inequality, women are being denied a role in the creation of a new Egypt. They are being excluded by both the caretaker government and the international community. Most recently, a new national committee formed to write the new Egyptian constitution was composed only of men. This is not acceptable,' says Widney Brown, Amnesty International’s Senior Director of Law and Policy.

Egypt: Leaving women behind

2011-03-09

http://www.ips.org/africa/2011/03/the-new-egypt-leaving-women-behind/

Just one woman has been included into the newly sworn-in cabinet. Essam Sharaf, Egypt’s new prime minister, has instead announced the creation of a committee that deals with the advancement of women, formed under the supervision of the cabinet. Throughout the uprising, women were at the forefront of the street protests. However, they have largely kept quiet about their gender rights in a country where they have faced rampant discrimination and received little legal protection against widespread violence and sexual abuse.

Global: 'Breaking Barriers: Women in a Man's World'

Panos Media Pack

2011-03-08

http://www.panos.org.uk/?lid=33807

To mark the centenary year of International Women's Day on 8 March, Panos London has produced a case study media pack profiling extraordinary women from around the world who have taken on roles previously deemed just for men. 'Breaking Barriers: Women in a Man's World' is a showcase of exceptional women who are breaking stereotypes to change their own lives and inspire other women and girls around them.

Global: Equal land rights for women worldwide

FIAN International Press Release

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/71538

On the centenary of International Women’s Day 2011, FIAN calls for equal land rights for women worldwide. Access to and control over land is one of the most important means for men and women in rural areas to realise their right to food. Discriminatory practices, however, have driven women into increased marginalisation, especially when it comes to access to resources such as land, water or seeds. As a consequence, women are disproportionately affected by hunger and malnutrition.
FIAN International Press Release

Equal land rights for women worldwide!

http://www.fian.org/news/press-releases/equal-land-rights-for-women-worldwide

On the centenary of International Women’s Day 2011, FIAN calls for equal land rights for women worldwide. Access to and control over land is one of the most important means for men and women in rural areas to realise their right to food. Discriminatory practices, however, have driven women into increased marginalisation, especially when it comes to access to resources such as land, water or seeds. As a consequence, women are disproportionately affected by hunger and malnutrition.

Access to land as a prerequisite for women’s livelihood in rural area is illustrated by the case of the 200 women of the “Movement 10th of June” on the Atlantic Coast of Honduras. In 2001, the women occupied uncultivated land belonging to the National Honduran University and demanded the land be awarded to them by the state. FIAN has accompanied the women through years of struggle, evictions and resistance. On 1st of March, an international fact finding mission, including FIAN International and the Honduran Center for Women’s Rights, visited the women, who finally got the announcement of the National Agrarian Authority that the land titles would be transferred to them by February 16, 2011.

In spite of the announcement, the Agrarian Authority now holds that due to a recent Supreme Court Decision, the land cannot be awarded to them. However, the Supreme Court decision does not necessarily impede the handing over of the land title. On 1st of March, the women decided to start another advocacy initiative to finally obtain the title, and asked the international fact finding mission team to support their advocacy work with a public statement. “These women’s struggle for equal land rights has become an example for the peasants’ movement in Honduras and all over Central America. Now they only need one last step to fully succeed and celebrate the 10th anniversary on their own land”, says Martin Wolpold-Bosien, officer for Central America at FIAN International Secretariat.

According to the UN, rural women own only two per cent of property in the developing world, and as to estimates, women in Africa receive less than ten per cent of all credit going to small farmers. However, women constitute up to 70 per cent of the agricultural labor force and produce 80 per cent of the food in countries afflicted by hunger and malnutrition.

Therefore, FIAN is especially concerned about current trends, which will exacerbate women´s situation: Recent massive land grabs targeting tens of millions of acres for the benefit of private interests or third states - whether for reasons of food, energy, speculation or any other - violate human rights, as they deprive particularly women in local, indigenous, peasants, pastoralists and fisher communities of their livelihoods. Limited or restricted access to natural resources will exacerbate rural women´s precarious situation. “The recent wave of land grabbing threatens to further aggravate the existing discrimination against women in terms of equal access to land and natural resources” , says Sofia Monsalve, coordinator for land issues at FIAN International.

Blanca Portillo, a leader of the “Women’s movement 10th of June” in Honduras, highlighted at the meeting with the international fact-finding mission: “Our struggle is for our right to land, our right to food, for our future and the future of our children”. “Time has come to recognize women as key actors in rural areas and see them as rights-holders when it comes to negotiations and political decision making regarding agriculture policies”, concludes Sofia Monsalve.

Sign the Dakar Appeal against landgrabbing at http://www.petitiononline.com/dakar/petition.html

********************************
FIAN International Secretariat
Willy-Brandt-Platz 5/ D-69115 Heidelberg Germany
Tel +49(0)6221 65300 56/ Fax +49(0)6221 830545
Postal Address: PO Box 102243/ D-69012 Heidelberg Germany
e-mail: strothenke [at] fian.org/ www.fian.org

FIAN is an international human rights organization that has been advocating the realization of the right to food for more than 20 years. FIAN consists of national sections and individual members in over 50 countries around the world.www.fian.org

Global: Gender inequality in health, empowerment and labour

2011-03-13

http://hdr.undp.org/en/mediacentre/news/announcements/title,22853,en.html

Gender inequality remains a major barrier to human development. The 2010 Human Development Report introduced the Gender Inequality Index to meet the challenge of measuring the disadvantages faced by women around the world. The Gender Inequality Index is a composite measure reflecting inequality in achievements between women and men in three dimensions: health, empowerment and the labour market. Visit the web site for a comprehensive break down of the results.

Kenya: Reflecting on the struggle for equality in Kenya

2011-03-09

http://www.ips.org/africa/2011/03/womens-day-reflecting-on-struggle-for-equality-in-kenya/

The situation of women in Kenya, as is the case in many other countries in Africa, leaves a lot to be desired. Women remain the suffering face of HIV/AIDS in the world. Statistics from the Kenya Aids Indicators Survey show women constitute three of every five people living with HIV. The issue of feminisation of poverty remains a reality for many women especially in the agricultural sector. According to Vision 2030, a government economic blueprint, five out of a total eight million households are engaged in agriculture. It is estimated that 80 per cent of labourers are women.

Liberia: Women In Liberia mobilise for peace

2011-03-09

http://www.trust.org/alertnet/blogs/aid-worker-diaries/women-in-liberia-mobilise-for-peace/

Few people are aware that a group of women - calling themselves the Peace Women - were instrumental in bringing peace to Liberia. Their story, which begins with the simple act of sitting along the streets for months under the hot sun or torrential rains of Liberia, led to the exile of alleged warlord Charles Taylor in 2003, now awaiting his verdict in The Hague. In 1998, women united in their common goal for an end to violence, and played an essential role in the decommissioning of young rebels to install peace and democracy in a war-torn country. The movement took place under the auspices of the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP). Today the work of these Peace Women continues.

Morocco: Workplace discrimination affects Moroccan women

2011-03-09

http://www.magharebia.com/cocoon/awi/xhtml1/en_GB/features/awi/features/2011/03/08/feature-04

For Moroccan women, the International Women's Day on 8 March provided an opportunity to evaluate the status of their rights. Women still suffer from discrimination and have yet to achieve much-desired equality in the workplace, officials and experts say. According to the economy and finance ministry, the level of women's employment in the civil service is 36 per cent. Women account for 14 per cent of senior employees, constituting 10 per cent of division heads and 16 per cent of department heads.

Nigeria: African states urged to fast-track implementation of AU gender protocols

2011-03-10

http://bit.ly/f5r5Mw

African countries, which have not ratified the various African Union protocols regarding gender and the rights of women, should urgently do so to preserve gender equality and equal access to education for women and girls. The Alliances for Africa, a Nigeria-based civil society organisation, said on Tuesday (08 March) that this year's 100th anniversary celebration of the International Women's Day, was also critical because it marked the start of the AU Decade of Women (2010-2020).

Uganda: Bleak future for former female fighters

2011-03-08

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92122

Women and girls returning to northern Uganda from forced conscription into the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) struggle to resettle in their home communities because of stigma and a severe shortage of reintegration facilities tailored to their needs, say analysts and returnees. After leaving the LRA, former female combatants return to their villages with children forcibly fathered by LRA commanders and delivered in the bush. They are often shunned by their families and stigmatised as 'bush women' by their communities.

Africa: Human rights, easier said than done

2011-03-14

http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/

The promotion, protection and realisation of human rights still do not regularly factor into the behaviour of Commonwealth members of the UN Human Rights Council, both domestically and at the Council, says a new report from the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative called 'Easier said than done'. The findings of the report said there was an alarming lack of adherence by Commonwealth countries to the domestic human rights commitments.

Africa: Sex workers protest human rights violations

2011-03-08

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-03-sex-workers-protest-human-right-violations

Sex workers and civil society groups across Africa took to the streets on Thursday (03 March) to demand access to health care services and an end to the violation of their human rights. Several African countries held marches including Botswana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Zimbabwe to mark International Sex Workers' Rights Day. In South Africa, people marched in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Mussina. The march was led by the Sex Workers' Education and Advocacy Task Force (Sweat) and Sisonke Sex Workers Movement, which are organisations that seek to ensure human rights for sex workers.

Angola: Intimidation campaign to stop protest

2011-03-10

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/03/09/angola-intimidation-campaign-stop-protest

The Angolan government carried out an intimidation campaign in connection with an announced anti-government demonstration that was inspired by events in Egypt and Tunisia, Human Rights Watch has said. The government warned in the weeks leading up to the protest, which was announced for 7 March 2011, that anyone who joined would be punished for inciting violence and attempting to return the country to civil war. Police arrested several demonstrators and journalists the night before the event.

Kenya: ICC should also issue warrants for Bush and Blair

2011-03-09

http://bit.ly/dSR0xl

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has two ironclad reasons to issue arrest warrants for George W. Bush and Tony Blair, according to this article. Firstly, they are accused by the United Nations of being co-conspirators in kidnapping and torture; and, secondly, the governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have no intention of prosecuting their former leaders.

Kenya: Kalonzo mission fails to woo US

2011-03-10

http://www.nation.co.ke/News/-/1056/1122366/-/110nwjxz/-/index.html

Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka has apparently failed in his mission to the United States. Soon after Mr Musyoka met in Washington on Wednesday (09 March) with Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg, a State Department official told the Nation.co.ke that 'we do not support a UN Security Council resolution to defer the ICC Kenya investigation'.

Nigeria: Lead poisoning kills 400 more children

2011-03-08

http://reut.rs/hl6Rir

Lead poisoning linked with illegal gold mining has killed a further 400 children in northern Nigeria since November, the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) said. Reuters reports that the latest figures suggest the death toll from the crisis in the northern state of Zamfara is rising after the United Nations said lead poisoning in the region had killed at least 400 children between March and October last year.

