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Thinking through lesbian rape

The silence is deafening, crippling and deadly!

Glenda Muzenda

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83538

cc IGLHRCWhy are our Women leaders silent when children are being killed like animals in South Africa?
JUNE 2012: RAPED, MUTILATED, SHOT, KILLED AND MURDERED

Phumeza Nkolozi
Thapelo Makhutle
Sasha Lee Gordon
Sana Supa
Hendrieeta Thapelo Morifi

MAY 2012 GENEVA

Navi Pillay spoke loudly against Hate Crimes in South Africa and Africa.

FEBRUARY 2012 PRESENT ON HATE CRIMES IN SOUTH AFRICA AT CSW55

Minister of Women, children and people with disabilities Ms.Lulu Xingwana

Minister of Correctional Services Ms Nosiviwe Mapisa-Ngakula

Minister of Social Development Ms Bathabile Dlamini

Deputy Minister of Police Ms Maggie Sotyu

2011 stoned, stabbed and murdered: Noxolo Magwaza

2010 raped, murdered and raped again: Nontsikelelo Tyatyeka;

2010-raped, strangled and living: Milicent Gaika

2009 beaten to a pulp and later died: Girly Nkosi

2008 raped, stabbed and murdered: Eudy Simelane…list continues…

Why are our Women leaders silent…when children are being killed like animals in South Africa?

As I write this article, the silence of women, mothers, and women ministers is deafening. I feel crippled and my bones are no longer strong to stand and I ask for mothers of South Africa and women to stand and fight now to end this massacre.

The list above is nothing to celebrate after Youth Day events on June 16th -celebrating the memories and strength of resisting oppression that lead to the Sharpeville massacre. The above list of youth who have lost lives in the same month we celebrate many youngsters, by year and women we are counting on to take this agenda on and stop killing your children and you to be here and fight for lives of women you know and do not event know.

How could we have celebrated Youth Day when there is again a massacre! Where are the women loving women, lesbians and gay men in my country to stand and stop this gendercide? Who is writing about us and telling the world we are being killed? We need to take stock and action as see fit to be the ones to make a change. Our sisters, mothers, aunts, lovers and women are being raped, murdered, raped again and savagely cut under the gaze of the world.

Ms. Lulu Xingwana in February 2012 she presented at CSW55 on taking action on LGBTI issues of hate crime. Three months later we have bodies of LGBTI people-killed brutally- and No word Ms Minister! The time isnow!

What has happened to women leaders in our country who have not shed a tear or been seen or heard to condemn these crimes? As many mothers cry for their murdered and watch brutally severed bodies- that are not even recognizable many appear to console and give sympathies.

So we wait for the next one and then the next and go for after tears drinks and wait for the next.

It that how we are living, by the gun so to speak?

How many lesbians, women who love women and gender-free people are in line? What are we doing? This is a war declared on our bodies and we Must Stand together and there is not time to shine as individuals. We work together or divided we are falling. Fast into the dust.

Just this past Sunday, we marched in Paris with many women who had the opportunity to be in France from South Africa, at that time bodies were found, women shot, raped and I fear that the silence of our women leaders is serving our deaths. We are in danger with no choice to life.

We marched in solidarity with the world and all people who know of humanity-mothers, fathers, and brothers. Muholi also remarked that the march was for all LGBTI individuals who can’t because of homophobia, lesbophobia, queerphobia, transphobia, xenophobia… all the phobia that are there to be. We made a mark and our presence was clearly heartfelt by those who were there and yet the reality back home is just too scary to imagine, she said.

Muholi said, “Rape has made us powerless, though we threw our hands in the air and said ‘Amandla’ it is a pity that power we supposed to claim is imaginary as we continue to lose our LGBT people along the way”. Muholi, who brought her all women football team Thokozani to participate the Foot for Love Games said she was feeling destroyed inside at the silence of women ministers in particular, those stood in at the Commission on the Status of Women to protect our rights to life. We are worthy women too!

“They read newspapers and none of them have said a word. It is disheartening and I feel crashed at the thought of families who are going through this pain”, she said. And yes we all hear it and it is time that we stand and speak to our mothers and save lives that are falling so fast to dust as we weep and mourn for another life lost.

Mothers, mothers who is protecting your children when they are being attacked and raped and no voice speak to say enough! The men, who are allowed to rape, kill and rape at will -as they please at their pleasure. Is this the freedom we talk about?

We cannot be silenced any longer and those in power that we all vested for you to represent us Stand Up! I am standing! Are you?

This is not JUST to brutally take lives as though they are free for taking! We will not be silenced and-if you choose to remain silent and unheard- then you have blood on your hands! Justice must prevail for all and I call you, you and you to end violence.

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* This article was first published by Blacklooks.

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Women demand firm action to end Mali crisis

Declaration issued during a reflection on the Malian crisis

Senegalese Feminist Forum

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83575

cc M P‘We urge the government of Mali to mobilize the country to recover occupied national territory and to combat fundamentalism and lack of respect for the rule of law.’

We, members of the Senegalese Feminist Forum, would like to express our full support for the Malian people and especially to the women who are woefully underrepresented in these critical moments of the country's political life.

We also wish to express our concern about the situation of people living in the occupied territories (Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao). International NGOs have withdrawn from the North and the schools are closed. The little information we have about the living conditions of people living in this zone is of multiple violations of human rights and individual freedoms.

FLAGRANT VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND INDIVIDUAL FREEDOMS

We were indignant and alarmed to find that the first act of Ansar Dine (one of the rebel movements, linked to al-Qaeda, which control the north of Mali) was to impose their interpretation of 'sharia'; (banning watching or playing football, shaving, smoking, watching television, hiring motor-cycles carrying a man and a woman at the same time) - denouncing all these as forbidden by religion. Militias patrolling the various districts of Timbuktu have launched operations against the markets and seized cartons of cigarettes which they burned in front of customers.

The measures taken by Ansar Dine prompted clashes with local people, particularly young people, on the very day they were imposed. On June 5, in Kidal, around 500 women and young men marched while smoking cigarettes in protest against the imposition of 'Sharia'. While they encountered no resistance from members of Ansar Dine or AQIM, when they arrived in the city centre, the women were attacked. The demonstrations were brutally suppressed and resulted in deaths and many injured.

These measures have also paralyzed all sectors of the economy, because the bulk of occupations were built around tourism and recreation in general (sewing, hospitality, sports, etc.). Women are even more threatened as they come up against the actions of Islamist groups in Mali against the Family Code. Islamist pressure led to the recent cancellation of a Code that respects women’s rights which was adopted by an almost unanimous vote in the National Assembly, and its replacement by a Code too many items of which violate the rights and dignity of women.

We call on women's organizations and progressive forces in the world, to be alert to attempts to misuse religious texts to serve the political ambitions of a handful of gunmen. In the name of religion, these groups want to impose patriarchal values on people who have already a rich history and culture.

We urge the government of Mali to mobilize the country to recover occupied national territory and to combat fundamentalism and lack of respect for the rule of law and the rights and fundamental freedoms of all women and men (equal rights, right to equal protection of the law, right to life, right to dignity, right to freedom of expression, conscience, opinion, religion ...)

DESTRUCTION OF CULTURAL HERITAGE

The Islamists who control Timbuktu have destroyed the city’s "monument of martyrs" which pays tribute to victims of the struggle against the dictatorship of General Moussa Traoré in 1991. They have also desecrated a shrine and continue to attack the priceless cultural heritage of the region, which dates for the most part to the twelfth and fifteenth centuries. Non-religious books were removed from libraries because “Muslims do not need them”. These invaluable books deal with theology, mathematics, medicine, astronomy, music.

INTEGRATION OF WOMEN IN THE PEACE PROCESS

It is imperative that women be fully involved in the peace process and in decision making, in order to contribute to conflict prevention and management.

The Senegalese Feminist Forum fully supports the actions of women's groups and civil society in Mali to demand the return to democratic rules.

We would like to recall the commitments made by our State through several international instruments including: the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Solemn Declaration of Heads of State of the African Union on Gender Equality, Resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888, and 1889 of the Peace and Security Council of the UN, the ECOWAS Charter on Governance, and the Maputo Protocol on Women's Rights in Africa.

Urgent Measures Needed:

• Give help and assistance to women and girls who are victims of abuse in the occupied areas.

• Ensure the safety of displaced persons (paying specific attention to women and girls)

• Assist by all means at our disposal the resistance movements against fundamentalism in Mali

• Ensure that people’s freedom, severely threatened by the fundamentalist yoke, is respected.

• Maintain a peaceful climate and strengthen the dialogue between all actors

Dakar July 4, 2012

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10 things about African women’s leadership

Betty Mould Iddrisu

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83528

cc TWCSPAccomplished female leader Betty Mould Iddrisu shares her top 10 lessons about leadership on the continent and the difficulties women have to overcome to reach - and stay - on top.

There is a harsh reality about women’s leadership in Africa. I have dreamt it and lived it. Gradually, women are penetrating historical barriers that have up till very recently been closed to us, barriers that limited women’s attainment of the highest levels of power and leadership in important sectors of society. Daring to aspire or reaching heights that very few women have attained can be remarkably fulfilling, but also so revealing - with mixed experiences, unique perspectives and at times come with inexplicable disappointments. I have the laurels and scars to show for my leadership journey. And through it all, here are a few things I have come to know for sure:

1. TOO FEW AT THE TOP AT NATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEVELS - MULTITUDES AT FAMILY AND LOWER LEVELS

Even at an all time best record of two female presidents, a woman prime minister and women occupying 19.7 per cent of parliaments across the continent, everyone would agree that these numbers of women in higher levels of politics - symptomatic of female representation in other sectors of society - are woefully low by any standards of fairness, equity or democratic principles of participation. No question, there have been significant moments and achievements to be proud of - the African countries of Rwanda, South Africa and Mozambique are among countries with the highest percentage of women in parliaments, however we are nowhere near where we need to be. And the higher-up I have climbed in my leadership journey, the more apparent this harsh reality has appeared. We must always applaud the valuable contributions of women at the lower and mediums levels, but we need to be at that high-table to partake, contribute and share in the power of shaping our national and regional destinies. We may be making significant progress, but I know for sure the status quo is neither fair nor acceptable.

2. DIFFICULT ROAD TO CLIMB AND EVEN MORE DIFFICULT TO STAY AT THE TOP WHEN YOU ‘ARRIVE’

African women suffer systemic prejudices in making their way to the top. Firstly, we are not taken seriously because men believe a woman is intrinsically less competent than their male counterpart. The incidence of sexual harassment both at the tertiary level and in the workplace are very well documented, impeding women’s progress overall. Additionally, the duties of motherhood can be crushing - if not managed carefully. Most men believe that women should take the primary responsibility for the care of the family so late working hours, weekend seminars, overseas and business trips which contribute to any workers upward mobility are very difficult for younger working wives and mothers. Arrival at the top tier is rare and when you are there you are usually faced with hostility and disbelief in your competency as a female. A woman at the top works so much harder than her male counterparts to prove her competency and yet is still faced with ingrained prejudice and hostility to her playing the role of a boss or leader in a largely male dominated working environment.

3. WITHOUT SUPPORT YOU CANNOT MAKE IT

Politics - corporate or party - is cruel and generally unforgiving. Nowhere is this more evident than for women in Africa. Since a woman’s role is generally thought of as to be supportive to her husband and family the hard knocks and politics of insults which generally characterize public leadership are not palatable to a politicians family and such women are thought of as bringing ‘shame and disgrace’ to their families. Women leaders and politicians need the support of their sisters, mothers, grandmothers, aunts, classmates and cannot thrive without their active and vocal support. Women are generally thought of not to be supportive of each other and experience of many women leaders shows this to be a harsh reality. It takes a lot of inner strength and thick skin.

4. TOO MANY BARRIERS TO BREAK THROUGH DESPITE PROGRESS IN SEVERAL CRITICAL AREAS

Despite the remarkable progress, despite the many breakthroughs, and despite the increasing awareness and acceptance of women’s leadership in Africa, there still remains far too many obstacles impeding a woman’s leadership and her upward mobility. Traditional African society is still hedged by a myriad of barriers designed to maintain women’s subordinate status in society. Inimical and cruel customary practices towards women, disproportionate access to education resulting in the girl child not being enabled to go and actually stay in school and endemic poverty affecting the rural peasant woman are all barriers which contribute towards keeping women out of active leadership roles on the continent. Most of the legal barriers towards women’s progress have been overcome or reversed across the continent especially over the past 30 years. The challenge then comes with shedding outmoded perceptions of women’s role in society and this can only come with time and a ‘can do’ attitude. Forward, we are moving, but I know for sure there are still many barriers to break through.

5. TRADITIONS NEED NOT HOLD US BACK - THEY CAN BE CATALYTIC

Traditions are not supposed to be stagnant - they can be used as tools of change. This change is usually spearheaded by the women themselves. Some aspects of African tradition attempt to keep women silent, subordinate and second-class citizens, but many others uphold the dignity and sacred respect for womanhood. While conscious of the many harmful aspects of our traditions, I have always viewed and utilized the empowering dimensions of culture and tradition as a catalyst for positive change - to empower, to legitimize and to advance the African woman’s role in leadership. Culture can be used to hold us back, but we can also shape cultures in ways that are liberating. Much of African tradition, however, that may have been rooted in glorious cultures and histories, have been used by men to ambush women from realizing their full leadership potential, but I know for sure we can also find strength and opportunities in the values and dynamism of many of our cultures.

6. EDUCATION, THOUGH DESIRABLE, IS NOT EVERYTHING

Higher level education is a desirable but not a necessary pre-requisite to successful female leadership on the continent. Education commands an automatic certainty of status in society because it enables a woman to have a certain cachet. However, whilst I cannot emphasize enough its importance to every woman leader, I also know that formal education cannot provide all the tools you need to survive and succeed as a woman in higher-level leadership, but, more importantly, the lack of it does not disqualify a woman from excelling.


7. NO SUBSTITUTE FOR HARD-WORK, INNER-COURAGE AND DETERMINATION

Since there is an ingrained skepticism towards women’s ability to succeed in Africa, it means, simply put, that women leaders must work doubly hard. The path to success is littered with obstacles and it takes huge doses of courage and determination to stay the course. I know for sure that, with or without peculiar challenges, hard work remains a non-negotiable imperative for leadership success. And with the gender-specific challenges of prejudice and skepticism directed at women leaders, the African woman leader has no choice but to work hard with a determined spirit. No matter how qualified or charming, and no matter how motivated or spiritual, a woman leader is Africa needs to work harder then her male counterparts to be counted at all.

8. NETWORKING IS CRUCIAL

Complaints abound across the continent that women leaders do not assist in improving the status of their womenfolk in society. But only a woman, who has been at the top and has tried her very best to make a difference, would truly comprehend the extreme difficulties of being the only one of your kind up there. Women leaders need to and must continue to forge networks and alliances with the grassroots and civil society in order to be responsive to the needs of women at the grassroots and leadership. It is so lonely at the top of that ladder, but I know for sure that broader and stronger networks of grassroots, professional and civil society allies provide powerful forces you can surely count on.

9. NO MATTER HOW COMPETENT, EXPERIENCED AND POWERFUL, THERE ARE PECULIAR CHALLENGES THAT CONFRONT YOU

You are always viewed and judged as a ‘woman leader’ and not just as a ‘leader’. You are an African, a citizen and a leader, your ‘womanhood’ remains a pre-defined measure of society’s worldview of your leadership. Consequently, the challenges of being a woman leader are multiplied because you are an African woman; but the harsh realities of female leadership in Africa are myriad - factors such as the extremely low representation of women in politics and leadership at all levels, negative and cruel cultural and traditional practices, the subordinate status of women, lack of education and poverty levels are all challenges to be overcome in leadership.

10. YES, AFRICAN WOMEN CAN

If there is one thing I have come to know and believe beyond any count, it is the ability of women to lead - in any sector and any field or at any level. We may continue to excel - just as some men excel. We may continue to stumble along the way just as so many men stumble. We may even fail once in a while, just as men have historically failed. But I know for sure that we are capable, we have the right to and we can indeed lead this continent. YES WE CAN!

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* Mrs. Betty Mould Iddrisu is one of Africa’s most accomplished female leaders. She served as the first female Attorney General and Minister of Justice, and as Education Minister of the Republic of Ghana. She also served as the Director of Legal and Constitutional Affairs for the 54 member nations Commonwealth Secretariat, as a Law Lecturer and has been a leading voice on gender equality in Africa for over 30 years. She has a tremendous passion for empowering the new generation of African women leaders and professionals. Mrs. Mould-Iddrisu is currently a much sought after International Speaker, Consultant and Activist on law, politics and gender justice. www.bettymould.com
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Protests in Sudan: Media blackout and large-scale arrests

Katamat Monitor

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83574

cc M JUnknown to much of the outside world, the Sudanese authorities have been very brutal while suppressing the protests that have swept the country in reaction to the high cost of living and growing opposition to the Al-Bashir dictatorship.

INTRODUCTION

In mid-June, a series of protests broke out in different areas in Sudan against the high cost of living and economic hardship, worsened by the removal of subsidies on fuel. Protesters called for the toppling of the current regime . The demonstrations that are described by Sudanese citizens as the third Intifada (uprising) come one year after the separation of South Sudan from Sudan on 9 July 2011, which badly affected Sudan’s economy. Sudan lost about 75% of its oil production and 65% of total revenue. The two governments have not reached an agreement on the cost of transporting oil from production areas in the South through Sudanese pipelines. The situation deteriorated between the two countries as a result of these disagreements so much that South Sudan stopped oil production. In addition, a violent conflict broke out in April in Hijlij Oil fields.

