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Struggles for the promised land: Letters from West African sisters

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82018

cc W BThese simple exchanges between two citizens of Africa show their dreams, pain, hope and civic action to ensure that the continent becomes the promised land where everyone can live in peace and justice, solidarity and prosperity.

EDITOR’S NOTE:

The following letters are part of a moving and insightful exchange between two women who have been respected leaders of citizen movements in West Africa for decades. These two friends are known for their wisdom, courage, creativity and unfailing commitment to justice, peace and the well-being of their respective countries, Guinea Bissau and Mali. This week, Pambazuka is pleased to share some of their personal correspondence following the coups d’état first in Mali in March and then in Guinea Bissau in April. The letters have been translated from French and are signed with pen names due to concerns for the safety of the women, their comrades and families during these very difficult times. (The original French version of the letters can be read at http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82019
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BISSAU, MAY 5, 2012

Dear friends at Pambazuka,

Thank you for the invitation to share some of the correspondence between my friend from Mali, Assénatou, and me.

Assénatou and I first met around common causes and struggles in our countries, Mali and Guinea-Bissau in West Africa. We got to know each other within the citizens' movements for social justice in our continent, as we struggled for strategic ways and means to sustain the well being of our peoples and future generations. It is through these battles that we have become the great friends and true sisters that we are today.

I would like to share with you how my friend Assénatou, with her clarity, wisdom and courage, has supported and inspired our struggle in Guinea-Bissau by sharing with us her own journey and struggles in Mali.

And this connection does not end. It has continued and will continue between us, through e-mails and phone calls as the situations in our respective countries are changing and we feel the need to reinforce each other, to share friendship and tenderness. In this way we encourage each other, we inspire each other and we sustain trust in the future, even if it is still far away.

We would like to share our personal correspondence not because we find our story original or special. No, it is rather because we know that it is in fact commonplace – but it is taking place in the shadows. We would like to make visible these simple exchanges between two citizens of Africa who share their dreams, their pain, their hope and civic action to ensure that our continent becomes our promised land, the land where our children and our children’s children can live in peace and justice, solidarity and prosperity. And we want to encourage more exchanges and more demonstrations of solidarity among citizens of Africa, so the warmth and the embrace of friendship and fraternity among us are stronger and more perceptible, as those of other people throughout the world who already show us their sympathy and solidarity.

If the heads of African states are meeting in summits of ECOWAS and the African Union to seek solutions for our countries to the coups that have come back with force to our continent, bringing all kinds of violence and dirty business, and above all the deprivation of the civil and political rights of our peoples, then intellectuals and ordinary citizens of Africa should, in turn, find visible and tangible ways to demonstrate our own solidarity and commitment to take the lead and speak with one voice. To say loud and clear that NO ONE HAS THE RIGHT ON ANY GROUNDS, UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF ANY IDEOLOGY, OR OF ANY RELIGION, TO TAKE THEIR PEOPLE HOSTAGE OR TO MAKE THEM A SCAPEGOAT! No one has the right to negotiate with force and impose conditions and false solutions that do not in any way meet the needs, interests and rights of the people they claim to represent and defend, but in reality torment. They are robbing their children’s futures, undermining their hopes and destroying their fondest dreams!

OUR CRY THAT WE HAVE HAD ENOUGH IS FOR ALL THESE ATTACKS AGAINST THE RIGHTS OF PRESENT AND FUTURE GENERATIONS to a homeland of peace and security where we can build our future and our well-being, with our own hands, our own heads and our own hearts.

Maria

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MARCH 21, 2012: COUP D’ETAT IN MALI

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Bissau, 22 March 2012

My dearest friend Assénatou,

I have tried several times to call you on the phone, but the line was always busy.

We have been worried ever since we heard the news last night of your country, Mali – which has been known as a reference for democracy in West Africa – now taken in turn by a coup d’état. Democracy is never won forever unfortunately. But these events still surprise us, because our memory is so short.

My mother is asking about you, for she too has heard on the radio about what is happening in Mali. My family is asking me how to reach you to send you a word. After trying to reach you by phone without success, I decided to send you this message by email to wish you courage – lots of courage – and patience. There is a Creole proverb that says, "All that begins, will end one day." Mali will find again the peaceful, democratic paths to resolve disputes among its people. May God breathe tolerance, generosity and wisdom into the hearts of the leaders and all the living forces of Mali, to open the way for democratic and inclusive dialogue, to rebuild the pillars of democracy in Mali, taking into account the legitimate aspirations of Malians for progress, especially for the young. We pray and we will continue to pray for Mali, and for Africa. For you and your family, for all African men and women who embrace their countries with heart.

Everyone here at home embraces you and sends you encouragement and wishes for peace in your country.

For my part, I embrace you with all my friendship and deepest solidarity,

Maria

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Mali, April 5, 2012

Dear Maria,

Thank you for your friendship and solidarity. As they say it is in the difficult times that we know who our true friends are. I always appreciated the sincerity of our ties but these recent days have certainly given me even more confidence in our friendship.

My sister, we Malians are suffering in our hearts and bodies. But we have no right to despair and lamentation.

My days start early and end very late with so many meetings and consultations so that together we can lift our heads. It is hard, very hard when in the north of Mali, which is in the hands of the Tuareg (forces) and Islamists, women are being raped and burned alive for not covering their faces.

The ECOWAS embargo does not help at all; on the contrary, it further complicates the situation. Malians have become a martyred people subjected to a rebellion, an Islamist invasion and an embargo.

I think that by the weekend there may be a consensus among the military junta, civil society and the politicians.

Thank you for your prayers, and your solidarity, which will help our country to rise again.

Thank you for everything, my sister.

I embrace you all.

Assénatou

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Bissau, April 9, 2012

Hello my very dear friend, Assénatou,

Thank you for your reply, which I have just now received, as I was away this weekend to spend a couple of days with the family in the countryside. It did us all good, to pull ourselves together given the tense situation that we are living through these days in Bissau. We returned on Saturday evening to spend Easter Sunday with Mama.

Thank you for sending us your news, despite the misfortune of the situation that Malians and Mali are going through. It's unbelievable and so disturbing that a country like Mali could experience such a rapid and violent deterioration of the conditions of human rights. And it is revolting and mind-boggling that it is always women who suffer the worst of the violence and outrages done to defenseless populations. I can’t get over it! Women raped and burned alive for not wearing the veil in Mali! We are witnessing the irreparable regression of human rights and peoples rights that took so much blood, sweat and centuries to build ... What can we do to stop all this?

As you must know, here also things are not going well at all. We're stuck with an election that all the politicians wanted to fast track to meet the deadlines set in the constitution and that almost all of them are now contesting with allegations of “electoral fraud”. I have had enough of these politicians who are always willing to come to an agreement to not agree, but never to come to an agreement to find a way forward or a solution. All the candidates claim to stand for peace and stability in the country, but all have agreed to oppose the results of the first round of these elections, even though everyone knows that even if there had been fraud, there would still be only two candidates (Cadogo and Kumba Yala) for the second round! But now the military has been given what they have always wanted, that is to say, justification for their intervention because politicians have not been able to come to agreement on a political exit from the crisis and the paralysis facing the country. Then it will be too late to do something to avoid major breakdowns... and from one catastrophe to another we run the risk of going in the same direction as the chaos in Mali now that serves the interests of only the men of hard hearts, taken hostage by hatred and violence...

When men reveal themselves to be beneath addressing the problems they have created, we turn to God ... This is why we pray constantly that God almighty will breathe compassion and wisdom into the hearts of our rulers and leaders as well as among men and women capable of influencing the course of history in the interests of the most disadvantaged of our people, those who suffer the most from this unbearable race toward ever increasing intolerance and violence.

Courage to all of us to live these difficult times with serenity, playing the role that is within our reach to sow peace and hope.

I embrace you with all my solidarity.

Maria

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COUP IN GUINEA BISSAU, 12 APRIL 2012
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Mali, 23 April 2012

Good evening my sister Maria,

I have not been able to call you lately because of the endless meetings.

Our situation is evolving very slowly on the political front but in terms of the humanitarian and security situation it's really a disaster, especially for the northern regions where rape and armed attacks continue. We hope by tomorrow we will have a government in place to address these burning issues.

I am also concerned about my second homeland, Guinea Bissau, and praying for all the men and women there.

Maria, I beg you to take this situation with some perspective. I believe that what we are going through is a necessary passage for countries that have never really known independence and therefore have also not known sovereignty. Under these conditions democracy, which requires the responsible participation of citizens in the management of our countries, is a pure fiction. Real participation and accountability require conditions of education and information. And education, information, and critical thinking have been rare commodities in our countries for a long time now. Under these conditions, the coups and other forms of violence remain possible.

In Mali it was not democracy that was making things work; it was rather the cultural values and the actions of courageous men and women close to the most vulnerable who sustained Mali. Politicians could continue their democratic farce as long as drugs, weapons and corruption did not break down this cultural rampart. Unfortunately they have taken the upper hand and it is women and children who are the first victims. Ordinary Malians and all who are far from this macabre reality hidden behind the veil of democracy are all taken aback by these events.

Today we must have a lucid understanding of all this, not just the coups d’états but going deeper to see above the fray, to bring meaning to this crucial moment in our history.

I am optimistic for our countries; we must understand that it is in these huge trials that our national cohesion is strengthened to endure.

I know you live your country as you live your own family. I beg you, keep all this in perspective, take the right decisions for you mother, your children and grandchildren.

Let us remain calm in our thoughts and our actions. Let us avoid negative information that encumbers our minds and prevents us from reflecting on our own.
My sister, take good care of yourself. Let us stay positive in our thoughts, we will survive.

May God keep us together.

I embrace you in sisterhood.

Assénatou

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Bissau, 23 April 2012

My dearest friend Assénatou,

Thank you for your sage advice, my sister. I am looking after my family as well as I can. But my heart is in a deep sadness, because of what is happening in my country.

My children are well, engaged for their country with the weapons at their disposal (mostly Internet and Facebook, among friends around the world). They say they do not want to let their dreams fly away with their country ... We live in difficult times, where the rats have left the sewers to go after their part of the cake, some in military garb, others in suits and ties, others in traditional dress, but all stinking of greed and all using the name of the people in their more or less patriotic speeches... Ah! I will take the time, one of these days, when emergencies are less urgent and less is asked of my time, to bring out the pain and rebellion that my soul is hiding to write a testament as a woman, who like thousands of others from my country, have carried children in their wombs, have borne and suckled their babies, dreaming of a future in the land of their ancestors, of peace, dignity and prosperity. Those days are still very far away, unfortunately. I see the same stories repeated from generation to generation, because what I experienced with my children after the conflict in June 7, 1998, the fear, the revolt amidst almost total powerlessness, my daughter is now reliving with my grand daughter ... It hurts too much. It is just too painful. And that is why I cry from the depths of\my soul: “Enough! Enough!” And I will make my voice heard everywhere, together with other women, men and young people, shouting together and showing publicly that we have had enough!

I embrace you with all my friendship.

Maria
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Bissau, May 7, 2012

My dearest sister Assénatou,

Last night before bed I heard the news on Radio France International about the historical, cultural and religious crimes that are being committed in Timbuktu, the holy city. How sad! What confusion! I know this must be a cause of great suffering and profound revulsion for you and other Malians... What can I say? What words can bring you some comfort? Ah! Such difficult times around the world these days, but especially in West Africa and in our homelands. But you're so brave, so courageous, so committed, that I am sure that even now you're not complaining about your fate, but are rather in the heart of the struggle, with other Malians as committed and determined as you, with the greatest discretion and closeness with your fellow citizens! Good luck and courage to you, my sister! We are with you all in our thoughts, and with all our tenderness.

I embrace you with all my friendship,

Maria

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Luttes pour la terre promise: Lettres entre soeurs d’Afrique de l'Ouest

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82019

cc A PNOTE DE L'ÉDITEUR:

Les lettres qui suivent font partie d'un échange émouvant et d’une rare perspicacité entre deux femmes qui ont été, pendant des décennies, des leaders respectés de mouvements citoyens en Afrique de l'Ouest. Deux femmes connues pour leur sagesse, leur courage, leur créativité et leur engagement sans faille pour la justice, la paix et le bien-être de leurs pays respectifs, la Guinée-Bissau et le Mali. Cette semaine, Pambazuka est heureux de partager une partie de ces correspondances personnelles, échangées à la suite des coups d'Etat survenus d’abord au Mali en mars, puis en Guinée-Bissau en avril. Les lettres ont été traduites du français et sont signés avec des noms d’emprunt pour la sécurité de ces femmes, de leurs camarades et de leurs familles en ces moments difficiles qu’ils sont en train de vivre. (La version en anglais des lettres peuvent être lues à [url=http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82019]

BISSAU, LE 5 MAI, 2012

Chères amis et amies de Pambazuka,

Merci pour l’invitation de partager une partie des échanges entre mon amie du Mali, Assénatou, et moi.

Assénatou et moi nous nous sommes rencontrées autour des causes et des combats communes au Mali et en Guinée-Bissau, en Afrique de l’Ouest. Nous nous sommes connues dans le cadre des mouvements citoyens pour plus de justice sociale dans notre continent, plus de ressources et des moyens de vies stratégiques sauvegardés pour le bienêtre de nos populations et des générations futures. C’est à partir de ces combats que nous sommes devenues des grandes amies, des vraies sœurs que nous sommes aujourd’hui.

J’aimerais partager avec vous combien Assénatou, avec sa lucidité, sa sagesse et son grand courage, a réussit à nous insuffler ce même courage et conscience, partageant avec nous son parcours et son combat d’aujourd’hui au Mali et ainsi, elle alimente et inspire aussi notre combat en Guinée-Bissau.

J’aimerais expliquer que cette correspondance ne s’est pas arrêtée là. Elle continue et poursuivra entre nous, par des e-mails et des appels téléphoniques à fur et à mesure que les situations dans nos respectifs pays évoluent et que nous sentons le besoin de se renforcer mutuellement, de se partager de l’amitié et de la tendresse. Ainsi, nous nous encourageons mutuellement, nous nous inspirons et nous gardons confiance dans l’avenir même s’il est lointain.

Nous souhaiterions partager ce témoignage, non parce que nous trouvons notre histoire originale ou spéciale. Non, c’est parce que nous savons qu’elle est si banale, mais se passe généralement dans l’ombre. Avec nos témoignages, nous souhaiterions rendre visible ces échanges entre deux simples citoyennes de l’Afrique qui se partagent leur rêve, leur souffrance, leur espoir et leur action civique pour que notre continent devienne notre terre promise, la terre où nos enfants et nos petits-enfants pourront vivre en paix et justice, solidarité et prospérité. Et nous souhaiterions encourager davantage d’échanges et plus des manifestations de solidarité entre les citoyens de l’Afrique, pour que la chaleur et l’étreinte de l’amitié et de la fraternité des nôtres soient plus intenses, plus proches et plus perceptibles que celles d’autres peuples qui nous témoignent déjà leur sympathie et leur solidarité, un peu partout dans le monde.

Si les Chefs d’États de l’Afrique se réunissent en sommet dans le cadre de la CEDEAO et de l’Union Africaine pour chercher des solutions pour nos pays victimes des coups d’États qui ressurgissent en force dans notre continent, alliés à toute sorte de violence, d’affaires sales et, surtout, de privation des droits civiques et politiques de nos populations, les intellectuels, les simples citoyens d’Afrique devraient, à leur tour, trouver des formes plus visibles et tangibles de se témoigner leur solidarité et leur engagement, de prendre le devant et parler d’une seule voix. Pour dire haute et fort que NUL A LE DROIT, AU NOM D’AUCUNE JUSTIFICATION, SOUS L’EMPRISE D’AUCUNE IDÉOLOGIE, D’AUCUNE FOI, NUL A LE DROIT DE PRENDRE SON PEUPLE EN OTAGE, POUR EN FAIRE SON BOUC EMISSAIRE !; pour se donner la force de négocier et d’imposer des conditions et des solutions qui ne le sont pas du tout et qui ne servent d’aucune façon les besoins, les intérêts et les droits des peuples qu’ils disent représenter et défendre, mais qu’en réalité ils martyrisent, ils sapent l’avenir de leurs enfants, minent leurs espoirs et détruisent leurs rêves les plus chers !

LE CRI DU RAS-LE BOL C’EST POUR TOUS CES ATTENTATS CONTRE LES DROITS DES GENERATIONS présentes et future à une patrie en paix, en sécurité où on puisse bâtir notre future et notre bien-être, avec nos mains, nos têtes et nos cœurs.
Maria

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COUP D’ÉTAT AU MALI LE 21 MARS, 2012

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Bissau, le 22 mars 2012

Ma très chère copine Assénatou,
J’ai essayé à plusieurs reprises de t’appeler au téléphone, mais tu étais successivement en communication.

Depuis hier soir qu’on est inquiet avec les nouvelles de ton pays, le Mali, une référence ouest-africaine en démocratie, prise, de son tour par un coup d’État. Ce n’est jamais gagné pour toujours, malheureusement. Mais cela nous étonne toujours, car notre mémoire est si courte.

Maman demande de tes nouvelles, car elle aussi a appris par la radio ce qui est en train d’arriver au Mali. Ma famille me demande tes coordonnées pour t’envoyer un mot. Après des successives essaies de te rejoindre par téléphone sans réussite, je me suis décidée à te faire ce message, pour te souhaiter du courage, beaucoup du courage et de la patience. Il a un dicton créole qui dit « tous ce qui commence, se terminera un jour ». Le Mali va retrouver à nouveau les voies pacifiques et démocratiques de résoudre les différends parmi les siens. Que Dieu souffle de la tolérance, de la générosité et de la sagesse dans les cœurs de touts les leaders et de toutes les forces vives du Mali, pour ouvrir les voies au dialogue démocratique et inclusive, pour refonder les piliers de la démocratie au Mali, qui tiennent en compte les aspirations légitimes de progrès des Maliens, des plus jeunes en particulier. On prie et on va continuer à prier pour le Mali, pour l’Afrique. Pour toi et ta famille, pour tous les Africains et Africaines qui embrassent leurs pays avec cœur.

Tout le monde chez nous, t’embrasse et te souhaite bon courage et paix à ton pays. De ma part, je t’embrasse avec toute mon amitié et ma plus profonde solidarité,
Maria

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Mali, le 5 avril 2012

Chère Maria,

Merci pour ton amitié et ta solidarité. Comme on dit c'est dans les moments difficiles qu'on connait véritablement ses vrais amis. Je savais la sincérité de nos liens, mais ces temps ci m'ont donné assurément confiance à nos liens.

Ma soeur, les maliens ont mal dans leur coeurs et dans leur chaire. Mais nous n'avons pas droit au découragement et à la lamentation.

Mes journées commencent très tôt et finissent très tard entre les réunions, les concertations pour que ensemble nous puissions lever la tête. C'est dur, très dur quand au nord du Mali qui est entre les mains des Touaregs et des islamistes, les femmes sont violées et brulées vives pour n'avoir pas couvert leur visage.

L'embargo de la CEDEAO n'arrange rien au contraire, il complique davantage la situation. Les maliens deviennent du coup un peuple martyr qui subit une rébellion, une invasion islamiste et un embargo.

Je pense que d'ici le weekend un consensus serait fait entre la junte militaire, la société civile et les politiques.

Merci pour vos prières, votre élan de solidarité grâce auxquels notre pays se relèvera.

Merci pour tout ma sœur

Je vous embrasse tous.

Assénatou

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Bissau, le 9 avril 2012

Bonjour ma très chère amie Assénatou,

Merci pour ta réponse que je viens de recevoir, car j’ai voyagée ce weekend pour passer 2 jours avec la famille dans la campagne. Cela nous a fait du bien à tous, pour nous ressaisir de la situation de tension que nous vivons ces jours ci à Bissau. Nous sommes rentrés le samedi soir pour passer le dimanche Pâque avec maman.

Merci pour nous envoyer de vos nouvelles, malgré le malheur d’une situation tel que celle que les maliens et le Mali sont en train de vivre. C’est incroyable, troublant, qu’un pays comme le Mali connaisse une détérioration si rapide et si violente de la situation des droits de l’Homme. C’est révoltant, ahurissant que ce sont toujours les femmes qui en subissent le pire des violences et des outrages faites aux populations sans défenses. Je ne m’en reviens pas ! Des femmes violées et brulées vivantes pour ne pas porter le voile au Mali ! Nous sommes en train de connaitre des régressions irréparables des droits de l’Homme et des Peuples qui ont coutés beaucoup de sang, de sueur et des siècles à construire… Que pouvons-nous faire pour stopper tous cela?

Comme tu dois le savoir, par ici aussi les choses ne se passent guère bien. Nous sommes bloqués avec une élection que tous les politiciens on voulu rapide pour respecter les délais prévues dans la constitution et que maintenant presque tous remettent en cause par soi-disant fraude électorale. J’en ai mare des politiciens qui se mettent toujours d’accord pour ne pas être d’accord, mais que jamais se mettent d’accord pour nous proposer une sortie, une solution. Tous les candidats se disent être des candidats pour la Paix et la stabilité du pays, mais tous sont d’accord pour bloquer le résultat du 1er tour de ces élections, quand tout le monde sait que, même s’il y en a eu des fraudes, on aurait toujours les 2 candidats (Cadogo et Kumba Yalá) pour le deuxième tour ! Mais à force de s’y opposer farouchement, on donnera aux militaires ce qu’ils ont toujours voulu, c’est-à-dire, une attestation de droit d’intervention parce que les politiciens n’ont pas été capable de se mettre d’accord sur une sortie politique de la crise et le pays est paralysé… Après, ce sera trop tard pour faire quelque chose pour éviter des dérapages majeurs… Et de dérapage et dérapage on risque d’aller dans la même direction du chaos que le Mali connais à présent et qui ne désert qu’aux hommes aux cœurs durs, prises en otage par la haine et la violence…

Quand les hommes ne se révèlent pas à l’hauteur de porter des solutions pour les problèmes qu’ils ont crée, on se tourne vers Dieu… C’est pour cela que nous prions sans cesse que le Dieu tout puissant souffle de la compassion et de la sagesse dans les cœurs de nos dirigeants et de nos lieders, ainsi que des hommes et des femmes capables de influer sur la course de l’histoire en faveur de nos peuples les plus diminués, de ceux qui souffrent avec cette course chaque fois plus insupportable vers plus d’intolérance et plus de violence.

Bon courage pour nous tous, pour vivre ces temps difficiles avec sérénité, en jouant le rôle qui est à notre portée, pour semer la paix et l’espoir. Je t’embrasse avec toute ma solidarité.

Maria

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COUP D’ETAT EN GUINEE BISSAU, LE 12 AVRIL 2012
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Mali, le 23 avril 2012

Bonsoir ma sœur Maria,

Je n'ai pas pu t'appeler ces derniers temps à cause des réunions interminables.

Notre situation évolue très lentement au plan politique/ mais plan humanitaire et sécuritaire c'est vraiment la catastrophe surtout pour les régions du nord, où les viols et les attaques armées continuent. Nous espérons d'ici demain avoir un gouvernement pour prendre en charge ces questions brulantes.

Je suis aussi pour ma seconde patrie la Guinée Bissau et prie fortement pour tous les hommes et femmes de là-bas.

Maria, je t'en prie, prends cette situation avec beaucoup de recul. Je suis persuadée que c'est un passage obligé pour nos pays qui n'ont jamais eu leur indépendance et par conséquent pas de souveraineté. Dans ces conditions la démocratie qui veut dire la participation responsable et citoyenne à la gestion de nos pays est une pure fiction. Car les conditions de la participation et la responsabilisation sont l'éducation et l'information. Il y a bien longtemps que l'éducation, l'information, la réflexion critique sont devenues des denrées rares dans nos pays; Dans ces conditions, les coups d'Etat et autres formes de violence sont possibles.

Au Mali ce n'était pas la démocratie qui faisait marcher les choses, c'était plutôt les valeurs culturelles et l'action des hommes et des femmes courageuses proches des plus vulnérables qui soutenaient le Mali. Les responsables politiques pouvaient continuer leur comédie démocratique tant que la drogue, les armes et la corruption n'avaient pas eu raison de ce rempart culturel. Malheureusement ils ont eu raison et ce sont les femmes et les enfants qui sont les premières victimes. Les maliens simples et tous ceux qui sont loin de cette réalité macabre cachée par le voile démocratique sont pris de court par ces évènements.

Aujourd'hui nous devons avec lucidité comprendre tout cela, non pas à partir des coups d'Etat mais aller plus en profondeur afin de se mettre au dessus de la mêlée, pour donner un autre sens à ce moment crucial de notre histoire.

Je suis optimiste pour nos pays, nous devons comprendre que c'est dans les grandes épreuves que la cohésion nationale se fortifie durable.

Je sais que tu vis ton pays comme tu vis ta propre famille. Je t'en prie, relativise tout cela; prends les bonnes décisions par rapport à Maman, tes enfants et des petits enfants.

Restons calme dans nos réflexions, dans nos actions. Evitons les informations négatives qui encombres nos têtes et nous empêchent de réfléchir par nous mêmes.

Ma soeur dépenses toi moins. Restons positives dans nos pensées, nous survivrons.

Que Dieu nous garde ensemble.

Je t'embrasse fort.

En toute fraternité.

Assénatou

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Bissau, le 23 avril 2012

Ma très chère copine Assénatou,

Merci pour tes conseils sages, ma sœur. Je m’occupe de ma famille tant que je peux. Mais mon cœur est dans une tristesse profonde, à cause de ce qui se passe dans mon pays.

Mes enfants sont bien, se sont engagés en plusieurs combats, avec les armes à leur porté (beaucoup d’Internet et de Facebook, entre des amis un peu partout dans ce monde) pour leur pays. Ils disent qu’ils ne veulent pas se laisser voler leurs rêves avec leur pays… Nous vivons des temps difficiles, où touts les rats d’égouts ont quitté leur trous pour s’acharner sur leur partie du gâteau, certains habillées en costume militaire, d’autres en costume et cravate, d’autres en costume traditionnel, mais tous puant à la cupidité et tous avec le nom du peuple dans leurs discours plus au moins patriotiques… Ah ! Je me donnerai du temps, un de ces jours, quand les urgences seront moins urgentes et me demanderons moins de mon temps, pour faire sortir la douleur et la révolte que mon âme cache et forme d’écriture, en guise de testament d’une femme comme mille d’autres de mon pays, qui ont engendré des enfants dans leurs ventres, ont porté et allaité leurs bébés, en rêvent d’un avenir dans le pays de leurs ancêtres, dans la paix, la dignité et la prospérité. Ces jours sont encore bien lointains, malheureusement. Je vois les mêmes histoires se répéter de génération en génération, car ce que j’ai vécu avec mes enfants suite au conflit du 7 juin 1998, de peur, de révolte dans l’impuissance presque totale, ma fille est en train de revivre avec ma petite fille… Et cela me fait trop de mal, trop de peine. Et c’est pour cela que je crie au plus profonds de moi-même, Ca suffit !!! Ca suffit !!! Et je ferai entendre ma voie partout, en criant que ça suffit, ensemble avec d’autres femmes, hommes et jeunes qui manifestent ainsi publiquement leur ras le bol !!!

Je t’embrasse avec toute mon amitié

Maria
•

Bissau, le 7 mai 2012

Ma très chère sœur Assénatou,

Hier soir, avant de me coucher j’ai écouté les nouvelles sur l’RFI sur les crimes historiques, culturelles et religieuses qui sont en train d’être commises à Tombouctou, la cité sainte. Quelle tristesse ! Quel désarroi ! Je sais que tout cela te fait à toi et à toi les maliens de la souffrance et de la révolte la plus profonde… Quoi te dire, comment te dire un mot qui puisse vous apporter un peu de réconfort ? Ah ! Que des temps difficiles, un peu partout dans le monde, mais en Afrique Occidentale et en nos patries en spécial. Mais t’es si brave, si courageuse, si engagée, que je suis sûre qu’à l’instant tu n’es pas en train de te plaindre de ta sort, mais plutôt sur le vif du combat, avec d’autres maliens engagés et déterminés autant que toi, dans la plus grande discrétion et dans l’intimité de vos concitoyens! Bon courage et bonne chance, ma sœur ! Nous restons avec vous dans la pensée, avec toute notre tendresse.