Tunisia: State security disbanded

2011-03-08

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/03/2011382051641249.html

Tunisia's interim authorities have disbanded the country's feared state security apparatus, notorious for human rights abuses under the ousted president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Seeking to assert their authority and gain legitimacy in the eyes of protesters who forced Ben Ali to flee in January, the authorities appear to be attacking the remaining vestiges of his 23-year rule, one-by-one.

Uganda: Activist recognised as a 'true hero' for women

2011-03-08

http://www.mask.org.za/ugandan-activist-recognised-as-a“true-hero”-for-women/#more-3982

As the world celebrates hundred years of the commemoration of International Women’s Day on 8 March Ugandan human rights defender Kasha Jacqueline has been nominated as one of the top hundred most inspiring people who have delivered for girls and women worldwide by a global advocacy organisation Women Deliver. According to Women Deliver the list of a hundred most inspiring people recognises individuals who have committed themselves to improving the lives of girls and women around the world and comprises of women and men, both prominent and lesser known.

Africa: Refugees hired to build fence to keep migrants out of Israel

2011-03-10

http://bit.ly/ePzufT

The Israeli government is employing Eritrean asylum seekers to help build a border fence designed to keep out other migrants seeking to enter the country from Africa via the Sinai Peninsula. A man who gave his name as August, one of four Eritreans working for a contractor along the fence route, said he had sought work for a long time before he was told a construction job was available near Eilat.

Côte d'Ivoire: UN says 450,000 have fled

2011-03-14

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-12718544

More than 450,000 people have fled their homes because of the crisis in Ivory Coast, the UN refugee agency says. Some 370,000 people have fled their homes in Abidjan, while a further 77,000 have crossed into neighbouring Liberia, according to the UNHCR. It said the 'unfolding tragedy' in Ivory Coast had been overlooked while international attention has been focused on North Africa.

Egypt: Out of Libya into joblessness

2011-03-10

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92152

When violent unrest erupted in Libya recently, Ahmed al-Agouz, 25, was doing casual work in the Libyan city of Sabha. Realizing he had to flee, he managed to reach the Tunisian border, where he eventually boarded a plane to Cairo. But returning to his home village in the Egyptian Nile Delta Governorate of Sharqia, north of Cairo, has made one thing abundantly clear to al-Agouz and tens of thousands of other returnees: There simply are no jobs back home.

Global: Boost for rights of persons living with HIV/AIDS in Europe

2011-03-13

http://www.interights.org/kiyutin

On 10 March 2011, in the case of Kiyutin v Russia, the European Court of Human Rights held that refusing a residence permit to a foreign national solely on the basis of their HIV-positive status amounted to unlawful discrimination, says this Interights statement. 'This landmark case is a significant boost to the rights of persons living with HIV/AIDS (PLHIV) in Europe, as the judgment contains two important "firsts": not only has it explicitly recognised that PLHIV are protected as a distinct group against discrimination in relation to their fundamental rights; but it has also recognised that PLHIV are a "vulnerable group" and any restriction of their rights attracts a higher degree of scrutiny on the part of the European Court.'

Global: Migrant workers start sending more money home in 2011

2011-03-08

http://www.ifad.org/media/press/2011/18.htm

Migrant workers around the world started out 2011 by sending home significantly more money than they did in 2010, according to the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). Each year, migrant workers send a total of more than US$ 330 billion to their home communities.

Libya: Italy tiptoes on Libya due to energy, trade, migrants

2011-03-14

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/07/us-libya-italy-idUSTRE7261P320110307

Italy, which did more than any other country to legitimise Libya and its mercurial leader, is going through a foreign policy nightmare as civil strife in its former colony threatens its energy supplies, international image and the stability of some of its blue chip companies. Italy imports about 80 per cent of its energy needs. About 32 per cent of Libya's oil output goes to Italy - making up about 25 per cent of Italy's imports - and about 12 per cent of Italy's gas comes from Libya.

Libya: UN alarmed at reports of violence against sub-Saharan migrants

2011-03-10

http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=237238

The United Nations refugee agency has voiced alarm at increasing accounts of violence and discrimination in Libya against sub-Saharan Africans in both the rebel-held east and the Government-controlled west, including the reported rape of a 12-year-old girl. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 'reiterates its call on all parties to recognize the vulnerability of both refugees and migrants from sub-Saharan Africa and to take measures to ensure their protection,' spokesman Adrian Edwards told a news briefing in Geneva.

Libya: UN claims 1 million will need aid

2011-03-14

http://bo.st/glSR08

Up to one million foreign workers and others trapped in Libya are expected to need emergency aid because of fighting in the North African nation, aid officials said as they sought $160 million to deal with the crisis. UN officials say that amount is only for the next three months - and they expect the crisis to go on longer than that. The UN is also effectively frozen out of sections controlled by leader Moammar Gadhafi's forces and is only seeking humanitarian aid for opposition-controlled areas.

North Africa: Fresh refugee influx hits Lampedusa

2011-03-14

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/europe/2011/03/201137114544806744.html

More than 1,000 illegal immigrants escaping political turmoil in north Africa arrived on the southern Italian island Lampedusa in the Mediterraneanrecently. So far, none of the illegal immigrants were believed to have left from Libya, but Italian officials fear an exodus from its former colony if the situation worsens. The new arrivals on Lampedusa come on top of a previous wave of refugees who flooded the island five days ago, when around 350 migrants from Tunisia arrived by boat overnight.

South Africa: Two lost to shack fires in Grahamstown

2011-03-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/socialmovements/71700

The Unemployed People's Movement (UPM) reports that two people from the eThembeni shack settlement died in a fire. The organisation said the community could not successfully fight the fire on their own as the taps are very few and very far away. The fire brigade could not get into the settlement because there is no road leading in to it. The fire came as the UPM held a vigil. One of the reasons for the vigil was to highlight 'concern at the criminalisation of our struggles and movements'.
Two Comrades Lost to Shack Fires on the Night Before the UPM Vigil in Grahamstown
Unemployed People's Movement (UPM) statement

13 March 2011

At 5:30 this morning the Unemployed People's Movement (UPM) leadership received a call from the eThembeni shack settlement to say that the settlement was on fire. Two people, a couple, perished in that fire. The community could not successfully fight the fire on their own as the taps are very few and very far away. The fire brigade could not get into the settlement because there is no road leading in to it.

Our comrades living in shacks are constantly facing fires and exploding gas stoves. Last week one of our comrades was very badly injured by an exploding stove. She is now in hospital in P.E.

This is how we live. This is why we struggle. There is no other reason.

As we keep vigil tonight we will remember all the people who have died in shack fires here in Grahamstown and around the country from Khayelitsha and Mandela Park, to Kennedy Road and Foreman Road and to Protea South and Tembalihle.

We repeat our invitation to all those who wish to be in solidarity with the poor to join us in the vigil tonight. We add our voice to the voices that are saying loudly and clearly that the causes of shack fires are political and that these fires are not natural disasters. They are a result of the social abandonment of the poor by a predatory and authoritarian state.

11 March 2011

Invitation to Join the Unemployed People's Movement in an All Night Vigil

The Unemployed People's Movement, in Grahamstown, will be holding on all night vigil this Sunday 13 March 2011.

We are holding this vigil at the Cathedral as we know that the police and the municipality will not give us a permit to protest and that they will not dare to attack us in the Cathedral.

We will enter the Cathedral at 7 and stay there until 12 at which point we will move the vigil to Church Square where we will sleep outside. The Church Square may be outside but it is safer than a shack – the square is lit by the street lights, there are no snakes there and while it may rain while we are sleeping outside there rain comes through the leaks in our shacks anyway so it makes no difference being outside.

We will be joined at this vigil by the new student solidarity group Students for Social Justice and we welcome their initiative and their support. All other individuals and groups that support our aims or who wish to protest against the repression and criminalisation of our struggle are welcome to join us.
We had a debate about whether to use black armbands, to show that we are in mourning for our lost freedom and democracy, or red because red is the colour of our movements and our struggle. We have chosen red.

We are holding the vigil for the following reasons.

1. In our recent march we gave our memorandum of demands to the Makana Municipality. They said that our demands fall on the provincial government and so we are holding the night vigil in the hope that someone from the provincial government will come down and hear the people.

2. We wish to highlight our deep concern at the way in which the Zuma regime has become a predatory state in the hands of a nexus of corrupt politicians and business people. Zuma has gone straight from a generally corrupt relationship with the notorious Shaik family, one of whom now heads the National Intelligence Agency, to a generally corrupt relationship with the Gupta family. We note also the scandal of the incredible corruption at the commanding heights of the eThekwini Municipality in Durban and add our voices to those calling for the immediate resignation of Obed Mlaba and Michael Sutcliffe and for a full investigation into their dealings and, if necessary, their prosecution. We note also the various corruption scandals here in Grahamstown.

3. We wish to highlight our growing concern at the criminalisation of our struggles and movements. The severe repression of Abahlali baseMjondolo in Durban is well known. There are also serious cases of repression in small towns around the country. In Harrismith one comrade died from poisoning while in police custody and another comrade got very ill from poisoning while in police custody. All comrades have been advised to refuse all food while in the Harrismith holding cells. We have previously explained the repression that we are facing here in Grahamstown. In Ermelo a comrade has been killed and others have been tortured by the police to invent evidence against their comrades. Nationally at least four comrades were killed last year by the police during protests. The South African Municipal Worker's Union have also lost a comrade to police violence during a protest.

4. Unemployment = no jobs, no food, no housing, no dignity. The unemployment crisis is a social explosion waiting to happen and it must be addressed with serious urgency.

We welcome the recent statement by the South African Municipal Worker's Union indicating that they are no longer able to call on their members to vote for the ANC in the local government elections. We call on all trade unions to debate this matter freely and openly within their membership.

We express our solidarity with the revolts in North Africa and with the spirit of hope that they have kindled world wide.

We express our support for the call by Abahlali baseMjondolo for all the progressive movements in South Africa to demand that the African National Congress allow Jean-Bertrand Aristide to return to Haiti immediately and that the South African government issue a clear statement of support for the right of the Haitian people to freely chose their own leaders and the future direction of their country.

Kwanele! Kwanele!

Genoeg is genoeg!

Enough!