Sudan’s budget was also affected by violence in Blue Nile and South Kordufan after the president rejected an agreement signed by Nafie Ali nafie (the president’s assistant) and Malik Aggar as the Leader of the SPLM-North. The agreement assured SPLM-N to establish and register a political party, and clarified security and military arrangements in the two areas.

The Violence – in addition to the violations on people - also added a high cost on the government, while affecting animal and agricultural production in these areas, in addition to citizens’ mass displacement. The violence added an economic burden on the budget.

In May, inflation rates reached the highest percentage, 30.4 from 28.6 in April. The market witnessed a rise in the prices of food and beverage. The deficit in the national budget was met by the announcement of a package of austerity measures. The most important decision was the removal of government subsidies on fuel, resulting in an increase in prices of fuel and a number of other goods. Another measure was increasing taxes which also pushed up the prices of goods.
Youth movements and students organized protests and word was spread on social media calling for peaceful change of the regime. But the kick-off was by hundreds of female students in the University of Khartoum who protested peacefully in the surroundings of their hostels at the central campus on Saturday evening 16 June. They demonstrated because of the escalation of prices and economic hardship in Sudan. The protests continued and extended to the surroundings of university and then moved to the city and neighbourhoods in Khartoum State. Later the protests spread out to different states such as El-Jazeera, Kosty, El-Gadarif, Kasala, Port-Sudan and El-Obied, proof that there is a large number of Sudanese citizens who are unhappy with the current situation.

This report documents the protest movement that was led by university students, youth, political activists and civilians. The report covers the period from 16 to 28 June, providing a summary of the growth of the demonstrations as well as the various violations committed by the Sudanese government through its regular forces or militias directly supported by the Sudanese government.

PROTESTS

The protests broke out in the female students’ hostels at the University of Khartoum central campus on16 June evening. The students’ movement condemned the removal of subsidies on fuel and the rise of prices. The next morning the demonstrations spread to other campuses of university of Khartoum, with the protesters chanting: ‘NO to price rises’, ‘The people want lower prices’. Soon after that, many other universities and other sectors joined the demonstrations in Khartoum State (among them Sudan University and Omdurman Al-Ahleya University). The protesting students quickly linked the economic deterioration with the political regime; the chants changed to calls to overthrow the regime: ‘NO, NO to price rises’, ‘Change, Change El-Bashir’, ‘People want to overthrow the regime’, ‘Demand your rights as citizens’, and ‘Protest Khartoum, we will not be ruled by the thief of Khafori’.

A number of students’ and youth organizations, political parties and political organizations (one of them was the National Consensus Forces - that includes opposition parties and movements) issued statements supporting the students and calling for the toppling of the regime.

The reaction of the police was to crack down on the demonstrations. The Central Reserved Police Unit and the Anti-Riot Police Unit fired teargas canisters, used batons and sticks to beat the protesters, detained some students and filed criminal charges against others.

The demonstrations took another popular dimension when residents of Khartoum-Bahri City (El-Sayid Ali St.) joined the demonstrations. Another protest out broke from Omdurman Al-Ahleya University and headed to Umbadda area - parallel to Hamad El-Neil area. (Estimated number of students was two thousands.) They moved after a discussion corner (an assembly in the university campus where students publicly discuss issues related to politics) and then headed to El- Mansoora roundabout towards Umbadda street where some people joined them.

On the fourth day of the demonstrations, the security bodies started called for reinforcement to deal with the protests. Many people in civilians’ clothes arrived carrying crude weapons (metal sticks, swords, choppers and water tubes) to participate in crackdown on demonstrations.

On 20 June, the demonstrations spread as the Sudanese parliament approved the president’s speech outlining economic austerity measures. The same day witnessed the release of the first statement from the international community regarding the demonstration. The US government expressed deep concern about the suppression by the Sudanese government of peaceful protests and crackdown on press. That day witnessed continuation of demonstrations in Khartoum University, Al-Ahleya University and the Institution for Banking Studies, along with a demonstration that out broke at the end of a public symposium conducted at the premises of the Umma Party in Umdurman.

The protest of Umma party was then followed by a short protest in Ryadh area late at night. Police and NISS violence on protesters increased. Police rounded up a number of Umma party members and the symposium audience inside the building of Umma party and held them until 3am. They shattered the windshield of a party member’s car that was parked outside. The security officers threw teargas inside the Umma party building and beat up attendees.

On the sixth day, 21 June, the security targeted bloggers and journalists, as many bloggers were working during the first six days on raising awareness about happenings in Sudan and spreading the news.

Many groups called for a wider demonstration on Friday that was named ‘Kataha Friday’ (Sandstorm Friday). The scope of demonstrations widened to other neighbourhoods after Kattaha Friday and gained more public support. A number of neighbourhoods in the capital joined the demonstrations: El-Diem, El-Geref West, El-Fetehab, El-Haj Yousif and others. Protests also broke out in other cities such as Sinnar, Port-Sudan (the capital of Red Sea State) and El-Gadarif. The police suppressed protesters using heavy teargas and rubber bullet. The type of teargas that was used kept getting stronger every time. The security detained a number of people among them political activists and youth leaders, photographers and journalists.

On Sunday 24 June, the largest wave of demonstrations happened. There were protests in Khartoum University – Shambat, Center and Omdurman Complexes. There were also demonstrations in El-Diem, Eid Hesein, El-Safia, El-Masalma (in Omdurman), Arkaweet, El-Mamoora, Umbadda and Soba. There were others in Port-Sudan and El-Dowem. The detentions were increased against photographers (two photographers were arrested while taking photos of El-Diem demonstrations. One was released the same day and the other was kept in security custody for four days .His name is Mohamed El-Toum). The detention campaign also targeted members of the Popular Congress Party, Communists Party and Umma Party. There were about 30 detainees both males and females on that day alone (some were released).

The engagement of the security and “Rabbata” (state-supported militias) has increased since the 18 June. Many observers said there is an increase in the numbers of car with darkened windows moving around in Khartoum as well as security agents concentrated in neighbourhoods and residential areas. The security forces have been using armoured to fire teargas and rubber bullets to disperse the demonstrators, which led to many injuries. In a medical report, Dr. Hala Abuzed, the manager of emergency unit at Khartoum Hospital said: ‘We received until 05:00 pm today – Sunday 24 June – more than 20 injured patients’. All of them were students from University of Khartoum.

The demonstration grew on 25, 26 and 27 June, with more states joining the revolutionary movement, such as Port-Sudan, El-Gadarif, Kasala and Atbara.

On Thursday 28 June, a group of lawyers organized a solidarity march in front of Omdurman Courts Complex protesting against the regime’s policies in suppressing peaceful demonstrations. The same day, the Sudanese security forces dispersed a protest organized by volunteers working with children with cancer in front of El-Amal tower in Khartoum State. The protestors were asking for cancer medicines for children. But the authorities dispersed the protest and arrested some of the volunteers.

INFORMAL MILITIAS (RABBATA)

During the recent demonstrations, there appeared new types of violations supported by the Sudanese government. At the University of Khartoum and the surrounding streets, when the demonstrations broke out members of NCP (students’ wing) attacked other students using metal sticks, swords, choppers and sticks. Eyewitnesses confirmed that many students were badly injured because of Rabbata attacks. The state-supported militia also attacked students in Omdurman Al-Ahleya University, Khartoum University – Center and Omdurman complexes. Witnesses confirmed that members of Rabbata were beating students in front of the police who did not intervene.

President Al Bashir stated in his speech to the NCP students in Friendship Hall on 24 June that: “We are able to send genuine fighters from Mujahideen to the streets to repel the protesters, but we did not do so because we are a responsible government”. He added: “We are able to send one million Mujahid to the streets”. According to analysts, the president’s talk is a confirmation that the NCP is preparing and training its cadres to repel and suppress demonstrators.

Following the demonstrations, there were many detentions of protesters by NISS, the police and Rabbata. Detention was used to suppress and intimidate peaceful protests. It started right after the outbreak of the events and is still ongoing. Detainees are denied the rights to communicate with their families and access to their medicine.

ARRESTS

Arrests occurred in various states: Khartoum state, Kasala, El- Gadarif, El-Obied, Red Sea, Atbara and Blue Nile, Madani and Kamlien. Most detentions were in Khartoum because the city is the headquarters of political parties, youth movements as well as the home of. And as precedent of its kind, the security forces arrested lawyers who were following the cases of detainees. The number of detainees according to our confirmed sources until the time this report was between 800 to 1000.

TORTURE

Security forces have been using different forms of during detention such as physical violence and verbal violence of a sexual nature mainly directed to women. Torture has been used to terrorize and intimidate detainees, to stop their participation in protests and to force them to incriminate other people engaged in organising the demonstrations.

‘I was detained during one of the demonstrations in Khartoum streets with my photographer colleague and my journalist friend after we were chased and had a horrible accident which resulted in complete destruction of my photographer friend’s car. We were violently taken down from our car and beaten in the face, head and all other parts of our bodies with hands and batons. Then we were thrown in a pick-up vehicle and were ordered to lie on the car’s floor on our faces and we were not allowed to open our eyes. They continued beating us on the way to the security office, and then took our mobile phones, car keys and everything else we had – which I didn’t notice because I was laying on my face in the car. When we arrived at the security office, they ordered us not to open our eyes and we were violently pushed from the car and beaten and insulted especially us – women – that we are immoral people and we don’t have families and that we are bad people (saaleeg) while looking at our faces and repeating the sentence – ‘If you belong to families that raised you well, what brought you to participate in the demonstrations?’’

This is a testimony published online by one of the female detainees during the demonstrations in Khartoum. Her name is Karima Fathalrahman.

The protests were followed by trials of activists arrested by the police and accused of “breaching the peace”. Trials were held in different cities such as Omdurman, Khartoum, Khartoum Bahri and El-Elafon as well as other different Sudanese states. Some lawyers who preferred anonymity said that the judges ignored the conditions for fair trials.
The sentences varied for those convicted, ranging from 20 lashes for a protester. The intention was to humiliate and violate the dignity of protesters were exercising their constitutional right to demonstrate. Other protesters were sent to prison for three to six months.

In a strange precedent, judges ordered accused protesters who were found innocent to sign pledges not to participate in demonstrations in the future. In Khartoum North court, a judge named Ibrahim, sentenced two youths to 20 lashes on the basis of evidence presented by a police officer. Some of those charged were minors.

The security authorities during the protests targeted the headquarters of political parties, in violation of the right to peaceful assembly and organization guaranteed by the constitution. The security forces attacked many headquarters of political parties and homes of some political leaders in the capital and other states. Some leaders and members of these political parties were detained and most of them have not been released.

The NISS broke into headquarters of the New Democratic Forces (Haq) in Khartoum 2 area in the evening of the 18 June. All people were arrested including leaders like Mr. Ahmed Shakir (vice president of the party) and administrators as well as guests who were attending a celebration of the announcement of the initiation of Youth Alliance for Change. The alliance includes 12 youth movements from different states. And security is still surrounding headquarters and closed entrances to it. According to eyewitnesses, detainees were more than 50 persons, among them:

1 Ahmd Shakir

2 Mohamed Mahjoub

3 Hasabo Ibrahim Abdallah

4 Kamal Gasm El-Sied

5 Rashida Shams El-Dien

They also stormed the premises of the Sudanese Congress Party headquarters in Abbaseya in Omdurman and arrested the political secretary of the party, Mastor Ahmed, and eight other members. The leaders of Sudanese El-Ba’ath Party (Sate’e Mohamed El-Haj and Mohamed Dia El-Dien) were arrested as well as a group of youths. The security forces also broke into the National Unity party offices.

On Saturday 23 June, two officers from NISS told the general secretary of Umma party that all political activities of the party were suspended. The Popular Congress party headquarters in Khartoum – Ryadh – was surrounded and some of the party cadres arrested. Police attacked participants in a symposium conducted in the party’s headquarters on 25 June and shot teargas to disperse the protesters who were demanding that the regime be brought down.

REPRESSION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

The authorities violated freedom of expression in various means. They continued to censor newspapers, arresting journalists and anyone who spoke to international media. Some of the detainees said that police demanded their user-names and passwords for accounts on Facebook and their personal e-mails, and they were warned not to change their passwords or they would be arrested again. They also said that their mobile phones were checked and the officers erased all photos related to the protests.

The NISS on Saturday 16 closed down El-Tayar daily. The paper had published a number of articles about corruption and a criticism of an interview with the president on television. The writer of that article was detained. El-Midan newspaper did not publish for more than two months; and thirteen issues were confiscated by orders from NISS. Reports from newspapers said that NISS circulated a statement on Sunday, 17 June, to newspapers and news agencies not to publish any news about the demonstrations and peaceful protests condemning the removal of subsidies on fuel and the continuous increase of prices.

On 17 June, the authorities confiscated three independent newspapers without warning them: El-Ahdath, El-Watan and El-Mustaqilla. El-Tayar newspaper was stopped from publishing for an indefinite period.

The security forces also arrested Martely, the correspondent for the French news agency AFP, on 19 June. His license was withdrawn and he was deported from Sudan.

Since 21 June, NISS has been targeting bloggers and journalists. The security agency arrested Maha El-Sanosi who is a female activist in Girifna movement and a blogger and Egyptian journalist from Blumburg Network, Ms. Selma El-Wardani. She was deported to Cairo on 26 June) because of covering the events at the University of Khartoum.

Blogger Usamma was also arrested for publishing news on Twitter and sending a picture to Al-Jazeera English Channel. Usama Abdallah who was one of the most prominent bloggers using the hashtag #SudanRevolts became a big source for news for the outside media. On 25 June, the authorities closed down some websites that published news on the revolution, such as, El-Rakoba, Sudaneseonline and Hurriyat.

The authorities arrested journalists Mr. Khalid Ahmed and Ms. Ibtihaj Motwakil who both worked for El-Sudani newspaper, while they were covering the demonstrations in in Khartoum. NISS also confiscated their cameras.

The authorities arrested everyone who had a camera claiming that it affected the national security. Journalist Ms. Najlaa Sid Ahmed was ordered to go to the NISS offices where she was threatened to stop her from covering and documenting the violations. NISS also detained a big number of photography journalists during the demonstrations, among them: Mohamed Toum, Mohamed Sukki and Sari Dafa-Allah.

The reports that we have say the security forces broke into the house of Yasir Fathi, an activist in Umma party, and arrested him. The government clearly disregarded the right to privacy for activists and citizens, which is guaranteed in the international conventions signed by Sudan and in the Sudanese constitution.

CONCLUSION

The security forces have systematically blocked the voices from the streets and muzzled the media.
They have mounted a huge campaign of detention against activists, activists from political parties, journalists and photographers, youth groups and protesters. Some of them were detained for a long period and have not been released yet; and detainees have been subjected to different forms of torture.

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Good hair, inspirational women and popular revolt in Sudan

Sokari Ekine

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83560

cc CyclopsrWhat do the staggering billions of dollars spent on hair by black women say about them? Perhaps they should listen to some inspirational women. Meanwhile, another Nigerian wins the Caine Prize – but there are questions.

DEFINITION OF “GOOD HAIR” - RELAXED AND LOOKS NICE

Last weekend I watched the documentary “Good Hair” by black American comedian Chris Rock. He decided to make the film after his five-year-old daughter asked him: “Daddy, how come I don't have good hair?” The film examines the staggering $9 billion black hair industry, including a frightening expose of the chemicals used for hair relaxing. Watching a can of soda disappear after it is left to soak in sodium hydroxide, the main ingredient of relaxers, is a frightening experience but clearly not enough to put millions of black women off straightening their hair or prevent them from doing the same to their daughters some as young as three years old. [http://bit.ly/PhAqB ]. Rock asks one woman her definition of “good hair” to which she replies “relaxed and looks nice”!

In an article “African Women and Hair Care”, Ghanian Emprezz points out that mineral based products like petroleum and mineral oil which are used daily by a majority of women prevent hair from growth. But far worse is the recycling of hair relaxers...[http://bit.ly/MiZuDp]

“With the economic status of most women on the continent, it seems prudent to be frugal with expenditure. This attitude is extended to caring for hair where most women will prefer to buy clothes rather than spend on hair products. In the end, they tend to find avenues for recycling what they have and this includes reusing already used relaxers. The relaxer works is still effective with the second application. Eventually, there is no need to buy new relaxers when one can easily use what has been used before. This economic wisdom may take a while to dispel.”

INSPIRATIONAL WOMEN

But is what we do with our hair a measure of our consciousness or courage - how important is it really? Kenyan singer Kaz Lucas’s new series on “Kenyan Woman” speaks to this. In the first episode, Lorna Irungu Macharia discusses the challenges of being ill with lupus as a teenager and a young woman. She speaks of her three support networks - her family, friends and doctors and the fact that there are thousands of others in need of a kidney transplant but whose families are maybe too afraid to donate a kidney. My sister-in-law had kidney failure and two transplants so I do have an idea of the pain and tiredness, in and out of hospital, hours on dialysis, waiting and hoping for a transplant. For Lorna one of the biggest hurdles was to live in the context of a future. In an inspirational and courageous five minutes talk Lorna provides this advice to women and to everyone for that matter:

“Whatever situation you are in right now, is the one you need to be in. It’s teaching you something. There are no accidents, there are no coincidences. One of our biggest problems is that we have been told the way in which life needs to be. If you are not obtaining particular milestones at a particular time, you're failing or you are not there. I honestly believe every single situation you are in… Every single thing you are going through now is a lesson. And so the mantra that I stand by is God asks one request of his children. Do the best with what you have Now!”