Je vous embrasse avec toute mon amitié,

Maria

Global and national resistance to GMOs

Nnimmo Bassey

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81980

cc G FTo push genetically engineered crops into Africa, the promoters work hard to ensure lax biosafety laws, ignore the Africa Model Law on Biosafety and ensure lack of transparency while truncating participation.

INTRODUCTION: THE PRECAUTIONARY PATH

Our focus in this presentation is on modern biotechnology in crops and animal species. Traditional biotechnology is as old as agriculture and quite harmless. We are not also looking at hybridisation of crops or animals. We will also not advance into any detail on the area of nanotechnology, or the newer and probably more worrisome, synthetic biology.

A cardinal principle to consider whenever there is to be an intervention that would have impacts on the planet’s biodiversity is what is termed the Precautionary Principle enshrined in the Cartagena Protocol (adopted in 2000) of the Convention on Biological Diversity. It requires that at a minimum every nation should exercise a precautionary principle when it comes to the introduction of GE crops or organisms into the environment. In simple terms, this principle requires that we tread the path of caution whenever there is doubt about genetically engineered organisms or products. This protocol deals with living modified organisms (LMOs) that may have adverse effects on the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity, It takes “into account risks to human health, and specifically focusing on transboundary movements”. The term "living modified organisms" is what is usually termed genetically modified organisms (GMOs).

With regard to genetically engineered foods and organisms, proponents claim that there is substantial equivalence between the genetically engineered crops and the natural counterparts. Substantial equivalence as the term implies suggests that there is no serious differences between the two groups.

However, this claim is not supported by fact. If the substantial equivalence concept were to be substantiated in fact, there would be no need for patenting of the engineered crops or organisms.

Second, if the products were equivalent to natural species, then makers of GE foods and crops would be bold enough to clearly label their products knowing that there would be no objections by consumers.

Proponents of GE crops and products clearly know that their products have significant and yet to be fully understood environmental, social and cultural implications. Thus they seek to con consumers by not labelling their products.

As the earlier presentations must have already covered, genetic engineering entails the moving of DNA materials from one life form to another. This movement can overrun traditional and natural means of reproduction that occurs within species and make the crossing of species boundaries possible. Thus, DNA materials from plants can be inserted in animals or fish. These actions are made possible by the use of gene markers and other processes that raise new issues as such could entail the use of antibiotics and that would suggest implications when such antibiotics are used for medical purposes. Resistance to the drug can result.

NAKED EYES

We should point out at this point that GE plants or animals can often not be identified by visual examination. With exception of fish or animals engineered to have an absolutely unnatural outlook, the differences between GE crops or animals are not overtly physical. This is an important point to make, and to keep in view.

To illustrate the peculiar problem this raises, we will consider how rabbits were introduced into Australia. Note that rabbits can be identified by visual observation from dogs and cats. Yet, once rabbits were released into the Australian environment it was impossible to recall them.

Once a GE crop or animal is released into the environment it becomes impossible to recall them, no matter how loud your bull horn may be!

Now, in 1859, Thomas Austin imported 24 rabbits from England to Victoria, Australia for an interesting reason. According to him, “The introduction of a few rabbits could do little harm and might provide a touch of home, in addition to a spot of hunting.” [1]

Forty years later, farmers were already abandoning their properties because of a rabbit plague. The rabbits had moved from pets to pests! As the years went by, plants and trees were chewed away by a combination of cattle and sheep rearing and the activities of rabbits. Severe sandstorms began to happen and entire homesteads were buried by dust and children lost their lives in the storms. There were attendant health issues. To control the rabbits people resorted to shooting, trapping, poisoning, fencing, etc.

By 1951, almost one hundred years later, biological control of rabbits was introduced through the use of the virus-disease myxomatosis. This resulted in reducing the rabbit population from about 600 million to about 100 million. Remember that only 24 rabbits were introduced.

Lessons from the rabbit story:

1. Exotic species introduce unintended ecosystem effects
2. They bring in risks that my not have been foreseen
3. Once introduced into the ecosystem, GE organisms cannot be recalled

GE organisms have more serious impacts than mere exotic species. Because they mimic natural relatives, they cross breed with these and thereby contaminate the biodiversity. The result is biodiversity erosion as the GE organisms have aggressive and dominant traits. The implication of this is that a diverse ecosystem could be reduced to single specie, and if a disease that cannot be handled attacks this specie, the ecosystem would suffer catastrophic losses. This is one critical argument against these organisms.

There are many other concerns with regard to the cultivation of GE crops, for example. They thrive best as monocultures and depend largely on inputs such as pesticides and chemical fertilisers. They pose a direct threat to our traditional agriculture and the knowledge accumulated over centuries of interactions with our environment.

These and other reasons are the bases for resistance to the introduction of GE organisms in many parts of the world. It should be said at this juncture that the technology is largely spread by stealth – pollute, compromise and legalise. It gets accepted where the ecosystem is already contaminated beyond remedy.

GENETICALLY ENGINEERED MYTHS [2]

Some of the claims used to push genetically engineered organisms by their promoters include:

1. That GE crops produce higher yields than their natural relatives
2. That GE crops require less pesticides, because some of them produce pesticides
3. That GE crops are more nutritious
4. That GE crops are the only way to feed the ballooning population of hungry Africans and would increase food production for the growing world.
5. GE crops/organisms are “under control” by scientists and biotech industry who developed them
6. Increase in yields would reduce the demand for agricultural land
7. Less water is needed to grow them
8. Poor farmers would be core beneficiaries

The claims of the modern biotech industry have remained consistent over the years even though they have been largely and constantly discredited. Friends of the Earth International researches and publications [3] and the work of other NGOs have clearly shown that the claims of the industry are nothing but myths. The myths persist because of corporate capture of policy institutions and governments.

• The myth of higher yield. Groups such as the Union of Concerned Scientists of the USA have shown that GE crops at best have equal yield with natural varieties. In other words, they hold no advantage in this area. This is so despite the fact that the industry starts off with the best seeds available. We must keep in mind that this technology works in monocultures and is not amendable to the mixed cropping and small scale farming that characterise African agriculture.

• The myth of less reliance on agrochemicals. The industry claims that with GE crops farmers use less pesticide, herbicides and other toxic chemicals. The truth is that farmers have to contend with increasingly resistant weeds called super weeds, and stronger pesticides are needed to annihilate super bugs.

• The myth of substantial equivalence with natural species. The biotech industry claims that their drops are substantially equivalent to natural varieties, but if this were so there would be no need for patents. Patents indicate that the products are not natural, but fabrications of the industry.

The myth of being more nutritious may well be one of the most audacious claims of the biotech industry. Their efforts at grabbing the market require new ideas. Rather than having people eat fruits for vitamin A and others, they claim that the way out lies in engineering enhanced levels of the vitamins into staple crops. The sad truth, as was shown by researchers including Ma Wan-Ho [4], is that a person would have to eat 5 kilograms of genetically engineered golden rice in order to derive an equivalent amount of vitamin A that one can get from eating two carrots. According to Vandana Shiva, The problem is that vitamin A rice will not remove vitamin A deficiency (VAD). It will seriously aggravate it. It is a technology that fails in its promise. [5]

In order to push genetically engineered crops into Africa, the promoters of the technology work hard to ensure lax Biosafety laws, ignore the Africa Model Law on Biosafety and ensure a reign of lack of transparency while truncating participation.

The biotech industry and allied governments continue to critically erode our collective genetic diversity through modern biotechnology, or genetic engineering. They have succeeded so far because authorities tend to believe that anything technological must be good and must be exploited. This thinking has worked against the setting up of strict rules and allowed weak regulation of the sector to our collective detriment.

Issues being fought over in the CBD include monitoring and identification, labelling of products and liability regimes. Efforts are being made by some international agencies to ensure that national biosafety laws in African countries are weak and the environments open for contamination.

In Nigeria the push for the introduction of GE crops and products has been supported by some people whose job was to legislate for strict controls. On 9 December 2009 a Public Hearing on the Biosafety Bill was organised by the Joint Committee on Science and Technology and Agriculture of the House of Representatives in Abuja. It is also instructive to note that whilst government ministries, agencies and other pro GMO groups were informed of the date for the hearing, through a written letter, three weeks beforehand and therefore had ample time to summit their memoranda on the draft bill, ERA/FoEN, other groups and the generality of the Nigerian public were informed of the hearing, a week to the hearing, through a newspaper. One thing was evident from the start of the debate, the organizers, were unanimous in their conviction that GMOs must be introduced in Nigeria. This position was evident not only in the tone of honourable Members of the House in their respective welcome remarks, but also by speeches and goodwill messages from mainly biotech research-based organizations that took the podium on invitation from the Chairman of the House Committee on Agriculture, Hon. Gbenga Makanjuola. According to Makanjuola (sponsor of the bill), “biotechnology was a technology that could not be stopped and must be accepted by Nigerians.”

In 2009 the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) complained about GE products from India, Brazil and China entering the US market on key grounds including: expected health impacts and environmental impacts. These are two of the serious grounds that countries around the world have based their rejection of agricultural modern biotechnology. As already mentioned the precautionary principle in the Cartagena Protocol of the CBD was drafted to take care of the uncertainty inherent in genetic engineering.

The false ground on which GE crops are being promoted is that they are the solution to hunger in Africa because such crops yield better than normal varieties and can be manipulated to have higher levels of nutrients such as vitamins that our people lack due to dietary regimes. There are also arguments that GE crops rely on less pesticide as some are engineered to kill target pests. It is said that such crops need less agro-chemicals. Critical research has shown that these claims do not hold water. It bears repeating that the Union of Concerned Scientists in the USA issued a report in April 2009 showing that the higher yields claim is fatuous. At best, the scientists said, GE crops yields are similar to those of normal varieties. As for some GE crops being pest resistant, it has also been seen that non-target pests sometimes get hit thus diminishing our biodiversity.

Although the Nigerian Biosafety bill is still in its draft form, GE products are already on our market shelves and genetically engineered crops are already on field trials and may indeed be out in the environment.

The Nigerian Root Crops Research Institute (NRCRI) Umudike got the nod of the Ministry of Environment to conduct field test with what they called “super cassava” – a variety engineered to have enhanced levels of vitamin A. There were protests over the approval calling to question the use of Nigeria as a dumping ground for tests concocted in laboratories from outside the country and pretending that these are home-grown ideas and experiments. Our institutions will continue to fall prey to foreign manipulation as long as they depend on foreign bodies, with foreign agenda, for funding.

The GE cassava project went ahead despite the protests and the Federal ministry of agriculture is busy promoting their so-called cassava bread without telling Nigerians that the cassava is genetically engineered.

FOOD FUTURE

In 2008, after three years of solid work, over 400 scientists, 30 governments from developed and developing countries, as well as 30 civil society organizations concluded an epochal work under the International Assessment of Agricultural Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD). About 60 countries endorsed the report at a meeting in Johannesburg in April of that year.

The Assessment process was initiated by the World Bank in partnership with organizations such as the FAO, GEF, UNDP, UNEP, WHO and UNESCO and representatives of governments. The IAASTD examined the potential of agricultural knowledge, science and technology for reducing hunger and poverty, improving rural livelihoods, and working towards environmentally, socially and economically sustainable development. The report concluded that modern biotechnology would have very limited contribution to the feeding of the world in the foreseeable future. The conclusion was that a viable food future lies in the creative support of ecological agriculture in which small-scale farmers will continue to play a major role. Initially participating biotech industry sector pulled out of the IAASTD when they couldn’t impose their agenda on the study team.

The biotech industry and their backers have over the years vigorously resisted the labelling of GE products and would rather have them sneaked into peoples plates without their knowing. A minimum that a regulatory system should require in this matter is the mandatory labelling of GE products as such to enable consumers make informed choices and decide if they want to to eat them. This is the ethical thing to do. But the biotech industry does not want this. The argument of the industry is that GE crops and products are substantially equivalent to natural varieties.

PATENTING LIFE, AGRA AND OTHER MOVES

Major players in the biotech industry, such as Monsanto, maintain a battery of lawyers who snoop around and sue farmers for infringing their patent rights even when they (Monsanto) should actually be held liable for having their seeds contaminate the farms of farmers who choose not to cultivate GE crops.

Talking about this biotech industry giant brings to mind the specious philanthropic thrust that is seeking to open the African environment to GE crops and products. The Alliance for a Green Revolution for Africa (AGRA) sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation has vigorously denied on various occasions that they intend to use modern biotech tools in their tackling of hunger in Africa. Their denials have met scepticism and the recent revelation that the Bill Gates Foundation was making investments in Monsanto should send clear signals to perceptive Africans and African governments that this Alliance is based on the platform of philanthropic capitalism. This is one sustained means of pushing GE crops and products into Africa.

WE WILL EAT WHAT WE WANT: RESISTING GMOS IN AFRICA

The other route through which GMOs are pushed into Africa has been through food aid as well as uncontrolled commercial imports. The food aid route became public in 2002 when Zambia exercised her right to choose what sort of foods to allow into her territory and rejected genetically engineered maize as food aid. Zambia was vilified and pressured but refused to buckle. Questions were asked as to why hungry people should choose to stay hungry rather than eat GE products. There were similar pressures on Angola and Sudan in 2004 when they experience food shortages. In some cases nations asked for milled maize as food aid as whole grains could find their way into the environment and contaminate local varieties. We note here that Zambia rejected GE food aid, weathered the storm and produced a bumper harvest the following year. In fact, while the debate raged in 2002 there were good harvests in other regions of Zambia and aid in cash could have assisted the nation to purchase and move such foods to needy areas. Truth is that food aid is big business. The type of aid given is not merely dictated by the fact of hunger.

SALMONS AND WARRIOR MOSQUITOES

The USA Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has faced a running battle as consumers resist the introduction of genetically engineered (GE) salmon which contains a modified growth hormone gene, for sale to US consumers. Although the fish was first conceived in the 1990s it has not found acceptance by the public.

One variety engineered by AquaBounty is an Atlantic salmon with a Chinook salmon growth gene inserted into its DNA. It is then reinforced with a growth gene from a third fish, an ocean pout. This growth gene is inserted in a way that makes the fish grow faster than unmodified salmon.

Critics fear that “the fish will escape and contaminate wild populations of salmon, and that the fish requires much wasteful transport since it would be cloned in Canada, grown in Panama, and then flown back to the U.S. for consumption.” They also see the whole scheme as utterly unnecessary and would only serve the interest of the company producing it, by helping it secure the control of the salmon market. [6]

Opposition to this GE fish has come from a wide range of groups including a group of 40 Representatives and Senators from both the US Congress and Senate who have called on the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) not to approve the GE salmon intended for human consumption. They are questioning the approval process and the lack of adequate public consultation.

Scientists at a company in the UK have produced suicide mosquitoes that would help fight dengue fever and possibly malaria. The male mosquitoes are genetically engineered to be sterile so that the reproduction by fever causing female mosquitoes would be impaired. This is done by giving the male mosquitoes lethal genes that cause the fever causing larvae to die.

Millions of mosquitoes have been released in parts of Malaysia, Brazil, and the Grand Cayman island in the Caribbean on trial runs.

The genetically modified (GM) male mosquitoes were released in Pulau Ketam, a fishing village south of Kuala Lumpur in an attempt to kill Aedes mosquitoes which spread dengue fever.

Environmental groups that opposed the plan posed this question: "Like all GM organisations, once they have been released in the wild, how do you prevent them from interacting with other insects and producing mutants which may be worse than the Aedes mosquito?” The warrior mosquitoes were also released in 2009 in the Grand Cayman, an island in the Caribbean.

Analysts see these experiments as record-setting in scientific history as the first release of GM insects that could bite humans. They note that: “What's scandalous about this field trial is that it was largely conducted in secret. Few people on Grand Cayman knew the mosquitoes were genetically modified. The local population was largely kept in the dark.

“When the trials were made public a year after the first release of the insects, the locals wondered whether they'd been bitten by these potentially dangerous Frankenstein mosquitoes. Understandably, they felt taken advantage of. "I believe that we are the guinea pigs here," wrote a disgruntled islander on the website of the Cayman News Service. Another asked: "Are we considered so dim-witted and unlearned that we cannot participate in our own environment? Were we considered to be a calculated risk?" Nongovernmental organizations like GeneWatch, a British NGO, have condemned the experiments with GM mosquitoes.” [7]

PROTECT OUR STAPLES

Government should prohibit the genetic engineering of our staples as the exercise puts the future of our agriculture at jeopardy. With the many species and varieties available naturally, attacks by pests or diseases affect some while others thrive. When the varieties are lost through genetic engineering an attack on that trait could a catastrophe, a disaster. We must keep in mind that biological attack could also be done through this opening. We mention here also the so-called terminator technology that seeks to produce seeds that do not germinate so that farmers keep buying seeds yearly, held at the jugular by seed traders and overturning our agricultural practices and systems.

Modern biotechnology portends danger to species because it promotes cross species breeding and manipulation that nature does not normally promote. For example genetic materials can be introduced from animals into plants or fishes to create new “products.” Overall, genetic engineering picks the best crops and introduces dominant traits that the engineers or sponsors desire the organism to have. Once the product interacts with the environment and crossbreeds with similar or related species, all acquire the introduced dominant traits and the wide varieties previously in the environment is reduced to one. The genetic erosion posed by genetic engineering is a serious threat to the preservation of species and varieties of life forms on earth.

There is no controversy in the fact that human actions have caused a great loss of genetic biodiversity. This has implication not to the health of the environment but directly also on the health of humans and their communities.

GROWING RESISTANCE

1. Europe has 169 regions, 123 provinces and 4,713 municipalities that have declared themselves GMO-free.
2. In six EU countries, GMO-free zones cover almost the entire country: Poland, Greece, France, Austria, Switzerland, and Italy.
3. Germany has 190 municipalities with a ban
4. Switzerland has a moratorium in effect until 2013
5. Ireland has declared itself a GMO-free zone.
6. Nearly all Australian states have adopted moratoria against GMOs
7. Thailand has banned GMO field trials and does not allow commercial plantings
8. Five states in India have banned GM cultivation
9. Some local Japanese governments have banned or restricted GM crops
10. Five provinces in the Philippines are GMO-Free zones
11. Venezuela has declared itself GMO-free
12. GMO-free initiatives in the U.S. include five counties in California that have moratoriums in place
13. Alaska in 2006 adopted a state law requiring labels on GM fish
14. Many states in the US have introduced bills to label GM seeds, foods, etc. Most are pending in committee. [8]

We note that recently many countries have been taking steps to protect their agriculture from pollution through modern biotechnology and to secure the safety of their national food systems. Some examples:

1. Benin Republic has maintained a moratorium on GMOs over the past 10 years.
2. Peru approved the law banning GM production for 10 years. [9]
3. The Mexican States of Tlaxcala and Michoacán each passed legislation banning the planting of genetically modified corn to protect natural plants from further contamination of transgenes. [10]
4. China has said that GMO is not a priority following public debate and outcry over safety concerns of GMO food. [11]
5. In the United States: GM crops banned in the California counties of Mendocino, Trinity and Marin.
6. In New Zealand: No GM foods are grown.
7. In Germany: There is a ban on the cultivation or sale of GMO maize.
8. In Ireland: All GM crops were banned for cultivation in 2009, and there is a labeling system for foods containing GM to ensure that such foods are identified as such.
9. In Austria, Hungary, Greece, Bulgaria and Luxembourg there are bans on the cultivation and sale of GMOs.
10. In France: Monsanto's MON810 GM corn had been approved but its cultivation was forbidden in 2008. There is widespread public mistrust of GMOs that has been successful in keeping GM crops out of the country.
11. Madeira the autonomous Portuguese Island requested a country-wide ban on genetically modified crops last year and was permitted to do so by the European Union (EU).
12. Switzerland banned all GM crops, animals, and plants on its fields and farms in a public referendum in 2005, but the initial ban was for only five years. The ban has since been extended through 2013.

CONCLUSION: NIGERIA DOES NOT NEED GMOS

Nigeria does not need GE foods or crops because we cannot afford the ecological and health impacts. Unfortunately some of these products have been sneaked into our markets and with lax regulations our people are eating them without being aware of the fact.

In 2007 and 2008 when ERA and colleagues in Friends of the Earth Africa conducted tests on imported rice in Ghana, Cameroon, Nigeria and Sierra Leone we were shocked to find illegal GMO rice in the markets in Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. There are various vegetable oils on market shelves that have GE elements in them.
Although marketers of these products are resisting labelling, it is essential that consumers read the labels on products that contain corn and vegetable oils before purchasing them.

The biggest potentials of GE crops are those of polluting our environment, exposing our people to health risks and of course subjugating the agriculture sector to the apron strings of biotech seed companies.
Independent scientists have shown that GE crops and foods have direct health impacts.

These are the reasons why the push to erode the continent’s biodiversity through genetic engineering and monoculture must be resisted.

Most of the GE crops currently being commercialised end up as animal feed in the global north while the toxic impacts are in the global south. Examples are the soy deserts in South America that feed the cows of Europe.

We conclude by noting that GE crops are actually engineered to tolerate herbicides produced by the companies who made them. Thus farmers buy herbicide tolerant seeds from the companies that made the herbicides. This is simple business sense. You get hooked and the company controls you farming processes. Findings are that many of those herbicide tolerant crops are learning not to tolerate the herbicides. This results from resistance in the crops. The appearance of some weeds broadly categorized as super weeds confirm this. Farmers have to use iuncreasingly stronger herbicides against resistant crops.

The report of IAASTD [12] we referred to earlier clearly shows that the future food needs of the world will be met through small-scale family farming and not modern biotechnology. This is the time for farmers and agricultural producers to come together for the push to secure the future of the continent. Government has a duty to support small-scale, mid-scale farmers/farming, provide the space for education, research and support of agro-ecological agriculture and block the entry of toxic technologies and actively support the human right to food.


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* This paper was presented by Nnimmo Bassey, Executive Director, ERA/FoEN, at the Workshop on Genetically Modified Foods and Organisms - Concept, Benefits and Disadvantages held at the Aminu Isah Kontangora Indoor Theatre Complex, Makurdi, Nigeria, 2-4 May 2012.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

END NOTES

[1]Quoted from http://www.agric.wa.gov.au/programs/app/barrrier/history.htm
[2] This section is largely extracted from Bassey, Nnimmo (2011) Hunger Myths, Politics, Food Aid and the Destruction of Local Agriculture, a chapter in the book Don’t Play Politics with Hunger by ERA/FoE Nigeria
[3] See various editions of Who Benefits from GMOs on www.foei.org
[4]Mae-Wan Ho. 2002. Golden Rice' - An Exercise in How Not to Do Science. TWN Biotechnology and Biosafety Series No.6 See also http://www.twnside.org.sg/title/rice2.htm
[5] Vandana Shiva. THE "GOLDEN RICE" HOAX -When Public Relations replaces Science
http://userwww.sfsu.edu/~rone/GEessays/goldenricehoax.html
[6]Greenberg, Paul (2011). Genetically engineered salmon’s fishy promises. http://grist.org/industrial-agriculture/2011-06-05-genetically-engineered-salmons-fishy-promises/
[7] von Bredow, Rafaela (2012), Genetically Modified Pests = The Controversial Release of Suicide Mosquitoes. http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,812283,00.html
[8] See: www.environmentalcommons.org/gmo-tracker.html

[9] Peru approves law banning GM production for 10 years
http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2011/11/perus-congress-approves-10-year-gmo-ban/
[10] Two Mexican States ban GM corn! http://foodfreedom.wordpress.com/2011/03/0
[11] GM in China 'not a priority' http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/23/china-agriculture-idUSTOE71M04V20110223
[12] International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development(2008)

South Africa: Respect our rights

Pumla Gqola

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82004

cc W HThe proposed law results from consultations between the state and traditional leadership structures. It ignores the voices of millions of rural women disenfranchised by those structures.

The Traditional Courts Bill is meant to replace the Black Administration Act of 1927 with a law that is constitutional.

Instead, if passed, it will in effect strip between 17 million and 21 million people living in rural South Africa of many of the rights we enjoy in the rest of the country.

About 59% of these people are women, who, along with other members of their communities, will cease to be citizens and exist only as subjects.

As is stands, the bill creates a separate legal system for rural folk, geographically recreating the old Bantustans with no irony on the eve of the centenary of the 1913 Land Act.

Let me first dispense with the two main problems with the consultation process. The bill results from consultations between the state and traditional leader structures.

It patently ignores input by the Rural Women’s Movement based on consultation with hundreds of rural women pointing to the multitude of ways in which existing tribal hearings deliberately disenfranchise them.

Most rural folk were deliberately kept in the dark about the drafting process.

In the past few weeks, many rural communities expressed outrage when confronted with the bill for the first time.

Once again, the culturalist argument is being made for resisting this bill.

Those who oppose it are hostile to cultural African legal and dispute mechanisms, and we are reprimanded.

Yes, this bill partly recognises what is already operational in many of these spaces.

This includes royal patriarchs who explicitly endorse the kidnapping of girls into marriage – ukuthwala – as Chief Mandla Mandela does, to those who silently endorse it, such as Chief Mwelo Nonkonyana.

Many rural communities organise against repressive patriarchal practices, resisting forced unpaid labour, refusing to pay tribal levies, and in countless ways refusing to be docile subjects of chiefs who are given absolute power by this bill.

Legal researcher Dr Simiso Mnisi reminds us that ordinary rural Africans shape and reshape custom, culture and practice all the time. She calls this living custom.

Living custom enables culture and custom to continue to work in the interest of those who own it.

Academic Mamphela Ramphele has also challenged the false opposition often held up in conservative culturalist arguments between “foreign” legal systems at work in the rest of the country and “indigenous” legal systems that will be protected in the proposed bill.

She points out that our specific legal framework is home-grown.

We created our Constitution and legal framework. We did not import it from anywhere else. This is why it is the most progressive Constitution in the world and is globally recognised as such.

The creation of this document was achieved with the full knowledge of the brutality that laws can enable.

If there is any competition or doubt, it arises from various systems emerging from the same space that laws are meant to regulate.

The bill will bestow the final say on the chief presiding over a dispute.

It is a backlash against innovative applications and manifestations of culture by the majority of communities that are refusing to be held hostage.

Progressive chiefs do not need the bill in its current form to enshrine the chieftaincy of state-recognised royalty, elected leaders or other leaders who may contest the legitimacy of the ruling indunas and chiefs.

It takes power away from most rural folk and enshrines a feudal order that has no support.

I grew up in a part of the country that suddenly became a homeland at the end of one school year. Homelands benefit only those in power and their cronies.

In a democracy, all of us should have the same rights. Those who are rushing this homeland bill through require our complicity, our averted gaze.

But we can stop this bill from going through by ending the secrecy, publicly challenging it and holding our government accountable. We need to remember that the state works for all of us, not just the urban folk.

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* Pumla Gqola is the feminist author of What Is Slavery to Me? published by Wits Press in 2010. She is associate professor of literary and gender studies at Wits University and a steering committee member of the 1in9 Campaign. She writes in all her capacities.

* This article was first published by City Press.

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Rising tribalism in South Africa

William Gumede

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82016

cc WikimediaA solidarity for the vulnerable that cuts across the ethnic, regional and political divide is the final counter-balance against tribalism in South Africa.

A new wave of tribalism is threatening to unravel South Africa’s infant democracy, destroy economic development and unleash devastating ethnic violence if not stopped decisively.

This apparent new upsurge in tribalism in South Africa appears to be driven by a number of factors. There has been appallingly poor political leadership at the helm of South Africa. A perception has now taken root that to be successful in South Africa, whether securing a job or a tender in the public and private sectors depends mostly about whom you, rather than one’s talents.

South Africa appears to have now become a patronage based society, which fuels tribalism, rather than a merit-based one.