Contact people:

Xola Mali – 072 299 5253 – xola.mali@yahoo.com
Ayanda Kota – 078 625 6462 – ayandakota@webmail.co.za

Latest Edition: Emerging Powers News Roundup

2011-03-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/emplayersnews/71698

In this week's edition of the Emerging Powers News Round-Up, read a comprehensive list of news stories and opinion pieces related to China, India and other emerging powers...
1. China in Africa

Global Witness wary over China, DR.Congo deal
Global Witness Tuesday criticised as opaque a $6 billion infrastructure-for-mining deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo and China, saying it could not be monitored. The ambiguity of the deal, never published by the parties, made it hard to measure whether its pledges were being met, the watchdog body said, also raising concerns about some provisions. DR Congo has promised Chinese state firms up to 10 million tonnes of copper and hundreds of thousands of tonnes of cobalt, it said in a statement.
Read More

The $10 Billion For The building Of Roads, ....
Out of the 13 billion dollars agreed by China to loan Ghana for infrastructure, $10 billion is said to be pumped into the building of roads, railways, school and hospitals in Ghana. The loan deal, which was subjected to approval and now approved by the Ghanaian lawmakers, points to China's growing interest in the country which is now set to be pumping its barrels of oil since the end of last year from its offshore Jubilee field.
Read More

China lends Angola $15 bn but creates few jobs
China has extended almost $15 billion in credit to Angola since the African oil giant's civil war, but has struggled to hire trained locals for reconstruction projects, Beijing's ambassador told AFP. China has taken a keen interest in helping the southern African country rebuild since its 27-year civil war ended in 2002, but details of deals between the two have remained opaque.
[url=hhttp://bit.ly/fw9Lv1] Read More [/url]

China's hybrid millet possible solution to Africa's food shortages
A new variety of China-bred hybrid millet has yielded bumper harvests on trial plantation in some African countries, with its output at least doubling that of local millet varieties. The millet variety, dubbed ZHM, is the result of 30 years of research led by Chinese scientist Zhao Zhihai, who is lauded the "father of hybrid millet" in China. Millet is the staple food for many African countries, and experts said that if the Chinese variety of millet is popularized on the continent, it could provide a credible solution to food shortages that have long been haunting African countries.
Read More

Ethiopian Airlines, Air China to Build Five-Star Hotel
Ethiopian Airlines is establishing a joint venture company with Hainan Air of China and China Africa Development Fund (CADF) to build five-star hotel near the Addis Ababa Bole International Airport, according to the Reporter. Tewolde Gebremariam, CEO of Ethiopian, said that the construction of the hotel was delayed due to issues related to land. “There were certain issues that need to be dealt with in connection with the land possession. But now we have finalized that process and we have secured the land ownership certificate from the Addis Ababa City Administration,” Tewolde said.
Read More

Africa Gets $35 Billion Railways Led by China: Freight Markets
Record commodity prices are driving Africa’s biggest railway boom since the 19th century as the world’s largest untapped mineral reserves prompt miners from Brazil to China to ignore a history of war and economic chaos. China Railway Construction Corp., Vale SA, the world’s second-largest miner, and other companies are pumping at least $35 billion into rail projects over the next five years to transport cooper and coal out of Africa and into the power plants of China and India.
Read More

More Chinese Volunteers Should Go abroad: Advisor
More Chinese should be encouraged to work as volunteers abroad so as to promote people-to-people exchanges and a better understanding of China, a political advisor said Thursday. They can play a crucial role in "explaining China to world people," particularly when the country's rapid rise attracts worldwide attentions while meeting with "a variety of complicated reactions," said Zhao Qizheng. Zhao heads the Committee for Foreign Affairs under the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) National Committee, the top political advisory body that is holding an annual session in Beijing. He said Chinese aid to other developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America should focus more on people-to-people exchanges, in addition to assistance in infrastructures.
Read More

China's education charity program goes abroad as 1st aided school starts construction in Tanzania
Construction has begun on a primary school in Tanzania with the aid of China's Hope Project, an educational charity program that has benefited millions of poverty-stricken students at home. A ceremony was held to lay the school's foundation in Msoga village of Bagamoyo in Tanzania on Wednesday, said the China Youth Development Foundation (CYDF), which launched the program in 1989, in a Thursday statement. The school was the first example for China's Hope Project to go abroad, providing help to African countries in need of improving educational infrastructure, said Tu Meng, the secretary-general of CYDF.
Read More

2. India in Africa

India, South Africa set to exceed $10 bn trade target
India and South Africa, non-permanent members of the UN Security Council, have vowed to step up coordination to speed up reform of the global body as they surpass $10 billion bilateral trade much before the 2012 deadline. External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna held wide-ranging talks with his South African counterpart Maite Nkoana-Mashabane Monday and discussed a host of bilateral issues, including trade and investment, security cooperation and the UN reforms. Both sides expressed satisfaction that the target set by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Jacob Zuma during his visit to India in June last year of bilateral trade of $10 billion by the year 2012 is likely to be achieved in the current financial year 2010-11, a joint statement issued at the end of the ministerial meeting said Tuesday.
Read More

India's Essar to invest $750 mln in Zimbabwe's Zisco
India's Essar Africa will inject an initial $750 million to retart production at Zimbabwe's state steel firm Zisco, Zimbabwe's industry minister said on Wednesday.
Read More

Will be 'honoured' to welcome India as OECD member: Gurria
Appreciating the country's overall efforts, OECD chief Angel Gurria has said the 34-nation grouping would be "very honoured" to welcome India as a member. "We want to work closer with Brazil, India, Indonesia, China and South Africa (BIICS). If any of them decides that they want to join the OECD, we would be very honoured to start the process," OECD Secretary General Angel Gurria told PTI in an interview.
Read More

3. In Other Emerging Powers News

EU/India trade pact threatens AIDS treatment in Africa - TAC & Co.
SECTION27, the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and Médecins Sans Frontières / Doctors Without Borders (MSF) South Africa voice support for their partners across the world opposing provisions in a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the European Union (EU) that threaten the sustainable supply of affordable medicines to millions of people in the developing world. On 2 March 2011, thousands of people from across Asia - joined by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Health - marched in New Delhi to demand that provisions in the draft FTA, requiring India to adopt stricter protection on intellectual property than required by international trade law, are dropped. These provisions - if adopted - would restrict access to currently produced generic drugs and make it more difficult for new generic drugs to be made.
Read More

AfDB Sets Up New Trust Fund with Brazil
The Board of Directors of the African Development Bank (AfDB) approved on Wednesday, 9 March 2011 in Tunis, a USD 6-million untied grant with the Federative Republic of Brazil, to promote South-South Cooperation between African countries. The Fund will be managed by the Bank’s Partnerships and Cooperation Unit.
Read More

Brazil Sets Up New Roadblocks for Agricultural Investments – Especially from China
Record-high food prices are driving new economic pressures — beyond the obvious surge in costs to consumers. In Brazil, for example, officials look set to introduce new rules on foreign government-backed investments in farmland, a move that would extend sweeping foreign-ownership restrictions adopted last year. While there is some talk that Brazil could scale back slightly some of the very strict new rules, officials there appear highly concerned about who controls the country’s natural resources, and it is understood that much of the worry centers on the Chinese.
Read More

South Africa: Initiative launched in SA to give greater voice to developing countries
A major new initiative aimed at providing a greater voice for developing country democracies in global debates was launched in Johannesburg on Wednesday. The initiative comprises a consortium of leading think tanks from India, Brazil and South Africa: the Centre for Policy Research (CPR) from India; the Instituto Fernando Henrique Cardoso (iFHC) from Brazil; and the Centre for Development and Enterprise (CDE) from South Africa. The launch was attended by the heads of all three think tanks as well as prominent development experts from these and other countries.
Read More

IBSA Together in Resisting No-fly Zone
A joint communiqué issued Tuesday at the end of the two-day seventh trilateral commission declared that a "no-fly zone zone on the Libyan air space or any coercive measures additional to those foreseen in Resolution 1970 can only legitimately be contemplated in full compliance with the U.N. Charter and with the Security Council of the United Nations."
Read More

IBSA agenda: UNSC reforms, terror fight
Foreign Ministers of India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) — the three non-permanent members of the UN Security Council — on Tuesday met in New Delhi and issued a declaration after the meeting saying, “The ministers, attentive to the present political unrest in several Middle Eastern and northern African countries, stressed their expectation that the changes sweeping the region follow a peaceful course. They expressed their confidence in a positive outcome in harmony with the aspirations of the peoples.” Participating in the seventh Trilateral Commission meeting, Foreign Ministers S M Krishna, Antonio Patriota (Brazil) and Maite Nkoana-Mashabane (South Africa) reiterated their commitment to multilateralism and reaffirmed the need for the UN to become more responsive to the priorities of developing countries.
Read More

Renewed calls for UNSC reform
South Africa's International Relations and Cooperation Minister, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, has once again called for a speedy reform of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to allow for permanent representation of developing nations in the council. The United Nations General Assembly elected Colombia, Germany, India, Portugal and South Africa to serve as non-permanent members of the UNSC for two-year terms starting on 1 January 2011. However, both South Africa and India have been pushing for expansion in the permanent and non-permanent categories of the UN Security Council as part of its reform, and are hoping these reforms would take shape in the next two years.
Read More

SA aims for free-trade zone for Africa
The possibility of a free-trade zone stretching from the Cape to Cairo would probably be tabled in South Africa by mid-year, according to Trade & Industry Minister Rob Davies. On Tuesday, at international consultancy Global Pacific & Partners’ fifth Africa Economic Forum in Cape Town, he said that the South African government wanted to highlight the importance of such a immense free-trade zone at the next Southern African Development Community (SADC) conference.
Read More

Africa following SA lead on genetically modified crops
After decades of resisting genetically modified crops, African nations are joining SA in researching and planting biotech crops to ensure food security, according to an industry report released last week. A study shows that the fear of genetically modified crops creating super pests and super weeds down the line is not stopping African states from allowing producers of genetically modified seeds to conduct scientific experiments and field trials to assess their potential effects on biodiversity.
Read More

China gives environmental nod to Sasol CTL project
China granted initial environmental approval to an $8,8-billion project by South African petrochemical firm Sasol and China's top coal producer Shenhua Group to turn coal into fuels. The environmental clearence put the project, potentially one of the largest foreign investments in China, a step closer to final approval from the top economic steering body, the National Development & Reform Commission (NDRC), after nearly a decade of talks between the two companies.
Read More

China, Russia Lead UN Bid to Stabilize Somalia, Combat Piracy
China and Russia are leading a new effort at the United Nations to curb the threat of piracy off the coast of Somalia and defeat al-Qaeda-linked terrorists fighting to seize control of the Horn of Africa nation. Russia has circulated a draft resolution that would commit the UN Security Council to “urgently” begin talks on creation of three courts for piracy cases. The measure also would urge construction of two prisons for convicted pirates, and demand that all nations enact laws to criminalize piracy.
Read More

Japanese, S. Korean companies team up to take on Chinese rivals
Although the rivalry between Japanese and South Korean companies has intensified, they are increasingly cooperating in ventures abroad to prevent Chinese competitors from getting too far ahead. Tokyo and Seoul are also providing support to such ventures in terms of official development assistance and investment. The similar industrial structures of Japan and South Korea mean many companies are seeking the same energy and natural resources that are also being aggressively pursued by companies from China.
Read More

Only 6 Percent Happy, Survey Finds
Only 6 percent of Chinese people see themselves as happy, despite the government's efforts to improve the population's sense of happiness, a survey showed on Wednesday. The proportion was in stark contrast to Denmark, which topped another recent poll. There, 82 percent described themselves as happy in a sampling carried out by Gallup World Poll. That poll ranked China 125th in a table of worldwide happiness.
Read More