There is a trend within African literary circles to marginalise those writers who live and work in the African disapora as if this is not also an ‘African” experience. One that is not ‘authentic’ enough as if one’s birth or childhood can speak to something as abstract as ‘authentic’ let alone an identity such as “African” or “Nigerian”. Olumide Popoola is a Nigerian/German writer and performance poet who lives in the diasporic space; so it was with great pleasure that I read an interview with her on the Nigerian queer blog SOGI. [http://bit.ly/MZKL67]

“How does your identity play a part in your writing?

“I think my life, not just my personal one but what I see on the perimeters of my horizon(s), is reflected in the characters I create. Themes that interest or disturb me in real life find their way into the story. What I can personally imagine possible permeates the work.

“What’s your opinion on the current state of queer issues in Nigeria, especially the pending anti-gay legislation? How can we work on improving the situation?

“Awareness. It takes a lot of brave people to stand up and say things, contest homophobic attitudes in public. Recently, a straight Nigerian man stated on Facebook that he wanted to de-friend all homophobes, as he was tired with their un-informed and ignorant views. The vendetta was endless and painful to follow. He had incredibly well scripted arguments, based on thorough research and quotes from the bible to defy the common same-sex un-African and un-Christian claims. Yet the hatred was potent. Again, in the end his own acceptance was explained on the fact that he no longer lived in Nigeria, which was an untrue claim.

“I think that a lot of organizing and lobbying is happening continent-wide and hopefully it’s a matter of time before more and more people to speak up and defy homophobic views. Networking and being supportive in the way that we can is important. Listening and following the lead of local activists and which direction they are taking in addressing the issue.”

Popoola is the author of “This is Not About Sadness” and winner of the May Ayim award for poetry in 2004.

THE CAINE PRIZE AND BLACKBERRY LOVES

The winner of this year’s Caine Prize, Rotimi Babatunde, is the fourth Nigerian to win the prize and whilst we celebrate this fact, the Caine Prize has its limitations not least because it is only awarded to English language writers. In “The case for African regionalism” Jeremy Weate of Cassava Republic [http://bit.ly/PQNUXI] argues for a more inclusive and decolonized mindset which goes beyond the usual few winning countries such as Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe and South Africa.

“I believe that what is needed now are more regional prizes to nurture and reward the writing coming out of every region on its own merit. We live on a vast continent spanning geographical distances larger than Europe, the continental United States, and the Indian subcontinent combined, and sometimes I don’t think that we pay enough attention to our regional differences. ...In Europe, regional differences of language, custom and culture have created markets so distinct that it is rare that French literature is judged alongside British or German literature. So why do we insist that a single prize encompass all the literature being produced by so vast a continent? ...Let’s get ourselves out of the colonial mind-set that sees Africa as one monolith and begin to explore the rich individual histories and cultures that make us unique.”

I used to wonder why people write comments in text language until I realised it was because they were using their Blackberrys - the phone that reigns across the continent today. The one which brings kudos such that one of Nollywood’s most watched film is the comedy “Blackberry Babies” followed by “Babes 2, 3 , 4…” the number is endless. I have to admire Nigerian writer Tolu Ogunlesi who clearly spotted the right moment in the Blackberry craze to create the first Blackberry Twitter prize. In June he placed a call on Twitter asking for

“witty, interesting and revealing answers in not more than 140 characters to the question “Why I love my Blackberry”
And the winner is [http://bit.ly/Rdb6wj]
Q: I love my BB

A: The world is finally at my fingertips! I stand astride continents. But best of all, I love my blackberry cos I get to stalk my one true love!

Other choice reasons are...

“ love my blackberry because my friends live in it.”

“The issue is with Fruits. Apple brought us to our doom. Maybe Blackberry will end it. I have to love my BlackBerry.”

“I get so caught up in pinging n tweetin on my bb that i often get into the shower with my clothes on…” – this is why i love my BB”

SUDAN: THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES

“There’s a revolution going on in Sudan. Anybody listening” #SudanRevolts” was tweeted by Salma Elwardany a week ago - @S_Elwardany. This was after she had been deported by the Sudanese authorities; no doubt fearful of her reports. And, so it goes, the uprising in Sudan continues but still has not received the attention of the mainstream media despite hundreds of tweets by Sudanese activists. In an attempt to draw attention dallia ‏@dalliasd tweeted

“Request to the media: STOP INTERVIEWING SADIG EL MAHDI. talk to the youth mvmts & activists they in-tune with whats gg on‪#sudanrevolts‬”

Many activists remain in detention including Boshi, Usamah Ali, a prominent citizen journalist and Girifna members Mohamed Izzelden and Rashida Shamseldin. One of the activists recently released is Maha El-Sanosi who has vividly described her time in detention. [http://bit.ly/MWNs6P]

“In my dream, I was inside a tunnel. The tunnel was jammed with cars, and I was in one of them. I was alone in the taxi, and the driver was frustrated with the heavy traffic. The tunnel seemed endless, and I asked the driver to roll down the windows because I could slowly feel myself running out of breath. My claustrophobia started to kick in, and the long queue of cars both ahead and behind me gave me a strong sense of uneasiness. The windows were now open, but I couldn't feel any air gushing in. I poked my head out of the window in an attempt to find where the tunnel ended… to figure out if freedom was near. The tunnel was a long, endless spiral. I was trapped and there was no way out. Stepping out of the car was not an option; there was no sidewalk inside the tunnel. Death was near; I began preparing myself for it.”

Readers can follow the Sudan uprisings with the hashtag #SudanRevolts.

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The good, the bad and the ugly

The Somalia-Somaliland talks and the British co-opted roadmap

Ahmed M.I. Egal

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83565

cc F C OThe British-led process to replace the current illegitimate and intrinsically unrepresentative structure in Somalia with another equally illegitimate one is an affront to the best interests and rights of the Somali people.

When I was a teenager I saw a movie with the above title with which I fell in love. I later learned that it was from a genre that was disparagingly termed ‘Spaghetti Western’ in Hollywood since they were made in Italy. In fact, it was one of a trilogy made by the legendary director Sergio Leone, the other two being A Fistful of Dollars and For a Few Dollars More, and I am very pleased that Mr. Leone has had the last laugh since he is now recognised as one of the greatest directors of film and a true artist, and this trilogy is widely acknowledged as timeless classics. Perhaps, however, Leone’s sweetest victory over his Hollywood detractors is that the young, unknown actor that he discovered and gave the leading role to in this trilogy went on to become the living embodiment of the Western hero, one of Hollywood’s greatest actor-directors and he has paid homage to his mentor by updating and Americanising the Spaghetti Western with his own classics, such as Pale Rider and The Unforgiven. This actor-director is, of course, Clint Eastwood.

The topic which is the subject of this paper is the talks between Somalia and Somaliland which were mandated by the ill conceived London Conference on Somalia in February this year. Unfortunately, there is no strong, silent hero (‘man with no name’) character that comes riding in to summarily dispatch the bad guys and claim the gold for the good in this particular production. Instead, we have a cast of leading players that can be accurately described as ‘The Winner, the Loser and the Duplicitous’. These are, respectively, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia, Ahmed Mahmoud Silanyo, President of Somaliland, and the British Government.

Sheikh Sharif is the undisputed winner since the talks have enabled him to elevate his political status to that of budding statesman while securing for him substantial funds and a raft of votes for his campaign to retain the Presidency of Somalia in the ‘permanent government’, without conceding anything. He can, and has been, presenting himself to the people of Somalia as the statesman who has brought a recalcitrant Somaliland to the negotiating table, and who will eventually bring it back into the Greater Somalia (Somaliweyn) fold. One can only admire him for the political skills he has developed while in office – he has truly come a long way from the unworldly novice he clearly was a brief four years ago when he acceded to the TFG Presidency at the behest of the Western Powers.

By contrast, the clear loser is President Silanyo, Somaliland’s putative political eminence gris or ‘rug cadaa’ in Somali (meaning endowed with expertise and wisdom). He has participated in talks with a lame duck, interim ‘government’ that has been judged by both independent auditors and the World Bank to have flagrantly stolen hundreds of millions of dollars in aid money, that is widely reviled for incompetence and corruption by the people it purports to represent and which openly and repeatedly dismisses out of hand the central issue of importance to his people regarding these talks, i.e. the independence of Somaliland. Creating the political space to proceed with the talks has required the Silanyo government to resort to tortuous semantics and syntax, outright mendacity and open warfare with the independent press and dissenting voices at home with the widespread, illegal detention of journalists and political opponents. The government has also not only lost face, not to mention moral leadership, but that most precious of assets, namely trust, among much, if not the majority, of its people. The Somaliland public desperately want to believe that the talks will lead to their cherished dream of sovereignty and international recognition, but they fear and suspect that the talks will only lead to a political cul-de-sac, and worse, that the government knows this full well, but is going along with this tawdry charade (as these talks have been accurately and elegantly termed by a US academic who is well versed in Somali politics) for its own, hidden reasons.

Now we get to the Duplicitous, or the Ugly – take your pick. This is the British Government which has forced the Silanyo government to participate in the talks with the threat of withdrawing all British aid to Somaliland if he did not comply. The Cameron government decided to take a lead role among the Western powers in combating the scourge of maritime piracy emanating from the coast of Somalia and which is based principally in the autonomous region of Puntland. They felt that this assumed role required them to take a similar role in resolving the ‘Somali problem’ and promptly set about the task in typical, British, workman-like fashion by sponsoring and convening conferences to direct the ‘transition’ towards a stable, permanent government for Somalia. In fairness to the British (or perhaps in their condemnation), they promptly fell in with the current conventional wisdom of the Western powers and their collaborators among Somalia’s neighbours, i.e. Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti, that the way to achieve their goal of a permanent government for Somalia that is friendly to their interests is to impose a structure and government that can be made to appear representative and legitimate. Welcome to the age of 21st century neo-imperialism as pioneered by George W. Bush and Tony Blair!

Having defined and cast the main players in our drama of the absurd, we can now move on to the plot of the story. The Western powers and their African allies have developed a twin track strategy which comprises the military track focused upon eliminating Al-Shabaab as a significant security threat, and the political track focused upon establishment of a permanent government for Somalia. The military track is proceeding well with the expulsion of Al-Shabaab from its strongholds in Mogadishu and its environs, particularly the strategic village of Afgoi which is both a key destination for displaced people fleeing war and/or drought from the agricultural hinterland of the Juba and Shabelle rivers, as well as a strategic access route to Mogadishu. There have been credible reports of significant numbers of the foreign fighters and commanders of Al-Shabaab fleeing north to Puntland and onwards to Yemen, as well as serious divisions within the organisation’s ranks as it has continued to suffer defeats. Recently, Dahir Aweys, the leader of Hizbul Islam, who was forced to join Al-Shabaab some years ago when faced with the prospect of being wiped out by them, was able to defect, and is now negotiating his surrender to AMISOM/TFG forces. In response to these military successes against Al-Shabaab, Britain has jumped into the fray on the political front, with the aim of crafting a corresponding success on the political track.

This British-led effort in ‘nation-building’ in Somalia, aided and abetted by the vast UN and NGO relief and development nomenclature, is breathtaking in its sheer audacity of seeking to impose a ‘permanent government’ upon a upon a country that has been utterly destroyed physically, economically and psychically, through a process that doesn’t even make a perfunctory nod at legitimacy by seeking the consent of the people to be governed. The ludicrous construct whereby one illegitimate and intrinsically unrepresentative structure is amended and updated by another, equally illegitimate one is illuminated and exposed here (http://somalilandpress.com/somalia-phony-constitution-crafted-through-un-rigged-process-31360) by Mohammed M. Uluso. However, this farce of creating a ‘permanent government’ for Somalia will continue since none of the major players in this charade, even the Western powers, believe that they can endorse yet another ‘transitional government’ after 20 years and four, successive such transitions. Therefore, they have decided upon another transition that will henceforth be called ‘permanent’ and justified to be so by a convoluted, inherently illegitimate and undemocratic process that was cooked up by foreign bureaucrats, endorsed by their paid, Somali puppet leaders and imposed upon a bemused, beaten and damaged populace desperate for any semblance of normality. The Somalia-Somaliland talks are part and parcel of this British-led effort to craft and impose a political solution for Somalia.

In an address given to the Royal African Society on 22 March 1968 by Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, the Prime Minister of the Somali Republic, entitled ‘Somalia: Nomadic Individualism and the Rule of Law’, he spoke of the historical relationship between Britain and the Somali people. He characterised the decision of Britain in 1962 to ignore the findings of their own Commission that some 88% of the people of the Northern Frontier District (NFD) wanted union with the Somali Republic and not to be part of the nascent Republic of Kenya, in order to cede the NFD to Kenya thereby breaking their promise to the Somali people, as “…[a] classical example of the proverbial perfidy of Albion…”. He went on to point out that “It is perhaps a great irony that the Somalis, of all people in this world, should so genuinely and touchingly attribute to the British an unimpeachable sense of justice and fair play. With all due respect, in his own dealings with the British, the Somali was never shown an example of this quality which he so sincerely attributed to the British.” This latest intervention by the Cameron government in the politics of its erstwhile protectorate, by strong-arming the Silanyo government into the empty and essentially meaningless talks with Sheikh Sharif’s TFG, constitute yet another example of the ‘proverbial perfidy of Albion’.

Clearly, the British wish to lend some element of legitimacy to the Roadmap process whereby a ‘permanent government’ for Somalia is being created, and these Somalia-Somaliland talks are part and parcel of this spurious legitimacy. However, the entire ‘permanent government’ enterprise is irrevocably tainted since the people of Somalia view it with either bemusement and frustration, anticipation of impending wealth and power or just plain ignorance and apathy depending upon which segment of society they belong to. For example, the intelligentsia are frustrated and deeply unhappy that, despite all the pious statements about the Somali ownership of the Roadmap at the various conferences, an illegitimate, externally financed and externally-driven process is being imposed upon them. The political elite (and their business community backers), comprising warlords, present and past ‘government officials’ and Diaspora carpet baggers, are girding up for the auction of political posts and ministerial seats as they eagerly anticipate the flow of riches and patronage to come. The vast majority of the long suffering population of Somalia, however, are apathetic about the entire enterprise since they have no say in the proceedings; they just desperately hope that some semblance of normalcy can be restored, even if they can hardly recognise it should it somehow arrive.

Further, as can be seen by the anodyne statements that have been issued after each round of the said talks, including the fatuously named Dubai Declaration, they are not only an exercise in futility, but they devalue and demean the substantive talks on future relations between the two parties that must and will take place. However, such talks can only take place when there is a legitimate government in Somalia which is freely chosen by its people and which therefore enjoys their political consent. Such talks will not be limited to the Western agenda of combating terrorism and piracy, but will focus upon the major issues facing their populations, e.g. a post irredentist paradigm to drive inter-Somali cooperation and fraternal relations in the context of political realities in the Horn of Africa and regional supra-national organisations, i.e. IGAD and COMESA; settlement of claims between the two countries arising from assets located in one country but owned by the citizens of the other; extradition to Somaliland of war criminals responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity that are hiding in Somalia, etc. Because the current talks do not, and will not, address these vital issues, the real danger inherent in these talks is that they will destabilise Somaliland, which has achieved national reconciliation, representative government and political stability with no outside help or interference, by enmeshing it in the political charade of the Roadmap that comprises Western nation-building in Somalia. It is important to recognise here that perfidious Albion could not have ensnared Somaliland in its doomed designs for Somalia, if it did not have a willing partner, however resistant they may wish to appear, in the Silanyo government. The President of Somaliland and his neophyte Foreign Minister have allowed themselves to be bullied and cajoled by the British into a political dead-end that not only robs them of moral standing in front of their electorate, but in fact jeopardises the realisation of their peoples’ defining dream.

What is truly galling, not to mention pathetic, is that the threatened retribution of the withdrawal of British aid amounted at that time to a grand total of some £4.5 million in current aid and promises of more in the near future. This is a very small recompense indeed for which to sacrifice the honour and moral standing of one’s government, not to mention risk the central dream of one’s nation and people. The fact is that the Silanyo government is now stuck with this farce of talks with the TFG which are doomed to achieve nothing, since the principal topic for discussion is off the table, and they have the unenviable task of maintaining the fiction that the talks are substantive and will lead to independence to their people. To appropriate a gambling metaphor, this is a dog that just won’t run and it will not be long before the Somaliland government will have to pay the price for its massive error in judgement through popular disaffection and dissent. Meanwhile, we have the prospect of the birth of the new ‘permanent government’ in Mogadishu to look forward to, with all of the attendant tragi-comedy that the delivery of such misbegotten creatures gives rise to.