The ANC’s cadre deployment policy has in some instances gone horribly wrong and has often been abused for opportunistic, factional and tribal ends. Leaders’ sometimes deploying family, friends and allies from their own region or ethnic community, to key positions in government and business – rather than based on talent, skills and capability.

Rampant public sector corruption, poor public service delivery and unaccountable public servants has also led to people either not trusting government or arguing the only way to secure services is through lobbying their ethnic compatriots who are in senior ANC or government positions.

The perception has taken root that the Jacob Zuma presidency is only looking after his “own” and is not using the talents of all the talent within the ANC, let alone all South Africans, which is absolutely necessary to create wealth for all, rather than the few.

Recently some people have whispered about the ‘Zulufication’ of appointments because of the perception that the president is mostly appointing individuals in key posts, especially those in the security networks, from KwaZulu Natal. Zuma’s perceived silence during his campaign to oust former President Thabo Mbeki as leader of the ANC, when some supporters wore ‘100% Zulu’ has created the impression that the president approves the politics of ethnically centered patronage.

Sadly, some individuals are starting to turn what should be purely political differences into ‘ethnic’ differences. It appears that some KwaZulu ANC members although they may not happy with the record of the Zuma presidency, want to call ranks and support the re-election of the President solely on the basis of he is ‘one of us’, rather than purely on the merits of Zuma’s performance in the presidency. They apparently feel not to vote for Zuma at the ANC’s December 2012 Manguang national conference would be a ‘betrayal’ of ‘their’ community.

Under former President Thabo Mbeki those whom he sidelined from posts in the ANC and government accused him of ‘Xhosa-nostra’ because of the perception that he surrounded himself by key individuals from the Eastern Cape. Again, although Mbeki publicly lambasted narrow tribalism, he was not perceived to translate this anti-tribalism sentiment into making sure that all public appointments at all times are seen to be from a broad range of communities.

There is a real danger that the ANC’s internal provincial, regional and branch elections in some provinces where there is a diverse ethnic or regional spread, will turn into ethnic votes, with people voting for someone from ‘their’ ethnic group, to provide services for ‘their’ group, giving the fact that they perceive the government not to deliver, ANC deployment committees to be controlled by, and tenders awarded by, specific ‘ethnic’ factions. The other danger is that the ANC’s 2012 Manguang national conference will turn into ethnic camps, with people voting along ethnic lines for leaders on the basis that would be the only way - by supposedly getting someone from ‘their’ group into the ANC leadership - for patronage, public services and appointments to government from ‘their’ communities.

Tribalism can also now been seen in the private sector. It appears that some organised (white) business - if white English-speaking South African sectors, give preference to ‘their’ community, especially those who went to particular schools and universities. In some cases it appears that white Afrikaans-speaking businesses also give preference to ‘their’ community. It appears that some South Africans of Indian-descent also feel they have to rally around ‘their’ community. Some South Africans of ‘coloured’ background again say they are now being marginalized because they are not black ‘enough’.

In some areas in Limpopo and the North West provinces, again particularly in the mining sector, there are reports that some locals say only those from ‘their’ tribal community should benefit in deals. In some parts of the country it is alleged that a business deal or tender will not be approved, unless the local chief or king gets a cut. The civil services of some provincial governments looks like Bantustans in their ethnic make-up. In some parts of the Eastern Cape some argue that only locals should be appointed to public sector jobs. Sadly, this Bantustan patronage system pattern in the appointments and tenders in the public sector appears to be replicated across the country.

In some cases, some white South African professionals specifically joined the ANC because they fear that their talents would be totally marginalized, and by being an ANC member, they at least stand a better chance of being appointed to senior positions in the state. Some white businessmen have also joined the ANC’s business forum, hoping that at least that would give them access, since they perceive themselves to be outside the politically favoured ‘ethnic’ group. Yet, other white businesses appears to appoint politically connected blacks with connections with the ‘right’ group as an insurance policy, to their boards and as senior executives.

These actions appear to be a protective mechanism amid the perception (in the case of some white, Indian or Coloured South Africans) that the state only delivers for ‘blacks (Africans)’. Ironically, many of the very blacks the state is supposedly favouring are also feeling marginalized; and some (of the supposedly favoured ‘blacks’) blame their wrong tribal affiliation for their marginalization. The tragic story in Africa since independence is that in almost every African liberation and independence movement that came to power, only a small elite have benefited from the end of colonialism or white-minority rule. Sadly, many of those who got rich after independence and liberation were mostly those who were connected to dominant leaders, factions, families, regional or ethnic groups of the liberation or independence movements.

The benefits of ethnic pork-barreling will always be short-term, yet the consequences to the health of the wider society pernicious.

The developing countries that have been successful since the Second World War, particularly those from the East Asian developmental states, have done so by empowering the widest number of people at the same time, not just one ethnic group or an elite. Those developing countries where only a small elite, whether based on ethnicity, region or political faction, became prosperous, have as countries stagnated, became corrupt and sometimes even de-industrialized.

Even the post-Second World War Western European reconstruction was premised on a social contract which was based on lifting everyone from poverty together, and not only a few lucky ‘ethnic’ ones. In fact that has been the basis of the Western European welfare state: it was based on the fact that everyone in society must be looked after, whatever their ethnic or political affiliation.

Colonialism and apartheid bequeathed South Africa an ethnically diverse society, which will always need wise leadership to forge an inclusive society. In an ethnically diverse society, the basis of governing must be to lift everyone, no matter their ethnicity, region or language, collectively out of poverty.

Appointments must be on reasonable merit, balancing out racial injustices, and must be seen to be fair. The basis of the ANC’s policy of deployment should be about head-hunting for the best talent across the country - and outside - that would have fallen through the cracks.

Effective public services, accountable and responsible leaders that serve all – and are perceived to do so - and policies and their implementation that aim to lift the largest amount of people out of poverty, no matter their ethnicity, colour or political affiliation; using all the talents of South Africa, are the best guarantees against tribalism.

Lastly, the constitution and democratic institutions, are the glue that binds all the diverse South African communities together. Attacks on the constitution and democratic institutions, the manipulation of them and appointments to such institutions that is narrow politically, ethnically and regionally based, will only encourage people to seek refuge in tribalism as protection.

Ultimately, a solidarity for the vulnerable that cuts across the ethnic, regional and political divide – this means that social justice must underpin governing – is the final counter-balance against tribalism.

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* William Gumede is honorary associate professor, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg; and author of the bestselling ‘Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC’.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Courts in charge of (re)writing history?

Vincent Larochelle

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82031

cc G E PAre international criminal courts serving political agendas rather than upholding legal principles of justice? The recent ruling on the Charles Taylor case raises troubling questions.

‘[M]y only worry is that the whole system is not consistent with all the principles we know and love, and the system is not consistent with all the values of international criminal justice, and I’m afraid the whole system is under grave danger of just losing all credibility, and I’m afraid this whole thing is headed for failure’.
- Justice Sow, alternate judge at Charles Taylor’s trial.

Judges of International Criminal Law sit in the no man’s land between international politics and law. The judgement given by the Trial Chamber II of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) on 26 April 2012 - convicting former President of Liberia Charles Taylor of war crimes and crimes against humanity - is not just a legal declaration. It is also a politically sensitive statement of fact. Indeed, the Trial Chamber II’s judgement conferred the weight of International Criminal Law’s authority on a particular narrative of what happened in Sierra Leone during the civil war, and the extent of Charles Taylor’s responsibility for these events. What Justice Sow was trying to say last Thursday in his ‘impromptu dissent’, before his microphone was cut and the curtains dropped on the public gallery, is that the SCSL has a political agenda that is incompatible with some of the fundamental procedural and substantive requirements of a legal system. So long as this remains the case for the SCSL and similar courts, International Criminal Law is bound to remain a form of soft power used by and against governments in repentance of their past failures rather than a vehicle for the legal accountability of political actors, and the impunity of these actors is far from being a thing of the past.

One can only speculate as to what precisely Justice Sow meant when he said that ‘there were no serious deliberations’ in Charles Taylor’s case. Less equivocal is his statement that ‘under any mode of liability, under any accepted standard of proof, the guilt of the accused from the evidence provided in this trial is not proved beyond reasonable doubt’. What transpires from these statements is that the guilt of Charles Taylor was not established through a legal process, or at least not one in which judges give serious consideration to the proof presented by the Prosecution and Defence, and certainly not one which adheres to the principle of presumption of innocence (embodied in the necessity to prove culpability beyond reasonable doubt). This might explain why the SCSL has an almost perfect track record of conviction (with only one acquittal) despite hearing complex and time consuming cases. In mature legal systems, cases with a similar complexity and scope are notoriously unsuccessful. In the U.S. for example, the DiNorscio trial, which lasted years, was such a fiasco that it was made the subject of a movie.

Justice Sow’s statement is not a dissenting judgement. It is an accusation brought against the SCSL which needs to be taken seriously. Other UN-mandated courts, for example the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), are open to the same criticism. Despite having jurisdiction to do so, the ICTR has refused to bring any indictments against any of the officers of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). In 2006, Human Rights Watch published, to no avail, its concern for the ICTR’s failure to address violations of Humanitarian International Law by the RPA during 1994.1 In 2004, Filip Reyntjens commented that the post-genocide regime in Rwanda has prevented the ICTR from carrying out its full mandate. The ICTR’s subjection to politics has caused it to fail in two respects. Firstly, it means that the RPA’s actions were committed with impunity despite the existence of a jurisdiction to try them, which contradicts the very purpose of International Criminal Law. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, the ICTR has contributed to rewriting history: the Rwandan genocide has obscured the fact that there was a civil war in Rwanda during the genocide.

Many are of the opinion that Charles Taylor deserves to spend the rest of his life in prison, and have hailed his conviction as a triumph of international justice. Nevertheless, if we are sacrificing the fundamental principles of legal systems in order to appease the exigencies of politics and public opinion, we are lynching both Charles Taylor and the ideal of international criminal law itself at the same time.

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END NOTE

1. http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2006/06/01/ictr-should-address-serious-violations-international-humanitarian-law-committed-rpa

The cabalization of the Republic of Malawi

Uche Igwe

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81974

cc T LAlthough the Malawian constitution is clear about succession in the event of the death or incapacitation of the president, a cabal close to the late President Mutharika wanted to install their own man in power instead of Vice President Joyce Banda.

About a month ago, the world was awoken with the news of the death of the Malawian President, 78-year-old Professor Bingu wa Mutharika. He reportedly collapsed in his official residence on the 5 April and became unconscious after he suffered a cardiac arrest. He was thereafter rushed to the nearby Kamuzu Central Hospital in the country’s capital Lilongwe where he was confirmed dead. Medical sources within the hospital informed the media that the leader could not be treated or kept in a hospital in Lilongwe because the power and energy crisis was such that the hospital could neither carry a proper autopsy nor keep his body refrigerated. Mutharika was flown to South Africa where he was received dead on arrival.

In the chronology of events, one could easily identify three points of resonance and convergence between what happened (or did not happen) in Lilongwe and the drama that surrounded the unfortunate death of former Nigerian President Umaru Yar’ A’dua in 2010.

The first point is that when the president was rushed to the hospital in Lilongwe, the hospital allegedly had run out of adrenaline and epinephrine. These are essential drugs used for resuscitation of patients who suffer a cardiac arrest. These drugs are usually pumped into the heart muscles of the patient to monitor and confirm the flow of neuro- electronic impulses. It took about an hour to replenish supply of these essential drugs from another medical facility by which time the president allegedly had given up. If the number one citizen of a country could not get medical treatment, one will then wonder what will be the fate of more than 14 million Malawian citizens. According to United Nation Development Program (UNDP), more than 73 per cent of Malawians are poor, out of which one million live with HIV/AIDS, forcing average life expectancy to 52.7 years in 2010.

The second point is that, even though it is believed that President Mutharika died before he got to hospital in Lilongwe, his wife Callista, brother Aurther-Peter Mutharika and close cabinet members withheld the information from the Malawian public. Instead, they hurriedly hired an air ambulance to carry the clinically confirmed corpse of the late president over to South Africa. It was alleged that the air ambulance was delayed for a few hours as the pilot realized that he had to airlift the ‘sick’ President as a cargo. He had to spend some time to obtain specific International Air Travellers Association (IATA) clearances necessary whenever a human body is being carried as a cargo internationally. As the cloud of uncertainty hung in the air about the death of the President, former Information Minister Patricia Kaliati ‘informed’ the media on 6 April that she had just spoken to the president and that he was ‘hale and hearty’. This was the same night that the ruling Democratic Progressive Party’s governing council were still contemplating on what to do.

The point relates to how an imminent constitutional crisis was averted. Though the Malawian Constitution clearly states that in the case the president dies or become incapacitated the vice president should automatically take over, the inner political caucus of the president thought otherwise. The Vice President of Malawi (now President), Mrs Joyce Banda, though wilfully chosen as a running mate had fallen out of favour with Mr. Mutharika in 2010 and was expelled from the ruling party and she went ahead and became founder and leader of the Peoples Party. While President Mutharika was allegedly ‘receiving treatment’ in South Africa, his close associates were working relentlessly to stage a ‘coup’ that would subvert the constitution and pave way for the late president’s brother and anointed successor, the Malawian foreign minister, to take over government.

After 48 hours of suspense, deception, intrigue and power play, a combination of intense domestic and international pressure paved way for the emergence of Mrs Joyce Hilda Banda as the fourth democratic President of Malawi and the second female President in Africa after Liberia’s Helen Johnson-Sirleaf. There were pockets of drunken jubilation among the locals who had repeatedly called for the late president’s resignation in the past few months and had accused him of executive high handedness, mismanagement of the economy and trampling on democratic freedoms. It will be recalled that last July 19 civilian protesters were shot dead allegedly on the orders of the late President.

Questions are being asked as to whether President Mutharika died on the 5 or 7 April. Palpable confusion engulfed the scene, as the inscription on the coffin side at the official lying in state ceremony changed from 7 to 5. On the cross carried on the 23 April when the president was buried, there were bold black letters which stated that the president died on the 6 April.

Once upon a time in Abuja, then in Lilongwe, it seems that a deeper reflection on Presidential succession must come to African political radar screen. Why do African presidents choose their deputies only for geographical, ethnic or religious convenience and not competence? Why do they always disagree? Is it not time for the African political class to make room for many eventualities that could lead to the death of a sitting leader or better still create a room for a less acrimonious succession? Who says that ‘cabal’ is a Nigerian word!

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* Uche Igwe is a governance expert. He can be reached via ucheigwe@gmail.com
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Bingu’s legacy and the political future of Malawi

Steve Sharra

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82048

cc W E FThe late President Mutharika was hailed at home and abroad. But after the 2009 landslide re-election victory, his quest to engineer the election of his brother to succeed him in 2014 and increased autocracy astounded many.

Questions about dead presidents’ legacies are best left to historians writing a generation removed. But for the late Malawian President Prof. Bingu wa Mutharika, we can be sure of a few things that will be part of his national and international memory. On the bright side, he gained worldwide fame with the farm input subsidy that ended Malawi’s chronic food crises. The first decade of the 21st century started on a curious note for Malawi: two famines in three years, 2002 and 2005. The second famine came less than a year after Bingu’s election in 2004. It gave him enough resolve to adapt a concept from the opposition, garner donors’ support for it, and make a name for himself and for Malawi.

In 2007, Mutharika appeared in the New York Times, Financial Times, and the Los Angeles Times, in what pundits called the Malawi Revolution. From a paltry 1.2 million metric tonnes of harvested maize in 2005, Mutharika’s subsidy programme increased the yield to 2.7 million metric tonnes in 2006, and to 3.4 million in 2007. When he became Chairperson of the African Union in 2010, he introduced the Food Basket, an idea he hoped would be proliferated across the continent. Subsistence farmers who had never harvested enough to last them till the next season sang praises for Mutharika.

They are many who mourned his passing. AIDS patients in Malawi who were destined for an early death now live relatively longer and healthier lives, thanks to anti-retroviral drugs that became available during his tenure of office. Bingu put the food surplus as his number one achievement, and included the anti-retroviral drugs on the list of things he had achieved. He built new roads where previous presidents had failed. He courted the Chinese, whose infrastructure projects have changed the skyline of the capital city Lilongwe. Mutharika’s entry on Wikipedia lists eight international awards he received between 2008 and 2010.

In 2011 an award he had been poised to receive was withdrawn after protests from critics who argued that he had veered from his path and was now becoming an oppressor of his own people. Events of the last two years of his presidency and his life will loom large in his legacy. Commentators point to a 2009 landslide re-election victory, and the quest to engineer the election of his brother to succeed him in 2014, as the beginning of an astounding about-turn.

Signs started a few months after the May 2009 re-election. He announced that access to the University of Malawi, perennially one of the lowest in Africa and in the world, would be based on a quota system rather than on full merit. Next came a single-minded determination to change the Malawi flag. A rising sun full of symbolic potential was changed to a full sun; an argument for how Matharika had so developed Malawi it was no longer a developing nation. That came complete with fabricated surveys and TV mikes pushed in front of traditional chiefs forced to defend the flag change.

It started looking like President wa Mutharika was not fond of listening to opposing views. In December 2010 the Vice President, Mrs Joyce Banda, was expelled from the Democratic Progressive Party, for allegedly forming “parallel structures”, code for being ambitious to contest for the presidency in 2014. On February 12 the Inspector General of Police Peter Mukhito (who has now been sacked by Mrs Banda) summoned Dr. Blessings Chinsinga, political science lecturer in the University of Malawi. Dr.Chinsinga was interrogated on allegations that he was inciting an uprising.

Then followed a lecturer’s strike; they were asking for an apology and a reassurance that their academic freedom would be guaranteed. Mutharika told Malawians that Mukhito was the best Inspector General of Police the country had ever had. He instructed the University Council to expel four lecturers from the university, including leaders of the academic union.

Then came July 20. The atmosphere for most of 2011 was fractious, and what had looked like democratic debate quickly degenerated into a shouting match between Mutharika and Malawian civil society. Activists organized demonstrations in the major cities of Malawi, where a petition to the president was delivered. It asked for lasting solutions to fuel and forex shortages, drug shortages in hospitals, and improved governance.

The police quickly used force which angered protestors whose movements during the marches had been restricted. Anger boiled over and masses took to the shops. There was looting and damage of property, to which the police responded with deadly fire. At the end of two days of rioting twenty people had been killed, the majority of them in the northern city of Mzuzu. Malawi had changed overnight.

In 2012 there have been high profile arrests of leading human rights activists and opposition politicians, for charges that looked trumped up to many. Mutharika was not prepared to show signs of relenting, nor were his detractors. The economy continued sinking, with prices of basic necessities going up every week. March 2012 saw developments reminiscent of 1992, twenty years to the month when Catholic bishops triggered off a revolution toward multiparty politics by issuing a March 8th pastoral letter against the excesses of then life president Dr. Hastings Banda’s rule.

The Public Affairs Committee, a group comprising religious and civic leaders, asked Mutharika to either find solutions to Malawi’s problems, or resign. He was given 60 days. Twenty-five days into the ultimatum, he suffered a massive heart attack and died. It was the worst possible nightmare for the Democratic Progressive Party. Members started breaking ranks, in the process revealing plots to prevent the Vice President, who remained in office by virtue of the constitution, from acceding to the presidency. Rumours indicated that the army stepped in quickly but quietly and made it clear to everyone that the constitution was supreme.

President Joyce Banda became southern Africa’s first ever and Africa’s second female head of state. Her coming to power has so far shown there’s a restoration of ties with donors so aid can resume and the economy can breathe again. Mutharika was overtly troubled by the conspicuous economic vulnerability of Malawi, an economy held hostage by the West, but seemed oblivious that it was his own abysmal diplomatic skills that made that problem so apparent. The future of Malawian politics will need to shine a bright light on this problem.

Current thinking on governance is turning toward “developmental leadership” in which coalitions are seen as key. Women leaders are thought to be better at exercising “power with” rather than “power over,” which renders itself to coalition building. But the tendency is to focus on individuals rather than systems. Power politics changes people, and as long as we remain unaware of how this happens, we will continue ending up disappointed by overly ambitious expectations. Malawians are conflicted about events of the past few days: mourning a departed leader while at the same time celebrating what appears to be a new opportunity for a fresh start. On their own, female leaders may not necessarily change African politics. But there is a body of scholarly evidence that women’s presence does play a moderating influence on machismo. Two on the continent is a good place to start, and Malawians seem eager to spearhead the transformation.

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Reclaiming Malawi: Solidarity in times of peril

Steve Sharra

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81975

cc T LVarious forms of solidarity have been seen in Malawi recently. But effective solidarity can only be achieved when the elites shed their tendency to alienate those groups they see as ‘illiterate’, ‘uneducated’ and ‘ignorant’.

Twenty years ago on March 8, 1992, Malawi’s Catholic bishops authored a pastoral letter which triggered a political revolution that removed the Malawi Congress Party, and president-for-life Ngwazi Dr. H. Kamuzu Banda, from power. They had ruled Malawi as a one-party state for thirty years. I was a 20 year-old student-teacher in March 1992. During the school year I taught and lived in a rural part of Malawi where I experienced Malawi’s most significant political, social and economic transformation since the struggle for independence in the 1960s. An examination of Malawi’s struggle for independence in the 1950s and 1960s and my personal experience of the transition to multiparty democracy in the 1990s lead me to conclude that both revolutions were made possible by a type of class solidarity in which both the elites and the rural masses joined in the cause. It is now twenty years since the pastoral letter, and 48 years since independence. Can Malawians in 2012 rely on the kind of solidarity seen in the 1950s and 1960s, and in the 1990s?

SOLIDARITY ON THE MARCH

The events of 2011 and early 2012 do demonstrate the existence of forms of solidarity amongst various social groups. Of particular interest in this discussion are five events. The academic freedom struggle in the University of Malawi, the 20 July 2011 demonstrations, the undressing of women, the arrests of human rights activists and opposition politicians, and the three-month strike by judiciary staff all offer evidence of growing solidarity in Malawi. There have also been expressions of solidarity from outside Malawi, which have been looked upon by the government as undue interference in its domestic affairs. We will first address each of the five events, before returning to them to expose cracks that opened up in the solidarity wall. We conclude with the observation that greater solidarity in Malawi can only be achieved when Malawian elites shed their tendency to alienate those groups they see as “illiterate”, “uneducated” and “ignorant”.

The University of Malawi’s academic freedom showed high levels of Malawian solidarity. The lecturers enjoyed the sympathies of university students, secondary school students, school teachers, civil society, opposition politicians, religious leaders and even ordinary people in the villages. One secondary school hosted a forum in which they invited representatives of the lecturers to go and talk to students about the struggle. When a university student, Robert Chasowa, was murdered on campus on September 24, 2011, representatives from the lecturers’ union were asked to lay wreaths at the funeral. When civil society organisations organised mass demonstrations to protest what they termed “bad governance” and economic mismanagement on July 20, support came from various sections of Malawian society. Churches got involved, as did opposition politicians, street vendors and market traders in a number of districts.

On Tuesday 17 January 2011 several women in the city of Lilongwe were undressed by men believed to be street vendors. The men were said to be targeting women wearing trousers or short skirts. The next day the episode spread to the commercial capital Blantyre and the northern city of Mzuzu. Many Malawians felt scandalized and strongly spoke against the practice. A number of male activists joined female activists at a protest march in Blantyre, where church leaders, civil society activists, politicians, and professional men and women attended. Some street vendors turned up at the march but were reportedly sent back.

On February 13 this year the Malawi police arrested renowned lawyer and human rights activist Ralph Kasambara after he and his security men apprehended five individuals believed to have been planning an arson attack on offices belonging to Kasambara’s law firm. Kasambara and his security men took the suspects to the nearest police station, where the police turned on Kasambara and arrested him. The police claimed Kasambara had abducted and assaulted innocent people. Reaction to Kasambara’s arrest was phenomenal, hitting international airwaves within hours. Malawians kept vigil at the prison where Kasambara was taken before being granted bail after a re-arrest and a hospital stay due to a heart condition. Similar levels of support and solidarity were seen when opposition legislator and presidential aspirant, Atupele Muluzi, son to former president Dr. Bakili Muluzi, was arrested on Monday, 19 March and charged with inciting violence. That arrest came days after another high profile arrest, that of John Kapito, out-spoken chair of the Malawi Human Rights Commission, who was curiously accused of obtaining forex without proper documentation. Kapito was arrested days before he was scheduled to travel to Geneva, Switzerland, to make a presentation to the UN Human Rights Council.

Commenting on the solidarity shown to Ralph Kasambara, presidential spokesperson, Dr. Hetherwick Ntaba, observed that nobody was coming to the defense of thousands of poor, unknown Malawians languishing in jails amidst the judiciary strike. The judiciary strike itself also manifested healthy solidarity, with judges and magistrates joining in. Civil servants also considered laying down their tools in solidarity.

CLASS FISSURES

As opportunistic as Dr. Ntaba’s remarks sound, they point to a trend that paints not so rosy a picture of Malawian solidarity. Four days after the watershed events of July 20, 2011 Sunday Times columnist Deborah Nyangulu-Chipofya wrote about how the protests had been characterized by class exploitation and indifference. She pointed out how a petition that was delivered to President Bingu wa Mutharika at the end of a protest march on that day had been circulated through email and Facebook, reaching only a tiny section of Malawians. She quoted a part of the poster circulated through emails and social media, which provided details of where people would assemble. It said: “If you cannot join and you are a Chief Executive, Managing Director, or any other Officer, or working in the Police, Army, and if you are a Civil Servant please release your house servant/gardener on this day of 20th July.”

Nyangulu-Chipofya listed the residential areas which the poster mentioned by name calling on Malawians to take to the streets. They were mostly areas where the urban poor live. None of Malawi’s high class suburbs were listed. More revealing was the mode used to disseminate the announcement for the protests. According to the website Internet World Stats, as of June 2010 there were 716,400 Internet users in Malawi, out of an estimated 15,879,252 people, representing only 4.5 percent of the population. By December 2011 there were about 112,100 Facebook users in the country, representing a 0.7 percent penetration rate. Other observations she made were that the petition was written in English, and had not sought the views of ordinary Malawians, most of whom have no Internet access.

The January 17 episodes where women were undressed in the streets also laid bare more class fissures in the solidarity edifice. Malawian street vendors, wrote Dr. Linje Manyozo of the London School of Economics, “live in abject marginalization, in which their life is a form of death in itself.” Rather than view them as single-minded perpetrators, Dr. Manyozo’s article, published in the online newspaper Nyasatimes, sought to provide a class analysis of the image of Malawian vendors, using postcolonialist theorist Gayatri Spivak’s trope of the “sub-altern.” Dr. Manyozo argued against representing the assaults from a human rights perspective, suggesting they were “a political act in which marginalized groups used violence as a form of communication.” Responses to Dr. Manyozo agreed with his analysis, but others pointed out how he had overlooked the suffering that Malawian women were already subjected to, made even more apparent by the attacks.

MISSED OPPORTUNITIES

That both Malawian women and street vendors could be equally seen as victims of different forms of class warfare and exploitation was lost. A female pastor recently told President wa Mutharika that she knew he did not mean it when he spoke out against the attacks on women and said Malawian women were free to dress as they pleased. Churches continue to impose dress codes forbidding women from wearing trousers and short skirts to church. Ironically, it is women themselves who strictly enforce these dress codes against fellow women.

In recent weeks the current debate raging inside Malawi has been about whether or not the currency, the Malawi Kwacha, should be devalued. President wa Mutharika has launched a massive campaign against calls for the devaluation of the Kwacha, insisted upon by the International Monetary Fund, Malawian economists and other commentators. In February President wa Mutharika invited traditional leaders to Sanjika Palace in the commercial capital Blantyre. There he spoke to them about his views on why the Kwacha should not be devalued. Following the Sanjika meeting chiefs took to the state-owned airwaves and spoke in support of the president’s agenda. The reaction in the media has revealed the strong attitudes many elite Malawians hold about the chiefs. The chiefs have been called ignorant and uneducated, illiterate and incompetent to comment on matters of economic theory. These views have been expressed by opposition legislators, civil society activists, newspaper columnists and radio commentators.