China crackdown: A tweak of the tiger's tail
All it took was a single tweet to send the Chinese government into panic last Sunday. The tweet, originating in the US, publicised a call posted on the US-based website Boxun for Chinese citizens to assemble in cities across the country to start a jasmine revolution, inspired by events in the Middle East.
Read More

China's Key Aim is Taming Prices as Wen Vows to Narrow Widening Wealth Gap
China will target inflation as the top economic priority this year and narrow the gap between rich and poor as the government seeks to maintain social stability, Premier Wen Jiabao told lawmakers in Beijing. “We cannot allow price rises to affect the normal lives of low-income people,” Wen said in his state-of-the-nation report to the annual meeting of the National People’s Congress yesterday. “We will reverse the trend of a widening income gap as soon as possible.”
Read More

China Reportedly Plans Strict Goals to Save Energy
With oil prices at their highest level in more than two years because of unrest in North Africa and the Middle East, the Chinese government plans to announce strict five-year goals for energy conservation in the next two weeks, China energy specialists said Friday. Bejing’s emphasis on saving energy reflects concerns about national security and the effects of high fuel costs on inflation, China’s export competitiveness and the country’s pollution problems.
Read More

4. Blogs, Opinions, Presentations and Publications

Grassroots Protests Against Chinese Dams in Africa
On a day when people took to the streets in Libya, Yemen and Bahrain, dam-affected people organized protests against destructive dams at the Chinese embassies in Kenya and Sudan. Among them was our friend Ikal Angelei. Her efforts illustrate the changing face of international grassroots struggles. Ikal lives on the shores of Lake Turkana, the world’s largest desert lake in Northern Kenya. Like 500,000 other indigenous people, Ikal’s family is threatened by the construction of the Gibe III Dam on the Omo River in Ethiopia. If built, the dam would destroy the fragile ecosystem of the Lower Omo Valley and the Lake Turkana region.
[url=hhttp://bit.ly/eoNDfv] Read More [/url]

China gives Africa hope
Africa has a significant proportion of the world’s developing countries that are in need of appropriate policies and strategies aimed at stimulating sustainable economic growth and development and reducing poverty. Although Africa has made commendable progress in meeting many of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), more work needs to be done to ensure that it meets the MDGs by the target date of 2015. Africa stands to learn from China’s experience in attaining high economic growth performance and in significantly reducing poverty among its populace.
Read More

It’s business as usual for Indian oil companies with strife-torn Libya
State-run oil companies in the country continue to do business with Libya as there is no clear directive from the government on importing oil from the trouble-torn north-African country. While global oil majors and Wall Street banks have stopped trading crude with the world’s 12th largest oil exporter, Indian companies continue to unwittingly aid Libyan dictator Colonel Muammar Gaddafi by contributing to his main source of revenue.
Read More

Libyan strife exposes China's risks in global quest for oil
In all, China has evacuated an estimated 36,000 of its workers from war-torn Libya, chartering buses, sending jetliners, even dispatching its navy to escort civilian rescue vessels. Beijing state-controlled media have trumpeted the effort as a sign of China's strength. But China's deep involvement with the North African dictatorship has also exposed a vulnerability in the world's second-largest economy.
Read More

North Africa unrest hits Chinese investments hard
Unrest in Egypt and Libya has hit China hard as state-owned enterprises had heavily invested in these regions as part of the government's "going out" policy. The policy, a result of increasing trade disputes with western countries, encourages Chinese companies to invest abroad to lower the country's dependence upon manufacturing and exports. However, with western countries earlier carving out their place in the more stable markets of East Asia and Australia after the second world war, the late start of China's economic reform period beginning in 1979 has led to the country's overseas investment focusing on Africa and Latin America.
Read More

Unrest rattles China's Africa policy
China has no immediate reason to fear the popular political upheaval rapidly spreading across the Middle East and northern Africa - the so-called "Jasmine" revolutions that have ousted leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, forced Libyan strongman Colonel Muammar Gaddafi to the brink and threatens regimes in Iran, Iraq, Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan, Oman and beyond. But, if Chinese leaders are smart, this viral regional turmoil should cause them to rethink, immediately, their commercial ventures in Africa. As Beijing cracks down, with its reflexive intolerance, on the relative handful of protesters in China who dream of turning "Jasmine" into another "Tiananmen", as in the pro-democracy protests in 1989, a number of other African regimes in which China is heavily invested also teeter on the edge of chaos. Think Zimbabwe, Sudan, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo - and then keep thinking.
Read More

Arab Revolt reworks the world order: how the new actors will behave
India, Brazil and South Africa have put a spoke in the American wheel, which seemed up until Tuesday inexorably moving, turning and turning in the direction of imposing a "no-fly" zone over Libya. Arguably, the United States can still impose a zone, but then President Barack Obama will have to drink from the poisoned chalice and resurrect his predecessor's controversial post-Cold War doctrine of "unilateralism" and the "coalition of the willing" to do that. If he does so, Obama will have no place to hide and all he has done in his presidency to neutralize America's image as a "bully" will come unstuck.
Read More

China and the Egyptian rising
The phenomenon of massive demonstrations uniting a huge public around the aspiration to change a country’s leadership and renovate the governing system is at the centre of the remarkable uprisings in much of the Arab world in the first months of 2011. The successful overthrow of presidents in Tunisia and Egypt are their early fruits, but the process of democratic change is clearly unfinished and has at least the potential to go far wider. Even a cursory knowledge of modern Chinese history suggests that the gathering of thousands of students in Tiananmen Square in the centre of Beijing in May-June 1989 has some parallels with the Arab revolts.
Read More

Election funds? Try Hong Kong
The transitional regime led by Andry Rajoelina is threatening to cancel oil exploration licences held by Western investors and hand them to the Hong Kong-based China International Fund. Rajoelina, who seized power with army support in March 2009, needs money to fight presidential elections due in mid-year, which are shaping up to be a bitter confrontation with desposed President Marc Ravalomanana and several other candidates.
Read More

Chinese ‘aid’ in Africa
China’s increased engagement with Africa has excited much concern, mainly from those powers that have held long-standing positions of authority over Africa. They tend to posit crude geopolitical standpoints that impede critical, empirically-informed analysis. Yet, our field study of Angola and Ghana found contrasting political ramifications.
Read More

Djibouti: US forces train Djibouti forces

2011-03-14

http://www.usaraf.army.mil/NEWS/NEWS_110308_DJIBOUTI_RAPID_REACTION.html

Under an overcast sky, nearly 200 members of the Djiboutian Army’s elite 1st Rapid Action Regiment honed their infantry skills, mentored by members of the US Army National Guard’s 2nd Combined Arms Battalion, 137th Infantry Regiment. The training included instruction on squad movements, convoy operations, contact drills, camp security and marksmanship.

Africa: Assessing the spread of popular protests in Africa

2011-03-14

http://euobserver.com/7/31901

'It is true that the immediate trigger for Arab uprisings is failed internal governance, but sub-Saharan African regimes have also been spared the extra layer of Middle Eastern geopolitical complications which so discredited Arab regimes widely seen as repressive yet impotent,' argues this article in assessing the extent to which popular protests in North Africa will spread to the rest of Africa. 'More crucially, sub-Saharan states are more ethnically pluralist, lacking in the linguistic and relative ethnic homogeneity that have underpegged mass mobilisation of popular Arab action.'

Angola: Mass protests fail but Angolan activists remain defiant

2011-03-13

http://www.ips.org/africa/2011/03/mass-protests-fail-but-angolan-activists-remain-defiant/

An attempt to organise a mass protest against the government in Angola’s capital Luanda may have fallen flat, but there is no doubt that a fuse has been lit among people who for so many years have not dared to challenge authority. In the days leading up to the protest, the planned action was the main topic of conversation across all tiers of society, from the top floors of skyscraper office blocks to the mud-level slums on the peripheries of the cities.

Benin: Protesters win vote delay

2011-03-08

http://www.afrol.com/articles/37526

Benin last month saw mass protests, demanding a delay of the elections planned for 27 February as 1.4 million voters were missing in the electoral roll. The Constitutional Court of Benin ruled in the favour of the country's opposition - backed by crowds of protesters - and delayed the presidential elections for another week, to 13 March, in order to expand the electoral roll further.

Djibouti: US election mission suspended

2011-03-14

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/52ccbb2e-4bfb-11e0-9705-00144feab49a.html#axzz1GYBhHpIk

Djibouti has told the United States that an independent election observer mission is 'illegal' and suspended its partnership with the US-funded mission. Djibouti’s foreign ministry sent a diplomatic note to the US Embassy dated 2 March requesting the end of the partnership, alleging it had participated in and supported a violent 18 February opposition rally in which at least one person was killed, accusations the group denies.

Global: The Arab revolutions and Palestine

2011-03-13

http://www.palestine-studies.org/columndetails.aspx?t=4&id=33

In this episode of Palestine Studies TV, Dr. Leila Farsakh discussed the implications of the protest movements in the Arab world on Palestinian politics and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Dr. Farsakh is a professor of political science at the University of Massachussetts, Boston, and a member of the editorial committee of the Journal of Palestine Studies.

Niger: Vote gets thumbs up from regional observers

2011-03-14

http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/03/13/niger-election-idUSLDE72C0O020110313

Niger's presidential run-off election was free and fair and the two candidates should respect its verdict, regional observers said on Sunday. Nigeriens voted on Saturday, a year after soldiers ousted ex-president Mamadou Tandja for outstaying his term in office in the uranium-producing state. Provisional results from the poll, which pits opposition leader Mahamadou Issoufou against a Tandja party ally Seyni Oumarou, are due on Monday.

Nigeria: Youth organisations ask Nigerian presidential candidates, 'What About Us?'

2011-03-09

http://www.sleevesup.org/wan-press-release.html

Building on momentum from a mass voter registration drive, a coalition of several youth empowerment groups and blogs, including Vote or Quench, Enough is Enough Nigeria, Sleeves Up, and Nigerian Leadership Initiative, are calling for the first-ever presidential youth centered debate in Nigeria. Looking ahead to the April elections, the debate would focus on the key issues affecting a critical voting demographic, with the age group of 30 and under representing 70 per cent of the population.

South Africa: Vavi warns of further unrest over economic inequality

2011-03-14

http://bit.ly/hXv52Y

South Africa is waiting for another 1976 uprising to happen, Cosatu General Secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said on Wednesday. Vavi said the level of violent protests over service delivery showed people’s frustrations with a lack of implementation in solving rampant unemployment, poverty and lacking infrastructure. 'Somebody used the term that Johannesburg is living between a ring of fire with people barricading their streets everywhere to say we’ve had enough.'

Africa: The top 44 oil companies and corruption

2011-03-08

http://bit.ly/hChC9u

Oil and gas companies have improved the transparency of how they report revenues and information about anti-corruption programmes but should take bolder actions to stop corruption, according to a new report by Transparency International (TI) and Revenue Watch Institute (RWI). The 2011 'Report on Oil and Gas Companies', which is based on research conducted in 2010 and is an expanded version of a report published in 2008, rates 44 companies on the public availability of information on their anti-corruption programmes and how they report their financial results in all the countries where they operate. By disclosing anti-corruption measures and key organisational and financial data, especially on a country-by-country level, companies demonstrate their commitment to stop the misappropriation of revenues. In particular, detailed publication of fiscal payments allows citizens to hold governments to account.