What is certain, however, is that the machinations of the self-aggrandising Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the weak and uninspired Silanyo government and the overreaching and overweening Cameron government have conspired against the best interests of the Somali people, both in Somalia and Somaliland. They have actively promoted and sought to legitimise a bogus, undemocratic and unconstitutional process to impose a supposedly permanent government in Somalia and jeopardised Somaliland’s stability and representative, constitutionally established government by making it party to this fraud perpetrated upon their brothers to the south. This is truly another perfidy perpetrated by Albion upon the Somali people, albeit this time with the connivance of their own leaders. One can only hope that this time the people of Somaliland and Somalia see this British-led fraud for what it truly is, and that it will lift the scales from their eyes with regard to British ‘justice’ and ‘fair play’. One can also hope that the ‘man with no name’ would ride in and chase these self-seeking charlatans off the scene, but unfortunately this is real life.


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* Ahmed M.I. Egal has worked as an international banker in London and the Gulf Region for over 20 years, and is presently engaged as an independent financial and business development consultant. He has particular interest in Somali affairs about which he has written extensively, as well as issues concerning African political economy and international politics.

* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Jubbaland Conference: Ethiopia’s obstruction of Somali statehood

Mohamud M Uluso

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83567

cc USDAgovThe Jubbaland State Conference held in Nairobi Kenya on June 28-30, 2012, is part of the overall web of obstruction strategy unfailingly pursued by Ethiopia to prevent any chance for the rebirth of Somali state accountable to its people in the foreseeable future.

The strategy is operationalized through multiple fronts, e.g., the misuse of UN Secuirty Council rule- “the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) decides to actively remain seized of the matter of Somalia”, which means Somalia remains under IGAD’s jurisdiction, execution of counter-productive reconciliation initiatives, military occupation, creation of multiple armed factions, imposition of clan-based federalism for establishing local dependent clienteles, promotion of unscrupulous personalities for leadership and marginalization of responsible leaders, hyping up of international threats emanating from Somalia by conducting biased diplomatic campaigns.

The immediate reasons behind this ad hoc conference could be three. First, Ethiopia strives to make the overwhelmingly rejected sub-clan-based federalism as fait accompli after the United Nations declared unseen Draft Constitution as a Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC) on June 22, 2012. The expected voting of the Traditional Leaders (TLs) and the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) on the PFC is inconsequential. Second, Ethiopia wants to strengthen its grips on Somalia’s political dispensation and to thwart all efforts for Somali Unity spearheaded by few international actors. Parenthetically, with regard to Somali Unity, the extraordinary message of Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton on Somalia’s National Day July 1 to the people of Somalia raises a glimmer of hope. Third, Ethiopia wants to deepen clan antagonisms among Somalis as a source for long term political destabilization.

Somali groups, IGAD/AU/UN, and Puntland Government issued separate communiqués highlighting certain aspects of the outcome of the conference. The reading of below reported IGAD/AU/UN communiqué is important because it reveals specific information.

Jubbaland State is becoming a reality with this foundation now being adhered to by the International Community, Regional States, and the main groups involved. The Communiqué from the conference prepared and hosted by IGAD and the AU with support from the UN was signed by the 5 important groups representing the State.

1. TFG represented by the Deputy Minister Dr. Abdi Ali Hassan (Marehan/Uurmidig)
2. Gedo Defense Forces represented by Gen Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail “Fartag” (Marehan/Reer Ugaas Sharmarke)
3. Azania represented by Prof Mohamed Abdi Mohamed “Ghandi” (Ogaden/Talomoge)
4. Ras Kambooni represented by Macalim Mohamed Ibrahim (Ogaden/Mohamed Suber)
5. Ahlu Sunna Wal Jamee represented by Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf Mohamud “Aw Libaax” (Marehan/Celi)
The foundations agreed to is thus:
• Jubbaland State is to be a regional federal state under the Federal Constitution of Somalia
• Jubbaland State is to be formed by the merger of Gedo, Lower Jubba, and Middle Jubba Regions.
• Jubbaland State representation will be based on current state and district partition
• Jubbaland state will have three branches of state government: Executive, Legislative and Judicial
• Jubbaland State will united differing militias as unitary state security.
• Jubbaland State will be democratic and respects the rights of minorities.
• Jubbaland state will be based on Sharia law.

The groups will now have subsequent meetings and interactions to work out the attainment of this plan.

Three observations are in order. (a) In accordance with the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) or Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC), the merger of regions and districts is subject to popular referendum certified by legitimate National Government and it is not the prerogative of five individuals representing factions. (b) The participation of TFG is immaterial because the Roadmap suspended the TFC, dismantled the internationally recognized TFG and empowered clan entities -Puntland, Galmudug and Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama (Mogadishu Faction). (c) The creation of Jubbaland State under the PFC and under Sharia Law will breed political turmoil and defeat the formation of Somali State.

The communiqué (agreement) of Somali participants states that Jubbaland State will live in peace with its neighbor countries and with other regions of Somalia. Also, it requires that the Jubbaland State should be established before the ending of the transitional federal period scheduled on August 20, 212 and that the process for establishing the Jubbaland State must be in conformity with the stabilization plan of IGAD and TFG, titled “Draft IGAD Strategy on managing the territories liberated areas in Somalia.” The plan allows IGAD to manage the territory, people and politics of the three regions with a strategy and tactics based on clan allegiance to its desired outcome.

With no explanation, representative of Harti group did not sign the final Communiqué. In a radio interview, a spokesman of the conference said that a Harti group led by Gen. Mohamed Warsame Darwish, former Chief of the Somali National Security Service (NSS) during President Abdullahi Yusuf’s government participated the conference. The Puntland Government welcomed the establishment of Jubbaland State with mix feelings-suspicion and support.
It is not clear how the five groups planned to address the complications the agreement generates within various communities in the regions. Influential leaders from the five groups have already voiced their objection to the agreement. The Wagosha Community (Somali Bantu) expressed their strongest objection against the Jubbaland State. The history and sub clan composition of the Jubbaland population is different from the close kinship existing in Puntland State although all Somali communities (clans) proudly share territory, religion, language, citizenship, solidarity, and common aspirations.

As part of their tradition and culture, Somalis do not consider and classify certain groups or individuals as “minorities” It is my personal view that Somalis are aware of clan distinctions, injustices and economic disparity but they generally disapprove minority status classification. Under the impracticable Federalism, there will be indefinite kinds of minorities in each village, district, and region of Somalia.

In parallel to IGAD’s mismanagement of Somalia, the international community is less concerned about what works and is best for the Somali people. The international community is delighted to spend resources and efforts on initiatives or experiments of their preference with the liberty to blame the Somalis for failures and for not grasping the “golden opportunities” offered to them. Jubbaland State is another spurious enterprise undertaken to abuse and confuse the exhausted people of Somalia. Will the Somali Elite be able to regain audacity, wisdom, stamina and sense of duty needed to challenge the current debilitating approach and steer Somalia to the right direction for the common good? Time will tell.

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Kenya: Terror attacks could be linked to religious and ethnic tensions

Henry Makori

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83548

cc WikimediaKenya is still in shock after hooded gunmen opened fire and lobbed explosives into two churches on 1 July in Garissa, north-east of the country, killing 17 worshippers and injuring over 60 others. Most funerals are taking place this week.

The attacks occurred shortly after 10am local time as prayer services were in progress at the African Inland Church (AIC) and the Catholic cathedral in the town. All 17 deaths occurred in the AIC church.

The government announced it was sending 700 more police officers to the area to beef up security. Senior police officers and government administrators were transferred – without any explanation as to how that would improve security for the residents.

Kenya at the weekend was a veritable police state. Officers mounted security checks at most churches in towns around the country, frisking worshippers before they entered. Church leaders had castigated the government for not taking security around churches seriously.

The twin attack has been attributed to the armed Somali Islamist group Al Shabaab, which the Kenyan military has been pursuing inside Somalia since last October. Over 4,600 Kenya Defence Forces troops are in Somalia, but now under the African Union force, AMISOM.

All the grenade and gun attacks that have occurred in Kenya, many of them in Garissa, over the last nine months have been attributed to Al Shabaab, although only one person has so far been convicted of belonging to the terror group.
Often, suspects arrested after an attack are arraigned in court and then released for lack of evidence. But police persist in giving unconvincing assurances that the people are safe.

The line trumpeted by the government, politicians, religious leaders and the media here is that Al Shabaab want to provoke religious turmoil between Muslims and Christians. Muslims comprise about 10 per cent of the population, while most Kenyans are either believers in African religion or Christianity (often both).

But with the attacks in Garissa questions have emerged over the past week about whether, indeed, Al Shabaab are solely responsible for all the attacks, mostly targeting churches and entertainment spots – which are patronised by Christians.

The Catholic bishops of Kenya issued a statement condemning the acts of violence but wondered why churches were targeted.
‘While reaffirming our belief that this is not a religious war, we are disturbed that the attacks were carried out in Christian churches,’ the bishops said. It was the first time church leaders were openly suggesting that the attacks might have a religious element that has nothing to do with Al Shabaab.

And then a day after the incident, the Star newspaper quoted anti-terrorism police as saying that Al Shabaab might not have been responsible for the attacks, after all.

The paper said: ‘Anti-terrorism investigators have ruled out the involvement of Al Shabaab in the Sunday attacks on two churches in Garissa. They are now focusing on fresh leads that the attacks were motivated by either local tensions between Muslims and Christians, or a politically motivated crime.’

The attacks have caused panic among non-indigenous residents of Garissa who fear that they are being targeted, the paper reported. ‘James Mwangi, a tuk tuk driver in Garissa, said they had lately witnessed a lot of hostility from residents based on their religion and for being non-Somalis.’

It is something that few people would like to admit. Nearly everyone routinely talks about how peaceful Christians and Muslims co-exist in Kenya. Yet, evidently, all is not well.

Garissa is mostly a Muslim town but in recent years, it has witnessed an increase in the number of Christians, especially those belonging to evangelical groups.
Evangelical preachers typically deliver caustic sermons peppered with disparaging references to other churches and religions. AIC, which was attacked in the latest incident, is an evangelical church.

In 2006, Hope FM, an evangelical radio station in Nairobi, was petrol bombed by masked armed men, suspected to be Muslim militants, who entered the premises and shot dead one of the guards manning the main gate and injured two others.
The attack followed the airing of a controversial episode of a weekly radio programme focusing on Islam and Christianity.

Sources tell Pambazuka News that Christian-Muslim tensions in Garissa are common knowledge. On some occasions Muslims have disrupted Christian open-air prayer rallies, alleging offensive sermons.

There have also been claims of Muslims sending their children to throw stones on the tin roofs of churches during prayer services. So, at any one time there are religious-based tensions between Muslims and Christians in Garissa.

Muslims are not only angered by fiery sermons against their religion but also fear that Christians are engaged in aggressive proselytism.

They also see Christians as part of the political architecture that has marginalized Muslims since independence. Kenya’s three presidents as well as most senior public officials have all been Christian. Northern Kenya and the Coast, where many people are Muslim, have been neglected by successive governments.

‘There are always tensions between Christians and Muslims,’ a Kenyan journalist with considerable experience in the region said. ‘Muslims are uncomfortable with Christians whom they see as spies or agents of the West.’

But the tensions in Garissa are not only religious; they are ethnic based as well. Garissa is inhabited by ethnic Somalis, but recent years have witnessed an influx of people from other communities in Kenya, especially Kambas from neighbouring Eastern Province. It is instructive that 14 of the 17 people killed in the recent attacks were Kambas.

In a newspaper commentary last week, Hassan ole Naado, the CEO of Kenya Muslim Youth Alliance (KMYA) and deputy secretary general of the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims (SUPKEM) wrote that:

‘But as we condemn this senseless attack on innocent people who had presented themselves before the mercy of God in prayer, there is a growing feeling, and justifiably so, that some people might be intending to cleanse Garissa of people from other parts of the country.’

This view echoes sentiments expressed at a peace and security forum organised by KMYA and SUPKEM last December. A report of the forum, referring to frequent grenade attacks, noted that:

‘While security agencies have been quick to link the attacks with Kenya’s military operation in Somalia, several stakeholders believe that there could be more than meets the eye.’

One of the concerns raised at the forum, according to the report, was that the attacks targeted a particular group:

‘KMYA has noted that if this wave of attacks against perceived “outsiders” in Garissa is not addressed, it could easily escalate into a full-blown inter-ethnic [and] inter-religious conflict in Kenya.’

Knowledgeable sources speaking to Pambazuka News confirmed that this indeed is the case.

Ethnic Somalis are worried about the growing population of ‘outsiders’ in Garissa, attracted by economic opportunities arising from infrastructural development in the region.

There have been bloody conflicts over the sale of land to ‘outsiders’. In November, leaflets were dropped in the town by unknown people threatening the new landowners.

Kenya is heading to another hotly contested election, possibly next March. Ethnic Somali politicians are said to be concerned about the political implications of the votes of ‘outsiders’ in Garissa.

‘In the last two general elections, similar attacks were witnessed within the area,’ a source said.

So, why is Al Shabaab always blamed for the violence even when some evidence appears to point elsewhere?

First, the government is careful not to change the narrative about the military adventure in Somalia, which is part of the Western-backed ‘war on terrorism’ in eastern Africa. To sustain Western interest and support, Al Shabaab must be portrayed as a powerful terrorist network that threatens not just Kenya but the entire region and the Western interests therein. This is the same narrative used to justify the Western-backed plan to create a pliant state in southern Somalia called Jubbaland.

Second, Kenya’s military incursion into Somalia is illegal, as it was not approved by parliament as required by the constitution. All the propaganda since the invasion last October has sought to silence critical debate by justifying the decision. To turn around and admit that Al Shabaab might not be entirely responsible for the grenade and gun attacks in the country, that the violence could be linked to internal conflicts, would open the government to blistering criticism about the justification for going to war inside Somalia.

And lastly, some commentators have linked the decision to go to war with the elections next year. Military expenditures are not open to any kind of public scrutiny in Kenya. Analysts think some powerful people could be making money through irregular deals connected to the war against Al Shabaab to finance the campaigns.

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* Henry Makori, a Kenyan journalist, is editorial assistant for Pambazuka News.
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Cameroon: Politics in an era of contradictions

Tazoacha Asonganyi

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83537

cc C t BProf Tazoacha Asonganyi, Secretary General of the opposition Social Democratic Front (SDF) from 1994-2005, speaks to writer Kangsen Feka Wakai about the politics of Cameroon.

KANGSEN FEKA WAKAI: Cameroon’s former minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization, currently under detention for corruption related charges, has recently published a series of letters, which continue to animate the public sphere. Professor Asonganyi, you were Secretary General of the SDF (Cameroon’s largest opposition party) during most of Marafa Hamidou Yaya’s tenure as head of the ministry that ran the country’s elections. What are your impressions of these letters; does it represent Mr. Marafa’s about-turn, from presidential insider to whistleblower?

PROF ASONGANYI: Yes, I was Secretary General of the SDF, and interacted with Marafa Hamidou Yaya as Minister of Territorial Administration (and Decentralisation), which made him the Chief Electoral Officer in Cameroon. Of course, in that position, he was the chief organizer of electoral fraud in Cameroon. But I am not one of those who would want to use the past misdeeds of Marafa to detract from what he is saying in his letters. In his letters he has raised many important issues, including corruption related to compensation for the victims of the 1995 Camair plane crash and the incompetence of some of those appointed as government ministers. The letters have once more exposed corruption in Cameroon as so commonplace and so acceptable to the regime that Parliament refused to take seriously the revelation that 32.5 billion FCFA was paid to victims of the Camair accident, but the money disappeared into embezzlers’ pockets! And when Paul Biya was recently asked to comment on Marafa’s letters, he responded that he could not comment on comments! In other words, Marafa’s revelations, to Paul Biya, represent just comments! It would be remembered that in the past, when everybody was seeing corruption in our society, Paul Biya was asking for proof! This other statement about comments is only comparable to such debasing lack of leadership in the treatment of serious societal issues. As for Marafa’s about-turn, I think that is the only type of action that will bring change to our country. See who is president of Senegal today; he was once Wade’s [full name] man but they fell out. There is nothing wrong with what Marafa has become.

KANGSEN FEKA WAKAI: Prof, how would you sum up the last twenty-two years of Cameroon’s political history in the context of the evolving world around it? What have been some of the highlights and setbacks?

PROF ASONGANYI: Well, I think that the Cameroon society is made up of human beings like all other societies. But you know the type of institutions in a country influences the political culture of the country, and the political culture influences the national character. These influences in Cameroon have been negative, mainly because the institutions were weak and the future of the country depended too much on the character of the person in charge. The manipulations of the post-independence dictatorial regimes established a culture of fear and intolerance that bred tensions that made it impossible for people of different backgrounds to live together happily in Cameroon. Ending such a culture required working towards changing the politicians and the institutions they controlled. With the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and the ensuing pressure for democratization across the world, the various aspirations across the board in Cameroon were revived, which resulted in the launching of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) in 1990. The SDF was therefore created, as stated in its Manifesto, in answer to the call of Conscience, History, and Destiny to bring true democracy and a bright and humane future for Cameroon. This is why the party declared her determination to change for good the unwholesome situation that prevailed and usher in a new, healthy, bright, and democratic era in Cameroon.

But all the promises represented just intentions expressed by the SDF to bring change to Cameroon. They needed to be transformed into reality by politicians. Good intentions have never been a safeguard; as stated by John Steinbeck, “the road to hell is paved with good intentions.” This transformation had to be the work of politicians. Yet, many in the leadership of the SDF who were supposed to transform intentions to reality seemed to see politics more in the context of demagoguery, petty rivalry, and time-wasting. Politics was never taken for what it is: an art that provides an alternative to violence and bloodshed; an art that provides formulae that allow people to overcome past failures and provide solutions to seemingly insoluble problems.