As February drew to a close, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party withdrew two members of parliament from international bodies where they were representing the country. Grace Zinenani Maseko, MP for Zomba Changalume, was withdrawn from the SADC Parliamentary Forum; whereas Jennifer Chilunga, MP for Zomba Nsondole, was withdrawn from the Pan African Parliament. Both Maseko and Chilunga left the DPP in 2011 and joined newly formed People’s Party, belonging to Vice President Joyce Banda, who herself was expelled from the ruling party in 2010. During deliberations, it was women MPs who rose and supported the expulsion of their fellow women from the parliamentary bodies, while male MPs remained quiet.

CONCLUSION: SOLIDARITY RECLAIMED

Which brings us back to the question we started this discussion with: Can Malawians in 2012 depend on the type of solidarity seen in the 1950s and 1960s and in the 1990s? Although Malawi’s elites like to think of themselves as speaking for the masses, the picture on the ground points to class fissures in which some in the educated class look after their own interests while thriving on Western charity justified in the name of poor Malawians. Even more troubling is the seeming absence of a class consciousness which would otherwise acknowledge the presence of the problem as a first step toward addressing it. But solidarity has a rich history in Malawi. It will be instructive for Malawian elites to ask themselves questions that would help them draw historical lessons from the triumphs of Malawian solidarity in the past.

How did the generations of the 1950s and 1960s manage to build unity and achieve such a momentous goal as national independence? How did that unity dissipate within such a short period, leading to the one-party dictatorship? How can Malawians reclaim the arrested development of traditional forms of governance and leadership, which represent the majority of the population? What does it mean that a very high percentage of Malawi’s population is prevented from active civic participation because of the choices elite Malawians have made for the country in a misguided quest for modernisation?

Answers to these questions will help Malawi reclaim solidarity for the 21st century. Malawians will need to rethink the place of uMunthu values in the modernization process, and to seek new ways of restoring dignity and promoting a sense of communion with those sections of society considered to be “illiterate,” “ignorant” and “uneducated.” Malawi needs a new unity of purpose that will deal with hypocrisy and exploitation by both politicians and the educated classes.

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* Steve Sharra PhD is a teacher and blogs at Afrika Aphukira and for Global Voices Online. He moderates Bwalo la Aphunzitsi, an online forum for Malawian educators, and BloggingMalawi, an online forum for Malawian bloggers.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The collapse of the Euro; the Fall of the CFA

Chika Ezeanya

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82022

cc M M PAfrican countries operating under the exploitative CFA Franc must free themselves from its shackles.

The euro zone continues to falter as uncertainty surrounding the fiscal actions of Greece and Italy, skyrocketing unemployment figures and living costs lead to ever gloomier predictions. Conversely, most African economies are increasingly recording impressive growth rates in GDP and in other yardsticks.

One sore point of convergence in the Euro-Africa recession and growth dichotomy, however, is the Franc Zone. That is, those former French colonies still under the economic protection of France as evidenced by their use of the CFA franc as a unifying currency. While the rest of sub-Saharan African countries have in recent times recorded between 5 – 11 per cent growth rates, the CFA franc zone has lagged behind at 2 – 3 per cent and even less.

The CFA originally meant Colonies Francais d’Afrique or French Colonies of Africa and as the name implies was the currency imposed upon France’s colonies at the end of WWII. Several years after Independence, the name CFA has remained and only seemingly amended to now mean Communaute Financiere Africaine, or the African Financial Community.

In practical terms, and apart from the mere exchange of the wordings of the letters C and F, not much has changed in the operating system of the CFA Franc. From creation until present times, the CFA Franc exchange rate was fixed and pegged to the French Franc, until France pledged allegiance to the European Union. France immediately transferred the loyalty of her Franc Zone protectorates by pegging the fixed exchange rate of the CFA franc to the Euro.

The reason for the creation of the CFA in 1945 remains the motive behind its enthronement in French West and Central Africa till date. WWII had bastardized the French economy leaving the French Franc seriously devalued. The French Treasury came up with the idea that it would make sound economic sense to create a separate currency for its colonies. A currency that will be of a higher value than the valueless French Franc will yield much returns to French exports of manufactures to the colonies, and increase the profits accruable to the numerous French companies operating in the colonies. Couching this far-from-altruistic action in the usual colonial humanitarian rhetoric, Rene Pleven, French Finance Minister announced that ‘in a show of her generosity and selflessness, metropolitan France, wishing not to impose on her far-away daughters the consequences of her own poverty, is setting different exchange rates for their currency.’

Over the decades that followed, the CFA Franc was variously unilaterally devalued by France, the latest being in 1994. With the switch of allegiance to the Euro in 1998, the CFA Franc now became intertwined with the ups and downs of the Euro currency.

France continues to gain overwhelmingly from the continued existence of the CFA Franc. French companies still make-up the greatest share of the private sector of the Franc Zone, and are awarded most public contracts. The CFA fixed exchange rate, pegged to the Euro and overvalued, makes it possible for these French companies to be shielded from the Euro depreciation. As the CFA Franc is overvalued, Franc Zone countries are at best incapacitated in their ability to build home grown industries to compete effectively with their French counterparts. This is made worse by the fact that the French Treasury mandates all countries using the CFA Franc to remit 50 per cent of their foreign exchange reserves to France.

When viewed from the lenses of the prevailing international monetary conventions, the continued pegging of the CFA Franc fixed exchange rate to the Euro smacks of double standards. The United States has consistently chided China for pegging its currency to the dollar, declaring it a practice that destabilizes the global trading arrangement. The United States has however ignored France and the EU’s pegging of the CFA Franc fixed exchange rate to the Euro.

With its December 2011 front cover ‘Africa Rising’, The Economist retracted its May 2000 cover story, ‘Africa, the Hopeless Continent’. The revered international magazine came rather late to recognize and extol the growth of businesses, investment opportunities and a conducive transactional climate in Africa. But the magazine forgot or ignored the fact that almost the whole Franc Zone has remained stagnant and exempt from this surprising and celebrated turn in Africa’s economic situation. The CFA Franc domination of French West and Central Africa has all but ostracized the countries involved from the increasing intra-African trade and economic buoyancy.

Apart from the grave and debilitating social-psychological effect of continued dependence on one’s former and current exploiter for economic sustenance, the seemingly intractable Euro zone crises has made the Franc Zone a misnomer amidst sub-Saharan Africa’s exponential progress.

For the fourteen CFA Franc Zone countries to record success like the rest of Africa, they must resolve to collectively take decisive action against one of the major sources of their continued economic backwardness, the CFA Franc. But that would almost amount to handing the Franc Zone a gun to hunt in a forest filled with lions or choose starvation instead.

France is feared in the CFA zone. Severe and deadly covert manipulations aside, France holds enormous political influence over its former territories and has made it clear in the past that it would employ whatever means possible to maintain the status quo.

But in the face of starvation, the Franc Zone must realize that death must come one way or the other and it is only wise to die hunting for food than to die avoiding death. What the zone needs is enormous political will, the kind exercised by President Kagame of Rwanda when he booted France out, changed the official language from French to English and joined the Commonwealth. This kind of political will calls for radical actions on the part of the Franc Zone, specifically, a coup against the CFA by the issuance. Make no mistake about it; France will fight like a wounded lion. The Franc Zone is its last hope in terms of economic returns and exploitation. But there seems to be no easy way out for the Franc Zone. They must unite and fight to take back their currency, their future and their lives.

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* Chika Ezeanya is the author of Before We Set Sail Some of her articles can be found on www.chikaforafrica.com
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

The failure of the Arab “State” and its opposition

Hisham Bustani

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81976

cc A TThe post-colonial Arab state was everything else but a state. Concepts like the rule of law, governing institutions and citizenship rights did not apply. With a few exceptions, the organised Arab opposition seldom challenged this system.

After one year of the Arab uprisings that initially exploded in Tunisia and swept like wildfire throughout the Arab world, it became very clear that the spark, which has resulted in the removal of three oppressors so far, was spontaneous. That does not mean that the explosion had no preludes. On the contrary, the people were squeezed with each passing day, but those uprisings clearly showed that even in the absence of an organized catalyzing formation (revolutionary party, revolutionary class), an explosion takes place when a certain threshold is reached, a critical mass.

Uprisings in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet-bloc states came about through the work of organized opposition groups and parties (like Solidarity in Poland), and by decades of calm covert undermining, infiltration, and propaganda undertaken by the West. By contrast, the Arab uprising was not led by an organized opposition. Instead, it came as a surprise to the imperialist circles that historically backed their client oppressor regimes.

THE FAILURE OF THE POST-COLONIAL ARAB “STATE”

Following the British-French-Italian colonialism of the Arab region, the Europeans left behind an area that they deliberately divided into “states”. These were designed so as to leave no possibility for their becoming truly independent and sovereign. They also left a watchdog and an easy solution to assuage their anti-Semitic-burdened consciousness: “Israel,” a colonial-settler state that would maintain the imperialist design in the wake of the physical withdrawal of its patrons.

The post-colonial states were subordinate by design, by their innate nature of being divided and incomplete, and by the ruling class that followed colonialism. The homogeneous collective of people that included many religions, sects, and ethnicities was also broken down. Colonialism fueled internal conflicts, and the subsequent Arab regimes maintained that tradition and kept in close alliance with the former colonizers. Alliance here is an overstatement. A subordinate structure cannot build alliances. It is always subordinate.

Thus, the post-colonial Arab “state” was everything but a state. Concepts like “the rule of law” or “governing institutions” or “citizenship rights” did not apply. Countries were run with a gangster mentality. There were no “traditions” or clear sets of rules that applied to all. Unlike the model of a bourgeois democracy where rules, laws, and traditions maintain and preserve the capitalist system and apply to all its components, this form was not present in the post-colonial Arab “state.” The ruling class were free to issue laws, revoke laws, not implement laws, not implement constitutions, amend constitutions, forge fraudulent elections, embezzle, torture, massacre, confiscate basic rights, indulge in blatant corruption, fabricate identities, and pass on the presidency from father to son.

The example closest to the modern post-colonial Arab state is the Free Congo State (1885-1908) which was the private property of the Belgian king Leopold II, along with all its people, resources, and 2.3 million square kilometers territory. The post-colonial Arab state is nothing but an expanded feudality. Its head answers to imperialist powers that pay certain amounts of “foreign aid” and finance and train armies and police, all to keep people beyond the explosion point using a composition of fear and the fulfillment of very basic needs that are portrayed as grants and the accomplishments of the ruler. The same imperialist powers that paid their bribes in “aid,” worked hard through IMF economic-restructuring schemes and World Bank loans to dismantle any possible internal independent growth, and worked hard to privatize the public sector.

The Arab regimes, reigning over a further subdivided space that is economically and politically destroyed, extracted their authority from external delegation and internal terror, and succeeded in transforming themselves into a buffer, a guarantor for all the divided segments. They succeeded in absorbing almost all opposition frameworks into their structure, and in producing coreless governing institutions, thus giving themselves much longer life spans than one would expect for such a system.

THE FAILURE OF THE ARAB “ORGANIZED” OPPOSITION

Just as the imperialist centers and Arab regimes failed to predict the time of the onset and the magnitude of the Arab uprisings, so did opposition organizations. The latter were not part of it. Nor did they work toward it. Nor did they add any value to it after its onset.

With a few exceptions (like the Kifaya movement in Egypt, the Islamic al-Nahda Party and The Workers’ Communist Party in Tunisia, and some intellectuals in Syria), the organized Arab opposition (political parties, unions and other organizations) seldom challenged the Arab regime and its system. While the interwar period saw the emergence of a number of ideological movements that sought to rectify the colonialist design for the region, many such groups were either tamed or became absorbed in the status quo. The opposition regularly sought acknowledgement and legitimacy from the Arab regimes. The opposition wanted to be “legal,” and it followed the “rules” set by the regimes and accepted their reign.

Thus, the organized Arab opposition was actually a factor of stability for the Arab regimes, adding to their longevity. It was not until people took things into their own hands, rejecting the legitimacy of the Arab regimes and acting autonomously, away from the established opposition via more creative forms, that things started to move.

A quick review of how the organized opposition behaviour following the uprisings can provide a clue as to how they acted during the uprisings and in the period that led up to them. The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt never challenged the Mubarak regime. On the contrary, it periodically sent comforting signs showing that they wanted the Mubarak regime to continue . The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt did not participate in the early days of the uprising, and after the uprising it backed the Military Council and its oppression of the demonstrations of January 2012 . Many of the so-called leftist and nationalist organizations in Jordan, Palestine, and Lebanon are currently backing the Bashar Assad regime and its massacre in Syria.

The organized opposition often dreamt of a moment when the people would rise up against their oppressors. Rightfully, they diagnosed the Arab regimes as tools of imperialist intervention and the main obstacles to any liberation project. Now they ally themselves against the people and with the regimes. They do so because they are empty. Over the years they failed to present any alternative, neither in theory or in practice. They are empty and they are afraid of a future outside they are unable to control, comprehend, or contribute to. Like Israel, they “know” the current regimes . What will happen next is something they don’t know, and they lack the capacity to influence it. So – just like Israel – they’re willing to stand against it.

THE UNITY OF THE OPPRESSED IN THE ARAB WORLD

Pan–Arabism often dreamed about a unified Arab homeland, but other than military coups that ultimately transformed into local oppressive regimes, it lacked any tools to fulfill that dream. Some independent Arab Marxists worked for some sort of “union of the oppressed.” The people of the Arab world are diverse and were fragmented by different factors along sectarian, religious, and ethnic divides. It is only when the oppressed realize that they are united by their own miserable status that people tend to mobilize en masse and achieve their common goals. This was what actually happened in 2011.

The mobilization in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen fulfilled that requirement, so it was partially successful. By contrast, the mobilization in Jordan was made along the local pathogenic divide (those of Palestinian origin vs. those of East Jordanian origin), so it was doomed to failure and can be understood as a movement within the regime rather than one from outside it.

Another key lesson was proven by the immediate contagion of the uprising phenomena throughout the Arab world. What started in Tunisia echoed with different volume levels from Morocco in the West to Bahrain in the East. There is a material integration of people’s interests. For example, continuity can be seen in the almost automatic demonstrations across the Arab world against Israel when it regularly and bloodily attacks Palestinians. This was further stressed by the same continuity when confronting the Arab regimes. The people of the Arab world find depth, support, and power in one other, and they tend to be inspired by each other, and they still think that their cause is one. No wonder, then, that the colonialist powers and their successor dependant Arab regimes fought hard to maintain the isolationist division of the post-colonial states.

It is no surprise then that Arab uprisings are finding it difficult to proceed beyond the conditions of colonially-fabricated states. The uprisings must seek solutions beyond the crippling designs in order to break from subordination and become a true revolution.

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* Hisham Bustani is a writer and activist from Jordan. He has published three volumes of short fiction in Arabic.
* This article was first published by Al Akhbar. The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect Al-Akhbar's editorial policy.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Senegalo – Gambian relations: Continuities in the past and future

Jeggan C Senghor

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81977

cc WikimediaClose ties between Senegal and The Gambia go back many decades. But the collapse of the Senegambia Confederation underscores one lesson among many: Every effort must be made to ensure popular support for cooperation endeavours.

THE PAST

For over four decades the history of relations between Senegal and The Gambia was dominated by an almost exclusive focus on ways and means of crafting ‘Senegambia’; that is, the integration of the two states of Senegal and The Gambia into a single state. The experience falls into six phases. First, the 1958 to 1967 period witnessed a concerted effort to work out the approach to and methodology for furthering cooperation, the purpose and objective of such cooperation and what precise modalities were to be adopted. Such discourse had been launched in 1958, even before either of the two countries gained full political independence. To assist in the process of defining the alternatives to cooperation United Nations expert assistance was secured but sharp differences in perspectives between the two leaderships resulted in a stalemate.

The all-dominant role of national politics and perceived national interests frustrated any rapid advances to integration. This first period was the most critical; yet it coincided with the most intense competition for political power, especially as successive constitutional changes brought the likelihood of independence nearer. The process had commenced since 1954 and became fiercely competitive by the end of the decade. A major reason was the emergence of the Protectorate as a political force to challenge the Colony-restricted politics; the introduction of universal adult suffrage contributed to these new dynamics. The political stakes were higher. The 1960 and 1962 General Elections confirmed this shift in the locus of political power from the Colony to the Protectorate, as did the attainment of self-government status (October 1963) and independence (February 1965).

In the circumstances, the issue of cooperation and integration between Senegal and Gambia was trapped in the maelstrom of national politics. By the end of the period, especially after the negotiations over the UN report in May 1964, it appeared that the functional methodology was the preferred option of The Gambia government. For the Senegalese government, on the other hand, instant integration was favoured. But, it decided to go along with the Gambian position in the expectation that, with time, the latter would be won over.

As it turned out, the second phase of cooperation, 1967 to 1980, was to be the halcyon days of ‘Senegambian’ cooperation. It saw the establishment of institutional infrastructures, particularly the Senegalo-Gambian Secretariat, mainly to service the political and technical bodies designed to intensify cooperation between the two states through a host of framework protocols and agreements. Consequently, substantive cooperation in a multiplicity of sectors was achieved and ‘Senegambian integration’ took on real meaning. Both in terms of scope or level, there was a noticeable increase in cooperation activities. Regardless of the measurement employed ‘transactions’ increased exponentially. In fact, it could be said that interactions at all levels and in all areas – the generality of the populations, technocrats and policy tsars, the political leaderships, professionals and business people etc. – became very natural. Occasional conflicts were amicably settled by appropriate machinery put in place by both governments.

The third phase spread over the 1980 to 1989 period. An attempted coup d’état took place in The Gambia at the end of July 1980; it was civilian-led but subsequently attracted military backing. Invoking the Mutual Defense Agreement between the two countries (1967), the government of The Gambia solicited Senegalese military assistance for its suppression. This was forthcoming – and successful. By mutual consent the Senegambia Confederation was created. However, serious differences in a number of areas, particularly in perceptions and expectations as to the end-goal of the new order, led to its dissolution in August 1989. To quote the Gambian president, the Senegalese saw the move ‘as a first step toward closer integration of the two states probably leading to a federation and ultimately leading to a unitary state of Senegambia’.

On the other hand he saw it as ‘an expression of the very special relationship existing between the two countries’. When to this is added such other factors as short gestation period, changing economic circumstances, security interests, fragile support base, and unequal distribution of opportunities, the smallest straw was likely to break the back of the Senegambia Confederation. This is precisely what happened. It was dissolved by mutual agreement on 29 August 1989.

The post-Confederation era incorporates the fourth and fifth periods. The fourth extended from 1989 to 2000. It saw the military take-over of the government in The Gambia in July 1994 and the end of the Presidency of Abdou Diouf in March 2000. Diouf had assumed power in Senegal, in 1980, a few months before the attempted coup d’état in The Gambia, and built on the foundations for Senegambian cooperation laid down by his predecessor, President Senghor, through the first and second periods. The end of the confederation meant a new era in relations; there was less preoccupation with cooperation and “integration” almost disappeared from the political lexicon. ‘Senegambia’ ceased to refer to a process of merger of the two states into one legal entity; it was now a matter of inter-state relations between two coexisting states as for any other two independent states. But, at the same time, given the ties that bind, as noted earlier, relations were now characterized as ‘special and privileged’.

Much the same prevailed in the fifth period, 2000 to 2012, denoted by the coming into power of President Wade’s government and its demise. The basis of relationships changed to a heavier focus on national interest; and, for Senegal, the priority of priorities was the resolution of the Casamance problem. For dealing with this preoccupation, it was in the interest of peaceful coexistence that cooperation continues, even if not with the same intensity as in the second and third periods. The institutional architecture for organizing such cooperation was of the leanest; in fact, it was non-existent until the formation of the Ministerial Commission and the Consultative Commission. Perhaps it was because of the new form of relationship that the crises that emerged since 2000 were not easily resolved: these included border incidents over transit charges for Senegalese vehicles, the football ‘war’ between the two national teams, shipment of military hardware from Iran, harassment of Gambian nationals at Dakar airport, etc.

As seen in any map of the area, the Casamance region in Senegal is cut off from the rest of the country by Gambian territory. This, in addition to other realities, gives it an identity more akin to adjoining parts of The Gambia than to Senegal. Since 1984 there has been a sustained civil conflict against the Senegalese government, which has invested considerable resources in its containment; secessionist military forces have spearheaded the movement for secession.

President Sall assumed power in April 2012, marking the sixth and current phase in Senegalo-Gambian relations. Like its predecessor regimes, the new government recognizes also that, in the framework of inter-state relations with Gambia, the Casamance issue remains central. Even before the run-off presidential elections in Senegal in March 2012, which resulted in his accession to the presidency, Sall had declared that The Gambia and Guinea Bissau would be the first countries to visit officially if he were victorious. It could be reasoned that this was in line with the African tradition which dictates that when one moves to a new home it is imperative to first visit the immediate neighbours, the logic being that: ‘It is better to have good neighbours than distant relatives, as when problems arise in your home they will be the first to be summoned before the relatives get wind of it.’

Going beyond that, and as stated by the president-in-waiting, in the instance of the Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea Bissau there were additional grounds for good neighbourliness. To begin with: these countries are our immediate neighbours and we share everything in common, blood ties, culture, language history and everything. Hence, peace and cooperation should exist between and among us. [1]

Then also: ‘This (Casamance) is Senegal’s greatest problem. It’s lasted 30 years; 30 years of destruction, death and spilt blood. It’s high time to mobilize all our resources to achieve a sustainable peace in Casamance. I will make my number one priority the creation of the conditions that can produce a national dialogue between all the parties concerned: the guerillas, Senegalese civil society, and friendly neighbouring countries who are in fact caught up in the conflict because their territory is being used by the rebels, either in Gambia or in Guinea Bissau’. [2]

And again: ‘Senegal has a serious and difficult problem in its Casamance region. For 30 years we have been fighting there and I intend to appeal to The Gambia and her President, and Guinea Bissau if I assume office, for them to help in the process of finding solutions that will bring about lasting peace and in this part of Senegal’. [3]

Finally, economic development, which is conditional on there being peace in the Casamance area, will follow: ‘We’ll do everything possible with goodwill to ensure that peace returns. In parallel with the peace efforts we’ll speed up our development efforts in the Casamance. We’ll try and open up the region to overcome Senegal’s geographical split between north and south, where to get to Casamance you have to cross sovereign Gambia. We have to resolve this territorial rupture. In one phase, we want Casamance to find peace again within a united and indivisible Senegal’ [4].

THE FUTURE

Thus, at the beginning of the present phase of relations Casamance remains very prominent on the radar. The immediately preceding phase (2000 to 2012) had been more dominated by non-institutional inter-personal contacts than structured broad-based formal interactions. In a sense, this is not surprising given the immense ‘environmental’ changes that have taken place in the two countries. At the same time, though, the argument can be made that in this present emerging stage the Casamance problem can be more effectively resolved only in the framework of close collaboration in functional areas, as existed in the earlier 1958 to 1989 period. Without venturing into the intricacies of functionalism and neo- functionalism as approaches to regional integration, there is evidence that during this long era, inter alia, spillover within any one sector for cooperation and between sectors took place during this period. Undoubtedly, some elements of David Mitrany’s ‘working peace system’ were established. [5]

The common ties of blood, culture, languages, religion, pre-colonial history - what I have referred to elsewhere as the unities and disunities in background variables – still constitute the logical basis for the closest cooperation between the two countries.6 In actuality, these ties can be said to be more powerful integrating forces now than before, due partly to the extensive network of sub-systems for cooperation built in the 1958 to 1989 period. The seeds planted in those decades have yielded fruit and the two countries are now more integrated than they have ever been – even without political structures and formal arrangements for managing and directing the processes involved.

In accordance with the above argument, it is noteworthy that in the course of the last few years initiatives have been taken by the two governments to reactivate Senegalo-Gambian cooperation. The work of a Consultative Commission, jointly chaired by the Gambian Vice President and the Senegalese Prime Minister, has resulted in the re-establishment of the Senegalo-Gambian Permanent Secretariat and the appointment, in February 2012, of an Executive Secretary (Senegalese) and Deputy Executive Secretary (Gambian). Initial areas for cooperation have been identified, namely, road transport, economy and trade, customs, criminal justice and judicial matters, and defense and security, and follow-up implementation actions have been formulated.

Particularly at this early stage it is imperative that the lessons of experience serve as a guide to current and future action. Some of these are as follows. First, a thorough and extensive assessment of the earlier experience should be undertaken, coupled with a review of the circumstances that dictate a re-launch of organized and structured inter-state relations. Second, the process of restructuring cooperation should not be speeded up just to take advantage of any momentum such as the entry into the scene of a new government in Senegal. Third, unfavourable circumstances in one country, such as an increase in military attacks in Casamance, should not be exploited to advantage by the other party. Fourth, from the outset policy goals and the strategic objectives of cooperation should be fully discussed and all parties concerned must be on the same wavelength. Finally, minimum national interests as they relate to Senegalo-Gambian cooperation must be thoroughly discussed and understood by all sides.

As mentioned in the discussions above on the third phase of cooperation, there are several other conditions, which contributed to the collapse of the Senegambia Confederation to which serious attention should be devoted. Among these, I single out one, that is, every effort must be made to ensure that there is mass popular support for and involvement in cooperation endeavours. In most cooperation schemes throughout Africa the populations are mere spectators; this was definitely so in the case of ‘Senegambia.’ Policymaking was the exclusive domain of State and formal institutions of government, to the almost-total exclusion of the populations. Even within the government bureaucracies, information flow tended to be restricted only to officials directly involved in decision-making on the subject. In the new dispensation this wrong must be righted.

CONCLUSION

The ‘Senegambia’ experience has not received the attention it deserves, both from academic researchers and national policy makers. The experience is of theoretical import mainly because of its relevance to the functional and neo-functional analytical frameworks; it also demonstrates the limits of confederalism, in theory and in practice. Granted, there are no two countries in Africa that are in a geographical, cultural and historical situation similar to The Gambia and Senegal. Perhaps, when all is said and done what is really essential is that this is a case of establishing a modus vivendi between countries with different colonial-inherited systems.

As regards policy, the benefits of closer attention to the ‘Senegambia’ case are multiple and cut across the totality of the experience; among these is the fact that it points to the pitfalls that should be avoided in policy-making and the ways and means of successfully managing the integration process, in the face of different colonial inheritances, as is the case in Africa. With these in mind, this briefing has given a glimpse into diverse aspects of the ‘Senegambia’ experience which will be a basis for continued research and policy-development.

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* Jeggan C. Senghor is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.


END NOTES

[1]. “Macky Sall to make maiden visit to Gambia”, Daily Observer, Wednesday, 28 March 2012, p.2).
[2]. “President Macky Sall’s First Press Interview”, Freedom Newspaper Online: http://freedomnewspaper.com/Homepage/tabid/36/mid/367/7417/Breakin, p.3
[3]. “Macky Sall to make maiden visit to Gambia,” loc. cit.
[4]. “President Macky Sall’s First Press Interview,” op. cit., p.2
[5]. David Mitrany, A Working Peace System Chicago: Quadrangle Press, 1966
[6]. See Jeggan C. Senghor, The Politics of Senegambian Integration, 1958 – 1994, Oxford: Peter Lang International Academic Publishers, 2008, pp. 17- 44.

Draft Constitution challenges Somalia’s will for nationhood

Mohamud M Uluso

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/81983

cc B-KThe proposed constitution serves the interests of the Transitional Federal Government and its international backers, not the people of Somalia.

The debate on the constitution-making process in Somalia shifted to a perilous level after the international community demanded that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) submit the list of the critics – labeled “spoilers” of the peace process of Somalia – for referral to the International Criminal Court and to the UN Security Council for incontestable harsh punishment. Compulsory acceptance or legitimate rejection with severe consequences of a conflict-ridden constitution is an awful predicament that challenges the conscience of many Somali citizens.