South Africa: Vavi throws down gauntlet to Zuma

2011-03-14

http://www.iol.co.za/news/vavi-throws-down-gauntlet-to-zuma-1.1033284

Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi has called on President Jacob Zuma to take 'stern action' against national police chief Bheki Cele and Public Works Minister Gwen Mahlangu-Nkabinde over the controversial R500 million lease for new SAPS headquarters. Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s report described as unlawful actions by both departments in procuring the Sanlam Middestad building in Pretoria.

Africa: Seven African countries cut from Dutch aid

2011-03-10

http://www.rnw.nl/africa/article/dutch-aid-7-african-countries-out

The Netherlands is ending its development relationship with seven African countries. The partnership with the DR Congo, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Egypt, Tanzania, Zambia and South Africa will be terminated, Dutch newspaper Trouw is reporting. The new list of partner countries contains 15 countries, ten of which are African.

Africa: Why Africa should stand up for tax justice

2011-03-14

http://bit.ly/fQZvzC

A report recently released by Tax Justice Network-Africa, 'Tax Us If You Can: Why Africa should stand up for tax justice', addresses both domestic and international challenges facing African countries in their efforts to raise domestic resources to finance development. The report emphasises the importance of tax noting that, 'In Africa, tax revenue will be essential for establishing independent states of free citizens, less reliant on foreign aid and the vagaries of external Capital.'

Africa: World Bank identifies five poor states as 'growth poles'

2011-03-10

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54738

Africa faces an unprecedented opportunity to transform itself, says the World Bank. Its new strategy for the continent aims to leverage growing South-South investment to ensure more inclusive development, while identifying five poor states as 'Growth Poles'. The Bank says its new plan will prioritise employment and competitiveness, while also addressing the problems that make African countries particularly vulnerable to disaster, disease and climate change.

Africa: World Bank outlines risks for new Africa strategy

2011-03-08

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-03-world-bank-outlines-risks-for-new-africa-strategy

The World Bank's new Africa strategy, which was unveiled on Thursday (03 March), carries three main risks, including a volatile global economy, political violence and conflict, and inadequate resources. The new strategy will focus on the three main pillars of competitiveness and employment; vulnerability and resilience; and governance and public sector capacity.

Global: Microcredit critics say debt doesn't equal emancipation

2011-03-13

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54596

In response to a pelting critique from academics, economists and grassroots organisers worldwide, the 2011 'State of the Microcredit Summit Campaign Report' plans to address the controversies surrounding a development scheme that many believe to have failed. A tempest of questions, censures and confusions has battered at the doors of Micro Finance Institutions (MFIs), whose small-scale loans many are calling 'micro band-aids' on the wound of inequality that the world is currently nursing.

Southern Africa: Non-tariff trade barriers springing up

2011-03-14

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54812

Despite regional initiatives that even include the eventual possibility of a 'Cape-to-Cairo' free trade area, protectionist impulses have caused non-tariff barriers to spring up across Southern Africa. Zambian trade consultant John Kasanga cites countless examples of non-tariff barriers across the region: 'Zambia protects its sugar industry from cheaper imports from Zimbabwe by demanding that all imported sugar be fortified with vitamin A. Zimbabwe, in turn, has blocked Zambian strawberries by stipulating that any shipment of this fragile fresh produce must be at least a massive one ton.'

Africa: US funding to train 140 000 African healthcare workers

2011-03-09

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-09-us-funding-to-train-140-000-african-healthcare-workers

A new programme, funded largely by the United States President's Emergency Plan for Aids Relief (Pepfar), will provide $130-million in grants to African institutions, with the aim of strengthening medical education and research training. Dr Francis Collins, director of the National Institute of Health (NIH), said the goals of the Medical Education Partnership Initiative (Mepi) are ambitious. 'The intention here is, over five years, to train no less than 140 000 healthcare workers and to provide a real platform for a wide variety of research activities going forward. This is not something that has been attempted before,' he said.

Ethiopia: Hospital births still unpopular

2011-03-10

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=92142

Ethiopia is boosting its health worker numbers, building thousands of health centres and working with donors to prioritize the prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission (PMTCT). Even so, most women still prefer to have their babies at home. An estimated 2.4 per cent of pregnant women in Ethiopia are thought to be HIV-positive - rising to 3.5 per cent in the 15-24 age group. The national average is just over 2 per cent. About 20 per cent of children born to HIV-positive mothers annually are also infected with HIV, according to government statistics.

Kenya: Budget too small to cover health needs

2011-03-14

http://ipsnews.net/newsTVE.asp?idnews=54793

Professor Anyang Nyong'o might have guessed that a trip to the United States for treatment for prostate cancer would provoke a furore: he is the Minister for Medical Services. Health activists are outraged that high-profile politicians are able to access world class facilities, whilst ordinary Kenyans can only dream of accessing such health care. 'We are glad that the minister is back and is exuding good health. But what choices does the ordinary Kenyan have at accessing quality treatment?' asks Nairobi resident, Milka Ondiek.

South Africa: Government acknowledges rude staff and dirty clinics

2011-03-10

http://www.health-e.org.za/news/article.php?uid=20033105

The South Africa government is extremely concerned about the continued dissatisfaction of patients who often face rude staff, long queues as well as dirty and unsafe clinics and hospitals, the Director General of Health acknowledged at a meeting on healthcare standards and quality. Dr Precious Matsoso said South Africa’s healthcare outputs were very poor in relation to its inputs.

South Africa: Insurance products for people living with HIV

2011-03-10

http://www.section27.org.za/2011/03/04/insurance-products-for-people-living-with-hiv/

Many people living with HIV continue to face unfair discrimination in various aspects of their lives, says social justice organisation SECTION27. 'SECTION27 often receives reports from people who are denied access to insurance products solely on the basis that they are HIV positive, or are offered cover at what appear to be highly inflated prices. The practice of denying cover has gone on for more than two decades, with little change. And yet the implications of HIV infection for health status and life expectancy have changed dramatically over the same period.'

Uganda: Cash crunch delays shift to WHO-recommended PMTCT regimen

2011-03-08

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=92043

A shortage of money means Uganda is unlikely to shift its prevention of mother-to-child transmission (PMTCT) programmes to a more efficient UN World Health Organisation (WHO) regimen soon, say government officials. In 2010, WHO recommended two equally effective options for PMTCT. The first, Option A, is fairly similar to the system Uganda currently uses. It involves single-dose antiretroviral (ARV) drugs for the mother - if her CD4 count is over 350 - from the 14th week, as well as ARVs during labour, delivery and one week post-partum. Pregnant women with CD4 counts below 350 are advised to start taking ARVs for their own health. Option B involves triple therapy ARVs from the 14th week of pregnancy until one week after breastfeeding has ended, which can be up to one year. The Ugandan government has expressed its intention to shift to Option B, which is simpler for health providers and mothers to implement than Option A. However, an already stressed HIV budget may make this impossible.

Zambia: Medicine alliance fighting corruption in Zambia

2011-03-09

http://www.ips.org/africa/2011/03/medicine-alliance-fighting-corruption-in-zambia/

There is a ray of hope for millions of poor Zambians - thanks to the unwavering anti-corruption efforts of many organisations like Transparency International Zambia (TIZ) and the Medicines Transparency Alliance (MeTA). Supported by the UK’s development agency DFiD, since 2008, the international initiatives have been spearheading a project aimed at helping to increase access to essential medicines by low income and disadvantaged people in Zambia. MeTA and TIZ want to improve transparency and accountability in the selection, procurement, sale and distribution of essential medicines in Zambia. And it involves the key sectors in government, the pharmaceutical industry, civil society and the donor community.

Zambia: Third-line ARVs available soon

2011-03-08

http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=92124

After months of lobbying and campaigning by Zambian activists, the government has announced that it will provide free third-line antiretroviral (ARV) drugs to people living with HIV. This week the government invited bids for supplying the drugs, which they at first had said were too expensive, and the number of people needing them still too small. It is expected that the drugs will be available by mid-2011. More than 300,000 people receive ARV treatment at over 1,400 counselling and testing sites across Zambia.

Zimbabwe: Life expectancy for women at 33.5 years, says Sokwanele

2011-03-13

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/6446

Life expectancy is just 33.5 years for Zimbabwean women – the lowest in the world; at least 18 per cent of the population lives with HIV and AIDS and of the 1,6-million Zimbabweans with HIV, 55 per cent are women. This is according to activist group Sokwanele, although no source was provided with the information.

Africa: Continent urged to strengthen research ties

2011-03-08

http://www.scidev.net/en/news/african-countries-urged-to-strengthen-research-ties.html

African academics are backing a drive to establish closer research and higher-education ties between countries on the continent to boost its development. The vision is set out in a document finalised in January by the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) - with the support of the African Union and the Association of African Universities - and recently seen by SciDev.Net.

South Africa: UCT in war over 'bantu education'

2011-03-14

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-11-uct-in-war-over-bantu-education

The spectre of 'bantu education' has risen to haunt the University of Cape Town (UCT) again.
Controversy is erupting as UCT's administration moves in on the university's renowned Centre for African Studies (CAS). What these moves should be called is itself contested - the 'closure' of CAS, as some outraged students and staff see it; its 'disestablishment' and 'merging', as the administration prefers.

Sudan: Graduates protest in Sudan oil area

2011-03-10

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE72908G20110310

More than 200 unemployed graduates took to the streets to demand jobs in the main oil-producing state of northern Sudan on Thursday (10 March), witnesses said, a rare display of dissent in a politically sensitive area. The police have swiftly crushed a series of small protests in north Sudan this year, some seeking an end to the 21-year-rule of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and inspired by uprisings in the Arab world.

Tanzania: NGO to conduct children learning assessment

2011-03-10

http://www.ansa-africa.net/index.php/views/news_view/ngo_to_conduct_children_learning_assessment/

At least 80,000 households in 133 districts are expected to be covered by research aimed at testing reading and basic arithmetic capacity of children aged between five and 16 years. 'We are embarking on the second annual assessment after the release and dissemination of the findings from the maiden one in 2010 where we covered 38 districts,' the Uwezo Research Manager, Dr Grace Soko said.

DRC: Lack of funds impedes fight against anti-homosexuality bill

2011-03-09

http://www.mask.org.za/lack-of-funds-impede-efforts-to-oppose-drc’s-anti-homosexuality-bill/

Almost five months after the anti homosexuality bill was tabled before the National Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transsexual (LGBT) organisations and activists say they have not had the opportunity to mobilise or even undertake any action to oppose the bill due the lack of funding to support the activities. Jean Bedel Kaniki of Hirondelles Bukavu, an LGBTI organisation in the DRC, said organisations had solely depended on financial support promised by an international funder, which they did not get.