Overall, Cameroon has been part of the world but has not kept pace with the world. There has been electoral fraud that blocked the advent of change in Cameroon through the ballot box, but it is electoral fraud that brought the Aquino revolution in the Philippines that overthrew the entrenched power of Ferdinand Marcos, using “people power.” We have not had the leadership that mobilized the people appropriately to understand their power and use it to remove all obstacles on their path towards democracy.

KANGSEN FEKA WAKAI: Saharareporters.com columnist, Rudolf Okonkwo has divided Nigerians into three groups: “those who are embezzling the commonwealth; those who cannot wait for their chance to embezzle what is left; and those on the side, with their tails behind their legs, complaining.” If we substitute Nigeria with Cameroon, does this assessment of Nigeria apply to the Cameroon, and if not, what in your opinion are some of the differences?

PROF ASONGANYI: We live today in Cameroon in the incredible contradiction of a society where wealth comes more from how best individuals can manipulate the system rather than from honesty and hard work. Corruption and embezzlement in Cameroon are played out by actors made up of mainly civil servants; most of them build expensive houses and ride expensive cars; if they saved all their salaries for 30 years, they could not build the houses or buy the cars. Corruption has become so commonplace and so acceptable to the regime that only cosmetic institutions to fight corruption make noises everyday. Of course, this makes our society not different from all other societies where corruption is prevalent. Therefore, in Cameroon we have those who are already at the table “embezzling the commonwealth,” those who are singing praises of the regime and gesticulating so that they can be invited to the table to have their “chance to embezzle what is left,” and those who are in the “opposition” and “civil society,” mainly ineffective structures packed full of complaining members “with their tails behind their legs.”

KANGSEN FEKA WAKAI: Franco-Cameroonian investigative journalist, Charles Onana’s, Côte d’Ivoire: Le coup d'Etat (editions Duboiris, 2011), in which he argues—with convincing evidence—that the post-election standoff was nothing short of a coup meant to topple outgoing President Laurent Gbagbo. What do you think the Ivorian crisis revealed about elections in our part of the world, the susceptibility of the institutions of ‘small’ nations and to the role of international institutions and foreign powers in brokering internal political disputes?

PROF ASONGANYI: Let me start by stating clearly that Gbagbo is a great friend; when I was still in the SDF, our parties, the FPI and the SDF, were in the Socialist International, and the two parties developed quite some friendship. However, I did not like the equivocation of the FPI on the issue of “ivoirité.” I also did not agree with Gbagbo’s effort to prolong his stay in power. In a way, he tried to meet a common saying that in Africa, once the cuckoo forces itself into the nest, it stays there and is not to be moved! This is why I wrote the following after the electoral debacle in Côte d’Ivoire: “Not to worry: elections are being held left and right, with varying outcomes. That in Côte d’Ivoire left the people Mugabe’ed or Kibakied, whichever you like. Do not mind the motions of support trickling there from ‘social democratic’ and ‘leftwing’ groupings. The Biyas, Wades and others of the same feathers are chuckling in amusement at the fact that they are usually confronted by noises about commitment to values like social justice, democracy, liberty, mutual obligation, opportunity for all, responsibility… The ‘left-wingers’ may retort that it is precisely because of these values that they refuse to hand-over power on a platter of gold to the other side, whatever the decision of the people. Pity for those who thought that ‘leftwing’ politics could bring progress to Africa; pity for Africa and the prospect for continental peace and tranquility…”

You know, following the independence of our countries in the ‘60s, constitutionalism was adopted as the form of government for the management of society. Although we opted for constitutionalism and made sure our constitutions opened with “We the People,” the constitutions were just rules and procedures to regulate the affairs of those who already had power. Once you opt for constitutionalism, it is believed that you have also opted for universal values like liberalism, human rights, equality, liberty, the rule of law, democracy, free markets, the separation of church and state, etc. These “universal” values are considered to be “Western values” which Africa has to learn and integrate in their systems in order to be “civilised.” Elections are one of the “values.” Like so many of the values, it is usually enough to drum them into “Western” ears; what is actually practiced does not matter a lot, like the constitutions in which the president is virtually a constitutional monarch, and elections that suffer from many shortcomings, and many others...

If our institutions are not working and we are not clever enough to reform or change them, that is our problem. After all, following the independence and the assuming of power by Americans themselves, they quickly discovered that their new political world suffered from instability, inequity, and interest-domination; their elected representatives turned out to be as dangerous as the colonists they had defeated in war. Their analysis showed that the problem was with human nature; therefore the constitution of 1787, based on “the people,” maintained the plurality of the people that ensured that no group, no institution, and no branch of government could claim to act in the name of “the” people. In short, they instituted the separation of powers and checks and balances. I am not usually one of the Africans that indulge in blame games against “the West” because we need change, but they think that somebody else can come and effect the change for us.

KANGSEN FEKA WAKAI: What lessons can the next generation of players in the political sphere learn from your generation, which spearheaded what I like to think of as the ‘second liberation struggle’ of the nineteen-nineties?

PROF ASONGANYI: We made many promises and expressed many intentions. All of them needed to be transformed into reality by politicians. I have already said that politics is an art which, if well practiced, can provide an alternative to violence and bloodshed; an art that provides formulae that allow people to overcome past failures and provide solutions to seemingly insoluble problems. Practicing politics effectively emanates from strong human interactions. Successful human interaction depends on the full grasp of the complexities of human nature, familiarity with the virtues and infirmities of politics, and the understanding that ambition is a strong human passion and a universal feeling. Successful human interaction depends on how strong human egos, divergent views, and the general feelings, motives and desires of others are handled, how injured feelings are repaired. Successful human interaction depends on several qualities of decency and morality – kindness, sensitivity, compassion, honesty, and empathy; on the ability to overcome personal vendetta, petty-jealousies, humiliation, or bitterness. It is because our generation did not master these that we were unable to mount a formidable political force to change our society. The next generation should take these virtues seriously. Successful human interaction cannot be helped by a personality cult that slowly breeds vocal sycophants.

The next generation should also know that leadership is critical in all struggles: it is critical to harnessing free elements to produce results; to uniting and conjugating human forces to achieve desired ends; to achieving successful human interactions. Strong leadership must work for the general interest as opposed to personal enrichment. Leadership should create durable democratic institutions that could operate independent of charismatic leadership.

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* Tazoacha Asonganyi is a lecturer at the Faculty of Medicine, University of Yaounde in Cameroon. He served as Secretary General of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), the country’s leading opposition party, from 1994-2005.

* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.


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AgriSol land deal in Tanzania creates uncertain future for over 160, 000

The Oakland Institute

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83544

cc J HA new report provides details from the ground as the investor faces the Iowa Ethics Commission.

OAKLAND, CA - A new report by the Oakland Institute, Lives on Hold, exposes the consequences of Iowa-based AgriSol Energy LLC's plans to lease more than 800,000 acres in Tanzania. The project initiated in 2007-2008 has moved forward without public debate or consent, and will evict more than 160,000 long-term residents of Katumba and Mishamo, who remain in the dark over compensation and relocation plans. The AgriSol land deal is a part of Kilimo Kwanza, or Agriculture First, the Tanzanian government's scheme to promote agricultural development through public-private partnerships.

In June 2011, the Oakland Institute revealed how Iowa-based Bruce Rastetter, CEO of AgriSol Energy, leveraged the involvement of Iowa State University's College of Agriculture and Life Sciences to provide legitimacy to this deal. Initially masquerading the project as responsible agricultural investment, the university completely withdrew any support or association with it in February 2012 under growing public pressure. While AgriSol claims to have halted operations in Katumba and Mishamo until the refugees have been relocated, Lives on Hold depicts how the relocation is to be accomplished.

"Caught in the crossfire of this egregious land deal are more than 160,000 newly naturalized Tanzanians--former Burundian refugees who fled civil war more than 40 years ago. Initially promised citizenship, the residents still await their papers, conditional on them vacating their homes and lands in order to make way for the foreign investor. The residents have been banned from cultivating crops including perennial crops such as cassava or building new homes and businesses, leaving them with no other option but to consider moving. This is how the situation will be resolved for AgriSol," said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute and coauthor of the report.
A Katumba resident, a farmer and house builder, who's name has been withheld to ensure his safety told the research team: "I'm greatly disappointed by the decision that forbids us from making progress. Our livelihoods, activities have been stranded."

Lives on Hold documents how the residents of the Katumba settlement contribute to the economic and agricultural well-being of the region. While initially referred to as "abandoned refugee camps" by AgriSol, OI's field work depicts the Katumba settlement as a thriving community with well-established homes, farms, places of worship, and businesses. Yet the policy of Kilimo Kwanza is being misused to subject the villagers to human rights abuses, which range from the burning down of houses and crops and violation of their freedom of speech to inequities in social services.

Amid the announcement of relocation in a town hall-style meeting with the authorities in 2010, several villagers reported threats and arrests by the security forces for demanding fair compensation; the argument against their inquiry amounted to "Katumba is not your land for you to start asking questions." But residents of the settlement have called Katumba their home for the last 40 years.

"It is true that the Tanzanian government donated the land for the camp. But this is a case of good will gone wrong," said Mittal. There has been significant value added to the land by the refugees during the past 40 years. Currently, the compensation stands at $200 per person in a family. This paltry payment is for the land their livelihoods depend on, upon which their houses have been built, where the crops that feed them and the neighboring communities are grown, and where they have built churches and other community infrastructure.

Lives on Hold also reveals how AgriSol plans to develop large-scale monocrops, use high levels of chemicals, and even ask for changes in the national biosafety regulations so that genetically modified crops can be grown--all within a protected forest reserve and the Malagarasi-Moyowosi wetland system, one of the wetland sites protected by the international Ramsar Convention on Wetlands.

AgriSol's model of industrial agriculture poses a high risk to biodiversity, with the pollution of rivers and drying out of water sources being highly likely, which will affect the health of the people downstream and also wildlife in the area. The protected forest reserve and its biodiversity will be sacrificed for a large-scale plantation for exports. The Oakland Institute is asserting that the needs of the Burundian Tanzanians in Katumba must be met clearly, efficiently, and fairly while preserving one of the world's most important and fragile waterways and landscape.

Earlier this month, an Iowa-based group, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement, filed an official conflict of interest complaint against Rastetter with the Iowa Ethics and Campaign Disclosure Board, and are lobbying for Bruce Rastetter to be removed as Iowa Board of Regents President Pro Tem.
The Oakland Institute first exposed AgriSol's land investment deal in June 2011. View the June 2011 report and related documents here.

* The Oakland Institute is an independent policy think tank, bringing fresh ideas and bold action to the most pressing social, economic, and environmental issues of our time.

###
We need your help to prevent deals like this from ever being on the table. Donate.


That the AgriSol deal has gone sour is just one example of how research with a purpose can change the world. That's what we do at the Oakland Institute.

The Oakland Institute research has been critical in empowering local communities and decision makers in many countries so they can make informed choices about the investment they need to develop their agriculture and overcome hunger and poverty. By providing information and analysis, sponsoring radio programs in local languages, and hosting events on the ground around agricultural investments, the Institute is working to ensure people have a say in their own future. This work has already resulted in popular mobilization in countries such as South Sudan and Sierra Leone as well as increasing awareness for many decision makers across the world.

We are committed to a world free of hunger, which requires policies and investments that will benefit the people, not just a handful of businessmen, investors, and politicians. It is our mission to unearth and publish information that propels activism and builds change. To continue this work, we look to individuals and foundations that are committed to the same work and goals for support.

We hope that we can count on your continued support and ask you to make a generous gift to the Institute today so we can continue our shared work and build coalitions to make real change.

Find the full report here.

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From culprits to saviours: Triumph of green capital at Rio+20

Herbert Docena

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83568

cc A PHow corporations and their allies celebrated their successful promotion of a ‘green economy’ at Rio+20.

The mood inside the Windsor Barra hotel seemed more buoyant than in many of the over 3,000 other side-meetings taking place parallel to the Rio+20 UN Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD). Here, at a suburb far from the favelas shadowing Copacabana or Ipanema, CEOs and other top officials from some of the world’s largest corporations patted each other’s back and exhorted each other to be even more ambitious. Speaker after speaker spoke of how indispensable business is to building the ‘green economy’ - the new economic model that UN officials and developed-country governments were aggressively promoting in this conference.

This was ‘Business Day’, a strictly ‘by-invitation-only’ networking opportunity, pep rally, and strategy meeting for ‘green capital’: the vanguard group of businesses, organised with the help of the UN, that have been rallying other businesses to embrace rather than to oppose the goal of ‘sustainable development’.

Organised by the World Business Council on Sustainable Development, the meeting admitted only a chosen few of the 50,000 people who descended on Rio for the UNCSD, the UN conference with the largest business delegation in history. Among those invited were CEOs or vice chairs from Phillips, Bank of America, DuPont, BHP Billiton, Unilever, and Dow Chemical, joined by fast-rising conglomerates from the global South, such as the Brazilian mining giant Vale and South African energy company Eskom, as well as high officials from UN organisations, and selected NGOs.

Over the preceding days, most participants also attended other side meetings, with titles such as ‘Green Gold: Financing the Green Economy’, or ‘Why green growth needs to be driven by business’. A common refrain was the need to make the ‘green economy’ an attractive proposition. For as one speaker stressed: ‘Until we make [lowering carbon emissions] a good business opportunity, we’re not going to attract the capital, the entrepreneurship, the leadership, and everything we need in order to solve this’. Among the most oft-cited proposals to make this happen is to put a so-called ‘price’ on nature. And indeed, in a related business meeting elsewhere in Rio, CEOs mostly from the financial sector also launched the ‘Natural Capital Declaration’: a call for banks and other financial companies’ to value and report their use of the Earth’s ‘natural assets’.

Today here at the Windsor Barra, the ‘word of the day’, a speaker quipped, was ‘scaling up’. And the main problem, it almost went without saying for many speakers, was that they are being hindered from ‘achieving scale’. So after rolling up their sleeves for a series of workshops, they agreed to call on the world’s governments - some of the Presidents or Prime Ministers of which they just had lunch with - to ‘unlock our potential’, to put in place the ‘enabling policy frameworks for inclusive green growth’. We need to do more to give business ‘a seat at the decision-making table’, the International Chamber of Commerce had earlier insisted. The day ended with an awards ceremony - one of the few, if not the only, award ceremonies, among the thousands of meetings here.

Many, if not most, of the thousands of speeches heard in Rio bewailed the ‘slow movement’ or the ‘lack of progress’ since the first Rio summit 20 years ago - or even since the first UN-sponsored summit on the environment in Stockholm in 1972. For business, however, the pace of change could hardly be called slow. 40 years ago, the Stockholm summit was convened at the peak of radical environmentalism’s strength, when consumer groups and environmentalist organisations suddenly surged from the margins to the mainstream of political life in many Western countries.

It seems hard to imagine now, but this was the time when these movements suddenly changed the political discourse and mobilised tens of thousands of people for demonstrations much more easily than environmentalists have been able to do in recent years, despite increased knowledge about the threats of climate change. Tapping into widespread concerns about nuclear power, fertilizers, or deforestation, as well as deeper anxieties caused by the end of the long post-war boom, these radical environmentalists clearly identified who they thought were to blame for worsening environmental degradation worldwide: business. As owners of the factories that used up the timber and the minerals from the mountains and spewed waste into rivers, as the main users of the power plants that polluted the air, business was, for them, the villain - the ones that had to be restrained and punished.

And as political scientist David Vogel documents in Fluctuating Fortunes, so successful were environmentalist movements in making the public turn against business during the Seventies that they succeeded in pushing the US government to adopt the strictest regulations on corporations until then. Businesses were suddenly forced to accept limits to their activities and threatened with fines or sanctions - a regulatory stance that saw business as offenders that had to be sanctioned. ‘[N]ot since the New Deal had the American business community felt so politically vulnerable’, writes Vogel. He quotes one executive as saying: ‘At this rate business can soon expect support from the environmentalists. We can get them to put the corporation on the endangered species list’.

Overseas, many newly independent developing-country governments, as well as social movements and NGOs, also vilified many transnational corporations. One government after another began nationalising foreign concessions, while public interest groups pressed for stricter regulation at the international level. Businesses felt under siege and the mood in most boardrooms was far from upbeat: the economy was facing its worst crisis in decades and they were seen as the enemy by a growing proportion of the public. They also still had very few or weak organisations by which to get their act together. To present themselves as an indispensable part of the solution to the world’s environmental problems - rather than as the source of these problems - was organisationally difficult, and would likely have been greeted with ridicule.

This question - of how business should be viewed and handled - has not only been a concern of the PR departments of corporations. It has arguably been at the heart of international debates over how to respond to environmental problems, dividing governments, civil society and social movements, as well as scientists since the first environmental summit in Stockholm. Businesses after all make most of the decisions that affect what environmentalists and governments have sought to limit or control: how much of the Earth’s resources to extract, how much gases to emit, what source of energy to use, etc. They also often wield enormous economic and political power to determine whether regulatory proposals can be passed and how they can be implemented.

For many of the government officials, experts or activists who have been involved in the negotiations that I have so far interviewed, the question ultimately has been: How do we most effectively compel business to do what we want them to do: by treating them as guilty, recalcitrant ‘sinners’ that need to be reined in and brought into line or as innocent ‘saviours’ that need to be wooed and rewarded? How business has been mobilising - and succeeding - in convincing governments and many in the public to treat it as the latter instead of the former is a story that has yet to be fully documented and explained.