However, an examination of just a few articles of the publicly available version of the Draft Constitution, like on the status of Mogadishu, on the general provisions, on the election of the president in a parliamentary system, and on the original language of the constitution as well as the analysis of the political dynamics affecting the constitution-making process, highlight sufficiently why the public strongly opposes the Draft Constitution. What is more troubling is that the final draft of the constitution is secret and not subject to public consultation before its approval. The Draft Constitution challenges Somalia’s will for nationhood.

STATUS OF MOGADISHU

Article 8 stipulates that Mogadishu is the capital city of the Somali Republic, while article 67 lists three options for the status of the capital in the federal system. The options are:

(1) The capital is located within a Regional State which has the power to pass, in consultation with federal government, a law governing the status of Mogadishu;
(2) Mogadishu as a Federal Capital District: The Federal Government passes a special law. The Citizens of Mogadishu will not send delegates to the House of Regional States. The Federal Government will play the dual roles of Federal and Regional governments;
(3) Federal capital as itself a Regional State. This option is unclear.

As of today May 8, 2012, the option and its formulation included in the final Draft of the Constitution is a mystery. Because of the impracticability of the concept of federalism in Somalia, the debate over the status of Mogadishu will continue sine die.

GENERAL PROVISIONS OF CHAPTER 16

Article 172 prohibits all constitutional amendments within the first seven years after the constitution comes into force. Only the amendment intended to facilitate the participation of either or both Puntland and Somaliland as part of the Somali Republic is permissible. It is important to note the discrepancy between the transitional seven years in the Draft Constitution and the transitional four years in the Garowe Principles.

Article 173 establishes that after seven years parliament can amend the constitution in accordance with the recommendations of a parliamentary review commission. This is similar to the lax amendment procedure of the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC). Article 174 mandates that the Draft Constitution shall come into effect after 90 days of its approval through unspecified modalities.

As of today May 8, 2012, Schedule 1 and Annex X of the Draft Constitution are blank references to be filled or to be developed (TDB). At the same time, Articles 175, 176, and 179 refer to that blank schedule 1 and Annex X.

Article 178 reiterates the right of voters to express their views in the case of hypothetical referendum rather than addressing the required referendum as per article 11 (3) of the TFC. In the next ten years, the Draft Constitution will not be subject to popular referendum.

SCHEDULE 3 -ELECTION OF PRESIDENT IN PARLIAMENT SYSTEM

Any presidential candidate must be nominated in writing by at least 10 members of the House of the People and must show support of at least one regional state delegation to the House of Regional States. Then, the members of the Regional States are obligated to vote individuals rather than as a delegation. Is this provision feasible in the presidential election in August 2012 and afterwards?

During the presidential election, the presence of only 70% of the members of each house is required. In other cases, there is no required quorum but implicitly it could be less than 50%. This constitutional provision encourages irresponsible political behaviour.

ORIGINAL LANGUAGE OF CONSTITUTION

What is more astonishing is the absence of an article which establishes the original language of the Draft Constitution among the four languages: Somali, May, Arabic and English. Italian fell out of fashion.

POLITICAL DYNAMICS AFFECTING THE CONSTITUTION MAKING PROCESS

On May 4, 2012, the State Department of the United States of America issued a press release in support of the threats made by friends of Somalia chaired by the United Kingdom Ambassador to Somalia, and by the AU, UN and IGAD in their joint letter against anyone including members of parliament opposing the Draft Constitution. This act pays no attention to the following well-reasoned conclusion and recommendation made in a paper issued by the Horn of Africa Steering Committee of Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars under the title, “ Pathways to peace in the Horn of Africa: What role for the United States?”

“The US government must recognize that its long term interests are best promoted not by building relationships with particular regimes and/or political parties but by supporting the legitimate rights and aspirations of the peoples of the Horn.”[1]

As expected, the President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Sheikh Sharif has ruled out rejection of the Draft Constitution even if the latter is against the interests, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia. Eng. Abdirahman Omar Yarisow spokesman of the PM Prof. Abdiweli M Ali made a similar threat to the critics of the Draft Constitution labelling them as “spoilers.”[2] The Minister of Internal affairs and Security Abdisamad Moallim Mohamud has banned holding political meetings in Mogadishu without his ministry’s permission. The unalienable constitutional rights of free speech, freedom of association and assembly of the citizens of the “South Central Somalia” have been abolished.

The concerned citizens were shocked not by the actions of the leaders of the TFG but by the anti-democratic stances of the international Community. There is general consensus that the top TFG leaders are determined to remain in their plum positions for the next seven years by complying with the instructions of Ethiopia, UN Special Representative and AMISOM Commander without concern to the aspirations and long term interests of their people and country.

The international community is fully aware of the fact that the dismal cooperation and smear campaigns going on between the top three TFG leaders have crippled their effectiveness, legitimacy and credibility. The Somali Website Wardheernews published two articles with pseudonym names: (1) ‘PM Abdiweli's Achievements’; (2) ‘Is President Sheikh Sharif competent enough to lead’? On his part, Inj. Yarisow published a letter reported in the AMISOM Daily Media Monitoring under the title: ‘Somalia at Cross Roads: Is this time any different?’ The aim is to create better image for PM Abdiweli’s TFG in comparison to President Sheikh Sharif’s TFG.

Also, the call by the UN expert on human rights for the international community and the TFG to set up a legitimate justice system [3] discredits the propaganda claims of progress in Mogadishu. In support of the UN expert’s note of the despicable injustice system in Mogadishu, the Government website reported recently that the Attorney General has issued an arrest warrant for the President of the Supreme Court on charges of corruption and imprisonment of innocent individuals or for the release of accused criminals from prisons without court process. The appalling scale of the injustices witnessed by the UN expert is an indictment of the TFG and the international community. It is said loudly that “where there is no justice there will be no peace.”

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS

The Traditional leaders and the illegally instituted Constituent Assembly have called for the approval of an undeveloped and yet to be published Constitution as of today May 8, 2012. This is the most egregious political attack perpetrated against Somalia’s conscience and patriotism. Probably, three international bodies are aware of the secret Constitution: (1) the United Nations (UN) represented by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) which manages the constitution-making process and the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS); (2) the National Democratic Institute which works with UN; (3) The International Development Law Organization (IDLA) which implements the project called “supporting the constitutional Review process (CRP) in Somalia” financed by the Italian Government. The Independent Federal Constitution Commission and the Committee of Experts are temporary paid teams of the three international bodies.

In realization of Ethiopia’s political and security strategy towards Somalia, Somalia will be embroiled in chaos and dysfunctional governance arising from the Draft Constitution in the next seven years in which Somaliland and Puntland will remain separate entities. The Draft Constitution smashes Somalia rather than repairs it. Somalia deserves a better alternative.

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END NOTES

[1] http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/pathways-to-peace-the-horn-africa-what-role-for-the-us
[2] PM Spokesman Inj. Yarisow attacks Draft Constitution opponents
[3] Somalia: UN Expert on Human Rights urges restoration of justice system

The Zimbabwe constitution-making process and outcome

A tokenistic exercise for the rich, corrupt and powerful

Maxwell V Madzikanga

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82005

cc A BA lot of money and time have been invested in writing a new constitution. There are several drafts lying around. Why not immediately hire reputable drafters to finish off the job and put the resulting document to a referendum?

Hundred years down the line, how is the current Zimbabwe constitution -making process going to be judged by future generations? I see many scenarios and divergent camps emerging and innumerable focus groups deliberating painfully about a noble process that went terribly wrong. Maybe a process that was sinfully manipulated by a few oligarchs and salivating politicians.

The Lancaster House Constitution was the best that our country ever had, at least for now. Though the process that brought that document into being lacked that representational spirit and ethos, at least it represented a good start for a newly independent, democratic and young nation. No one could prophesy how future political dynamics and manoeuvres were going to shape, glide and reach maturation. However, the crafters and drafters of the Lancaster Constitution at least did a good job that enabled stability and peace to prevail at least for the a few years after independence. What should be borne in mind is that political actors of all shades and orientations manipulated and influenced the outcomes of the Lancaster Constitution.

I have heard some commentators arguing that the Lancaster document was shaped and heavily influenced by Western powers than by the Zimbabwean people. On balance, however, the Lancaster House Constitution was not grounded in reality but more in the political sphere and the end to end the war of liberation (understandable then). Some excesses and human rights violations happened and the constitution had no inbuilt mechanisms to curtail or prevent or ensure accountability for a series of sad chapters and derelictions. The Lancaster Constitution sort of protected war criminals and people responsible for the unjustified massacre of citizens during the liberation struggle. The massacre of innocent civilians and the bombing of villages, heavily populated areas and camps as well as poisoning of water sources was unjustified and the constitution should have been more forceful and clearer as a framework.

It is indisputable that the Lancaster House Constitution was a compromise between the then Rhodesian Front and ZANU PF at the expense of other very critical political and economic actors including ZAPU. The result was unjustified loss of blood in Matabeleland and the Midlands province. My thinking is that The Lancaster Constitution was more a sanitised political document than a constitution representing the aspirations, wishes and expectations of the broader Zimbabwean people including the peasants and the disenfranchised. Anywhere, after, a long, bloody and terrible war, who cared! Then Zimbabweans across the breadth and depth of that blessed country woke up one day and started thinking of a people-owned constitution!

The previous constitution-making process came up with a document, which, though not perfect, was a massive improvement from the Lancaster House treatise. The NCA came up with an equally substantive document but the NCA’s treatise lacked grassroots input particularly input from rural communities. True, the NCA would argue that the political ground was very uneven, dangerous and that broader community based consultation was not possible but the fundamental issue remains, the NCA draft though excellent was perceived largely as a solo and one person constitution. It was a sound document “yes” but there was a deep sentiment that it was a document thought out and written by Lovemore Madhuku in the confines of his NCA headquarters.

On reflection, I think the NCA draft constitution contained very critical ingredients that the government could have borrowed, shared with the populace and mainstreamed into their draft constitution. The government draft was roundly and proudly rejected. I have met many political analysts who vehemently expounded this view - the Zimbabwean people did not reject the draft constitution, they did not reject the process but it was a rejection of ZANU PF and what it stood for. In the district I was working then, you would ask people why they were voting NO and which sections of the draft were unacceptable and paradoxically, many people had not even read the draft constitution document. I voted NO and then read the draft constitution later. How wrong I had been!

This background serves to inform the current mayhem in the Zimbabwe constitution-making process. There are a number of good global constitution-making practices and standards that have been followed in terms of conceptualisation, process and outcomes but unfortunately there are a plethora of other thorny issues that remain unresolved. The consultation process was highly politicised yet Zimbabweans aired their views candidly and fearlessly. A national constitution is not a political and partisan document and thus all political and non-political actors in Zimbabwe were expected to unite around this very noble cause. This did not happen as politicians from the major political parties selfishly and parochially promoted their partisan position at the expense of national virtues, ethos, rationality and reason.

The constitution is not about regime change. The constitution-making phase was not supposed to be a stone-throwing, political space expansion exercise, sovereignty-induced visitations to the rural areas. The forums were supposed to be focus group reflections, listening tours and detailed discussions of fundamental, all and cross-generational ethos, virtues, values and thinking. The consultations were supposed to dialogical, discursive, give and take clinics and memorable encounters in the life and history of a republic in general and all stakeholders in particular. Sadly, this was not the case. A process that could have been harnessed to promote national unity and reconciliation ended up being hijacked by political heavy weights that stubbornly postured and arrogantly promoted their partisan agendas.

The least that Zimbabweans expect is a document that does not reflect the input gathered during the consultation phase. BUT. A document that appropriately and accurately captures, collates and synthesises the variegated views of Zimbabweans from all walks of life, however strange the views are. A document that reflects maturity and values that cut cross and inform all generations. A document that is not authored to reflect the whims of MDCs, ZANU PF, and any political or non-political formation but one that religiously captures the veins and arteries of the country. What Zimbabweans would expect is a document authored by frugal, considerate, time conscious, responsible and apolitical figures.

Has this been the case? NO. The financial cost of the constitution-making process is reflective of a country that cares less of its people and the socio-economic realities the country is going through. If the draft constitution is taken back to the true crafters and originators (the Zimbabwean people who provided the input and who will eventually own the finalised document) then for once I prophesy a NO verdict prevailing.

There is still room for salvaging this embarrassing scenario. The coalition principals should for once courageously stand up and relieve the drafters of their duties and responsibilities. Second, the principals should publicly admit that the constitution-making process outcome has not been successful despite the massive investment committed by the fragile inclusive government. The third option is to go for the stream. We now have several drafts and pieces lying all over the landscape including the NCA draft. Why not immediately hire apolitical, professional, non-partisan, reputable drafters and use the document that would come out of this process for the referendum. A nice name like Constitution Synthesisers could do the magic. And Zimbabwe is rich in talent, intelligence and intellectual firepower!
Last, this very fundamental and sacrosanct process has been messed up by the key political pythons that are supposedly expected to serve the wishes and interests of the republic. I feel sorry for the drafters as well-being pulled from all sides and all over is not comfortable. But most critically I empathise with the millions of Zimbabweans whose voices are once again going to be taken for granted.

Aluta continue. The struggles continues

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A call to people of colour: Build towards liberation

Sharon Cromwell

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82017

cc E VFor people of colour the time has come to seek true liberation: not by struggling to be heard by the powers that be but by hearing one another’s voice and building solidarity.

This is less a critique of the new HBO series, Girls, the Kony 2012 viral video and Occupy Wall Street, and more a response to the racial critique of the show, campaign and movement. This is intended for youth of colour both here in the West and abroad who are outraged by the implications of the above-mentioned things. I hope this piece aids in bringing us to consensus that it is time for us to take control of the means of cultural/political/economic/social production and do for ourselves what we previously expected and longed others to do for us. It is no longer time for us to struggle to have our voices heard by the powers that be, but time for us to acknowledge that we hear one another and ourselves and with this mutual recognition, build towards our collective liberation.

Let’s start with Girls.

I watched the first episode of the show in order to be able to write this article from firsthand observation. Before it’s premiere, I saw an ad for the show on the side of a New York City bus and my conclusion then was exactly the same as it is now: this show should be called Privileged White Girls. But it’s not, and that’s okay too. It’s okay as long as no one regards the show as a representation of the universal experience of female twenty-somethings living in New York City. It’s okay that Lesley Arfin chose not to include a Black or Hispanic or Arab or Asian character in the show. She’s a white girl who lives in an imagined white world, where the only people of colour she interacts with are uptight Asian tiger ladies and homeless black men singing to her when she walks out of swanky hotels in Midtown.

More importantly, it’s okay because I choose not to expect Lesley Arfin—or any other white girl for that matter—to be the person who relays my story (the story of a young, black, twenty-something sister of consciousness living in New York City) to the world. I would rather have a young, black, twenty-something sister of consciousness do that job (wink, wink Issa Rae). And to be honest, if they threw in a token Black girl I would probably complain of tokenism. The lack of diverse representations of people of colour in all arenas, not just the media, is a real problem (see Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s TED Talk: The Danger of A Single Story), but I’m not looking for a white saviour to champion my cause.

That brings us to KONY 2012.

Invisible Children's KONY 2012 campaign is a drop in the pool of egregious examples of white people telling the story of people of colour and just another manifestation of its corollary: the white savior complex. I will not elaborate on this point, as my intention here is not to layout a critique of the campaign (this has already been done at length by Rosebell Kagumire, Teju Cole, Dinaw Mengestu, Solome Lemma, the folks over at Pambazuka News and Aljazeera, and more). Rather, I wish to look at the response the video garnered from Ugandan youth and point to their display of consciousness as an example for youth of colour around the world (including those outraged by the monochromatism of Girls).

I should first state that my understanding of consciousness is informed by the South African Students' Organisation (SASO) and Steve Biko’s philosophy of Black Consciousness. According to their definition, conscious people of colour are not only aware of their situation (of oppression/exclusion/second-class-citizenry), but are—more importantly–working to "assess and improve their own influence over themselves and their environment ... [and are] committed to the idea of getting [themselves] out of the morass." [i]

The Ugandan youth journalists who shared their response to the video are doing this work. Through social media, they vocalised their dissatisfaction with the KONY2012 video by, amongst other critiques, highlighting how the espoused narrative ignores the efforts of Ugandans to address the conflict and once again paints Africans as a powerless and voiceless people in need of the Great White Saviour. In other words, these Ugandan youth highlighted and problematised Invisible Children's attempt to invisibilise them. The result: their voices went unprecedentedly viral, they reminded the world about this beautiful, yet forgotten thing called African agency, and the KONY 2012 campaign collapsed.

And they continue to challenge this historical practice of Westerners representing and acting upon them. A collective of Ugandan journalists, some of whom are Acholi, have built a platform for telling their stories without the familiar Western bridge character. UgandaSpeaks is "an online social media project founded by a group of Ugandans to recapture the narrative about Joseph Kony and Northern Uganda from Invisible Children and its #KONY2012." Through films, videos, interviews, and articles, these Ugandans have taken back the power to produce their own narrative and share it with the world.

The value of this work — the work of building alternatives that challenge, instead of only critiquing, the status quo — is one of the hard learned lessons I took away from my four-month experience organising for Occupy Wall Street in New York City. I along with many other organisers of colour who associated with the People of Colour Working Group (turned Caucus) expended a great deal of energy struggling to convince our comrades that we were not invisible, that our problems — those historically faced by communities of colour in the US— should be at the core of the movement. We very courageously called out oppression when we witnessed and experienced it and struggled to bring an analysis of race, class and intersectionality into the work we all were doing. We were sometimes met with victory, other times with defeat, exasperation, and trauma, and at all times overwhelmed by exhaustion.

Eventually, we grew to understand that we took up this struggle at the expense of another. We had dedicated our energy towards changing the consciousness of our white comrades and fighting traditional power structures within the movement, all the while neglecting the crucially important work of building consciousness, unity, and power with politically and economically marginalised people (and supporting those already doing this work). We spent more time fighting against the reproduction of social hierarchies within the movement than we did cultivating and supporting the work of our own that makes the former fight less relevant. Put frankly, we spent our time implicitly acknowledging our marginal position rather than engaging in work that challenged and eroded it. We learned that in this stage of the struggle for a more humane world, we should not spend more time battling than we do building.

And so instead of harping on the monochromatism and classist nature of Girls or complaining about the imperialism of KONY 2012 support the artists, organisers, and creators of colour and consciousness who are centralising their experiences—our experiences—in their work. Support UgandaSpeaks, and writers like Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie and Teju Cole; films like Pariah, Gun Hill Road, and Restless City; shows like Awkward Black Girl and East Willy B. Help lift up all of the underground artists, writers, thinkers, workers, organisers and creators who produce alternatives all the while remembering that we, youth of colour, are not invisible. We may not figure in the imagination of pop culture makers and all may not understand our struggles, but we do not need to be delivered to relevancy by anyone other than ourselves. White eyes are not the only ones with insight; white voices are not the only ones that sound; white ears are not the most important receivers; and white actions are not the only one’s that count. We are not invisible children, for at the very least, we see ourselves.

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* Sharon Cromwell studied International Development Studies at McGillUniversity and travelled to East Africa twice for studies. Shortly after moving to New York City last spring, she began organising with Occupy WallStreet. She is a member of a collective of activists of colour, DecoloNYC, and a mental health worker.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

What exactly is the value of ethnic accounting in Kenya?

Samuel Abonyo

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82023

cc K TKenya's National Cohesion And Integration Commission (NCIC) has claimed that ‘the five largest communities’ have a disproportionate share of total workforce in public universities and constituent colleges in Kenya. But how does this make a contribution to national cohesion and integration?

We Kenyans have acquired another instrument for perpetuating ethnic groups, ethnic accounting. In its latest ethnic accounting figures, published in February this year, the National Cohesion And Integration Commission (NCIC), claims that, with over 80 per cent, ‘the five largest communities’ have a disproportionate share of total workforce in public universities and constituent colleges. Predictably, public institutions of higher education have been pilloried by the press for tribalism. Yet the ethnic accounting statistics the NCIC published are at best dubious; and at worst, they help to rigidify and perpetuate ethnic categories.

From whatever point of view, the statistics are replete with damaging weaknesses. In ‘Briefs on ethnic diversity of public universities in Kenya volume three’, the NCIC says that it sent ‘letters and questionnaire’ to public universities and constituent colleges ‘asking them to provide details of their employees covering date of employment, district of origin, ethnic affiliation, among others’.

It is the officials of public universities and constituent colleges who presumably completed the questionnaire. But since they may want to present their institutions in the best possible light, how can we be sure that the data they provided paint an accurate picture of the ethnic distribution of employment in their institutions? The NCIC is tellingly reticent about whether and how it checked the statistics for accuracy.

To be able to give accurate information about their employees ‘ethnic affiliations’, the officials must know the ethnic group memberships of the 14,996 people covered by the NCIC ‘ethnic audit’ brief. Unless that information is recorded, it is most unlikely that they know it. The NCIC is silent about how it measures ethnic affiliation. Is it ethnic affiliation at birth? Or at the date of employment? Or at the time the officials filled in the questionnaire? It is most likely that the ethnic classifications in the brief are dubious and misleading.

If the employees of public universities and constituent colleges were asked to state their ethnic groups, it would perhaps be a different matter. But still, the NCIC would assume that the respondents knew the ethnic groups of which they were members. It is not certain that they would. For ethnic groups, having within them groups whose memberships are constantly contested, lack the internal cohesion which ethnic accountants insist that they have.

Furthermore, contrary to the presuppositions of ethnic accounting, ethnic group memberships are never settled, ethnic group boundaries are penetrable, and ethnic group formation is never complete.

To give job distributions in public universities and constituent colleges and then claim that the ethnic differences in the distributions are due to ethnicity, as the NCIC does in its brief, is arguably untenable. The distributions may provide the NCIC with good rhetorical material, but, as opposed to what they purport to do, they do not tell us much about the issue of ethnic disparities in employment in higher education in Kenya. Before claiming that ethnic group X’s share of the jobs is a result of ethnic discrimination, without taking a host of other factors that affect job market outcomes into account, is patently wrong. X’s proportion of the jobs in public university Y, for example, cannot plausibly be said to be the result of their being X. Admittedly, the fact that they are X may have contributed, but not the whole of it.

Ethnic accounting exercises do not contribute to national cohesion and integration. By depicting some groups - like ‘the five big communities’ - as winners and others as losers, they may incite more ethnic animus among Kenyans. But above all, ethnic accounting practices may affirm, reinforce and perpetuate the ethnic units which, if the NCIC is to contribute to the struggle for national cohesion and integration, it should try to undermine.
The results of ethnic accounting can stigmatise some ethnic communities as practitioners of tribalism, and with highly dubious evidence to support the stigmatisation.

It is needless to say that there is ethnic discrimination in employment in Kenya. But what the NCIC should do, if it has to perform ethnic accounting exercises, is to determine the extent of ethnic discrimination in the distribution of jobs. Its ethnic accounting figures have dismally failed even to try to do that. Yet, contrary to public perception, the contribution of discrimination to ethnic differences in job distribution might actually be so small that there would even be no point in fighting it.

Instead of collecting data of no value, which, moreover, only divide Kenyans further, the NCIC should strive for the banning of ethnic accounting, alongside invoking the names of ethnic communities - in public spaces such as schools, churches, newspapers, the workplace, public meetings - and other tools for constructing, rigidifying and perpetuating ethnic communities. Only then can the NCIC claim that it is making a contribution to the struggle for national cohesion and integration.

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The latter day slave merchants in Kenya

Julius Okoth

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82036

cc I C IMass unemployment is forcing thousands of Kenyans into the hands of private employment bureaus who export them to the Middle East where they often become trapped in abusive and exploitative work.

In Kenya today, due to the economic reforms packages of the 1990s which emphasised the deregulation of the state, privatisation and the liberalisation of the economy, the impact has been unemployment, poverty and the adoption of multiple survival or coping strategies in order to eke out a living.

The country’s economic growth has not been sufficient to create enough employment opportunities to absorb the increased labour force of 750,000 people annually. The Kenya National Bureau of Statistics [KNBS] reported that over 2.5 million youths in the country were out of work in 2009. Many suffer long periods of unemployment, and for those who may find employment, many have jobs that do not match their qualification. The high unemployment level and perceived poor prospects in rural areas have spurred many people to migrate to urban centres to look for better opportunities. With such a large proportion of job seekers looking for limited paid employment competition is high.

Due to high unemployment and given that Kenya’s Ministry of Labour lacks coherent labour market information on searching for work and living in a country which emphasises privatisation and the liberalisation of the economy, some middle class people have taken advantage of the crisis and started formal and informal private employment bureaus in urban centres, which offer flashes of ‘easily accessible’ jobs and prosperity abroad. They advertise in newspapers and bulletin boards for job vacancies abroad in construction, manufacturing and service sectors .The employment bureaus mostly target unskilled and semi-skilled labourers. An absence of job placement bureaus operated by the Ministry of Labour and the high unemployment rate is the potential explanation for the high numbers of private employment bureaus.

Every day the miserable unskilled and semi-skilled labourers, including porters, garden sweepers, cleaners, gardeners, glass washers, messengers, drivers, guards, sanitary attendants, waiters and other attendants like laundry attendants, bus attendants, room attendants can be seen lining up at the employment bureaus. Most of them have sold their land and animals to enable them to pay the fee to employment bureau agents. If they are not able to pay the fee, they agree with the bureau agent that the money will be paid back upon arrival to the destination with money obtained from the job provided.

Interviews conducted by the bureau agents are a slave moulding process. In the bureau one undergoes rigorous check-ups. On top of the list they require certificate of good conduct from the government to prove that they are not criminal, and by the time they start to work they will not show any sign of resistance and will submit completely to the will of the employer. Secondly, special and particular attention is paid to age. They prefer tall, young ladies and young men. Thirdly, they do health check ups which include blood screening and dental checks.

Rarely would private employment bureaus clarify to would-be slaves the entry and settlement conditions of the country to which they are going. The agents do not tell them that they can be prevented from entering a country or left with no rights so that they can work so cheaply, or their presence can be controlled through contracts, through fixed terms or discontinued. They do not tell them that their working conditions can be devalued in comparison to that country’s legislation. The employment bureaus do not offer language training or social and institutional knowledge of the territory in which they will settle.

Once the unskilled and semi-skilled labourers reach their destination, they are no longer human in their employers’ eyes. They are either good Africans who fulfill the role that the bosses had for them, or else an incarnation of the devil and are deported back to Kenya. The common fate is that the unskilled and semi-skilled employees’ passports are confiscated so that they can be at the mercy of the bosses. The bosses socially control their movements and own them. They are forced to sign different contracts that they do not understand, and do different jobs with different wages and different employers from what they were promised while in Kenya. While there, they can’t access the fundamental rights to income, housing or free choice of employment. The true picture is that some men are housed in the most deprived areas or in smaller accommodation with no privacy, social control and demonization. Most of the house helps are enslaved for the purpose of sexual exploitation or prostitution.

They become slaves, not because their employers made them so, but also because they themselves accepted being slaves by registering at private employment bureaus in Kenya. As they work, their gestures, their movements are those of the slaves, as their bosses squeeze the last drop of sweat from them. The bosses could command and manipulate the workers contrary to the minimum standard of social security of the 1952 ILO convention. They work with no medical insurance, old age pension, benefits in the case of industrial accidents and occupational diseases, or protection of pregnant and nursing mothers.

Private employment bureaus are the newest method of acquiring slaves and exporting them to the Middle East. Unlike Tippu Tippu [Hamad Bin Muhammed Bin Juma] a notorious slave trader who terrorised the entire east coast of Africa in the late 1890s, the latter day slave merchants in Kenya have internalised slavery in a clever way through employment bureaus, a harder to see export of slaves, slavery disgust in freedom itself. Although international organisations for migrant Kenyans defend slavery by contending that Kenyan workers working abroad generate more foreign currency for the Kenyan economy than the tourism industry, the result is much worse than expectations. Most end up working in poorly paid jobs.