South Africa: Government refuses to sack Ugandan ambassador

2011-03-09

http://www.mask.org.za/sa-government-backs-“homophobic”-columnist/

Following a statement issued by the Democratic Alliance on 31 January this year, calling for the axing of controversial columnist, now South African Ambassador in Uganda, Jon Qwelane from his post, government has responded in full support of Qwelane stating he will occupy his current position despite any opposition. Clayton Monyela, spokesperson of the Department if International Relations and Cooperation said 'the issue of those people asking for the removal of Ambassador Qwelane is not up for debate, the ambassador shall remain as ambassador as appointed by the President himself'.

South Africa: ANC raps Manuel and dissidents

2011-03-14

http://www.citypress.co.za/Politics/News/ANC-raps-Manuel-and-dissidents-20110313

The ANC’s national executive committee (NEC) has rapped Minister in the Presidency Trevor Manuel over the knuckles for his open letter criticising government spokesperson Jimmy Manyi for his remarks on coloureds.Manuel wrote an open letter to Manyi following comments the government spokesperson made in a TV interview a year ago that coloureds were 'over-concentrated' in the Western Cape.

Ethiopia: Agribusiness boom threatens key African wildlife migration

2011-03-10

http://farmlandgrab.org/post/view/18271

The Ethiopian region of Gambella is home to Africa’s second-largest mammal migration, with more than a million endangered antelope and other animals moving through its grasslands. But the government has now leased vast tracts to foreign agribusinesses who are planning huge farms on land designated a national park. Unreported, an environmental tragedy is unfolding in a remote corner of Africa, on the borders of the newly-designated state of South Sudan, that could imperil the second-largest mammal migration on the African continent.

South Africa: Alarm over Acid Mine Drainage problem

2011-03-08

http://bit.ly/hLtlLM

'Fighting the scourge of Acid Mine Drainage becomes not only a matter of environmental importance, but also one of protecting vulnerable, local communities that depend upon South Africa's finite natural resources,' says this article from the Consultancy Africa Intelligence newsletter published on the Sangonet website. 'The AMD scourge may place undue stress upon the country's resources and industries, and potentially undermine the overall stability of the country.'

South Africa: Japan's nuclear disaster and the South African threat

2011-03-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/71673

'We call upon the nuclear industry, and the South African government, to take this disaster seriously, and abandon all nuclear plans for our country,' says Earthlife Africa Cape Town in response to the impact of the Japanese earthquake on that country's nuclear power stations. 'Given that proposed sites are all along the coast, we believe that this gamble is unacceptable. Not only are sustainable and safe alternatives cheaper than nuclear power, but they are also better solutions to the creation of decent work and energy security, as well as the best solutions to limit climate change.'
Nuclear Disaster in Japan – workers and citizens at high risk
Earthlife Africa Cape Town

The massive explosion following a cooling problem at one Fukushima’s nuclear reactors, Daiichi, has not only released radiation and other toxic compounds, but has created an untenable situation for workers at Fukushima’s other nuclear reactors nearby, called Daini, especially given that a state of emergency has been declared for five reactors at the two plants. Latest news is that a hydrogen explosion is now possible at the No. 3 reactor at Fukushima 1.

‘Workers are being exposed to the ‘allowable’ annual dose of radiation every hour that they remain on site. Our hearts go out to them,’ said Muna Lakhani, co-ordinator of Earthlife Africa’s Unplug Nuclear 1 campaign. The danger is not over. There are fears of another explosion as the cooling system at a second reactor has also failed, as of Sunday morning. ‘The measuring of Caesium at the plant indicates that a meltdown has indeed taken place, which raises the levels of radiation released to catastrophic proportions’ suggested Lakhani. Latest news on Sunday confirms fears of a multiple meltdown.

The reactors have all been shut down. The reactor core remains hot for days after shutdown, however, so workers have been busy ensuring that the fuel rods do not melt down. For this the cooling systems need to be operational requiring a power source. The quake has disrupted the backup supplies of power including diesel generators. The IAEA supplied batteries and coolant in the interim. They are now flushing the highly radioactive core with seawater which will cause massive seawater contamination whilst preventing a full scale Chernobyl type meltdown. This is an act of desperation and unprecedented.

Platitudes by the Japanese government and nuclear industry suggesting that the radiation threat is minimal must be treated with great caution, as reports confirm that not only has the containment been breached, and that ‘venting’ is taking place, but also that radiation levels at about 1000 higher than normal have been measured. The 24 hr monitoring that is supposed to happen as a matter of course, has been shutdown (www/nu/pamp/index-j.html) – Japanese activists suggest that this is so that the public and the world at large will not be told how much radiation has and is being released’ said Gray Maguire, ELA branch secretary.

It took local activists many hours to get the exclusion zone expanded from the initial 10km to 20 km, which, while not completely safe, helps limit harm to local residents.

‘We call upon the nuclear industry, and the South African government, to take this disaster seriously, and abandon all nuclear plans for our country. Given that proposed sites are all along the coast, we believe that this gamble is unacceptable. Not only are sustainable and safe alternatives cheaper than nuclear power, but they are also better solutions to the creation of decent work and energy security, as well as the best solutions to limit climate change,’ Lakhani states. The public should note that our existing nuclear power plant Koeberg is on a geological fault on the Cape Fold Belt with the last destructive large earthquake occurring in 1809. Interesting also is that if we were to apply the 20km exclusion/ evacuation zone (which has been applied to Fukushima) to Koeberg this would mean evacuating most of Cape Town.

There has been a history of safety problems and cover-ups by TEPCO at the Fukushima reactor complex. (http://cnic.jp/english/newsletter/nit92/nit92articles/nit92coverupdata.html).

South Africa is considering a ‘fleet’ of nuclear reactors, at Thyspunt, Bantamklip and additional reactors at Koeberg, at a potential cost of hundreds of billions of Rands. Yje National Nuclear Regulator has also come under fire, for not mobilising a ‘hazmat’ team, with local activists questioning their ability to respond to a disaster at Koeberg.


ENDS/-----

Issued by:

Earthlife Africa Cape Town

Unplug Nuclear 1 Campaign

Contact:

Muna Lakhani

083-471-7276

muna@iafrica.com

Tanzania: Biofuel project's barren promise

2011-03-10

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54783

An ambitious project to produce clean energy for the Netherlands and Belgium has degenerated into a controversial abuse of natural resources in Africa. Bioshape, a clean energy company based in Neer, the Netherlands, is going through bankruptcy proceedings after spending 9.6 million dollars on a failed biofuel project in Tanzania. In 2006, the company agreed to lease 80,000 hectares of coastal woodland in the southern district of Kilwa to grow jatropha, a shrub whose seeds contain an oil that can be processed into green fuel.

Global: Agroecology and the right to food

2011-03-09

http://bit.ly/f6Sn1Z

On 8 March, Olivier De Schutter, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, presented his new report 'Agro-ecology and the right to food' before the UN Human Rights Council. Based on an extensive review of recent scientific literature, the report demonstrates that agroecology, if sufficiently supported, can double food production in entire regions within 10 years while mitigating climate change and alleviating rural poverty. The report therefore calls States for a fundamental shift towards agro-ecology as a way for countries to feed themselves while addressing climate and poverty challenges.

South Africa: GMO crop area in SA rises, slow growth for Africa

2011-03-08

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-03-gmo-crop-area-in-sa-rises-slow-growth-for-africa

South Africa's genetically modified crop area for the 2010/11 season rose 6 per cent but perceptions make it hard for other African countries to adopt the practice, the deputy agriculture minister said on Thursday (03 March). South Africa, the world's seventh-largest producer of GM crops but Africa's biggest, has seen a rapid increase in gene-altered crop output since it started growing GM farm produce in 1998.

Cameroon: Netizens react to SMS-to-Tweet ban

2011-03-10

http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/03/10/cameroon-netizens-react-to-sms-to-tweet-ban/

International Women's Day 2011 will be remembered in Cameroon for more technological reasons. Bouba Kaele, a marketing manager at the South African MTN telecom company in Cameroon, announced on social network Twitter that the Cameroonian Government banned access to twitter via SMS for MTN customers. This news caused anger among the Cameroonian online community.

Côte d’Ivoire: No newspapers on sale as a result of political crisis

2011-03-14

http://en.rsf.org/cote-d-ivoire-no-newspapers-on-sale-as-a-result-11-03-2011,39778.html

No newspapers were distributed on Friday in Côte d’Ivoire, where the protracted political impasse is creating an extremely grave if not impossible situation for journalists and news media. As the country seems to head steadily towards civil war, with casualties every day, journalists are being exposed to threats, arrests and reprisals, and often have to risk lives to report in some neighbourhoods, says RSF.

Global: News media and the dangers faced by women

2011-03-08

http://en.rsf.org/news-media-a-men-s-preserve-that-07-03-2011,39674.html

To mark International Women’s Day on 8 March, Reporters Without Borders released a report on the problems of women who work as journalists. It reaffirms several important principles, contains interviews with women journalists throughout the world and describes all the different problems they encounter, ranging from everyday discrimination to the most tragic forms of violence.

Global: RSF issues new 'Enemies of the Internet' list

2011-03-14

http://en.rsf.org/nawaat-reporters-without-borders-11-03-2011,39776.html

Reporters Without Borders has carried out a new survey of online freedom of expression for World Day Against Cyber-Censorship, marked on 12 March. 'One in three of the world’s Internet users does not have access to an unrestricted Internet,' Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said. 'Around 60 countries censor the Internet to varying degrees and harass netizens. At least 119 people are currently in prison just for using the Internet to express their views freely. These are disturbing figures.'

Libya: Al-Jazeera journalist killed and another wounded

2011-03-14

http://www.cpj.org/2011/03/in-libya-al-jazeera-journalist-killed-and-another.php

Unidentified gunmen killed an Al-Jazeera cameraman and wounded his colleague near the eastern rebel-held city of Benghazi in an ambush on Saturday, according to the Qatar-based satellite station. This is the first confirmed death reported in the Libyan conflict, the Committee to Protect Journalists has said.

Somalia: Warring militias randomly 'arrest' journalists

2011-03-09

http://www.freeafricanmedia.com/article/2011-02-24-somalia-warring-militias-randomly-arrest-journalists

Since 1992, 34 journalists have been killed in Somalia, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. This doesn't take into account journalists who die in car accidents, but only instances where deaths are work-related. In 2010 two Somali journalists were killed as a direct result of their work, Sheikh Nur Mohamed Abkey, who worked for state-run Radio Mogadishu, was gunned down near his home, and Barkhat Awale, director of Hurma community radio, was killed by a stray bullet from nearby fighting. No Somali journalists have been killed this year - so far. Death is the most extreme example of the many dangers facing journalists in Somalia. Already this year, two journalists have been captured by militia groups, although both have been released.