Part of the answer may have to do with increased capitalist cohesion since the 1970s. At least partly in response to the unexpected success of radical environmentalism, business executives within and across industries moved in the 1980s to revive or form new political vehicles for representing and promoting their shared interests. Corporations and conservative foundations also increased their funding of anti-environmentalist think-tanks and movements. Inside this united front, however, a critical split subsequently ensued, as business officials debated how best to respond to environmental concerns reawakened by the ozone hole issue and then climate change.

One section insisted on questioning the evidence and blocking any agreement. The American Petroleum Institute, the think-thank known for spearheading the corporate campaign against climate action, for example, insisted on challenging climate science, saying that accepting it could result in industry ‘appearing to be selfishly concerned with its narrow economic interests’. Others would subsequently break away from denialism, however, and move to a strategy of actively trying to shape the agreements.

Regardless of their internal differences, most would converge on what has become business’ core set of demands in intergovernmental negotiations: that emphasis should be put on ‘self-regulation’, that any commitments should be ‘voluntary’, that they be given as much ‘flexibility’ whenever possible, that they be provided ‘incentives’ such as subsidies or tax breaks to comply - demands that are ultimately premised on a particular moral claim about the kind of people that they are: ‘responsible’ actors indispensable in the fight to save the environment, rather than offenders that should be taught a lesson. The word that they seem to like most is ‘partners’, implying a yearning to be treated as moral equals, to not be told what to do or be ordered around by those they want to partner with.

But another part of the answer also has to do with the desire to engage with business - or the fear not to antagonise it - on the part of many government officials, as well as intellectuals and activists from certain sections of civil society. As Steven Bernstein has shown in The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism, intellectuals and other ‘policy entrepreneurs’ lodged within organisations like the OECD or the UN were quite instrumental in conceptualising the notion of ‘sustainable development’, the phenomenally successful catch-phrase which countered the dominant radical environmentalist view of the 1970s by arguing that environmental wellness didn’t have to mean stopping growth - and thus, clipping those who are thought to propel it: business.

By the first Rio summit in 1992, the idea that business should have a seat at the table - rather than be kept out of the room because offenders typically don’t get to have a say in making decisions - had become so institutionalised that ‘Business and Industry’ was even designated as one of the so-called civil society ‘Major Groups’, alongside those that struggled for a seat because they have been historically marginalised or under-represented, such as women, indigenous people, youth, and farmers. In subsequent negotiations, many government officials and NGOs would carefully take into consideration the business sector’s possible reaction to any proposed policies - without needing to be ‘lobbied’.

Hence, for example, moderate environmental NGOs such as Environmental Defense Fund would push for market mechanisms like carbon trading and US officials then aggressively pushed for them in the Kyoto negotiations because they thought these would be resisted less by American business than the fines or sanctions that many developing countries and NGOs sought to impose on them. Many developing-country negotiators claim they held their noses and agreed to compromise only because this was the only way to prevent the US from walking out.

Even before the thousands of participants could land in Rio, UN bureaucrats and other government officials were already telling the media not to expect too much from the inter-governmental negotiations. The main achievements of the conference would come, they said, from the ‘voluntary commitments’ that would be pledged and the ‘private-public partnerships’ that would be forged outside the official meetings - precisely the route preferred by businesses and a number of developed-country governments. Speaking of the side-meetings for forging these partnerships, one US government official, would later be quoted as saying that: ‘These events are not side events, these are the main events’ - a line consistent with the US position that nothing much should be expected from ‘top-down’ negotiations at the UN since much of the action should come ‘bottom-up’, i.e. as decided by businesses themselves.

That governments should not be the main actors in pushing for sustainable development seemed to be so taken for granted that it seemed quite reasonable for someone at a ‘stakeholders’ side-event here to say, that, perhaps, governments should just be considered as just another ‘Major Group’ - to just be one of the ‘organising partners’ of the conference, at the same level as business and civil society.

Even officials from the European Union, widely seen to take more ‘progressive’ positions than the US, tended to defend the increasing role of business in the negotiations. ‘I think there are still too many people who can only think in terms of working against each other, not with each other’, replied Karl Falkenberg, the European Commission’s Director General for the Environment, in an interview when asked to respond to criticisms of the ‘green economy.’ ‘In the green economy we will need companies, we need enterprises…’ This also seemed to be the general attitude of many scientists and intellectuals who were holding their own side-event at the Pontifical Catholic University near Ipanema.

In what often sounded like a sales pitch to funders, various science bureaucrats and academics showcased their research initiatives to convince policymakers and business executives that they (the scientists) can help them understand and ‘manage’ what they called ‘G.E.C.’ – ‘global environmental change’. Consistently lamenting the lack of funds or respect for research, speakers then appealed to governments and the private sector to deepen their ‘partnerships’ and to join them in ‘co-designing’ and ‘co-producing’ their research. In response, Blackberry’s CEO spoke approvingly of the need for ‘actionable research’, then warned the scientists against the perils of ‘ideology’.

While there were a few critical voices, many participants echoed the financial sector’s Natural Capital Declaration’s claim that only by ‘pricing’ nature will people conserve it - thus, implicitly endorsing the reasoning that, if corporations have ever abused nature in the past, that is only because they were previously ignorant of its value, not because they were driven to do so by the need to make profits.

Social scientists were no less eager to be ‘partners’: while some spoke out strongly against the ‘power elites’ or the ‘systemic carbon interests’ blocking the changes required to achieve ecological balance, none spoke of a need to confront or challenge these elites or interests. None proposed anything that could scare potential ‘partners’. ‘We shouldn’t see the power elites as the enemy’, stressed one anthropologist. ‘That is not constructive…I don’t think we have time for political change. We need to engage with them. There is no other way’.

Far beyond Rio, this language of non-confrontation was also being amplified in the airwaves. At the same time as the Rio+20 was going on, media giant CNN, for example, advertised a special series on sustainable development, showcasing what it called the ‘battle to find solutions’ - a fight where everyone seems to have the same goal, a fight in which there are no villains.

From their beachfront hotel, business delegates shuttled between their side-meetings and the official UN conference centre called Riocentro located just a few miles away, past luxury condos with names like ‘Bora Bora’ or ‘Villa D’Italia’. Here, inside cavernous halls just across the road from the expo-like pavilions of multinational corporations and governments showcasing their ‘sustainability’ projects, negotiators continued fighting yesterday’s battles: Developed and developing countries were still basically struggling over who is ‘responsible’ for Earth’s environmental problems and what this means in terms of what countries should be obliged to do to address said problems.

In this round, developing countries were forced to defend what many thought they’ve already won. Rekindling an increasingly fraying sense of solidarity, they fought off what they and many observers saw as a determined attempt by the US’ and other developed countries to dump the so-called ‘common but differentiated responsibility’ (CBDR) principle - arguably the most oft-quoted but also most controversial principle enshrined in the first Rio declaration of 1992. Insisting that most of the world’s environmental problems have been caused by developed countries, many developing-country governments have constantly invoked this principle over the last 20 years to argue that richer countries should do more than poorer countries to clean up the environment, help the poorer countries avoid environmentally-destructive growth and cope with the effects of what the richer countries have wrought.

Fearing that they were being forced to take on more of the burden, developing countries also resisted developed countries’ demands that they commit to transforming their economies into ‘a green economy’. Many saw this as just another pretext for forcing them to accept ‘structural adjustment’-type conditionalities. Many also voiced their suspicion about what moving to a ‘green economy’ entails, especially since proponents seem to equate it with putting prices on nature and on ‘ecosystem services’ - a term strongly supported by the US but resisted by some developing-country governments and many social movements because it could accelerate what they see as the ‘financialisation’ or ‘commodification’ of nature.

Developed countries eventually accepted the South’s proposed compromise: of promoting ‘green economy policies’ instead of moving into ‘a green economy’. Developing countries believe this could at least give them more flexibility, but with developed country-governments essentially deciding whether, how much, and whom to give funds to in pursuit of this objective, they could still eventually wield enough power to define what ‘green economy policies’ mean in practice.

Developed countries also eventually agreed to retain references to CBDR. But, as before, they also refused to commit to what many developing countries have always insisted the CBDR principle requires in order to be operationalised: real, verifiable actions on the part of the global North and the provision of more funds and the assurance of technology transfer to the global South.

Now, as then, the US and other developed countries held that it is not the obligation of rich-country governments to ensure these actions or provide the resources or technology the global South was demanding. Meeting this obligation, after all, could require forcing business to pay more in taxes or breaking their ‘intellectual property rights’ - something developed-country governments had always resisted doing and which many developing-country governments are loath to do themselves anyway. Businesses, for them, can no longer be coerced or penalised; they now have to be coaxed, persuaded, lured with rewards - in short, treated the way they want to be treated.

In the end, the anticlimactic final declaration asks little of developed-country governments and more of the private sector, and organisers pressed to talk about the meetings achievements were quick to highlight the hundreds of ‘voluntary commitments’ made mostly by business during the summit. This prompted one business insider, Malcolm Preston of multinational tax consulting and accounting firm PwC, to comment that the world’s leaders have effectively transferred the responsibility for building ‘a green economy’ to business. But, as the text also makes clear, the world should only relate to them a certain way: they are only to be ‘invited’ - and thus they are always free to decline or to accept the invitation any way they want - or ‘encouraged to contribute’ - so that when they fail to contribute, that would not necessarily be their fault; they may just not have been given enough encouragement.

The day the UNCSD formally closed, most of the other ‘Major Groups’ expressed dismay at the final outcome, but the representative of Business and Industry Major Group said: ‘We’re extremely pleased…that business is part of the solution’.

As usual, much of the post-conference analysis has centred on what words or phrases got mentioned or were omitted in the final document, thus missing what can only be read between the lines: how it cements businesses’ preferred moral self-image - something they have fought for since the 1970s - as the ‘savours’ of the environment rather than its despoilers. The absence of stronger, more compulsory language is not just proof of a generic ‘lack of political will’, as the usual criticism goes, but the expression of the institutionalisation of a particular kind of relationship: one in which the powerful are accorded deference and respect, rather than disciplined and punished by the weak.

40 kilometres away from Riocentro, around 3,000 people marched to the downtown offices of the Brazilian mining giant Vale - whose CEO was at Windsor Barra. It’s a ‘bloody company’ for dispossessing peasants and destroying nature, protesters said, so they pelted it with eggs and red dye. The activists, many of whom belonged to the international small farmers’ federation La Via Campesina, had marched through the city centre 10 blocks from the People’s Summit camp, a collection of large, white tents by Flamengo beach, where hundreds of open side-meetings were also being held in connection with Rio+20, this time organised by social movements and more radical NGOs. Unlike Business Day, the UN was not a co-organiser. Here, the predominant dress code was not dark business suits and shoes, but just shorts for men, blouses and hemp skirts for women, and multi-coloured feathered headdresses and beaded accessories for everyone.

From across Brazil and other places far away, hundreds of indigenous peoples were camping here because, as one speaker shouted in a plenary meeting, they were not being heard by those who claim to represent them in Riocentro. ‘The authorities talk about us as if we were bandits’, complained one speaker. Others lamented how the activities of corporations were destroying their livelihoods and their communities. Many spoke of how they had been expelled from their lands as a result of the ‘green investments’ being feted elsewhere. Most agreed that what was being hailed as the ‘green economy’ elsewhere in the city is just really ‘green capitalism’, an attempt by capitalists to prevent the kind of structural changes needed to solve the world’s environmental crisis. ‘The transnational corporations are murderers’, one speaker shouted. ‘They destroy our lives and they pretend that they have the solutions.’

Numerous speakers then offered recommendations that they thought could really bring down emissions or avert deforestation, but few had the scientific credentials of those who pitched their solutions at the Catholic university. Just like at the Windsor Barra, there were also many debates over how to move forward, but few appeals for ‘partnerships’ with governments and business, or for ‘managing’ what scientists at the Catholic university call ‘social transformations’. One of the more concrete initiatives launched was a global campaign to challenge the ‘impunity’ of corporations, to hold them accountable for their ‘crimes against humanity’. Because the official process has been ‘co-opted’ and ‘corrupted’ by corporations, organisers of the campaign said it is now up to the world’s civil society ‘to build the foundations for an international mechanism to judge the ecological and economic crimes of corporations and impose sanctions’.

At one point in the programme, young activists stage a skit: blindfolded peasants are chained, crawling on the floor, dragged around by two men wearing shades, their green overalls emblazoned with the logos of some of the corporations who’s CEOs were having lunch with Presidents at the Windsor Barra. The peasants take off their blindfolds, break their chains, and chase away the men in green.


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* Herbert Docena is a Manila-based researcher with Focus on the Global South, an international research and advocacy organisation.


* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

With Europe in crisis, Egypt must reverse course

Adam Hanieh

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83545

cc NozoomiiFor Egypt, the potentially catastrophic implications of a eurozone collapse points to the urgency of breaking with the Mubarak-era economic policies in a substantive and genuine manner.

Teetering on the brink of debt default, the Eurozone economies have once again moved centre-stage in the ongoing global economic turmoil.

On 25 June, the German magazine Der Spiegel reported that a euro collapse, perhaps precipitated by Greek withdrawal from the single currency or a bank run in one of the southern European economies, would likely see a 12 percent drop in the output of the Eurozone.

Such an eventuality, described by the magazine as both “very likely” and “horrific,” would be equivalent to a loss of more than 1 trillion euros. A predictable chain of consequences would quickly ensue: an immediate paralysis of world trade, an unprecedented contraction of financial flows and a mass bankruptcy of businesses.

Of course, for millions of people, much of the likely pain of such a dire scenario is already being felt. Official unemployment rates are well over 20 percent in Spain and Greece, with youth unemployment double this figure. Across the continent as a whole, the mantra of permanent austerity has cut deep into the living standards of the European population.

Yet, much like media coverage of the 2008 US financial crash, the popular framing of Europe’s unraveling has largely sidelined its global implications. This can lead to a serious misreading of the crisis and its effects. The contemporary global economy operates as a single organism, and sickness in the core countries of North America and Europe can never be confined within state borders.

Indeed, the immediate roots of this crisis are largely found in the enormous imbalances that characterized the era of ‘globalization’ and the deeply unequal manner in which virtually all nations were integrated into the world market. The dominant storyline of the last few years confirms the importance of taking this global standpoint, with the worst effects of crisis continually being pushed onto the weakest zones of the world economy.

For this reason, Europe’s crisis is of singular importance to the direction of Egypt’s unfinished revolution. More than 30 percent of Egypt’s exports went to the 27 countries of the European Union in 2011 — more than six times those to the US. The effect of a contraction in the European market was sharply indicated in 2009, when Egypt’s exports to Europe fell by a hefty 26 percent as a consequence of the global downturn.

Egypt’s largest trading partners in Europe include Italy, Spain and Greece — three countries at the top of the list of those facing severe debt strain. A European collapse would also quickly detonate a dramatic downturn in world trade as a whole, with all of Egypt’s export markets suffering as a consequence.

The problem would be accentuated by a likely drying-up of trade financing, a mechanism through which international banks provide exporters with credit until they are paid. European banks provide almost 80 percent of global commodity trade finance, yet they are becoming increasingly unwilling (and unable) to lend in the context of the eurozone crisis. Global trade finance volume fell 18 percent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2012, the lowest quarterly volume since the third quarter of 2009.

But it is not just a collapse in exports that would affect Egypt in the wake of a deepening of the eurozone crisis. Since the liberalization initiated by former President Anwar Sadat, much of Egypt’s population has become linked to remittance flows from overseas workers.

In 2010, remittances constituted around 4 percent of Egypt’s gross domestic product — a figure that needs to be treated with some caution in that it likely understates the amount of money that Egyptians abroad send home. In times of crisis, migrant and undocumented workers are frequently the first to lose their jobs or to be pushed into precarious and low-paid work.

Any intensification of the crisis will thus likely lower remittance flows — this is precisely what happened in 2009, when remittances to Egypt dropped by just under 18 percent in the wake of the global downturn. The impact of this drop also needs to be differentiated; it will be felt most intensely by the poorest families for whom money from overseas is often the difference between the ability to meet daily needs or not.

There are other transmission mechanisms of the global crisis to Egypt. Tourism arrivals will certainly plunge as Europeans are unable to afford overseas travel (tourism receipts fell by around 3 percent in 2009 from a year earlier; tourism approached nearly 30 percent of the value of Egyptian exports in 2010), foreign capital inflows are also likely to pull back as investors attempt to cover losses in the core countries, and the Egyptian government will find it more difficult (and expensive) to sell debt on the financial markets.

Yet these potentially disastrous consequences should not be seen as merely an unfortunate or inevitable outcome of the European crisis. They are a direct, and entirely predictable, result of how Egypt was integrated into the world market through the Mubarak years.

Over the last three decades, and most particularly in the latter half of the 2000s, Egypt moved rapidly along the path of liberalization. State assets were sold off, land opened up to purchase by foreign investors (mainly from the Gulf Arab states), and the economy shifted toward a reliance on foreign capital inflows, remittances, and export-oriented earnings. This trajectory was strikingly illustrated in the food sector, where Egypt became one of the most import-dependent countries in the Middle East and North Africa region (itself the most import-dependent region in the world) — and was thus laid bare to the devastating effects of global food price rises. In short, Egypt’s exposure to the vicissitudes and crisis-prone tendencies of global capitalism was a deliberate and conscious affair.