Over the past two years the issue of trafficking unskilled and semi-skilled labourers from Kenya to the Middle East has gathered public attention, which is to say it has been a fixed issue on the agenda of foreign affairs and labour ministry, civil society organisations and the media. Though this problem has always existed, the number of exploited unskilled and semi-skilled labourers has increased since 2010, and more recently there have been frightening accounts that have shaken public opinion, as much in terms of sexual exploitation as in labour exploitation. Interest and concern from the Kenyan authorities as well as civil society is very scant. Voices denouncing the exploitation of unskilled and semi-skilled Kenyan labourers in the Middle East are not loud enough. Social justice activists need to investigate this situation in detail and ascertain with a clear voice what form of legislation might be suitable in controlling private employment bureaus and ways of combating them. However employment bureaus that export unskilled and semi-skilled are extremely powerful, some are established in institutionalised web.

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Justice for the Congolese attainable in 2012

Kambale Musavuli

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/82037

cc W MWith the perpetrators of a war that has killed an estimated six million people in the Congo still roaming free, justice needs to be delivered to create the conditions for peace and reconciliation.

INTRODUCTION

In recognition of Genocide Prevention month, the Permanent Mission of the Czech Republic to the United Nations and United to End Genocide organised an event titled ‘Justice in 2012’ bringing justice seekers from Uganda, Sudan, and Congo to share experience as human rights activists in their respective countries, the role of the International Criminal Court, its arrest warrants and the importance of justice for the victims in these. The event took place at the Bohemian National Hall in New York City on 30 April 2012, and Kambale Musavuli from the Friends of Congo made the following address.

THE SPEECH

Distinguished guests, diplomats, activists, and justice seekers, Good evening. Thank you for inviting Friends of the Congo to participate in the ‘Justice in 2012’ panel in recognition of Genocide Prevention month.

I'd like to thank the Permanent Mission of the Czech Republic to the United Nations and United to End Genocide for hosting this panel discussion. I also would like to thank Staci Alziebler-Perkins, an amazing human rights activist and the NYC Genocide Prevention Coalition Convener, for uniting justice seekers on this last day of the Genocide Prevention Month. I'm delighted to be joined by Mr. Magid Kabash of the Nuba Mountains International Association who has just returned from the Nuba Mountains and shared with us his personal eyewitness account of what is unfolding there. It is also an honor to be joined by Stephen Lamony of Uganda who also has been a justice seeker at the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (ICC).

We are convening tonight to share with you our experience as human rights activists on issues related to our countries. We have been asked to recommend how the ICC can be engaged in our countries, from issuing arrest warrants to providing justice for the victims in our homeland.

This is a daunting task to do in 15 minutes for a Congolese human rights activist such as myself, yet I stand here to share with you the optimum way of supporting the Congolese people who have been fighting to get justice since the beginning of the war in their country in1996.

My talk will be organised into four sections: the case of Bosco Ntaganda, the United Nations Mapping Exercise Report, Equitable Justice, and Recommendations to the ICC.

1. THE PROSECUTOR V. BOSCO NTAGANDA (ICC-01/04-02/06 - PRE-TRIAL)

According to the ICC arrest warrant, Bosco Ntaganda is allegedly criminally responsible under article 25 (3) (a) of the Rome Statute for three counts of war crimes: enlistment of children under the age of 15; conscription of children under the age of 15; and using children under the age of 15 to participate actively in hostilities. As a Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Forces Patriotiques pour la Libération du Congo (FPLC - the military wing of the Uniondes Patriotes Congolais of ThomasLubanga), Bosco Ntaganda is accused of having used his authority to implement the FPLC’s policy regarding the enlistment and conscription of children under 15 and of having involved them actively in the hostilities in Ituri from July 2002 to December 2003.

Ntaganda is further accused of having exercised de jure and de facto authority in the Bule, Centrale, Mandro,Rwampara, Irumu, Bogoro and Sota child soldier training camps. Finally, he is also accused of having taken part in FPLC attacks in which child soldiers were involved. As you know, Ntaganda's colleague in FPLC Thomas Lubanga has been found guilty by the ICC of recruiting and using child soldiers in the Congo between 2002 and 2003.

So, who is Bosco exactly, and why is he important to understanding what’s happening in DRC?

According to the ICC, Bosco Ntaganda was born in Kiningi, Rwanda in 1973 and came to the Congo in the 1980s. At age 17 he joined the Rwandan Patriotic Front rebels in southern Uganda. After the RPF rebels successfully toppled the regime in Rwanda in 1994, Bosco began alternating between playing the roles of a rebel and a soldier, in both Rwanda and DR Congo, starting in 1996.

In 2006, he was indicted by the ICC for allegedly recruiting child soldiers but has not been turned over to the ICC by the Congolese government. Since the unsealing of his arrest warrant, he has continued to commit crimes in the Congo and maintained a mafia network for the illegal exploitation of Congo's resources, arms trade, and illegal levies and taxation of local communities.

One of his highest-profile killings took place when he was in charge of CNDP (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple) rebel soldiers who carried out the 2008 Kiwanja massacre. The CNDP is an armed militia established in the Kivu region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in December 2006 by Laurent Nkunda, another war lord we hope will be indicted by the ICC.

According to Human Rights Watch (HRW) ‘at least 150 people were killed on 4 and 5 November 2008 in Kiwanja. Most victims had bullet wounds to the head or wounds caused by machete, spear or club, indicating they had been summarily executed rather than killed in the cross fire or by rocket and mortar shells. At least 14 of the victims were children, 8 were women, and 7 were elderly’. HRW adds that ‘International humanitarian law prohibits the summary execution or mistreatment of any person in custody, whether civilians or captured combatants. When committed deliberately or recklessly, such acts are war crimes’.

In 2009, Ntaganda and his troops from the CNDP were integrated into the Congolese national army. Since March 2012, he and a few of his loyal troops appear to have deserted the army today are battling the Congolese forces in the town of Mweso and Mushake causing the displacement of hundreds of Congolese in surrounding towns.

On 11 April 2012, Congolese president Joseph Kabila made a public statement indicating that Ntaganda should be arrested, yet he has shied away from turning him over to the ICC and says that he believes the Congolese justice system will be able to try him.

While Congolese applaud the fact that Bosco Ntaganda has been indicted by the ICC, we urge you to look beyond Ntaganda to concentrate on ending the impunity rampant in the Congo, where the warlords of yesterday and frequent human rights abusers are promoted to government positions or army ranks. The United Nations tried to bring attention to this issue when it released the Mapping Exercise Report, showing that making systematic changes will ultimately be more impactful to improve the situation than trying individuals responsible for war crimes.

2. UNITED NATIONS MAPPING EXERCISE REPORT

On 1 October 1 2010, The U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights released a 550-page report called “Mapping Exercise” documenting 617 alleged violent incidents of ‘the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003’. The report also identifies countries ‘that could be held responsible for serious violations of human rights committed by their national armies during the period under consideration in the DRC, and in particular Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Angola’. It singled out the crimes committed by the Rwanda army by noting that ‘the apparent systematic and widespread attacks described in this report reveal a number of inculpatory elements that, if proven before a competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide’.

Why did the United Nations decide to produce yet another report on human rights violations in the Congo? The discovery of three mass graves in North Kivu in 2005 was a stark reminder to the UN that the past human rights violations in the Congo remained largely uninvestigated. This prompted the UN to reactivate earlier investigative efforts but on a much larger scale.

The Mapping Report notes that the ICC is the only judicial mechanism that has the capacity, the integrity and the independence required to prosecute those who bear the greatest responsibility for the crimes (as defined by international law) committed on DRC territory. It adds that ‘charges filed and the proceedings [at the ICC] neither do justice to the hundreds or even thousands of victims, nor reflect the true scale of the criminal activities of the accused, documented in numerous prior inquiries’.

The report also brings attention to the fact that there are few or no charges relating to acts of sexual violence in the arrest warrants issued by the ICC. It states that this ‘only contributes to minimizing the importance of these crimes and to confirming a culture of impunity that the Court was intended to overcome’. It also points to the contradiction that, in the case of Bosco Ntaganda and Thomas Lubanga’s cases, there are no charges for sex crimes whilst those against Germain Katanga and Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui do include such charges.

Understanding the role the ICC can play in supporting justice for the many victims of the political conflict in the Congo, we believe that an equitable application of justice will help to enhance the legitimacy of the court and create better cooperation from member countries throughout the world.

3. EQUITABLE APPLICATION OF JUSTICE

Some of the major drivers of the conflict and atrocities in the Congo have not been held to account. There is no indication that the ICC has any intentions of holding neighbouring countries responsible for the crimes they have committed or sponsored in the Congo per the UN Mapping Exercise Report. Take the case of Thomas Lubanga, for example. He was supported by both Rwanda and Uganda as he recruited child soldiers and committed atrocities in the Congo, but neither leaders of Rwanda or Uganda have been held accountable for being sponsors and accessories to the crimes committed by Lubanga.

The leaders of nations who are in the good graces of the West and serve western interests are often given a pass. The current prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, gave Congolese victims hope when they found out that ‘at a July 2003 news conference, Mr. Moreno-Ocampo announced out of the blue that he ‘believed’ atrocities in Congo, a member state formerly known as Zaire, could qualify for an ICC investigation’. This hope was lost when, in a 8 June 2006 article in the Wall Street Journal titled ‘Justice Delayed- For Global Court, Ugandan Rebels Prove Tough Test’, it was reported that ‘an agreement emerged’ for Uganda to not be tried for crimes committed in the Congo.

It is also important to note that, in 2005, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Uganda liable for what amounted to war crimes — plunder, mass rapes and massacres — when Uganda occupied parts of Congo from 1997 to 2003. Because of this, the court awarded Congo $10 billion to be paid by Uganda for reparations and damages. The ICJ case has been referred to the ICC and it has yet to be reviewed so that investigations may begin.

4. PRESCRIPTIONS

In order to enhance the legitimacy of the court, the ICC has to deal with those who are culpable in a more equitable fashion. Our hope is that the ICC and international bodies support the UN Mapping Exercise Report and the 2005 ICJ ruling. They represent efforts to end the culture of impunity, to provide justice for the victims, and to create a framework for accountability for mass crimes committed and still being committed in the Congo. We believe it is imperative to implement the recommendations listed in the UN Mapping Report as a means to deliver justice for the Congolese people and support a more equitable and just process for indictment of individuals and multinationals aiding, abetting, or committing the crimes in the Congo.

Over 200 Congolese organisations and human rights groups have called for the United Nations to establish an international tribunal to prosecute the crimes against humanity, war crimes and possible genocide committed in the Congo. They recommend that we:

1. Establish new general policies of justice that would build on the creation of several complementary mechanisms, judicial and non-judicial;

2. Establish accountability measures in public institutions that would result in the removal from its management people such as General John Bosco Ntaganda and General Numbi who accused of serious violations or attacks against human rights defenders so that they can face prosecution;

3. Institute appropriate mechanisms to ensure justice and shed light on crimes and massive violations of human rights denounced in the report, including:

(i) The creation of special courts or special chambers within the Congolese courts;

(ii) The creation of a new Truth and Reconciliation Commission,

(iii) The establishment of compensation programmes for victims, and

(iv) The true and thorough reform of the entire security sector (army, police and justice system).

4. Create a regional reconciliation mechanism of the peoples of the Great Lakes region, which will accelerate the free movement of people in the region, facilitate cross-border trade, strengthen judicial cooperation, and demilitarise public services at the borders;

5. Support a regional accountability and reconciliation mechanism to address issues of impunity and lack of justice.

Given what I have shared with you, I want to now tell you a bit about me and why I am a justice seeker for the Congolese people. I came to the United States in the late 90’s as my family was granted political asylum as the second Congo war began. I rarely speak about my family and what we experienced while living in the Congo but I’d like to share with you a nightmare that I have almost every week since probably 2008.

The dream starts always I am walking down the side of the road with thousands of people carrying their belongings heading toward what I presume to be a safer place. The road is familiar and I’m surrounded with people who seemed to be displaced from their homes. On my left, there is a little stream down a short hill. Across the stream, there are trees all along the path. People are conversing, moving slowly and calmly.

Then, I hear a scream from somewhere in the crowd. I can’t tell if it is coming from the front or the back. I look around and I see people running toward me. The screams intensify and now everyone is running. I see people trying to run with their belongings and then decide to drop them to run faster. I look back as I run and I see blood-splash and people in military uniform just cutting people with machetes. I pass a few people...I'm scared...I'm sweating...I'm also feeling guilty about people I’ve passed as I look back and see them laying in blood and their limbs all over. I run over a hill to hide. Someone follows me to hide where I am. As I look up to see what is happening on the road, I can see the fear in people's faces. I see that fear where you know it's pointless to run but you are running anyway in hope that you will survive. I hide again and move closer to the stream and the person hiding with me gets closer to me as if he knows we both will be safe.

Suddenly a man in uniform somehow sees us, comes over to where we were, raises his machete and hacks the helpless guy with the weapon over and over again. I can see the assailant's face...he is determined...calm...and he has this look as if he is on a mission... as if he is trying to pass a test... yes...he has a face of someone taking a test. I hope you can visualize how when students are taking a test in a classroom they have a very serious and determined face to pass the test and there is a complete silence in the room. The look of the assailant is comparable to the look of these students in the classroom. He is determined…to kill.

As I watch him, all I can think about is that I am next…then the guy looks up to where I am sitting in total fear and it seems that he can’t see me even though he is looking straight at me. He climbs up the hill and keeps going and hacking more people with his machete. I look up, and I see people I know just being cut into pieces. I start saying to myself ‘Oh God...Oh God...Oh God!’ Then, I wake up...

This dream is the burden of my conscience because of the ongoing realities in Congo. This is what thousands have experienced, according to the UN Mapping Exercise Report. The killings haven’t stopped. Today we still have people running for their lives so they won’t be killed. It is our responsibility to support the Congolese victims in their pursuit of justice so that the dreams of the Congolese will be ones of peace and justice, not of fear and atrocity.

With the new commitment of the United States government to prevent mass atrocities and genocide around the world, there needs to be a serious and unified push to raise the profile of the Congo. Congolese people have seen an estimated six million of their citizens perish in an unjust war. They have witnessed how the perpetrators of these crimes still roam the streets of their country or are given humanitarian awards and accolades.

It is absolutely necessary that when we talk about ‘Never Again’ that we not only reference the Jewish Holocaust or the Rwandan Genocide but the continued instabilities that make broad-scale violence possible and seed the conditions leading to genocide. The Congolese people deserve justice for the millions they have lost. We hope that all justice seekers around the world will join us in working to deliver justice to the Congolese people.

To learn more about the situation in the Congo, visit http://congojustice.org to view ‘Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth’.


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* Kambale Musavuli, a Congolese native, is spokesperson and student coordinator for Friends of the Congo. He can be reached at kambale@friendsofthecongo.org You can follow him on twitter @kambale and like his Facebook page at http://www.facebook.com/kambalemusavuli

* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Algeria’s 2012 Legislative Elections: Is it a make or break moment?

2012-05-14

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/584/ASC Event 19th May.doc

Deadline Extended! Fahamu seeks Director of Advocacy

Fahamu - Networks for Social Justice

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/81984

Leading a dedicated team to accompany the development and implementation of campaign strategies led by progressive African social justice movements, the Utetezi Director will support innovative strategies to amplify grassroots demands and realize people-centred change.

Location: Nairobi, Kenya or Dakar, Senegal.

Deadline for application: May 18, 2012.

For further information, please see the job description.

To apply, please send the duly completed application form attached to: infokenya@fahamu.org

Kwani Trust announce a new literary prize for African writing

2012-05-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/82110

To celebrate the African novel and its adaptability and resilience, Kwani Trust announces a one-off new literary prize for African writing. The Kwani? Manuscript Project calls for the submission of unpublished fiction manuscripts from African writers across the continent and in the Diaspora. The prize seeks fresh, original work that explores and challenges the possibilities of the novel.

The top 3 manuscripts will be awarded cash prizes:
1st Prize: 300,000 KShs (equivalent to $3500)
2nd Prize: 150,000 KShs
3rd Prize: 75,000 KShs

In addition Kwani? will publish manuscripts from across the shortlist and longlist, including the three winning manuscripts, as well as partnering with regional and global agents and publishing houses to create high profile international publication opportunities.

Winners will be announced in December 2012 at the Kwani? Litfest.

For more information go to: http://manuscript.kwani.org/

Submission Guidelines:
• Deadline 20th August 2012.
• Word count 60,000-120,000 words
• Submissions should be adult literary or genre fiction (in the sense of not being ‘children’s fiction’)
• The work should be in English or ‘Englishes’
• The manuscript must be ‘new’ in the sense that it is ‘unpublished in book form’ (we will accept previously published submissions if circulation has been under 500 copies and limited to one national territory)
• Eligible participants should have at least one parent born in an African country who holds citizenship of the same
• Please send submissions by email, attached as a WORD doc to manuscript@kwani.org

Mogadishu then and now


Press Release: A pictorial tribute to Africa’s most wounded city, 4 - 24 June 2012,
 Alliance Française, Nairobi

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/82024

For the last two decades, Somalia’s capital city Mogadishu has been portrayed as a war-torn no-go zone devoid of any history or culture. However, the city has a long history that dates back to the 10th century when Arab and Persian traders began settling there. Historical documents indicate that the city was a traditional centre for Islam and an important hub for trade with communities along the Indian Ocean coastline for centuries.

From the early part of the 20th century to the late 1980s, Mogadishu was known as one of the prettiest and most cosmopolitan cities in Africa. 
Mogadishu, or Xamar, as it is known locally, literally means ‘The Seat of the Shah’ (from the Arabic Maq’adul Shah). When the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Batuta arrived in Mogadishu in 1331, he described it as ‘an exceedingly large city’ where prosperous merchants sold the finest cloth, silver and gold jewellery.

In 1871, Mogadishu came under control of the Omani Sultan of Zanzibar, and 20 years later, was leased to Italy, when it became the headquarters of Italian Somaliland until independence in 1960. Development of Mogadishu to a modern metropolitan city continued under successive post-independence governments until the advent of the civil war in 1991, which saw various clans and factions fighting for control of the city.

For the next two decades, bloody battles were fought on Mogadishu’s wide boulevards and in its historical quarters. Wars destroy cities, and Mogadishu is no exception. Everywhere, there are shells of once magnificent buildings that used to house government offices, museums, cinemas, hotels, mosques, cathedrals and libraries. 


‘Mogadishu Then and Now’ is a photo exhibition that showcases Somalia’s capital city in all its splendour prior to the civil war in 1991 and contrasts this with some of the devastation and destruction that can be seen in the city today.

The main aim of the exhibition is to allow present and future generations of Somalis to learn about their rich heritage so that they can work towards restoring and preserving it. It is hoped that the exhibition will also inform future urban planning and design initiatives, especially now that the international community is renewing and strengthening its efforts to restore peace and stability in Somalia.


‘Mogadishu Then and Now’ was conceived by Ms. Rasna Warah, a Kenyan writer and photojournalist, who teamed up with Mohammud Diriye, the former curator of the Mogadishu Museum, and Ismail Osman, a US-based activist and telecommunications engineer, who helped organize and curate the exhibition. It was first shown in Istanbul during the Conference on Somalia organized by the Turkish Government from 31 May to 1 June 2012.

Most of the photos in this exhibition are from the collection of Mr. Diriye, who has carefully and meticulously preserved them for years, while others are from Ms. Warah’s visit to Mogadishu in November 2011. The exhibition will culminate in a book that will be published in English, Somali and Turkish. 


The ‘Mogadishu Then and Now’ exhibition will be held at the Alliance Française in Nairobi from 4th to 24th June 2012. It is dedicated to Mogadishu’s children and youth, who have never known lasting peace, and is sponsored by Yildiz Holding, a group of companies based in Turkey.

For further information, contact: 
Rasna Warah
E-mail: rasna.warah@gmail.com
Cell: (254) (0) 700 278166 or (0) 733 960269

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Vacancy @ FEMNET

Head of Communication

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/Announce/81979

The African Women’s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) is a pan African women’s rights network based in Nairobi-Kenya. Established in 1988, FEMNET has been at the forefront of championing gender equality, equity and women’s rights through the delivery of critical information, strengthening linkages and collaboration among women’s organizations. FEMNET has three programmes namely Advocacy, Communication and Capacity Building.

FEMNET is seeking to recruit a suitable person to fill the position of Head of Communication. This position will offer the position holder an opportunity to work on very exciting development communication initiatives and campaigns at pan-Africa level in a very stimulating, multicultural and dynamic environment. The Head of Communication will report to the Program Manager of FEMNET who will be the immediate supervisor and ultimately report to the Executive Director.

The Head of Communication will work in collaboration with the Head of Advocacy and Information Manager to ensure relevant information that contributes to improving the status and quality of life of women in Africa is disseminated to FEMNET members spread out in 37 African countries and African women in general.

The main tasks of the person holding this position will include the following:

a. Coordinating, organizing and ensuring that all the information and communication programmes and projects of the Network are implemented in line with the 2011-2013 strategic plan and in a timely manner within agreed frameworks.

b. Ensuring that articles for the African Women’s Journal, a bi-annual analytical publication on gender and development issues are written, edited, translated, printed and distributed within the set timeframes;

c. Writing mid-year and annual reports for the organization

d. Coordinating and manage the monitoring and evaluation of the Communication Programme

e. Coordinating relevant training for the membership including participatory
communications for development and social change

f. Ensuring the Network’s participation and support to African women NGOs to engage in Freedom of Information and ICT policy formulation and implementation processes
g. Monitoring, evaluating and reporting on activities of the communication programme on a quarterly basis and as may otherwise be required

h. Representing the Network and/ or the Executive Director in relevant fora within Kenya the host country for the Regional Secretariat and at the regional (Africa) and international levels in order to facilitate the communications functions of the Network, as and when it may be required.

i. Overseeing the management of the Network’s Resource Centre

j. Manage media relations on behalf of the organisation.

k. Effectively manage the FEMNET website and ensure that the information is up-to-date

l. Supporting and facilitating the organization in the use of latest social media such as twitter, facebook, youtube etc that are relevant in enhancing the organization’s mandate.

m. Take the lead in mobilizing resources required to implement the Communication Programme activities as agreed upon

PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL QUALITIES

The suitable candidate for this position should have the following qualifications and qualities:

a. A Masters Degree in Development Communication, or any Mass Communication Degree. Additional relevant training will be an advantage;

b. At least 5 years experience working at regional or sub-regional level in the area of communication;

c. Strong writing and editing skills with ability to simplify, summarise and communicate complex information, including presentation skills in both English and French;

d. Sound knowledge on general women’s rights issues in Africa;

e. Demonstrated experience in editing and writing for Journals;

f. Capacity to use the media to promote the regional campaigns spearheaded by FEMNET

g. Demonstrated interest and/or experience in gender and development and/or women's human rights in Africa;

h. Demonstrated training and/or experience in participatory approaches to communications for development;

i. Demonstrated training and/or experience in print and audiovisual/broadcast media production;

j. Demonstrated training and/or experience in applications of new information and communications technologies;

k. Familiarity with Freedom of Information/Access to Information and ICT policy issues in Africa and globally;

l. Demonstrated capacity to communicate and work in both English and French;

m. Abilities of public speaking and giving presentations to a variety of audiences;

n. Good interpersonal skills andability towork in multi-cultural teams;

o. Computer literacy with skills relevant for working with appropriate packages.

p. Ability to work with minimal supervision;

q. Ability to develop and implement programs and projects;

r. Advocacy with fundraising skills will be an added advantage;

s. Familiarity with contemporary development and governance issues and challenges in Africa will be an added advantage;

t. Willing and able to travel mainly in the African region;

u. Willing to adhere to FEMNET’s beliefs, values and principles that guide its work and programming framework.

Applications for this position should be sent by 27th May, 2012 to:-

The Executive Director African Women's Development and Communication Network (FEMNET), P O Box 54562, 00200, Nairobi, Kenya.

Damage to Nok sculpture in private Western collection

Will other African artefacts end this way?

Kwame Opoku

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/82028

cc P T JThe recent damage to a Nok sculpture raises important questions about the legality and morality of removing African artefacts from their origins and transporting them to the West.

It has been reported in the New York Daily News that the widow of the French artist Arman, is suing in Manhattan Supreme Court for damage to a Nok sculpture caused during a photo shooting session for an art magazine. The sculpture fell and broke into pieces as shown above. Apparently, assistants of the magazine had moved the sculpture from its usual secure position. Mrs Arman has claimed that the sculpture was worth some $300,000. What will the average Nigerian think of this sum?

A question that will surely be raised is whether the precious object was insured against damage and for how much. If it was not insured, this may well reflect on the value attached to it by the owner.

It would be interesting to see whether the issue of the legality of the possession/control of the Nok artefact would be raised in the course of this case.
Many of the Nok sculptures in the West are presumed to be of doubtful provenance, a large number having been looted from Nigeria.

Mrs. Arman is reported to have stated “I lived with it for over 25 years.”
If the Nok sculpture was acquired in1986/87, the question arises as to the applicability of the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import.Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. Both the United States of America (02 September 1983) and Nigeria (24 January 1972) are parties to this convention. Did the acquisition of the Nok sculpture violate the UNESCO Convention?

Nok artefacts have been placed since 1997 on the ICOM Red List for Africa.
It is since then prohibited, and therefore illegal, to export or import Nok artefacts from Nigeria. These objects are part of the historical records of Nigeria and should under no circumstances leave Nigeria.

It would also be instructive to see if the Nigerian Government/the National Commission on Museums and Monuments will intervene in this case to make representations on behalf of the Nigerian peoples and Government. After all, the Nok sculpture may have been exported in violation of a Nigerian law. There has been a ban on export of antiquities from Nigeria without permission from the authorities as far back as the 1953 Antiquities Ordinance. The relevant laws, ordinances, and decrees issued in 1969, 1974 and 1979 have been consolidated in the National Commission for Museums and Monuments Act, Chapter 242, Laws of Nigeria, 1990. Section 25 (1) of the Act provides that “No antiquity shall be exported from Nigeria without a permit issued in that behalf by the Commission.”

In this connection, it would be useful to have a list of the number of authorizations Nigeria has given for exportation of antiquities, including Nok sculptures, outside the country.

If the possessor or controller of the broken Nok sculpture is unable to establish the legality of its acquisition, various issues arise. For example, can one compensate a holder of an illegal object for damage inflicted on the object by another person?

What is really the value of a cultural and historical object that means more to Nigerian history and culture than to US American history and culture? Will the court be guided by the market price of an object that is not, in its country of origin, regarded as saleable object but evidence of the history of the people?

The lawyer of the claimant is reported to have stated that the accident was “A loss of world heritage. It’s a terrible, terrible thing.” Hopefully, all concerned would realize that the removal of the Nok sculpture from its original location in Nigeria was equally a terrible thing. The great Ekpo Eyo declared that

“It is indeed unfortunate that so much Nok material has been looted over time to supply the international market. Properly excavated, such pieces might have shed valuable light on the Nok culture.”

These words should be borne in mind by all those who deal with Nok sculptures and other African antiquities removed from their original locations under dubious conditions.

The broken Nok sculpture raises the fundamental question whether artefacts of a particular people or country should at all be allowed to be kept in private homes in the West. The irreparable loss caused by damage, as in this case, should finally awaken those in the West who have always supported such practices. Artefacts that are important to a particular country or people should be kept by that country or people and not by others in foreign countries that need the objects for their personal prestige and aesthetic contemplation.

Symbols of African culture and achievement do not belong to Western homes. How would Westerners feel if precious evidence of their culture and their history were to be kept in African locations after being looted or stolen from Europe? It is evident from Ekpo Eyo’s, magnificent book, Masterpieces of Nigerian Art, that the majority of Nigeria’s finest artworks are in Western
countries. And yet some persons do not see anything wrong with this perverse situation.

Will a judge be able to order the return of the Nok sculpture to its country of origin? Properly informed and advised, a judge may well come to the conclusion that, in view of the atrocious history of plunder of African artefacts, the return of sculpture, even a broken one, may be a contribution to the fight against the illicit traffic; it may also strengthen attempts to restore to Africans their human right to independent cultural development and free practice of their religion, free from the constant threat of looting for the West.