Côte d'Ivoire: Rival forces face-off in Abidjan's tense Abobo district

2011-03-14

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-14-rival-forces-faceoff-in-abidjans-tense-abobo-district

At the top of a tarred road in this tense Abidjan district, forces loyal to internationally recognised president Alassane Ouattara man a roadblock. At the other end, troops backing strongman Laurent Gbagbo stand guard. In between lie two bodies, the latest casualties of a bloody stand-off between the rival camps.

Côte d’Ivoire: Is war the only option?

2011-03-08

http://bit.ly/dNqGjv

ECOWAS member states should announce that members of the unrecognised Gbagbo government and his entourage are 'persona non grata' in their territory and break all economic and financial ties with public or semi-public companies, particularly in the oil and energy sectors, controlled by that regime. This is according to a report from the International Crisis Group. Côte d’Ivoire is in crisis after Laurent Gbagbo refused to step down after he lost the November 2010 presidential election.

DRC: Security deteriorates in Uelé districts

2011-03-14

http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=92166

The presence of Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels has led to deteriorating security conditions for aid workers and civilians in the northern Democratic Republic of Congo’s two Uelé districts, where 31 attacks took place in January alone – as many as in the last three months of 2010. On 6 March, six World Food Programme (WFP) trucks were ambushed by a group of 30 men a few kilometers south of Banda, on the road to Ango, in Bas Uelé district. The vehicles were part of a 17-strong convoy. The attackers made off with sacks of flour and drivers’ personal effects.

Global: US approved $40-billion in 2009 private arms sales

2011-03-14

http://mg.co.za/article/2011-03-12-us-approved-40billion-in-2009-private-arms-sales

The US government approved $40-billion in worldwide private arms sales in 2009, including more than $7-billion to Mideast and North African nations that are struggling with political upheaval, according to newly released government figures. From 2008 to 2009, the US authorised increasing sales of military shipments to the now-toppled Egyptian government of Hosni Mubarak and the embattled kingdom of Bahrain.

Libya: AU panel welcomed, Arab League slammed

2011-03-14

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE72D01L20110314

Libya said on Sunday it welcomed an African Union panel formed to try to end the Libyan crisis and said it would facilitate its work, while condemning an Arab League resolution calling for a no-fly zone over the country. The African Union announced on Friday the leaders of South Africa, Uganda, Mauritania, Congo and Mali would form a panel that will travel to Libya shortly.

Libya: Rebels flee Gaddafi advance

2011-03-14

http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2011/03/2011313101739903833.html

Libyan armed forces loyal to Muammar Gaddafi have cleared 'armed gangs' from the oil-rich town of Brega in the east, an army source told state television on Sunday. 'Brega has been cleansed of armed gangs,' the military source was quoted as saying. The report could not immediately be verified. State television has in the past issued false reports claiming territory. But the claim comes amid a string of setbacks for the rebels who have lost several cities in the east to pro-Gaddafi forces. Brega's fall into the hands of Gaddafi loyalists would deal a further blow to the opposition's morale and momentum.

Sudan: Army, Darfur rebel clash kills 17

2011-03-10

http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE72905P20110310

Darfur rebels attacked a Sudanese army supply convoy in the insurgents' mountainous Jabel Marra stronghold, leaving at least 17 people dead, the military said. No one was immediately available for comment from the rebels group named by the military - a faction of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) loyal to Abdel Wahed al-Nur which walked out of peace talks in 2006 and has refused to return.

Western Sahara: Parties to dispute conclude another round of UN-convened talks

2011-03-10

http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=37724&Cr=western+sahara&Cr1=

Representatives of the parties to the Western Sahara dispute, Morocco and the Frente Polisario, have wrapped up another round of talks, during which both sides continued to reject each other’s proposal as a sole basis for future negotiations, United Nations envoy Christopher Ross said. 'The proposals of the two parties were again presented,' said a communiqué read by Mr. Ross, the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Western Sahara at the end of the two-day meeting, held in Malta. 'By the end of the meeting, each party continued to reject the proposal of the other as a sole basis for future negotiations,' it added.

Africa: Google search requests growing 50 per cent each year in Africa

2011-03-14

http://bit.ly/fqP1oZ

Google is recording record growth in sub-Saharan Africa, benefiting from 50 per cent annual growth in search requests coming from the region. At a conference in Senegal hosted by the search engine giant, Business Development Associate Ayite Gaba also revealed that four out of every 10 Google search requests come from a mobile phone.

Africa: Media rights group hails Tunisia, Egypt online progress

2011-03-14

http://bit.ly/e9BXy6

A press freedom watchdog took Egypt and Tunisia off its online censorship blacklist following their recent revolutions and awarded a web media award to Tunisian news bloggers. In Egypt, 'the heavy filtering (of Internet sites) at the height of the revolution has reportedly ended,' said Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in an annual report on the eve of its World Day Against Cyber-Censorship.

Global: Changing the world one map at a time

2011-03-09

http://irevolution.net/2011/03/06/changing-world-map/

This blog post points to the exciting potential created by volunteers from thousands of miles away using social networking platforms and free, open source software to create live crisis maps. '...thanks to today’s easy mapping platforms, volunteers can help respond to a crisis from thousands of miles away by collaborating online to create a live map that can be used to support humanitarian operations. They can use social networking platforms to connect, organize, recruit and train.'

North Africa: How much does Internet access matter?

2011-03-14

http://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2011/03/10/how-much-does-internet-access-matter/

Amidst the ongoing debate of the role of social media in revolutions across the Middle East and North Africa lies another question: to what degree does Internet access matter in determining the role of the Internet and social media in these revolts? In Egypt and Tunisia, many attribute an important role to online tools while others debate their worth; most observers fall somewhere in the middle, recognising the value of the Internet but remaining realistic about its limitations. This blog post assesses various aspects of the debate.

South Africa: Pirated DVDs in a South African township mean access to culture and social inclusion

2011-03-14

http://www.apc.org/en/news/pirated-dvds-south-african-township-mean-access-cu

While the South African Department of Trade and Industry has stepped up criminalisation of pirated books, movies, and music, consumer patterns show that obtaining pirated media is widely accepted. In fact, a case study in Hanover Park, a poor neighbourhood outside Cape Town where the Association of Progressive Communication investigated CD piracy, most residents made no distinction between pirated and legal goods. Some people interviewed found the concept of piracy completely foreign, and all respondents felt that their use of pirated goods was legitimate, given their economic situation. Average consumers feel they have no choice but to turn to cheaper alternatives because the price of original goods is simply too high for them to afford.

African Peoples Advocacy (APA) newsletter

2011-03-14

http://www.apadvocacy.org/p/african-peoples-advocacy-newsletter.html

The latest newsletter from African Peoples Advocacy (APA) contains articles on the plight of migrants in Libya, the situation in Cote d'Ivoire, the Ugandan elections and further information about events and activities.

The Nyeleni newsletter

Industrialised food production: the base of the junk food system

2011-03-13

http://www.nyeleni.org/?lang=en&lang_fixe=ok

The Nyeleni Newsletter is now available online in three languages: English, Spanish and French. This edition of the newsletter has a special on factory farming. The newsletter is published every two months on the www.nyeleni.org website. Each newsletter comes with an additional document - a list of reports and more references that can be downloaded from the same website.

Africa: World Social Forum in Dakar, the struggle for another world

2011-03-09

http://www.kontext-tv.de

The independent news magazine Kontext TV, supported by Noam Chomsky and others, was at the World Social Forum in Dakar, Senegal in February and has produced a series of broadcasts on the occasion of the Forum's 10th anniversary. The first programme is now online in English and German versions under www.kontext-tv.de The programme reports about some of the key issues at the Forum such as the impacts of the revolutions in North Africa and the formation of a worldwide movement for climate justice and land grabbing. Another broadcast focussing on Africa is going to follow.

Egypt: Documenting the revolution

2011-03-09

http://iamjan25.com/

http://iamjan25.com is an online video and photographic archive documenting the Egyptian revolution.

Help Oxfam shape their new website for development and humanitarian professionals

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/71535

In 2011 Oxfam will launch a new section of its website aimed at development and humanitarian professionals. The new site aims to share Oxfam's policy, practice and research with development practitioners, researchers, advocacy and campaign organisations, and policy formers worldwide. This site will replace the current Oxfam Publications website http://www.oxfam.org.uk/publications
Oxfam needs your help and your input by completing a short survey to help influence the development of the new site so that it can better support your work. This survey is an important part of building the new website, and we would be grateful if you could take a few minutes of your time to fill it in. The survey will take no more than 10 minutes to complete and your input is extremely valuable. If possible please share this survey with colleagues and pass it on to your wider networks. The closing date for completion is 25 March. This is the url for the survey:

http://qnr.surveyshack.com/s/EvHfyohUrqxFv8T

Social Conflict in Africa Database web tool for researchers

2011-03-14

http://ccaps.strausscenter.org/scad/conflicts

The Social Conflict in Africa Database (SCAD) is a resource for conducting research and analysis on various forms of social and political unrest in Africa. It includes over 6,000 social conflict events across Africa from 1990 to 2009, including riots, strikes, protests, coups, and communal violence.

Call of Interest: Advanced Diploma in Child Protection in Emergencies

Child Protection Working Group (CPWG)

2011-03-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/71552

The Advanced Diploma in Child Protection in Emergencies aims to address the gaps in child protection in emergencies staff capacity, as identified in the recent scoping study carried out on behalf of the CPWG in October 2010.
Background:

The Advanced Diploma in Child Protection in Emergencies aims to address the gaps in child protection in emergencies staff capacity, as identified in the recent scoping study carried out on behalf of the CPWG in October 2010. It also aims to builds upon the innovative inter-agency capacity building initiatives in the child protection in emergencies sector such as the Child Protection Trainee Scheme managed by Save the Chidlren, the interagency 'Introduction to Child Protection in Emergencies' modular training programme and most recently the Child Protection in Emergencies (CPIE) competency framework.

Based on the CPWG scoping study findings and the evaluations of the above capacity building initiatives, the 2 central objectives of the Advanced Diploma in Child Protection are:
1. To increase the overall volume and diversity of internationally deployable mid-level technical specialists to protect children in emergencies
2. To increase the capacity in terms of skills, knowledge and behaviour of mid-level child protection specialists to design, implement and lead high-quality responses to protect children in emergencies.

Call of Interest to Academic Institutions:

The CPWG is now looking for an academic partner with a proven ability to develop modules on child protection in emergencies to work with to develop the content, structure and management of the Advanced Diploma in Child Protection in Emergencies. For full details of the proposed programme and partnership, including an application form, please contact: cbarnett@unicef.org The deadline for Declarations of Intent is Friday 1st April 2011.

Funding:

The CPWG has received seed funding to carry begin developing the Advanced Diploma in Child Protection in Emergencies and is currently carrying out donor scoping to secure further funding to implement the programme. The partner academic institution will be expected to fundraise for a portion of the programme and should outline all secured or potential funding sources in the application form.