It must never be forgotten that this economic path was developed in conjunction with, and widely praised by, the key international financial institutions. Indeed, Egypt was held up as the model for the Middle East — recognized as the Top Reformer for the region by the World Bank for three years in a row from 2006 to 2008. Indeed, in 2008, the country was awarded the World’s Top Reformer by the World Bank and the International Finance Corporation.

These institutions’ remarkable amnesia is one further illustration of how Western states continue to deny fundamental culpability for the Mubarak dictatorship. Their approach has been to divorce the nature of Egypt’s autocratic state from its underlying political economy — pretending that Mubarak’s rule was simply a problem of individual nepotism, corruption and misrule, and that the trajectory of Egypt’s economy through the Mubarak years was fundamentally healthy — indeed, among the world’s ‘best.’

For Egypt, the potentially catastrophic implications of a eurozone collapse points to the urgency of breaking with the Mubarak-era economic policies in a substantive and genuine manner. What can be done? The starting point is to realize that the Mubarak-era economic policies did not just lead to worsening living standards for the majority of Egyptians. They also provided fabulous riches for a tiny few.

Large companies and individuals from both inside Egypt and out — Egyptian, Arab and Western alike — benefitted enormously from the sale of state assets, land and resources. Many of these now cynically describe themselves as supporters of the revolution. Moreover, international banks and financial institutions receive about US$3 billion a year in debt service (and have done so continuously for the last decade), much of this for so-called “odious” debt garnered under Mubarak.

There can be no effective protection against the impending crisis without addressing the inequalities in Egyptian society — and that means reclaiming this wealth, rejecting the disastrous course of ‘private-sector led growth,’ and placing social justice as the top priority. Finally, we must realize that Egypt is not alone. Neighboring countries, including those in Southern Europe, face a similar scenario. A united front of resistance could point to a new direction for the whole region.

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* Adam Hanieh teaches development studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. This article was first published by Egypt Independent.

* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Strategic solidarity of peoples under occupation

Palestine, Tibet and Western Sahara

Ida Jøker Krog

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83550

cc T MMany people under occupation are aware of the struggles of others living in similar circumstances. Building strategic solidarity among the different groups could be beneficial.

The refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria shelter an estimated 200,000 Saharawi refugees from the Western Sahara, a country that has been occupied illegally by Morocco since the 1970s.

The Saharawis have been living in the camps for just as long, and so generations have grown up in the isolated society of the camps, a society defined by its exile. The Saharawis share this identity, being refugees as well as being under occupation, with the many other displaced groups, including, perhaps most famously, the Palestinians and the Tibetans.

In its work to ensure the land rights of displaced peoples, the Habitat International Coalition (HIC) has found forming solidarity alliances between different groups under occupation beneficial.

”It’s one of the tactics that actually peaks people’s interest, gets people thinking,” said Joseph Schechla, the coordinator of the HIC’s Housing and Land Rights Network in Cairo, in drawing these parallels.

Naturally, the exiled populations themselves are also aware of their interconnectedness and how this might affect their cause, for better or for worse.

According to Schechla, many peoples under occupation are, contrary to most people in most of the world, aware of the issue of Western Sahara and its many long-term refugees.

”The Tibetans especially, are very aware of it, the Kurds as well, and the Palestinians,” he said.

”The Tibetans in general and the Dalai Lhama in particular, have been quite keen on this connection. But not for the geopolitical reasons – this is about the common experiences peoples have under occupation or in similar situations,” he added.

However the public display of political solidarity is often of a more complex character.

While the Tibetans under Chinese rule might be sympathetic to the Saharawi struggle for self-determination, the Palestinian leadership is not, at least not overtly.

“While some Palestinians may appreciate that there are other groups in the world that are under occupation, living under similar conditions, at the level of Palestinian authorities, this isn’t the case,” Schechla continued.

The Palestinian leadership has so far considered it beneficial to their cause to politically distance itself from the Tibet issue as well as the Western Saharan occupation – despite the fact that the violations under which the countries are suffering can easily be seen as analogous.

“Twice already, the Dalai Lhama has asked for a spiritual visit, so not only political, to Bethlehem. Which the authorities have refused,” Scheclha said.

According to Schechla, this configuration of alliances, or the lack thereof between the countries under siege, can be seen to expose some of the underlying geopolitical contradictions, which exist also within the United Nations.

“China has been a champion of the Palestine cause in the UN,” he says, ”so they expect reciprocity of the official level of solidarity with the Chinese geo-political position.”

Jørn Henriksen, chairman of The Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara, agreed with Schechla that comparative analysis of occupied peoples is useful in informing the public.

“In our work, we cooperate with The Palestine Commitee of Norway and they support us reciprocally. There are Palestinians supporting freedom for Western Sahara of course, but especially officials from Palestine support Morocco. I guess it’s because they are afraid to lose the support from Morrocco for their own issue, if they were to touch Western Sahara,” he said.

Henriksen continued that, “I personally think it’s a strange strategy, as I would imagine that working on issues of international law and the UN and strengthening those institutions (in relation to the rights of occupied peoples) would be bound to help everyone. It shows the power of politics over international law, but the Palestinians have been let down by the UN before, so you can understand why they don’t put all their eggs in that basket. But coming from a solidarity organization, I would find it natural for one occupied people to support another.”

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* This article was first published by bikyamasr.com.

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We must bury imperialism in Africa or perish

Gerald A. Perreira

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83536

cc US ArmySince the end of the Cold War, the US and its European allies have enjoyed unfettered access to Africa. But with the rise of China and their own deepening economic crisis, they are once again determined to maintain sole control over Africa by any means.

Muammar Qaddafi is dead and the Al Fateh revolution has been rolled back. Two months after his death, on October 2011, the imperialists, in collaboration with the Salafists in Tripoli and Khartoum, orchestrated the assassination of the revolutionary leader of the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Dr Khalid Ibrahim.

On a recent visit to Tripoli, president of Sudan Omar Bashir congratulated the Libyan NTC and said that 'Qaddafi's death is the best thing that could have happened to the people of Sudan'. When the chairman of the NTC, Mustafa Jalil, recently visited Sudan, Bashir once again sank into absurdity, claiming that 'Sudan has experienced no harm, even from the colonial nations, like the injury caused by Qaddafi and his group.' Bashir certainly wasn't speaking for South Sudan, nor even for some parts of the north. He was speaking only for those Sudanese who support the National Congress Party, which he leads, and their program to promote Arab hegemony.

NATO backed Salafist militias are working with Bashir's military to seal the Sudanese-Libyan border, and are engaged in a joint military effort to fight pro-Qaddafi Tuaregs and JEM fighters operating in the region. JEM's leader, the late Dr Khalid Muhammad, was residing in Libya prior to and during the NATO invasion. Khartoum wanted Qaddafi to hand over Khalid Muhammad who was wanted by the Bashir regime. Qaddafi of course refused. He had for many years assisted the African fighters in Southern Sudan and those operating in the Darfur area in their legitimate struggle against the ethnic and religious chauvinists in Khartoum. This fuelled Khartoum's hatred of Qaddafi, because Qaddafi openly supported the struggle being waged against the Bashir regime, and also they hated Qaddafi's Islam – an Islam that promotes justice, equality and peace – hence the name JEM (Justice and Equality Movement).

A few weeks after Qaddafi's death, the Justice and Equality Movement, based in the Darfur region, joined forces with the Sudanese Peoples' Liberation Movement (North), and two other liberation organizations to form the Sudanese Revolutionary Front, with the aim of toppling the Khartoum regime. Strangely enough, when Bashir visited NATO controlled Libya, no attempt was made to instruct the NTC to hand him over to the International Criminal Court, although only months ago the US was making a big fuss about the fact that other African regimes had allowed Bashir to land on their soil and had not handed him over. Of course, the imperialists change their allegiances at the drop of a hat – Mubarak is a good example of that. That is at least one thing that we can agree on: that throughout the terrible 'White Ages', the politics of the North Atlantic Tribes has always been based on expedience rather than being rooted in moral principles. Their relationships are always based solely on how best the relationship can further Euro/American interests and objectives and they will make a pact with any demon when and where necessary – I think we can all agree on that self-evident truth. And we must never forget that their objective is always the same – unchanging – to dominate Africa and the rest of the global south, in order that they can continue to plunder our vast resources, enabling them to live their irrational, spiritually bankrupt and unsustainable life style – end of story. We are nothing to them – mere pawns in their game – no more than a bit of collateral damage in their way. Their worldview was perfectly illustrated when Lesley Stahl of CBS asked former US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, the following question:

'We have heard that a half million children have died… I mean, that's more than died in Hiroshima. And – and you know, is the price worth it?'

To which Madeleine Albright replied, 'I think this is a very hard choice, but the price -- we think the price is worth it.'

There is no better example of the enemy's total disregard for 'us' than recent events in Libya. The most prosperous and stable country on the African continent was bombed to a point of total destruction of its physical environment, economy and social fabric, and then following the globally televised murder of the leader, left to dwell in pure chaos and misery. In the space of 24 hours, the corporate and mainstream media went from 24-hour coverage to zero coverage. They turned off their cameras so that the world would not see the ensuing bloodbath, as the racist and fascist Salafists, who had been handed power by NATO, continued on their murderous rampage of ethnic and ideological cleansing. Intellectuals, religious leaders, Black Libyans and all those who dared to openly support the Al Fateh revolution were rounded up, imprisoned, tortured and murdered – and not a word from NATO countries about the human rights they pretended to cherish while they savagely bombed this defiant African nation.

One only has to look back on the days of what the enemy has termed the 'Arab Spring' to understand how sinister and sophisticated their plans for domination really are. They quite clearly have a contingency plan for every eventuality and so, when they need to support a repressive regime such as Ben Ali in Tunisia or Mubarak in Egypt they do so, when that is no longer working, they can switch gear within hours to support the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi electoral outfits, despite the fact that only yesterday they were raging against them. The only thing that matters is that they remain at the top of the global pyramid, exerting total control. There are many, who for years, have discarded such ideas as the ranting of whacky conspiracy theorists, however, it is now becoming crystal clear for all to see that the unfolding of global events is not taking place as a result of 'shared interests converging in some ad hoc manner', but rather is part of a carefully planned strategy. Of course, there are random events that occur which are beyond anybody's control, such as the Tunisian vegetable seller, Muhammad Bouazizi, setting himself on fire in protest at his harassment by Tunisian local authorities, but let us not be confused by random events that occur. It is important to note that those that are manipulating world events have contingency plans for every conceivable series of events and outcomes. As soon as the rebellion in Tunisia and Egypt started, they swung into gear, launching plan B to either co-opt and/or destabilize the rebellions. They would support any commotion – even an al Qaeda inspired and led takeover of Libya, as long as they remain in control.

CONFUSION REIGNS

Even amongst so-called anti-imperialist and 'revolutionary' organizations and personalities, confusion reigns. They shout 'revolution' as soon as they see a rebellion, failing to realize that all rebellions are not revolutions and some, as in the case of Libya and more recently Syria, are simply imperialist orchestrated 'rebel commotion'. Revolutions do not happen without a revolutionary theory and revolutionary organization. In the absence of these weapons, and indeed, revolutionary theory, consciousness and organization are weapons, confusion, co-option and chaos are easy to establish. In an alliance with the powerful corporate media and local players, commotion of a destabilizing nature is all around us. In such circumstances, as we have witnessed over the past 18 months, if we are not careful we can lose our bearings. Sadly many progressive and so-called anti-imperialists figures fell for the bait and found themselves on the same side as NATO and the Salafists.

For the past decades, since the end of the so-called Cold War, as the single global super-power, the US and their European allies have enjoyed unfettered access to Africa, however, with the rise of China as a powerful economic player, and their own deepening economic crisis and decline, they are once again on the offensive, determined that they will maintain sole control over Africa by whatever means necessary. Muammar Qaddafi and the Libyan Jamahiriya were major obstacles to their plan. Qaddafi had the ability to provide financial assistance to African countries, and his vision of African unity was fast gaining momentum, Qaddafi and Libya's prosperity and capability to lead the charge towards African liberation had to be eliminated. No one was more aware of their nefarious agenda than the Brother-Leader himself. His last message to the peoples of Africa stated:

'The fight, if it is not won in Libya, will be coming to you. Prepare for it. Prepare traps for the invaders. You must defend your corners…Do not let them use you. Be united. Build your defenses for they are coming if they manage to pass Libya.'

Since the overthrow of the Libyan revolution, The United States Africa Command (AFRICOM), set up to facilitate US military intervention in Africa has, as expected, stepped up its activity throughout the continent. Muammar Qaddafi was totally opposed to AFRICOM and all it stood for. His ability to influence other African governments meant that not a single African country had allowed AFRICOM to establish a military base on their soil, which was what AFRICOM had set out to do. As a result of this unanimous rejection by African nation-states, AFRICOM was forced to establish its headquarters in Germany. This was a humiliating defeat for the US led mission to militarily occupy Africa.

AFRICOM - a creature of US imperialism - is modeled after the infamous School of the Americas, where military training, including instruction on torture techniques, was provided to the military and paramilitary personnel of the most vicious of Central and South American dictatorships. The objective was to build their capacity to fight US imperialist conflicts and achieve the imperialist's outcomes throughout the Americas, without having to deploy US troops. This partnership with compliant South American countries meant that citizens of the South, rather than US citizens, could fight and die to further US objectives in the region. Likewise, AFRICOM already has Ugandan, Rwandan, Kenyan, Ethiopian and Somali troops fighting to achieve the US agenda in Somalia. We have witnessed the hideous Youtube campaign, known as Kony 2012, which was a crude attempt to win support for US military advisors and troops to be deployed in central Africa. Kony 2012 is also part of imperialism's ongoing attempt to control and co-opt the internet however, it was a dismal failure. In fact, due to the huge number of comments ridiculing this pitiful attempt to establish a credible cover for the US military being on the ground in Africa, an order was given from somewhere to disable the comments to avoid further embarrassment. So, although this social experiment using the internet failed dismally, in the midst of the Kony madness, Obama authorized 100 US troops to be deployed to central Africa to ostensibly assist in the US created mythical struggle against Joseph Kony – yet another African bogeyman. The imperialists are tightening their military grasp on Africa. In fact, military intervention is clearly the preferred method.

CONTROL OR KILL – THAT IS THE QUESTION?

The second form of warfare, psychological warfare, is becoming a more difficult option, posing many challenges in a world connected by internet and social media. The enemy is clearly aware of this. In a recent address, the Hon. Minister Louis Farrakhan once again reminded us that we need to listen carefully to the enemy because they are crystal clear regarding their plans for our continued enslavement. Minister Farrakhan quoted the infamous speech given by Zbigniew Brzezinski, to a gathering of British elites in London on November 17, 2008.

Brzezinski was national security advisor in the Carter administration. He is also a founding member of the Trilateral Commission, which is a think tank set up to increase co-operation between the US, Europe and Japan with the aim of furthering their domination of world affairs, and is highly influential in the Obama administration. He had this to say on what he termed, 'the global political awakening'.

'This is a truly transformative event on the global scene, namely that for the first time in human history… almost all of mankind is politically awake, activated, politically conscious and interactive. There are only a few pockets of humanity, here or there, in the remotest corners of the world, which are not politically alert and interactive with the political turmoil and stirrings and aspirations around the world, and all of that is creating a worldwide surge in the quest for personal dignity and cultural respect, in a diversified world sadly accustomed for many centuries to domination of one portion of the world by another.

That is an enormous change and beyond that is the interacting of a further change, namely in the distribution of global power. It pertains to some of the obvious of which we are aware but which it is important to register, namely that we are living in a time of the basic shift away from the 500 years long global domination by the Atlantic powers. It is the countries that have been located on the shores of the Atlantic ocean, and let's recall them, Portugal, Spain, France, the Netherlands, Great Britain and more recently the United States that have dominated world affairs and that shift now is taking us towards Asia. It is not the end of the pre-eminence of the Atlantic world but it is now the surfacing of the Pacific region, most notably Japan, the number two economic power and China, an assertive global power that is now occupying a pre-eminent place in the global hierarchy, and of course, beyond them, there is India's future development, though it is currently still in the wings, and it is also complicated by the re-appearance of Russia which is still restless, rather unclear about its own definition, very un-definite about its recent past and very insecure about its place in the world… these new and old major powers face still yet another novel reality, in some respects unprecedented, and it is that, while the lethality of their power is greater than ever, their capacity to impose control over the politically awakened masses of the world is at a historical low.

I once put it rather pungently and I was flattered that the British foreign secretary repeated this as follows: namely in earlier times it was easier to control a million people, literally it was easier to control a million people than physically to kill a million people. Today it is infinitely easier to kill a million people than to control a million people. It is easier to kill than to control…'

Here it is – the chilling plan – easier to kill than to control – a clear picture of the era that is before us. And I can guarantee that Brzezinski and his kind have a plan – the question is do we?