The fate of the broken Nok has given lie to the argument that African sculptures are better protected in the West. An African sculpture that is some 2,630 years old has thus been destroyed in a Manhattan home in the United States of America.

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Zanzibar: What do children think of children’s rights?

Eva Buzo

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/82030

cc I H HMoving beyond ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and ensuring that it is incorporated into national legislation is the way to ensure children’s rights.

Not surprisingly, they like the idea of having rights protected by law, as research on the semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar shows.

Children’s rights, while not an entirely new concept, is a comparatively recent venture of international law with the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) being entered into force in 1989.

CRC is the most widely ratified piece of international law signed by all states except the United States and Somalia.

It outlines such rights as that of participation in matters concerning his or her wellbeing; freedom from discrimination based on status; and freedom from arbitrary detainment.

But ratifying the Convention is only the first step. The challenge of incorporating convention into national legislation is far more complex.

How does a state take international law that applies equally to Australia as it does to Afghanistan and localise it, so it is not only enforced, but embraced by its constituents?

COMMUNITY CONSULTATION

The state of Children’s Rights on the semi-Autonomous island of Zanzibar was poor.

Zanzibar has been a member of CRC since 1991 as a part of Tanzania. The research demonstrated that Zanzibar’s legal instruments did not meet the standards they were obliged to under their membership of the Convention.

Legislation pertaining to children was scattered across different pieces of law, often vague and sometimes contradicting. Simple matters such as the age of a child were unclear based on existing law. Matters were complicated further by the Islamic norms followed by ninety-nine per cent of the island, which directs family matters to the Kadhis courts.

Surveys aimed at assessing the breadth of child abuse, particularly sexual, determined that while it was a common experience for children, most victims never reported incidents or received support, a clear indication of weak Child Protection infrastructure.

Ten percent of children who had had sexual intercourse before the age of eighteen said their first experience was unwilling.

One in twenty females and one in ten males are reported to have experienced at least one incident of sexual violence.

It is believed though that less than half of the cases of sexual violence are reported and the vast majority is left without any legal, health or psychosocial support following incidents.

Juvenile justice was another area assessed and determined to be in a poor state.

Children in conflict with the law were being held in the same facilities as adults, with no child-specific facilities available; they were frequently detained for much longer than the legally mandated twenty-four hour maximum period without legal support or being charged. Some reported as being held for up to seven months without trial.

The Ministry of Labour, Youth, Women and Child Development led the decision to write a Children’s Act to cohesively outline Zanzibar’s commitment to the rights of the child.

Workshops were held involving child protection professionals, prosecution, police, social welfare departments, religious leaders and NGOs to determine the necessary focus areas of the new piece of law.

WHOSE CHOICE WAS IT TO INVOLVE THE CHILDREN?

514 children were consulted as a part of the development in the spirit of encouraging child participation. Children’s councils were established, which are now ongoing, to discover the opinions of children regarding their own welfare with the following results:

85% felt that it was vital to have legislation protecting their rights and interests.

82% of participating children believed that they should participate in decisions that affect their lives.

92% felt that the State has a responsibility to protect children who are vulnerable and in need of care and protection.

77% of children described corporal punishment as a harmful, arbitrary and ultimately meaningless practice.

80% called on the government to ban it in schools and promote the use of alternative discipline.

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African Liberation Day: A celebration of resistance

Friday May 25th 5-9PM at Ufungamano Centre Nairobi

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82020

The struggle to free Africa from foreign domination has a long and glorious history. From the very inception of European incursion into Africa in the 15th century to current times, Africans from the four corners of Africa and all points in between resisted the slave trade, colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. This struggle was by no means confined to Africa, but occurred wherever African people were to be found. These struggles have created many heroic individuals and events, but none more important than African Liberation Day (ALD).

On April 15, 1958, the First Congress of Independent African States (at that time only Ghana, Sudan, Morocco, Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia were independent) was convened in Accra, Ghana by Kwame Nkrumah, first president of Ghana. Thousands of representatives from revolutionary organizations throughout Africa attended this conference, which was organized “to mark each year the onward progress of the liberation movement in Africa and to symbolize the determination of the people of Africa to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation.” This conference was also the first Pan-African conference ever held on African soil since the birth of the Pan-African Movement in 1900. It was at this conference that the first “African Freedom Day” was celebrated. It was a day of unity and solidarity punctuated with political education and cultural entertainment.

On May 25, 1963, thirty African Heads of State met to form the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and at this summit African Freedom Day became African Liberation Day. Since its inception, ALD has not only been celebrated in Africa, but also in Europe, the Caribbean, Cuba, the U.S. and even in the ex-Soviet Union. In its growth and development, ALD has evolved to recognize the courageous struggles of non-African people such as the Indigenous People of the Western Hemisphere, the Palestinians and the Irish just to name a few. Consequently, you will see representatives from these various groups at ALD sharing the similarities in the struggles of all oppressed people. This unity and solidarity among oppressed people is crucial to the overthrow of imperialism because we are fighting a common enemy.

As we look forward to celebrating the 54th anniversary of ALD, we look back to its founding principles to assess and plan the onward progress of the African revolution. Our assessment reveals that Africa and African people are still not free. Worldwide, we suffer from the same conditions: racism, oppression, poverty, unemployment, lack of proper housing and medical care. In Africa, more specifically, we continue to suffer under the crushing weight of imperialist oppression and exploitation whether it is in the form of Shell Oil in Nigeria or NATO terrorism against Libya or diamond wars in Sierra Leone which have left the masses devastated. It’s an ironic contradiction that we live on the riches continent (in terms of natural resources) on the earth, but we are among the poorest people on the earth. Our assessment also reveals the continuing need for organization and political education to achieve Pan-Africanism: the total liberation and unification of Africa under scientific socialism. As the late Kwame Nkrumah stated, “organization decides everything.”

Through political education in general, we will arm the masses with the knowledge and understanding of the transformation process. More specifically, we seek to transform our capitalist mentality into a “revolutionary African personality” which is characterized by our traditional African beliefs of humanism (every individual has an innate integrity to them); egalitarianism (everyone has a right and responsibility to make a contribution to society); and collectivism (work is done collectively and the individual is responsible to the group and the group to the individual). Without this transformation, our conscience will continue to be warped by the various ideological trends running through our historical experiences.

ALD is not just an event, but a day to honor our ancestors and celebrate our victories. It is also a day of commitment and re-commitment in the struggle to create a world based on peace and justice. As always, we continue to call for the masses of our people to take responsibility for our liberation and join an organization working for the liberation of humanity in general and African people in particular. Please join us in celebrating ALD 2012. To find an ALD in your area, click on the following link: African Liberation Day.

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Guinea Bissau: NGOs condemn coup

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82026

Gathered between the 25th and 27th of April 2012, a set of national and international Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) concerned with the political and military situation launched by the coup d'e tat of April 12,

Concerned with the political, social and economic implications and consequences of this action, namely in regard to the functioning of institutions and national, food and sanitary security of populations at large,

Recognising that the worsening of this situation is causing essential goods' shortness and price increase, population displacement in search for security outside the Country's capital with strong educational and public health repercussions, at a stage when the rainy season is approaching and with it high cholera and other epidemic risks,

Considering that with the unclenching of this situation the communities' living conditions are further aggravated by the limited performance capacity of NGOs,

Taking into account that the present juncture is leading to the Country's international isolation,

Bearing in mind that the maintenance or deterioration of the current situation will lead to an emergency situation that will jeopardise ongoing development efforts and lead to a retrogress in terms of the accomplishments already achieved in this scope,

The signatory national and international NGOs hereby:
1. Condemn the coupd'e tat,

2. Appeal to the immediate release of all those detained in the course of this process, to the end of political persecution and to the respect for human rights, namely those of a political and civic nature,

3. Plead for the restitution of constitutional law and order,

4. Call for all national and international actors involved in solving the current situation to engage in the search of sustainable solutions through dialogue,

5. Reaffirm the commitment and dedication to their work towards the promotion of community development with a view to the national well-being,

6. Ask all NGOs to articulate and coordinate their efforts, both regionally and thematically, in order to minimise the risks and impacts of the present political and military situation,

7. Ask the communities and population in general to keep the peace, social cohesion and solidarity that characterise the Guinean people, even throughout complex situations and crises,

8. Plead with national and international economic operators to sympathise with the population by avoiding essential goods' price increases while the situation prevails,

9. Appeal to national and international media to relay a wider image of the Country, reflecting the reality of the populations and giving them voice,

10.Plead with the international community to continue its efforts towards the promotion of peace, safety and development in Guinea-Bissau.

Bissau, April 27th 2012

Signing organisations:

1. ACEP
2. ACPP
3. AD
4. ADIM
5. AIDA
6. AIFA/PALOP
7. AJPCT
8. ALTERNAG
9. AMIC
10. CIDAC
11. CIDEAL
12. COPE
13. DIVUTEC
14. EAPP
15. EMI
16. ENGIM
17. ESSOR

18. FUDEN
19. IEPALA
20. IMVF
21. KAFO
22. LGDH
23. MANITESE
24. MEDICUSMUNDI
25. MON-CU-MON
26. NADEL
27. PAZ Y DESARROLLO
28. PLAN GUINEA BISSAU
29. RASALAO
30. RENARC
31. SNV
32. TINIGUENA
33. VIDA

Land grabbing: White farmers still practice black spot policy

Mshwathi Community

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82027

Land grabbing by white farmers in South Africa continues like in the old days of apartheid of South Africa; and we black people are losing land. Apartheid was defeated in a ballot paper but in reality we are still living in the state of apartheid. There are no more signs that say “whites only” but in reality we as indigenous black South Africans are forcefully removed from our homes, simply because we live in a white dominated area. Our homes are being bulldozed and our living uprooted simply because we live on a prime land in the middle of a small farming town, uMshwathi/New Hannover.

Our troubles started when our original employer, farm owner Mr. Bush, got ill and retired from farming some years ago. He eventually left the farm to go and stay with his children; we think he went overseas. He told us that we should continue staying on the land and use it, even though another land owner may be purchasing the land. But we were not going to be removed from the land, he said to us; so we continued to live on the land. We have been using the land for farming all these years. Our children go to school in the area. Some of our members work in town in other neighboring farms.

Since Mr. Bush left, several people have approached us with an intention of using the land. Some individuals would claim that they have purchased the land and we needed to evacuate our homes but when we asked them to produce proof of purchase they would then disappear. Others would claim that they have leased the land but when we asked them to show us proof of lease agreement they would also disappear. These chancers included our neighboring farmers such as Bruce Robertson and Rudolph (aka RK). We have been subjected to evictions, our homes burned down and even arrested by the police. We have persevered hoping that the department of Land Affairs would one day resolve our problem by just doing a simple thing – get us a title-deed. To date nothing has happened.

The most troublesome of the land-grabbers have been our own neighbouring white farmers who have always eyed our land. Farmers and businessman such as Bruce, Rudolph (aka RK), and others have always connived to forcefully remove us from the land so that they can just grab it for themselves. Once in a while they would come to our land accompanied by private security guards and police officers from the local New Hannover police station and threatened us with evictions. On 18 April 2012 Bruce and his friends did the same but this time they were more intentional and aggressive. The following day, 19 April, we were woken up by the noise of tractors and earth removers. They chopped down our farm tree forest and grazed our plants on the field. For the past two weeks they have been uprooting any tree standing on our land and dumped soil on our river, mudding our source of water. We have reported the matter to the new Hannover Police station numerous times but they have refused to help us. The police officers told us that we needed some document from the court before they could help us. We asked the police why do we need a document from the court when Bruce and Rudolph get assisted by the police without documents? They couldn't answer us.

We have reported the matter to the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) from the beginning of our troubles. At one time they organized a lawyer for us. In 2009 one of the so-called land owners, Mr. Slavovich, made an offer to the DRDLR of about R4,5 million, to buy the land on our behalf so that we could have a title-deed for it. The Department has not responded to that offer. Since the land grabbing started on 18 April 2012, we have been calling Mr. Sbaningi Mngadi of the DRDLR reporting this continued violation of our human rights. He has been responding with negative comments such as “Why are we complaining because the land is not ours?” Yesterday, 3 May 2012, we called him and reported to him that the invaders have now blocked our driveway, using uprooted trees. This is the only entrance to our land. We asked him to come to our land and see what he could do to help us but he refused and said “He would only show up if they start demolishing our houses”.

Our experience is the same as the experience of the black-spot forceful removals of the 1970s. South Africa is now a democratic state yet our human rights as indigenous people remain violated. The white farmers who were a privileged class during apartheid are still enjoying their privileges that are based on white supremacy status. Although the two white farmers are now using a black person, Hilton Allan, to evict us, we know they are the ones who are behind our troubles. Allan is just fronting. We are treated like aliens in our own homeland. The state has failed to protect our rights and restore our dignity. The constitution of our land has failed to protect our humanity. We do not have many options. For what happens next no one can blame us.

Enough is enough! Sekwanele!

For more information contact: Bongiwe Mabaso: 083 759 9354 / Mphanda Dambuza: 076 929 7186 / Nonhlanhla Mchunu: 082 341 4064 / Phindile Mchunu: 072 524 0203 / Sphiwe Sokhela: 079 410 61

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Progressive NGOs must learn to engage our movements as equals

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/81982

8 May 2012

There are a number of progressive NGOs that have excellent relations with grassroots movements based on honesty, respectful and democratic forms of engagement and real partnerships. But some NGOs that claim to be progressive treat us like children, use their money to buy support from individuals while undermining democratic movement structures and think that it is their right to take decisions for us. In fact some NGOs just want us to bring in our members to legitimate their projects and their leadership. We are supposed to listen, sing some songs during the breaks but never to shape the agenda. Some NGOs have tried by all means to destroy movements that they cannot control and have even gone so far as to call activists 'criminals' in public. Their behaviour has been no different to that of the ruling party which also calls activists 'criminals' when they challenge its authority.

For many years the Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) had a very high reputation amongst all the grassroots movements. It gave real support to movements, especially when they were facing repression. But in recent years this NGO has been very distant from the struggles on the ground. In March this year we had a very bad experience with this NGO. We prepared a statement, which is below. However we did not send out that statement as the NGO indicated to us that they were willing to discuss our concerns. We welcomed this. But that discussion never happened and last week we received another invitation to one of their workshops. We discussed the matter with our allied organisations and movements in the province and we all agreed that we cannot attend the FXI workshop as there has been no discussion of our concerns. We are now issuing the press statement that we compiled in March.

We want to make it clear that we want to have good working relationship with all progressive or potentially progressive forces. However this does not mean that we can accept being oppressed within our own struggle. If the FXI is willing to meet us with and to discuss our concerns seriously we are willing to reconsider our position. But until that happens we will not be working with the FXI and we will encourage all allied organisations and movements in the province and nationally to take the same position.

UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT PRESS STATEMENT

9 March 2012

GRASSROOTS ACTIVISTS WALK OUT OF NGO WORKSHOP

The UPM, together with a number of other grassroots political organisations, as well as representatives of the SAPS, was invited to attend a workshop on the Regulation of Gatherings Act in East London on the 1st and 2nd of March 2012. The workshop was hosted by the Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI), an NGO that used to have a very high respect amongst grassroots political activists. We welcomed the invitation due to the respect that the FXI used to enjoy and because the police and the municipalities systematically ignore the Gatherings Act and illegally ban or over-regulate our protests and we thought that a discussion about this would be useful.

On the first day of the workshop we were discussing the Regulation of Gatherings Act and comrades were narrating their experiences and asking questions about repression. However the facilitator, Welekazi Stofile, who was introduced to us as an expert, was highly intolerant. She did not provide room for comrades to share their experiences or to be critical of the law and the way the police and municipalities are always violating the law.

One very vocal comrade was Anele Mbi. Anele is a committed activist who is highly respected on the ground. He was formerly with the Right to Work, the Right to Know Campaign and the Democratic Left Front. He was censored at the workshop following which he said that if he had not the right to speak freely in a workshop hosted by an organisation dedicated to freedom of expression he might as well leave. The facilitator shocked us all when she said that he should go.

Anele responded by saying that he thought that activists had been invited to the workshop to discuss and not only to listen. The facilitator shocked us even more when she responded by saying that he was uneducated and that she was an expert and that he must listen to her. She then went on to say that “even your appearance tells me that you are uneducated.” Anele then walked out.

Ayanda Kota then passed a note to the facilitator saying that he needed to speak to Anele so that the situation could be resolved. She responded by screaming and yelling at him in front of all the participants. During the lunch break Ayanda spoke to Mbali Cele, the FXI legal expert but she defended Welekazi. The issue of class and power was just there. It was made very clear that grassroots activists must know their place and that their place is to be perpetual pupils even in their own struggle.

When it was clear that neither of the FXI experts were willing to begin a discussion aimed at resolving the situation the UPM decided to walk out of the workshop. We walked out in solidarity with Anele and in protest at the contempt with which grassroots activists were being treated in the workshop. We were joined in the walk-out by the President of Izwe Lamafama, Mbulelo Tokwa, and other well-known activists like Yonela Mahebe who is the Provincial Chairperson of the PAC Youth League.

FXI did not respond to the walkout by engaging us in a discussion. They responded by telling the driver that if she leaves with us we would have to pay for the transport and that the FXI would not pay. It seems that for the FXI we must walk back to Grahamastown from East London because we are the lumpen proletariat and our job is just to obey and to keep on obeying until the end of time even when we are treated with contempt in the name of our own struggle! They were just using their control over the resources to intimidate us.

At this point all the other activists in the workshop worked out in solidarity with Anele and UPM. The provincial co-ordinator of the FXI joined the walkout. The FXI facilitators were left with the police only. This means that the FXI no longer has any activist network in this province. We call upon all other grassroots activist and poor people’s organizations and movements too disassociate from the FXI until they have:

• Met with all those who walked out of the workshop.
• Apologised for their behaviour.
• Negotiated a way to work with grassroots activists in the future that is democratic and respectful.
•
This is not the first time that grassroots activists have had to walk out of an NGO workshop organized by an NGO that says that it is on the side of the poor. In fact there have been many walkouts from NGO workshops and projects over the years and many protests against the NGOs and serious complaints made against the NGOs. The NGOs have often responded by saying that grassroots activists are criminals, that we are being used and so on. We do not see a difference between their behaviour and the behaviour of the state. We all remember how the NGOs tried to evict the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign from their accommodation after they walked out of the Social Movements Indaba in 2006 in legitimate protest at how the NGOs had seized total control of an organization that was supposed to represent social movements. We also remember how some NGOs called the movements that walked out of the Social Movements Indaba as 'criminals' and so forth.

The conduct of the FXI has left us thinking that we need to seriously reconsider out participation in the Right2Know Campaign. We fully support the campaign’s objectives but we cannot accept that we should be oppressed within our struggle. We are also concerned that in Durban the Right2Know Campaign is planning to move its office to the same NGO that Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Western Cape Anti-Eviction have refused to work with for many years. UPM also supports the boycott of this NGO and it is clear to us that the decision by the Right2Know Campaign shows a real disrespect to the grassroots organisations.

The UPM has very good relations with many progressive NGOs and we are pleased to work with any organisation that shares our goals and which is willing to engage us as equals. However we will never accept that we must be perpetual pupils even within our own struggles. All we are asking for us is respect, equality and democracy within the struggle for a better society.

Contact people:

Yonela Mahebe: 073 406 4120
Gladys Mpepho: 072 807 8298
Ayanda Kota: 078 625 6462

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Rio+20: International campaign of struggles

Peoples of the World against the commodification of Nature

La Via Campesina

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/81978

The advance of the capitalist system that has reached unprecedented dimensions in the past two decades is resulting in crises that are of equally unprecedented dimensions. The financial, food, energy and environmental crises are phases of the structural crisis of capitalism, which has no limits in its search for more profits. And, as in other structural crises, it impacts the peoples of the world and not the elites.

In every continent we have seen that even in crisis, capitalism has not reduced its momentum: the increase in land purchases and land grabbing by foreign corporations, the advance of the mining industry, the technology of genetic modification that is ever more present in the rural areas, the marketing of agrofuels and pesticides on a huge scale. Finally, to say that capitalism is in crisis does not mean that the system is in retreat. On the contrary, it is precisely in this moment that it advances with more intensity because the corporations take advantage of the crisis to extend their domination over territories that have not yet been conquered.

The Rio +20 Conference is a clear example. Instead of bringing together all the governments of the world to find real solutions for the environmental crisis, the event will serve to consolidate the false solutions and the appropriation of territories of the peasants and traditional peoples. In the United Nations Conference, only the interests of the large corporations will have a chance.

To resist and challenge these interests, it's essential that the peoples of the world continue to strengthen their organization and struggles, raising their voices and showing that only people's sovereignty can ensure true solutions.

So as Via Campesina , we call on our member organizations and allies to organize and carry out struggles all over the world during the entire month of June, with particular emphasis on June 5, World Environment Day, showing our unity and strength to send in advance from all corners of the world a resounding message to the governments that will be at Rio +20 from June 20 to 22 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

Each struggle, each act of resistance, each territory that we retake should be the expression of this global unity in the face of the advance of the capitalist system over nature.

Parallel to the official conference, the people of the world will be meeting at the People's Summit in a process of collective construction and permanent mobilization. The week of June 18 to 22 wil be a period of global mobilization, since our task is not only in Rio de Janeiro. We should carry out the campaign of struggles in each country, especially on June 20 when the official conference opens. During this period the struggles in all the continents should be echoing in Rio de Janeiro and throughout the world.

We invite all the farmers and peasant organizations and their allies to organize mobilizations and actions throughout the world: marches in the cities and in the countryside, press conferences, actions for land and agrarian reform, media campaigns, radio programs, mobilizations against companies that degrade the environment, discussions in schools and universities, film showings and other actions that can be built collectively in each country.

At a time in which capitalism wants to globalize its system even more, to dominate our territories and exploit our work force, we must internationalize our struggle. Let's get organized, prepare our actions, mobilize our bases and our allies for this great campaign of struggles against capitalism. The strength of this campaign will come from our ability to organize and get national and international visibility.

We ask you to communicate your activities to lvcweb@viacampesina.org

NO TO THE FALSE SOLUTIONS OF GREEN CAPITALISM!

SUSTAINABLE FAMILIY FARMING NOW!

Globalize the struggle, Globalize hope!
--


Via Campesina is an international movement of peasants, small- and medium-sized producers, landless, rural women, indigenous people, rural youth and agricultural workers. We are an autonomous, pluralist and multicultural movement, independent of any political, economic, or other type of affiliation. Born in 1993, La Via Campesina now gathers about 150 organisations in 70 countries in Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas.

International Operational Secretariat:
Jln. Mampang Prapatan XIV no 5 Jakarta Selatan 12790, Indonesia
Tel/fax: +62-21-7991890/+62-21-7993426
Email: viacampesina@viacampesina.org

SA court orders investigation into crimes in Zimbabwe

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82006

JOHANNESBURG – In a landmark decision for local and international justice, the North Gauteng High Court has ruled that the South African authorities must investigate Zimbabwean officials who are accused of involvement in torture and crimes against humanity in Zimbabwe.

“This judgment will send a shiver down the spines of Zimbabwean officials who believed that they would never be held to account for their crimes but now face investigation by the South African authorities,” said Nicole Fritz, Executive Director of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), which brought the case along with the Zimbabwean Exiles Forum (ZEF).

In a very strong ruling, Judge Hans Fabricius said that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and the South African Police Services (SAPS) had acted unconstitutionally and unlawfully in not taking forward the original investigation. His judgment also underlined in the strongest terms South Africa’s obligations under international law.

“This decision is not just about Zimbabwe, it also sets a much broader precedent by ruling that South African authorities have a duty to investigate international crimes wherever they take place,” said Fritz. “It is a major step forward for international criminal justice.”

In March 2012, SALC and ZEF argued in the High Court that the decision of the NPA and SAPS not to investigate Zimbabwean officials linked to acts of state-sanctioned torture should be set aside. Brought in terms of South Africa’s International Criminal Court Act, which defines torture as a crime against humanity, the applicants' argued that the NPA and SAPS had failed to take into account South Africa’s international and domestic law obligations to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of international crimes regardless of where they are committed or by whom.

The case highlighted South Africa’s duty to investigate crimes against humanity, the sufficiency of the evidence presented by SALC to the NPA and SAPS to trigger an investigation and how irrelevant considerations – such as political concerns – improperly influenced the decision. The case also exposed divisions within the NPA after Anton Ackermann, the head of the Priority Crimes Litigation Unit that is responsible for the investigation and prosecution of international crimes, stated in an affidavit that he believed that an investigation should have been initiated and that he was not satisfied with the manner in which SALC’s request was dealt with.

For more information and interviews contact:
Nicole Fritz, SALC Executive Director, +27 11 587 5065, Cell +27 82 600 1028; NicoleF@salc.org.za
Gabriel Shumba, ZEF Chairperson, Cell +27 72 639 3795
Alan Wallis, SALC, Off + 27 11 587 5065, Cell +27 82 826 5700; AlanW@salc.org.za

SALC promotes human rights and the rule of law in southern Africa through litigation, advocacy and training. ZEF seeks to combat impunity and achieve justice for human rights violations in Zimbabwe and to support Zimbabweans in exile. Lawyers for Human Rights represented SALC and ZEF in this matter.

Somalia: PACM opposes deployment of Sierra Leonean troops

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82029

Freetown: 20th April, 2012 - The Pan-Afrikan Community Movement (PACM) is a newly formed grassroots Pan-Africanist community based movement of youths, students, women, and employed and unemployed workers in urban and rural Sierra Leone. We stand for the self-emancipation and self-determination of the oppressed and exploited Afrikan masses at home and abroad. We are opposed to privatisation, racism, sexism, neo-colonialism, and imperialist proxy wars in Africa. We are part of the worldwide resistance to globalisation and the struggle for global social justice.

ON THE DEPLOYMENT OF SIERRA LEONE TROOPS IN SOMALIA

A few weeks ago the government of Ernest Bai Koroma announced that it will send, as promised late last year, a contingent of nearly 1,000 troops to join Rwanda and Uganda under the guise of AMISOM (African Union Mission in Somalia) to fight Al-Shabaab militants in Somalia. Apart from Rwanda and Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia have also sent troops to Somalia, to fight the Al- Shabaab.

PACM holds the view that the deployment of Sierra Leonean soldiers in Somalia is wrong. We believe that the problem in Somalia cannot be resolved by military action. The deployment of Sierra Leonean forces there will only be seen by the people of Somalia as an attempt by the rulers of Sierra Leone to be part of the greater conspiracy, sponsored by western imperialist forces to dominate and further the long suffering of the people of Somalia and deepen the conflict. The deployment might also endanger Sierra Leonean citizens, as Al-Shabaab has already threatened to do.

We do not oppose the involvement of Sierra Leonean soldiers in other African problems, but we believe that, in this case, the “solution” is driven by outside forces. It is no coincidence, that over US$ 50 million have been provided so far by the US for the procurement of military equipment of the Sierra Leonean military for what will only be a war of Africans killing other Africans.

PACM wonders how Sierra Leonean soldiers can use military force to bring peace in Somalia where US forces failed in 1993. Ethiopian troops and now Kenyan forces are failing since their invasion into Somalia, at the behest of US and imperialist forces earlier this year.

PACM maintains that imperialist forces are behind the deployment of African soldiers in Somalia. In this respect, we oppose the use of Africans fighting Africans- an old imperialist strategy in Africa.

PACM wishes to state that we equally oppose all forms of violence including Al-Shabaab’s use of terrorist tactics of killing innocent people in their so-called war to institute Sharia law in Somalia.

The war in Somalia, is a proxy war, with the US and other imperialist forces behind it. The objective is to ensure control of the horn of Africa for military, economic and political gains. This is also the reason for the establishment of AFRICOM – The US military’s Africa Command. This militarisation of Africa is not unconnected with the discovery of oil and the rise of China as a major economic power in Africa. In short, the militarisation of Africa is part of the grand plan to control African mineral (including oil) resources.