We are delighted to be making this call to academic institutions to develop this innovative programme in child protection. If you are interested in being a part of this piece of work, please direct any queries and submit your Declaration of Intent to myself and Katy Barnett, CPWG Coordinator (UNICEF - cbarnett@unicef.org), and Katie Bisaro, Programme Manager, Child Protection Trainee Scheme (Save the Children - k.bisaro@savethechildren.org.uk) by Friday 2nd April 2011.

We look forward to hearing from you.

Please send all replies to: cbarnett@unicef.org

The Machel Mandela Internship Programme

Deadline: 23 March 2011

2011-03-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/71665

The Brenthurst Foundation is inviting applications from young graduates for the newly established Machel Mandela Internship Programme, named in honour of former South African President Nelson Mandela and his wife Graca Machel. The Machel Mandela Internship programme aims to be the most prestigious of its kind in Africa. It will help sharpen the Brenthurst Foundation’s focus on Africa’s burgeoning youth population and help nurture Africa’s future leaders.
The Machel Mandela Internship Programme
Deadline: 23 March 2011

The Brenthurst Foundation is inviting applications from young graduates for the newly established Machel Mandela Internship Programme, named in honour of former South African President Nelson Mandela and his wife Graca Machel. The Machel Mandela Internship programme aims to be the most prestigious of its kind in Africa. It will help sharpen the Brenthurst Foundation’s focus on Africa’s burgeoning youth population and help nurture Africa’s future leaders.

Details: The internship will be available full time for a minimum of six months and a maximum of two successful candidates will be selected per year. The intern may be from Africa or abroad and will be based at the Brenthurst Foundation’s headquarters in Parktown, Johannesburg. Interns will work directly with and assist the Foundation’s staff on a range of projects and activities, some of which will require foreign travel. A stipend per month will be provided. Other expenses (travel, accommodation) may also be provided depending on the circumstances of the successful candidate and subject to agreement by the Brenthurst Foundation.

Requirements:
Under 30 years of age
An Undergraduate or Masters level degree
Excellent spoken and written English
African and other languages an asset
Excellent communication skills
Enthusiastic and reliable, a self starter who requires minimal oversight and management
Able to balance deadlines and attention to detail
Fluency in all basic IT skills
Copy editing and proof reading skills an asset
A passion for Africa and a keen interest in new thinking and strategies to strengthen Africa's economic performance
Broad knowledge of African politics and economics
Familiarity with the work of the Brenthurst Foundation (please consult the website).
Submissions:
Please address your application to Ms Leila Jack and email it to leila.jack@eoson.co.za quoting Machel Mandela Intern’s in the subject line.

You will need to send:
An up to date CV with reference’s details
A covering letter, no more than 500 words, outlining your interest in the position and the skills you can bring to bear
A writing sample, this can be any piece of work, for example an essay or a published article, of any length.

TWAS Fellowships: 2011 Call for Applications

Postgraduate, postdoctoral, visiting scholar and advanced research fellowships available to scientists from developing countries

2011-03-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/71701

TWAS Fellowships: 2011 Call for Applications
Postgraduate, postdoctoral, visiting scholar and advanced research fellowships available to scientists from developing countries

TWAS, the academy of sciences for the developing world, is now accepting applications for its postgraduate, postdoctoral, visiting scholars and advanced research fellowship programmes.
The fellowships are offered to scientists from developing countries and are tenable at centres of excellence in various countries in the South, including Brazil, China, India, Kenya, Malaysia, Mexico, Pakistan and Thailand.

Eligible fields include: agricultural and biological sciences, medical and health sciences, chemistry, engineering, astronomy, space and earth sciences, mathematics and physics.

Please see www.twas.org > Programmes > Exchange > Fellowships (http://twas.ictp.it/prog/exchange/fells/fells-overview) for the latest information regarding all these programmes, including eligibility criteria, deadlines, etc, and to download the application forms and guidelines.

Women scientists are especially encouraged to apply.

First issue of the Oxford Monitor of Forced Migration (OxMo) now available

2011-03-10

http://fm-cab.blogspot.com/2011/03/inaugural-issue-of-oxmo.html

The first issue of the Oxford Monitor of Forced Migration (OxMo) is now available. This new student-run publication offers 11 short essays, personal accounts and academic articles. Titles include:
- The Politics of Social Exclusion: Asylum Support Provisions in the UK's Draft Immigration Bill 2009
- An Epic Journey towards a Refugee Visa
- A Culture of Disbelief or Denial? Critiquing Refugee Status Determination in the United Kingdom
- 'Come, we kill what is called "persecution life"': Sudanese Refugee Youth Gangs in Cairo'.

Special issue: Strength of a Woman

2011-03-10

http://bit.ly/gUAreH

African Women and Child Feature Service has produced a 24-page special newspaper that looks at the gains, challenges and obstacles women have faced - particularly in relation to advancing in leadership and education. 'Strength of a Woman' takes stock of women's progress 25 years after the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies and 16 years after the Beijing Platform for Action.

Africa Program Director

International Rivers

2011-03-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/71449

International Rivers supports civil society groups and communities around the world which seek to stop destructive dams and promote better methods of meeting energy and water needs. We are looking for an experienced, skilled, dynamic director of our Africa Program. The position will be based at our main office in Berkeley or at a strategic location in Africa (such as Nairobi, Johannesburg, or Accra).
Africa Program Director

International Rivers supports civil society groups and communities around the world which seek to stop destructive dams and promote better methods of meeting energy and water needs. We are looking for an experienced, skilled, dynamic director of our Africa Program. The position will be based at our main office in Berkeley or at a strategic location in Africa (such as Nairobi, Johannesburg, or Accra).

The Program Director will work with partner organisations in Africa, with colleagues in our Berkeley headquarters and our satellite offices around the world. The position requires several international trips per year. The Program Director oversees consultants, interns and volunteers, and reports to our Policy Director.

The duties and responsibilities of the Program Director are:

1. Program coordination: Coordinate International Rivers� Africa Program to challenge destructive dam projects, advocate for better solutions and strengthen the capacity of our local partners. Develop effective strategies, prepare work plans and carry out program activities. Supervise consultants, interns and volunteers. In conjunction with the policy director, do extensive fundraising and coordinate budgeting and financial oversight for the Africa Program

2. Monitoring and research: Conduct campaign-related research on river ecosystems, the African energy and water sectors, dam building plans and better solutions to meet water and energy needs in Africa. Monitor specific destructive dam projects, assess their impacts, and analyze cross-cutting issues such as the impacts of climate change on Africa�s rivers and dams.

3. Capacity building: Strengthen the capacity and the networking efforts of civil society groups working on rivers and dams in Africa. Share information with our partners, carry out site visits, organize trainings and other workshops, extend small grants, and give direct advice.

4. Media work and other communications: Devise strategies to create awareness about the threats facing African rivers. Produce reports, fact-sheets and audio-visual materials. Nurture relations with interested journalists and carry out media work primarily in Africa and on the international level. Contribute articles to our magazine, World Rivers Review, and maintain the Africa Program�s web pages.

5. Advocacy work: Help create pressure on African and international dam builders and financiers to stop the development of destructive projects and promote better solutions in the water and energy sectors.

Requirements:

- Excellent research, writing and verbal communication skills in English; fluency in French highly desired;
- Demonstrated ability to think strategically and develop effective campaign strategies;
- Diligence, ability to handle multiple tasks and deadlines in a fast-paced environment;
- Independence, ability to work alone while maintaining constant communication with the main office in Berkeley if working from Africa;
- Knowledge and understanding of Africa's environment and development issues and NGO community;
- At least five years of experience in social or environmental advocacy work;
- Ability to work well in a team and within an international network;
- Commitment to environmental integrity, social justice and the mission of International Rivers;
- Strong computer skills (ability to post simple online content highly desired);
- Bachelor's degree or equivalent professional experience required; Master�s degree a plus;
- Authorization to work in the United States or at an office location to be determined in Africa.

International Rivers offers a stimulating, casual and flexible work environment. Our competitive salary and benefits package includes health insurance and excellent vacation and sick leave. Salary commensurate with experience.

To apply, send a cover letter, resume and writing sample to jobpost@internationalrivers.org or to International Rivers, 2150 Allston Way, Berkeley, CA 94704, USA; fax +1 510 848 1008. Please mention 'Africa Program' in the address or subject line and indicate your preferred location of work. Deadline for applications: March 23, 2011.

International Rivers is an Equal Opportunity Employer and First Source Berkeley employer. We encourage applications from all qualified candidates regardless of age, class, disability status, ethnicity, gender, race and sexual orientation.

CAR: Bozize 'wanted cut' of US road cash

2011-03-09

http://bit.ly/gzNfkv

A tussle over a road gave a glimpse of the inner workings of the Central African Republic government with a leaked US cable suggesting that President Francois Bozize had sought to personally profit from money set aside for the project. The $2.75 million USAid-funded project would have been an integral part of an east-west road that directly responded to the Central African government’s own poverty reduction strategy paper. But according to new WikiLeaks cables, a frenzy of meetings with Mr Bozize and his cronies ahead of the scheduled 26 October 2009 launch of the road works left the US ambassador with the impression that the President was 'personally interested in the monetary benefits that international development money brings'.

Egypt: Cairo threatened to use force over threats to Nile waters - Wikileaks

2011-03-14

http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/-/2558/1115466/-/o5nsuuz/-/

The government of the ousted Egyptian strongman, Hosni Mubarak, at one time considered the use of force if upstream countries threatened its historical rights to the use of the Nile waters. The administration was incensed by riparian states insistence on using the Nile for irrigation and other water consuming projects. According to confidential cables, sent to Washington, by American diplomats based in Cairo, the Mubarak administration viewed access to its quota of Nile waters as a national security issue, 'and a creation of a system that threatens this quota will be seen as an existential threat'.

Kenya: President ‘set PM up’ in Migingo island dispute

2011-03-09

http://bit.ly/hdH4K7

Kenya's President Mwai Kibaki did not take strong action against Uganda for ‘grabbing’ Migingo Island to politically undermine Prime Minister Raila Odinga. That was the thinking by US embassy officials in Nairobi, as revealed by secret diplomatic cables made public by whistleblower website WikiLeaks. The cable analyses the background to the tiny disputed island on Lake Victoria, the way it has impacted on Kenya-Uganda relations and also become a political dispute in Kenya.

Nigeria: President threatens to sue newspaper over Wikileaks' report

2011-03-10

http://bit.ly/hJZwff

Nigeria's President Goodluck Jonathan has threatened to sue a local newspaper, NEXT, over its report on Sunday that he voted four times during the 2007 general elections, when he was a state governor and a vice presidential candidate under the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Accusing the newspaper of waging a 'malicious campaign of falsehood and calumny' against him, the President also demanded a retraction of the story, which the paper credited to whistleblower website Wikileaks. NEXT, quoting Wikileaks, said the disclosure that Jonathan, then the governor of oil-producing Bayelsa, voted several times was made by the Governor of southern Edo state and former labour leader Adams Oshiomhole to US Political Officers (poloffs), who visited him shortly after the court victory in his election petition.

Fahamu