Consequently, PACM holds the view that the attempt to send Salone troops to Somalia under the guise of AMISOM, is not to help the people of Somalia, but to support Imperialist Proxy-wars in Africa. In that respect, PACM wish to join the progressive chorus of African peace campaigners, to oppose the new vigour of imperialism in Africa and call on the Government of Sierra Leone, led by Ernest Bai Koroma, a seemingly willing puppet of Western imperialism and neo-colonialism, to reverse the decision of sending troops to Somalia. Instead we call on the government to pursue a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Somalia, which can only be addressed by the Somali people themselves.

Stop the War, Hands Off Somalia!

End Imperialist Proxy Wars in Africa Now!!

Workers United Will Never Be Defeated!!!

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The draft Lusaka Declaration on mainstreaming organic agriculture into the African development dgenda

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/81981

We, the 300 participants from over 40 countries gathered at the 2nd African Organic Conference held in Lusaka, Zambia 2-4 May 2012 on the theme “Mainstreaming Organic Agriculture in the African Development Agenda”.

We agree that organic agriculture plays a key role in sustainable development, food security, poverty reduction, environmental security, climate change adaptation, human health, preservation of indigenous knowledge, plant varieties and animal breeds as well as socio-cultural development. We shared international research results confirming that the adoption of organic agriculture practices significantly increases yields in Africa. Based on locally available renewable resources instead of purchased chemical inputs (over 90 percent of which are imported in sub-Saharan Africa), organic producers are less vulnerable to international input price volatility. Moreover organic agriculture is climate smart agriculture, as it produces lower emissions and also provides much greater resilience in times of climate extremes such as drought and heavy rains.

We applaud the great efforts made by all national, regional and international organizations to support the development of ecological organic agriculture in Africa.

We welcome the institutionalization of AfroNet (African Organic Network) — the umbrella organization uniting and representing African organic stakeholders. We encourage all stakeholders to engage in and support AfroNet.

We call for the implementation of the AU Heads of State and Government Decision on Organic Farming (Doc. EX.CL/631 (XVIII). The Summit decision requests that the African Union Commission (AUC) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) Planning and Coordinating Agency (NPCA) to initiate and provide guidance for an AU-led coalition of international partners on the establishment of an African organic farming platform based on available best practices; and to provide guidance in support of the development of sustainable organic farming systems.

We call upon the AU to mainstream organic agriculture into all areas of its work, including the Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) and to take the lead in the implementation of the African Organic Action Plan (and its associated Pillars), in close collaboration with AfroNet and other partners.

The six pillars of the African Organic Action Plan are:

1. Research, training and extension: To conduct participatory, interdisciplinary, multi-cultural research that informs stakeholder training and offers appropriate knowledge and skills and innovative solutions to the community.

2. Information and communication: To develop information and communication strategies to sensitize the stakeholders and the general public on the value and practices of ecological organic agriculture.

3. Value chain and market development: To increase trade in ecological/organic products from Africa at domestic, regional and export markets.

4. Networking and partnership: To strengthen synergies among stakeholders and beneficiaries to support ecological organic agriculture through networks and partnerships.

5. Supportive policies and programmes: To support the development and implementation of enabling policies and programmes.

6. Institutional capacity development: To establish, develop and support ecological/organic agriculture institutions in Africa

We appreciate all support received to date. We note that the coordination and implementation of the African Organic Action Plan will require strengthening the capacities of AfroNet and the AU Commission.

We call upon all African stakeholders and development partners to support the implementation of the African Organic Action Plan from technical, financial and institutional perspectives. These partners include but are not limited to the European Union, UNCTAD, FAO, IFAD, UNEP, ITC, World Bank, the European Union, the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), Grow Organic Africa, the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation, Sida, HIVOs, NORAD, Swiss Development Cooperation and the Government of Austria.

We request continued funding of existing initiatives falling under the framework of the Action Plan, including the Ecological Organic Agriculture Initiative. We further encourage the design and implementation of more initiatives at every level, from continental to grassroots communities.

We call upon the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) to mainstream organic agriculture into existing Regional Agricultural frameworks and initiatives including the Regional Compacts, Research for Development, Advocacy, outreach and Communication, media, publications, capacity building, technical cooperation and intergovernmental meetings.

We applaud the efforts made by the growing number of Members States that have embraced the concept of Organic Agriculture and in developing policies and programmes to support the organic agriculture sector.

We urge all African Governments to include organic agriculture in their policies and programmes, in consultation with the organic/ecological agriculture stakeholders in their countries. The UNCTAD-UNEP "Best Practices for Organic Policy" (UNCTAD/DITC/TED/2007/3) can provide useful guidance.

We express interest in exploring and harnessing the potential of possible synergies with other related initiatives, programmes and projects in Africa, while remaining true to our core values.

We request the European Union and other actors of the global trade partners to take all possible steps to facilitate the participation of Africa in global organic markets. This includes a request to recognize as equivalent the East African Organic Products Standard (EAOPS), which was developed through a consultative regional public-private partnership and adopted as the official East African Community organic standard in 2007.

We welcome the recent equivalency agreements on organic trade between the EU, the United States and Canada. We further request that these equivalency agreements include full recognition of organic import systems, so that approval as organic in one market, leads to access to all three.

We thank the organizers of this conference, including the AU Commission (AUC), Organic Producers and Processors Association of Zambia (OPPAZ), the Zambian Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), Grow Organic Africa, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and those who provided financial and technical support.

We express our sincere appreciation of the support and attendance of Kenneth David Kaunda, OPPAZ Patron and First Republican President of Zambia.

We look forward to continue to work together as one united and ever-growing African Organic Team.

Appendix 1

The Definition of Organic Agriculture
Organic Agriculture is a production system that sustains the health of soils, ecosystems and people. It relies on ecological processes, biodiversity and cycles adapted to local conditions, rather than the use of inputs with adverse effects. Organic Agriculture combines tradition, innovation and science to benefit the shared environment and promote fair relationships and a good quality of life for all involved.

The Principles of Organic Agriculture

• Principle of Health:
Organic Agriculture sustains and enhances the health of soil, plant, animal, human and
planet as one and indivisible.

• Principle of Ecology:
Organic Agriculture is based on living ecological systems and cycles, work with them, emulate them and help sustain them.

• Principle of Fairness:
Organic Agriculture builds on relationships that ensure fairness with regard to the
common environment and life opportunities.

• Principle of Care:
Organic Agriculture is managed in a precautionary and responsible manner to protect
the health and well-being of current and future generations and the environment.

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“Take the Seed Back” - International support for Take The Flour Back

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/82021

The African Biodiversity Network and The Gaia Foundation support the call from Take the Flour Back for Rothamsted Research Institute to remove their GM wheat crop to prevent contamination. Gathuru Mburu, Coordinator of the African Biodiversity Network (ABN) will be speaking at the “Take the Flour Back” rally at Rothamsted on 27th May.

Gathuru Mburu, who will be in the UK at the end of May for the launch of a new film about the corporate takeover of seed through GMOs, has made the following statement:

“It gives us strength to see the British people standing up to the irresponsible release of genetically modified foods into the ecosystem. We have seen the negative effects that crops like this have had in India, where GM cotton crops failed in their claims of pest resistance, and sent farmers into spiraling debt. Experimenting with staple crops is a serious threat to food security. Our resilience comes from diversity not from monocultures of GM. Seed saving is the basis of African farmers’ security and livelihood, but patented GM crops forbid farmers from saving their own seed. This is a violation of Farmers’ Rights. Furthermore, there is always a strong likelihood that GM will cross-pollinate with our crops, and that we will lose our indigenous diversity forever. Indigenous seed is traditionally celebrated in African rites of passage, so GM will further erode Africa’s Rights to indigenous, cultural foods and the knowledge systems which surround these.”

Gathuru Mburu will be visiting the UK for the launch of Seeds of Freedom, a new film which exposes the corporate takeover of seed through genetic modification and patenting, and the impact that this has already had on biodiversity and farmers’ livelihoods. The film, which is narrated by British Actor Jeremy Irons, includes interviews with Dr Vandana Shiva, Zac Goldsmith Conservative MP and Caroline Lucas Green MP.

Mburu continues: “Beneath the rhetoric that GM is the key to feeding a hungry world, there is a very different story - a story of control and profit. This story is about controlling seed, and thereby the farmer, his land, and the food system. The globalisation of food markets has led to growing hunger, and the unrelenting greed of corporations who see the huge financial potential in controlling the global food system. Farmers and communities in the areas most affected by food shortages and climate change do not want GM. GM does not support a resilient, nutritious or sustainable food system. Instead it creates dependence on corporations and increased vulnerability to hunger and poverty. Actions against GM, by movements like the African Biodiversity Network, Via Campesina, and the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa, are happening across Africa and beyond. The fact is that we need a diversity of genetic traits in food crops in order to survive worsening climates. Above all, people need to have control over their seeds”.

In the film Seeds of Freedom, which will be launched by The Gaia Foundation and African Biodiversity Network in London on Monday 28th May, Dr Vandana Shiva of Navdanya states “Farmers breed for resilience. And therefore they breed for cooperative arrangements. They don’t breed one crop. They know they must have many crops because the climate changes. They know they must have many crops, because nutritional needs are diverse. Once a company starts to see royalty collections from every seed, it pushes its genetically engineered crops, to replace the native crops that farmers and peasants have grown over millennia.”

Henk Hobbelink, Coordinator of GRAIN, who this week published the book ‘The Great Food Robbery’ also features in the film and asks “What are we supposed to do with these GM seeds? Seeds are supposed to be planted, multiplied, exchanged, further adapted, and so on. That’s exactly what is not allowed from the corporate mindset. The corporations sell or license us the seed to use the seed in a specific way – the way that they are interested in. Full stop.”

At the close of Seeds of Freedom, MP Zac Goldsmith asserts that the GM agenda is “nothing to do with feeding the world. It’s nothing to do with tackling some of the huge issues we’re facing today. It’s about control of the food sector, of the food economy. We need to radically change course, and return to diversity”.

Liz Hosken, Director of The Gaia Foundation has also spoken out in support of the campaign by Take the Flour Back. She says, “The contamination risk that the Rothamsted wheat trial poses cannot be underestimated. But there is also much more to this debate than what we see here in the UK. As things stand today, GM is the tool used to see out a corporate agenda for the takeover and monopoly of the global food system. The potential for profit through controlling something so essential to us all, is what really drives GMO research. Small scale, diversity-rich farming is being eroded and replaced with ever-larger monocultures deserts. This displaces farmers from their land, and huge amounts of traditional agricultural knowledge and diverse indigenous seeds are lost forever. We cannot support any trial which reinforces the myth that GM is there as a benefit to people and planet, when in reality it feeds not humans, but a greedy corporate agenda.”

ENDS

NOTES TO EDITORS

Images of the Africa Biodiversity Network seed saving events and of indigenous seeds are available. Contact to request. To arrange interviews with The Gaia Foundation, Gathuru Mburu or members of the African Biodiversity Network please contact Rowan Phillimore on 0207 428 0054/0774 894 5204.

Media call to the launch of Seeds of Freedom:

Seeds of Freedom will be launched on Monday 28th May, 6.30pm at the Garden Museum, central London. This is a private launch for press and invited guests. Gathuru Mburu (Kenya) and Mphatheleini Maukalule (South Africa) of the African Biodiversity Network will be attending the launch and available for interviews throughout Monday 28th May. Please contact Rowan Phillimore on 0207 428 0054/ 0774 894 5204 or rowan@gaianet.org if you would like to attend the media launch or arrange a private interview.

Watch a 3-minute trailer for the film here.

Seeds of Freedom explores the history of the corporate takeover of seed, most notably through the development of GM as a means of patenting seed. The film shows how the loss of indigenous seed leads to further loss of biodiversity, which is essential for building climate resilience and establishing food justice. Alongside interviews with African farmers, the film features interviews with Dr Vandana Shiva (Director of Navdanya, author of the 2011 report The GMO Emperor has No Clothes), Zac Goldsmith MP, Caroline Lucas MP, Kumi Naidoo (Head of Greenpeace International), Percy Schmeiser (American farmer sued by GM giant Monsanto), John Vidal (Environment Editor, The Guardian), Dr Melaku Worrede (Ethiopian Scientist who has pioneered seed saving methods in Ethiopia), Gathuru Mburu (Coordinator of the African Biodiversity Network, Kenya), Liz Hosken (Director of The Gaia Foundation), and Henk Hobbelink (Coordinator of GRAIN International, who recently published The Great Food Robbery).

The final 30-minute film is being narrated by British Actor Jeremy Irons, who became the UN Goodwill Ambassador for Food & Agriculture in 2011.

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Africans in China

Adams Bodomo

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/82025

‘Africans in China’ is the first book-length study of Africans travelling to China and forming communities there. Employing a combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods involving prolonged interaction with approximately 800 Africans across six main Chinese cities - Guangzhou, Yiwu, Shanghai, Beijing, Hong Kong, and Macau - Professor Adams Bodomo (The University of Hong Kong) has constructed sociolinguistic and sociocultural profiles that illuminate the everyday life of Africans in China. This unprecedented book provides insights into understanding issues such as why Africans go to China, what they do there, how they communicate with their Chinese hosts, what opportunities and problems they encounter in their China sojourn, and how they are received by the Chinese state. Learn more about the book, which was published by Cambria Press in 2012, at http://www.cambriapress.com/books/9781604977905.cfm

Watch a six-minute [url= Video]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rkFa_yG9jrg]Video Clip[/url].

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* Adams Bodomo is the African Studies Programme Director at the HKU School of Humanities.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Sudan and South Sudan: Perspectives on the crisis

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/podcasts/82033

http://bit.ly/KcfvyO

Uganda: Land for every Ugandan? The February 2012 Apaa eviction

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/podcasts/82032

http://bit.ly/qzaTk3

France's new president and austerity

Gado

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/82039

[img w=490 h=373 center][/img]

Political degrees

Gado

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/82038

http://pambazuka.org/images/articles/Politicaldegrees.edit.jpg

Africa: Tanzania to back Dlamini-Zuma for top AU seat, Kenya no

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/82050

http://bit.ly/ISLJ0K

Egypt: Egyptian upholds sex-war view of revolution

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/81995

http://bit.ly/K27ybM

Egypt: Free Egyptians Party calls for sexual harassment law

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/82119

http://bit.ly/MbuCt3

Egypt: Women’s NGO takes pro-FGM Parliamentarian to court

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/82011

http://bit.ly/IUtl8A

Global: Campaign launched to stop rape and gender violence in conflict

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/81994

http://bit.ly/IXLy6z

Kenya: New communication platform removes education obstacles for girls in Kenya slum

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/82125

http://bit.ly/J3OVrn

Malawi: Low female representation irks NGO

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/81988

http://bit.ly/JTyGHY

Mali: Blow to women’s rights

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/81972

http://bit.ly/KY8XRZ

Morocco: Women’s rights threatened as Salafists assault, strip woman

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/82120

http://bit.ly/JNremf

South Africa: Court declares Soweto woman customary law heir to prevent eviction

Press release: Housing rights protected as Court recognises customary law adoption of a woman facing eviction

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/82132

On 8 May 2012, the Johannesburg High Court declared that a girl taken in and treated as a daughter by a woman in Soweto could inherit as her customary law heir. Judge Coppin declared the daughter (who prefers to remain anonymous and will be referred to as ‘Ms K’) to be the descendant of a woman who died intestate in 2006. This was despite the fact that the woman never formally adopted Ms K and was not her birth mother. Lawyers for the Socio-Economic Rights Institute (SERI) successfully argued that Ms K had been adopted in terms of customary law and should be recognised as her mother’s descendant in terms of the Reform of Customary Law and Succession and Regulation of Related Matters Act 11 of 2009.
In 1992, Ms K was taken in by the Soweto woman, who treated her as more than just a foster child, and by agreement with Ms K’s biological mother, changed her surname to her own. For almost 15 years, the two women lived together as daughter and mother, with the woman even informing Ms K’s school that she was her mother. Ms K barely saw her birth mother, and had no familial relationship with her.

In 2006, Ms K’s mother died intestate and without having formally adopted Ms K in terms of the Child Care Act 74 of 1983. She had no other biological or adoptive children. Ms K was left to look after a disabled man and a 17 year-old girl, who were being cared for by her mother until the time of her death. Soon after, one of Ms K’s cousins started harassing her and removing furniture from the house. On the basis that he was Ms K’s mother’s surviving natural heir, he had Ms K’s home transferred into his name, and brought an application to evict Ms K and the two other occupants from their Soweto home.

Lawyers from SERI then stepped in, arguing that Ms K, while not adopted in terms of the Child Care Act, had been adopted in terms of customary law. In terms of the Customary Law and Succession Act, customary adoption practices are recognised and protected.

Teboho Mosikili, SERI attorney acting for Ms K, said "This is a great result. Our client fully deserves to be treated as her adoptive mother’s heir, and has experienced many years of pain and insecurity after her mother's death. We are all very happy that her claim to be recognised as her mother’s descendant has been upheld. I have no doubt that this is what her mother intended before she died."

Dr Julian Brown, of the National Research Foundation Chair in Local Histories and Present Realities at the University of the Witwatersrand gave expert evidence on behalf of Ms K. He said "It is important that customary law be recognised and protected in practice. Customary law is an active part of many people's lives in South Africa. Its precepts must be given effect to, especially where, as here, substantial injustice and hardship would otherwise have resulted."

Ms K was represented in court by Advocate Nkosikhona Gama.

Contact details:
Teboho Mosikili, attorney at SERI: 072 248 2199 / teboho@seri-sa.org

ENDS

South Africa: Soweto #RapeVideo - I don’t create or forward violence

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/81990

http://bit.ly/KERr91

Burundi: Human Rights Watch report rejected

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/82042

http://bit.ly/J00X6r

Côte d’Ivoire: In talks, former Gbagbo party omits victims

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/82015

http://bit.ly/ID7XkQ

Egypt: Military trials continue

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/81999

http://bit.ly/LNsQhA

South Africa: South Africa must probe rights in Zimbabwe, says judge

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/81965

http://abcn.ws/JmGczn

Swaziland: ACHPR rebukes Swaziland

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/82114

http://bit.ly/L0iPrZ

Zimbabwe: Amnesty petitions Zimbabwe leaders over death penalty

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/81966

http://bit.ly/IUVKWP

Chad: Deserting refugees in the Sahara

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/82123

http://bit.ly/Jy6AVr

DRC: UNHCR starts cross-river repatriation of refugees in Republic of Congo

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/82001

http://bit.ly/IXPuEo

Global: Over 26 million displaced in 2011

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/82035

http://bit.ly/JhK01L

Sudan: South Sudan refugees await airlift

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/82131

http://aje.me/JNzpz3

South Africa: Jobless youth time bomb

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/labour/81963

http://bit.ly/JcX7Ba

Algeria: Ruling party wins legislative polls

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82127

http://aje.me/J2GFIo

Equatorial Guinea: Opposition figure wrongly convicted

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82014

http://bit.ly/JyUtqo

Guinea-Bissau: Junta, mediators agree on interim president

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82130

http://bit.ly/K9f6r9

Guinea: Security forces clash with protesters

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82129

http://aje.me/JpwYVl

Swaziland: The future for democratic Swaziland

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82115

http://bit.ly/JphjoT

Zambia: NGOs welcome draft constitution

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/81989

http://bit.ly/KEJBMB

Zambia: Sata slams Western diplomats for 'meddling'

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/82053

http://bit.ly/J0eXwO

Egypt: Swiss court allows Egypt to recover money from Mubarak, cronies

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/82121

http://bit.ly/JaQl4D

South Africa: Spy boss loses job

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/82045

http://bit.ly/IEIWWm

Africa: Africa Progress Report 2012 released

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/82135

http://bit.ly/J3XpPc

Africa: Brazil forging strategic alliance with Africa

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/81971

http://bit.ly/KY5NxD

Africa: Governments can't do it alone

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/81968

http://bit.ly/IGRcZR

Ghana: Prof slams World Bank, IMF policies

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/82010

http://bit.ly/Jg5Jag

Global: Developing countries try to force IMF hand on debt

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/82009

http://bit.ly/KQWM73

Malawi: Kwacha devalued by 33 per cent, leading to panic-buying

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/81967

Zimbabwe: Miners call for policy reform

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/82124

http://bit.ly/L0qdDy

Ghana: Cholera kills 21

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/82007

http://bit.ly/ILd3PG

Global: HIV, drug use and the global fund

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/82000

http://bit.ly/KEZCSH

Global: HIV/AIDS and health as a human right

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/81998

http://bit.ly/JeUjoX

Nigeria: Aid group slams Nigeria for lead poisoning

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/82126

http://aje.me/J3Pz8q

Nigeria: Doctors' mass strike hits patients

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/81986

http://aje.me/ICfobT

Rwanda: Substantial HIV funding has not hurt other patient care

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/82044

http://www.irinnews.org/Report/95428/RWANDA-Substantial-HIV-funding-has-not-hurt-other-patient-care

South Sudan: Losing the war against kala-azar

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/81970

http://bit.ly/KJvTT6

Zimbabwe: An ailing health service

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/82128

http://aje.me/Ju6BuK

Africa: mLearning, effective or disruptive?

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/82034

http://bit.ly/IVK1N9

Ghana: Are private Ghana universities giving value?

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/82049

http://bit.ly/KIiWyh

Global: How corporations like Monsanto have hijacked higher education

2012-05-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/82109

http://bit.ly/IOZtqX

Tunisia: Right to education should be prioritised, says UN

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/82043

http://bit.ly/J01bum

Zimbabwe: ‘Angry’ teachers threaten June strike action

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/82003

http://bit.ly/Kayutz

Kenya: Clergy oppose call for de-criminalisation of homosexuality

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/81997

http://bit.ly/IXMIPz

South Africa: LGBTI community responds to anti-gay statements

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/81996

http://bit.ly/IPZ21O

Why economic justice is central to LGBT rights

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/82012

http://bit.ly/JVefKH

Zimbabwe: Minister wants gays evicted from communities

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/82136

http://bit.ly/KluGG7

South Africa: ‘De Klerk must retract comment’

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/racism/82118

http://bit.ly/KlfF77

Africa: Severe weather will impact coastal cities

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/82040

http://bit.ly/J2Wb1x

Global: In Japan, a mothers’ movement against nuclear power

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/82051

http://bit.ly/KNT3Yo

Ethiopia: Four million hectares of land available to investors

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/82047

http://bit.ly/J04iSU

Global: European Parliament votes against patents on plants and animals

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/82141

http://bit.ly/LIwzdL

Global: UN adopts historic 'land grab' guidelines

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/82140

http://bit.ly/KksoFY

Angola: Drought hits Angola's already struggling farms

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/81962

http://bit.ly/KBVdjw

Global: In 80 years, we lost 93% of variety in our food seeds

2012-05-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/82108

http://bit.ly/IOYW8b

Kenya: The Gates foundation link to Frankenfoods

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/82116

http://bit.ly/KffKFu

Senegal: Change of direction in hunger response

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/81969

http://bit.ly/JmUlwp

Burundi: Prosecutor requests life sentence for journalist

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/82133

http://bit.ly/KkkX1p

Egypt: Protecting free expression and information in new constitution

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/82008

http://bit.ly/IUssx1

Ethiopia: New pre-censorship printing directive

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/82134

http://bit.ly/JcqtDn

Mali: Students ransack radio station

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/82041

http://bit.ly/KSwhOq

Nigeria: Daily abuses suffered by journalists

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/81987

http://bit.ly/JvJvSp

Sudan: Drop the pending charges against Sudanese journalist Abuzar Al Amin

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/82013

http://bit.ly/LeUPUt

Global: Child survival up, but not enough

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/82122

http://bit.ly/JVD5MO

Malawi: Tough times after Kwacha devaluation

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/82117

http://bit.ly/MbiLeB

DRC: Rebels form new movement in east

2012-05-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/82046

http://bit.ly/JfMaUZ

Egypt: Egypt-Israel gas issue becoming explosive

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/81991

http://bit.ly/JZ60BI

Libya: Fighters attack Libyan government HQ

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/81985

http://aje.me/KPZBoQ

Mauritania: Thousands in anti-regime protest

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/82137

http://bit.ly/Kkr0ms

Somalia: Expanding US-trained forces in Somalia

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/82138

http://wapo.st/JzYVGL

South Africa: Battle of Sir Lowry’s pass

2012-05-14

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/82139

http://bit.ly/KksoFY

South Africa: Okah blames Nigerian government for bombing

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/81964

http://bit.ly/IU8Yts

Sudan: Rebels say take town in Darfur in new push

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/82002

http://bit.ly/JwBe0v

Sudan: Sudan violates UN resolution as bombing continues

2012-05-09

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/81993

http://bit.ly/JU46xR

Global: Financing development after the financial crisis

2012-05-08

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/81973

http://bit.ly/Jb6irh

Request for proposals

African Peacebuilding Network Research Grants

2012-05-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/fundraising/82112

About the African Peacebuilding Network

The APN promotes independent African research and analysis on peacebuilding in or near countries and regions affected by violent conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa.

About the APN Research Grants Program

A core component of the APN, the Research Grants program is a vehicle for enhancing the quality and visibility of African peacebuilding research regionally and globally and for making such knowledge accessible to key policymakers and research centers of excellence in Africa and around the world.

Substantial support is available for research and analysis on issues such as:
- Conflict prevention, mediation, management, resolution, and transformation
- Environmental change and conflict
- Post-conflict democratization, governance, and reconstruction
- The relationship between peacebuilding and statebuilding, including state-society relations and state reconstruction
- Transitional justice, reconciliation, social and economic justice
- Peacekeeping and peace support operations
- Disarmament, demobilization, and reinsertion
- Security sector reform
- The role of the media and civil society
- Peace partnerships involving the UN, the AU, and Regional Economic Communities
- Gender, youth, identity, and culture
- International actors and peace interventions

Grants are awarded on a competitive, peer-reviewed basis and are intended to support six to seven months of research. Up to fifteen grants of a maximum of $15,000 will be awarded.

All grantees are required to participate in two Africa-based workshops that will provide opportunities to refine research focus and methodologies, present findings, explore ways to make work accessible to multiple peacebuilding constituencies, and develop constructive working relationships with other grantees, senior academics, and practitioner facilitators.

Research Grant Proposals

The APN is interested in innovative projects that demonstrate strong potential for producing high-quality research and analysis that can lead to practical action on peacebuilding and/or facilitate inter-regional collaboration and networking among African researchers and practitioners.

Proposals should clearly describe research objectives and significance (with a clear alignment between research design/method and research questions and goals), demonstrate knowledge of the research subject and relevant literature, and address the feasibility of proposed research activities, including a time frame for project completion. Applicants should also discuss the likely relevance of the proposed research to existing knowledge on peacebuilding practice and policy. Individual and joint proposals are welcome.

Eligibility

Applicants must be African citizens currently residing in a Sub-Saharan African country.

Academics must hold a faculty or research position at an African university or research organization and have either a PhD or a master's and at least two years of research experience.

Policy analysts and practitioners must be based in Africa at a regional or sub-regional institution, a government agency, or a non-governmental, media, or civil society organization and have a master's with at least two years of work experience.

Application Process

Available on the APN website: http://www.ssrc.org/programs/apn/

The APN strongly prefers that applications be uploaded through our online portal. Alternately, completed applications can be e-mailed or delivered by post or courier service.

Deadline for Applications

Applications are due by 9 p.m. EDT, June 15, 2012.

Additional Information

If you have further questions, please contact APN program staff by telephone at (212) 377-2000 or by e-mail at apn@ssrc.org

2012 Child and Youth Institute: Youth, Social Transformation and Development in Africa

3-21 September, 2012, Dakar, Senegal

2012-05-14

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/584/Child Youth Institute 2012.pdf

Global: Interface: a journal for and about social movements

2012-05-13

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/publications/82111

http://bit.ly/KZLhtP

Fahamu