Notice that nowhere in Brzezinski's speech is there any mention of 'us' – of those of us that dwell in the parts of the world that the imperialists continue to wrangle over and dominate. We are treated as nothing – expendable - not even worth a mention. The Trilateralists are very different from the crude Neo-Cons. Their plans for global domination are much slicker. Where the Neo-Cons support direct military intervention, the Trilateralists are among those who believe that it is smarter and more effective to pit us against each other, and to ensure that we fight the wars on their behalf. While Brzezinski welcomes the Russians back onto the world stage, and acknowledges China's rise in a seemingly friendly way, behind the rhetoric is a plan to directly counter China and Russia's global power, ensuring the continuity of West European/American dominance. Hence, Brzezinski and his kind would rather see us embroiled in conflict and turmoil, fighting each other, and where possible, use this chaos to their advantage in their battle to counter the growing influence of China and Russia.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Read the full article at modernghana.com.

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Swazi police ‘shoot-to-kill’ victims mount up

Richard Rooney

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83549

cc L TPolice in Swaziland have shot dead a number of suspects recently in what appears to be a “Shoot-to-Kill” policy.

Last month a serial rapist suspect Bhekinkhosi Masina, popularly known as Scarface, was shot by police as they cornered him for arrest. Police say they only shot him in the thigh and he unexpectedly died of his injuries. The Times of Swaziland newspaper later revealed he had been shot six times, including in the head and back.

Since then it has been revealed that in a separate incident, a mentally ill man, Mduduzi Mngometulu, aged 34, was shot seven times by police and died of his injuries. He had four holes in his stomach, one in the leg and two bullet wounds on the left side of his chest.

The man’s family said they had called police to help them get him to hospital for treatment. Police later said they had to defend themselves from the man. His family told local media they believe the police murdered him.

Mduduzi’s father, Enock Mngometulu, said the family witnessed the shooting. “The police just opened fire on my son. All he had in his hand was a bush knife and he was not threatening to harm anyone. They shot him in cold blood, in front of his family.”

He said his son did not pose a threat to the people present. He added: “To us it looks like murder. We watched as the police officer shot at my son until he fell to the ground.”

These are not isolated incidents in Swaziland where police have a growing record of killing or maiming suspects before arrest. The cases have largely gone unreported outside of the kingdom itself.

In one example, police executed a suspect, Thabani Mafutha Dlamini, at Nkwalini in Hlatikulu in the presence of his colleagues and home boys in what local media called “cowboy style”. The Swazi Observer newspaper reported the incident in December 2011 saying: “Police had previously warned the mother of the dead man to ‘budget for funeral expenses’ as they intended to remove him. He was said to be on a police ‘wanted list’”. Dlamini was unarmed.

The Observer added: “The gunning down of Dlamini has sparked anger not only from his family but also a number of residents, who were calling for a probe to establish if it was necessary for the trigger happy police officers to kill him.”

In a separate case in February last year, a Swazi policeman shot Mbongeni Masuku, described in media as a Form IV pupil, in the head in what was later described as “an execution-style killing”.

The killing happened outside a bar in Matsapha, an industrial town in Swaziland.

Masuku’s uncle Sigayoyo Maphanga said Mbongeni had been dragged out of his car by police. He told the Swazi Observer, a policeman whom he named, “shot my nephew at the back of the left ear and he fell on the ground with blood oozing from his mouth and ears. We were all shocked and angered by such brutality from police officers.”
In a separate case in May 2011, Mathende Matfonsi was shot dead by police while he was attending a field of dagga, inside the remote forests of Lomahasha near the border with Mozambique.

His family accused the police of “cold-blooded murder”. Matfonsi was shot dead at Ebhandeni, the same area where Nkosinathi Khathwane had previously been shot dead by soldiers at night.

The police told residents that Matfonsi fired at them and they shot back. The family said he was unarmed.

In March 2010, police shot a man as he was trying to surrender to them. This time the victim, Mncedisi Mamba, did not die. His mother, Thoko Gamedze, said Mamba had his hands up and was surrendering to police, but they shot him anyway. She said he was not running away nor was he fighting. She said: “All the bullets were shot from the front, this shows that the police were just out to hurt, not to arrest him.”

She added: “He was not armed and he raised his hands to show that he was not fighting nor running away from the police but willing to cooperate.”

It is not only crime suspects who get shot. Legitimate protestors are also targets. In February 2012, a woman at a protest march in Siteki, called by vendors and transport operators over plans by the town hall to move the local bus rank, was shot in the hand as she walked away from police. Reports said she was only 2m away from police when they fired.

Police in Swaziland also shoot innocent bystanders. In May, a student was shot in the leg by police as they tried to break up a protest at the Limkokwing private university in Mbabane. The 23-year-old was not part of the protest and was caught in crossfire, according to human rights activists in the kingdom.

Police officers seem to be able to carry out killings unhindered in Swaziland, a small state landlocked between Mozambique and South Africa. Abuses of human rights in the kingdom, ruled by King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch, are well documented. All political parties are banned and freedom of assembly is severely curtailed. When legally-sanctioned public demonstrations do take place, police routinely fire rubber bullets and teargas at protesters.

Police and security forces are often used by the state to suppress dissent. Police have been known to break up legitimate public meetings, acting on their own initiative and without court orders, if they suspect topics of a “subversive” nature are being discussed. The draconian Suppression of Terrorism Act 2010 makes any form of opposition potentially illegal.

Human rights organisations, including Amnesty International, have reported that police also routinely torture suspects they have arrested for questioning on criminal matters.

Despite complaints from the press, public and human rights activists, no police officers have been called to account over the killings. Police say that they are obliged to kill suspects in order to protect themselves from attack. No independent inquiry has ever been held into police killings.

One legal expert in Swaziland believes the Swaziland Constitution of 2005 might allow police to enforce a “Shoot-to-Kill” policy. Jackson Rogers, who writes the Swazi Bill of Rights blog, reports that s15 of the constitution states deadly force that is “reasonably justifiable and proportionate in the circumstances of the case” may be used among other reasons, “in order to effect a lawful arrest or to prevent the escape of a person lawfully detained;” or “in order to prevent the commission by that person of a serious criminal defence.”

Rogers says the tendency of the section “is to make police believe they have a licence to kill”.

The Swaziland Human Rights and Public Administration Commission takes a different view of s15 of the constitution.

In 2010, following a spate of police shootings, the commission chair Rev. David Matse pleaded with the police and army to “consider the law before shooting at suspects”.

He said even if a person is escaping from lawful custody, other means of arresting that person can be attempted before the suspect’s life is considered expendable.

“When it has been necessary to take life, let there be proof that all other remedies were exhausted and that there was no other alternative,” he said.

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As ONGs, nova forma de espionagem na África

Jean-Paul Pougala

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83552

cc DWPNa segunda-feira de 24 de janeiro de 2011, o Knesset, o parlamento israelense votara pela abertura de um inquérito parlamentar sobre a origem dos financiamentos às associações e às organizações não-governamentais em operação no território israelense.

O ministro israelense de relações exteriores, Avigdor Lieberman -- cujo partido (Israel Beiteno) estava na origem dessa curiosa iniciativa --- declarara que, de acordo com informações em sua posse, a maior parte das ONGs que ostentam a bandeira dos direitos humanos nada mais são na verdade que meras sucursais de serviços secretos estrangeiros. Isso quando não atuam efetivamente como “cúmplices do terror”, conclui ele.

A originalidade desse voto do parlamento israelense consistia em determinar a verdadeira identidade de cada associação e seu verdadeiro objetivo a partir da fonte de seu financiamento. Essa foi a única maneira de se saber exatamente a verdade.

Como não dar razão ao ministro israelense quando se examina o perfil dos dirigentes dessas ONGs com rigor? Com frequência é inquietante se constatar certa mistura enigmática. Um exemplo dos mais recentes:

Quando em 1999, Richard Holbrooke foi escolhido pelo Presidente norte-americano Bill Clinton para suceder a Bill Richardson como embaixador nas Nações Unidas, este convidou como assistente, uma dama chamada Suzanne Nossel. Esta última foi novamente requisita quando Barack Obama chegou à Presidência, e tornou-se assistente da Secretária de Estado Hillary Clinton. Em 23 de novembro de 2011 esta brilhante personagem então funcionária do governo dos EUA realizou uma ação das mais curiosas e desconcertantes: ela deixou seu cargo, na administração Obama, para se tornar a Presidente da seção norte-americana de ONG Anistia Internacional. Isto significa não haver efetivamente mais conflitos de interesses entre certas organizações e os governos que as financiam no sentido de lhe oferecer os bons pontos no mundo. E, como bem denuncia a Rede Voltaire, esta dama que montou toda a propaganda e as mentiras para justificar o bombardeio sobre a Líbia -- que resultou em 90.000 mortos e no assassinato do seu Presidente Kadhafi -- mudou de vestes para retornar ao local de seu crime e dar lições de direitos humanos.

a) AS ONGs MAIS GOVERNAMENTAIS DO QUE NÃO GOVERNAMENTAIS

Como se pode chamar de “organização não-governamental” uma organização que recebe o essencial de seu financiamento do governo do seu país de origem? Como uma organização criada pelo Congresso Norte-Americano e 100% financiada por ele pode ser uma ONG na África? Como explicar que a quase totalidade do financiamento a esse golpe denominado “ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento” seja investida em organizações ditas não-governamentais como no caso do Canadá?

Os 50 anos de ONGs na África nos indicam que o continente não pode jamais se erguer por meio dessas organizações cujo sistema de gestão e de decisão muito nebuloso não permite avaliar com precisão as verdadeiras motivações dos seus organizadores. Até o presente momento não existe qualquer relação, qualquer documentação sobre a finalidade do imenso volume de informações que estas organizações coletam quotidianamente em solo africano. Todavia pode-se dizer da mesma maneira que o objetivo delas em hipótese alguma é o de aumentar a segurança do continente. Querem enfraquecê-la. Pensar que governantes afundados em dívidas abissais irão se endividar ainda mais para ajudar os africanos revela a ingenuidade coletiva dos próprios africanos que concedem confiança desmesurada a associações sobre as quais eles sabem nada ou quase nada além da propaganda preparada sob medida para eles.

b) E A ÁFRICA EM TUDO ISTO?

Para se perpetuar o sistema ultraliberal que espoliou a África por 5 séculos, articulou-se cuidadosamente uma organização metódica e com uma distribuição de funções bem delimitadas. As associações e organizações ditas de desenvolvimento, humanitárias ou de direitos humanos têm sido criadas nesta ótica de tornar a espoliação menos dolorosa. Tais organizações se rebatizaram como “sociedade civil africana” copiando as mesmas técnicas de usurpação usadas pelos racistas da África do Sul os quais se fizeram chamar de AFRIKANERS, ou seja, OS AFRICANOS, isso no lugar e espaço dos autênticos africanos os quais eles queriam fazer desaparecer através do cruel tratamento praticado pelo apartheid.

Todas essas associações que se convencionou chamar de “sociedade civil organizada” e não de “sociedade civil” alegam simplesmente trabalhar para ajudar a África; trabalhar pelo bem do continente africano. Na realidade visam outros objetivos como, por exemplo:

1 – Desviar a atenção dos africanos dos seus verdadeiros problemas, impondo temas tão prejudiciais quanto inúteis, e impondo também seu ponto de vista através da grande máquina de guerra midiática que as acompanha bem como pelo dinheiro que jorra dos seus governos ocidentais.

2 – Diante do choque de duas civilizações, a africana e a européia, e visto estar a África em vantagem, tudo é articulado para obstacular os africanos que, em muitas áreas, não têm lições a receber de quem quer que seja, mas talvez se achem em condições de dá-las. É então necessário convencer os africanos mais bem sucedidos da inutilidade fundamental de seus chefes de Estado supostamente incapazes, bem como passar a imagem de sermos um continente amaldiçoado pela pobreza, mesmo que eles próprios saibam que isso não é verdade. A maioria dos africanos que aceita tal discurso simplesmente esqueceu, por exemplo, que eles eram de longe mais felizes do que aqueles que lhes afirmavam serem os ricos vindos para lhes ajudar. Isso porque o africano é de longe mais rico e consequentemente mais feliz do que o europeu. Em geoestratégia a verdadeira diferença entre um rico e um pobre reside no fato de que o pobre é aquele que ganha um milhão de dólares por mês, porém pelo mesmo mês ele irá gastar dois milhões, emprestando a torto e à direita; enquanto o rico é aquele que ganha 2 dólares por dia, mas gastará apenas 1. Isso explica porque os africanos são menos preocupados do que os europeus; eles são mais sorridentes mesmo quando não têm automóveis; eles não se entregam a um consumismo desregrado, eles não pretendem mudar chefes de Estado no Nepal ou na Guatemala; assim também a taxa de suicídios na África é menor. Bem examinadas as respectivas realidades, a lógica não teria simplesmente aconselhado essas ONGs a copiar essa lição de felicidade para infundi-la nos europeus?

3 – Manchar a imagem da África parece ser uma das missões das ONGs. Por toda a parte onde nos encontremos nos maiores aeroportos do Ocidente, nas maiores estações de trem ou de metrô, não há como deixar de ver a foto de uma criança negra suja e desnutrida afixada nos muros desses lugares públicos, de Düsseldorf a Montreal, passando por Genebra, Roma, Paris e Nova York. De uma parte trata-se de um grande fundo de comércio dos mais rentáveis do mundo para seus autores, todavia o pior é a maior atividade de propaganda contra o surgimento de uma outra África mais digna e próspera. Trata-se de um ato de racismo puro e também de falta de respeito à dignidade de uma criança em dificuldade quando se mostra sua foto em meio a uma nuvem de moscas que buscam comida na sua boca. Explorar a esse ponto as dificuldades do outro para se enriquecer parece um cinismo dos mais perigosos para o gênero humano, algo como um agente funerário rodeando um rico moribundo à espera dos honorários do sepultamento.

4 – Atividade de espionagem: na África a avidez crescente e a ignorância tornaram-se as palavras-chave que permitiram o desenvolvimento descontrolado da espionagem estrangeira em todas as camadas da população e isso sob as formas mais impensáveis. Assim se observa iniciativas e organizações que nada mais pretendem que enfraquecer o Estado e substituí-lo por pseudossoluções em parte alguma aprovadas, principalmente nas áreas de saúde, instrução e finanças. Por que os governos europeus e norte-americano necessitam passar pelas ONGs para recolher informações sobre a África se tais organizações são inofensivas e não colocam em perigo a prosperidade e a segurança do continente africano? Quais são esses interesses ocidentais, incompatíveis com a urgência na África da construção de um Estado forte que seja capaz doravante de se ocupar digna e convenientemente dos seus cidadãos?

c) O QUE FAZEM OS ESPIÕES AFRICANOS?

A África viu na atividade de espionagem um simples problema de ordem pública para a eliminação de supostos opositores, verdadeiros ou imaginários. Não houve atividade de espionagem ou de contra-espionagem no plano econômico e geoestratégico. E como é lá onde doravante tudo se desenrola, mesmo entre os melhores amigos do mundo existe a desconfiança de atividades de espionagem dos respectivos agentes. O caso de Israel e dos Estados Unidos da América aí está para nos prová-lo. Ben-Ami Kadish foi encaminhado ao tribunal de Manhattan na terça-feira do dia 22/04/2008 -- isso 15 dias antes da visita do Presidente norte-americano George Bush a Israel – por haver transmitido a Israel informações relativas a armamentos nucleares dos aviões de combate F-15 e de sistemas de mísseis e antimísseis Patriot. Pareceria possível que um dia os africanos amassem a África a tal ponto de serem acusados de haver espionado uma empresa de ponta no Ocidente em nome do seu país africano? Como explicar a ingenuidade dos países africanos que colocam gerentes ocidentais na direção das principais empresas estratégicas públicas sem se preocuparem com o vazamento de informações confidenciais que tais pessoas possam fornecer a seus países? Existe um sistema eficaz de contraespionagem capaz de monitorá-los adequadamente?

d)- CONCLUSÃO

A África deve parar de pensar que existem presentes gratuitos de onde quer que eles venham, ou que existam doações sem contrapartida, visto frequentemente essa contrapartida pode superar até em um milhão de vezes o valor da própria doação. Antes da aceitação de qualquer parceria deve-se primeiramente formular a pergunta sobre o que o outro lado ganhará. Quando isto não fica claro, e quando torna-se impossível identificar o interesse da outra parte está havendo um golpe ou simplesmente um engano. A África deve ir além da iniciativa de Israel, ou seja, não somente se limitar a identificar as fontes de financiamento de cada ONG que opera em seu território. É necessário tomar decisões radicais para interditar toda associação, toda organização que receba qualquer centavo do seu financiamento de fora da África. Até uma associação 100% africana não pode receber seu financiamento do estrangeiro sem uma contrapartida, pois não pode se colocar numa condição psicológica de agradecimento ao seu benfeitor, sobretudo ao fornecer todas as informações que eles necessitam e mostrar uma certa elegância na defesa dos interesses, ideias e opiniões dos estrangeiros em posição de comando (mesmo quando estes são abertamente contra os interesses da nação africana em questão).

Num outro plano será o fortalecimento da Federação Africana que dará à África o poder de impor uma grande transparência nas suas relações com todos os países do mundo. A África necessita de uma cooperação Estado a Estado e não de Estado a ONG, isto quer dizer que ela deve desenvolver suas relações exatamente como já é o caso com a China, pois não existe qualquer ONG chinesa, tampouco qualquer associação chinesa que receba dinheiro do governo chinês para se instalar nas cidades africanas e enviar informações para a China, ou simplesmente para resolver problemas de desemprego naquele país.

A espionagem no século XXI deve se inovar para não permanecer pateticamente numa lógica ultrapassada de guerra fria. Após 50 anos de exploração com bilhões de dólares perdidos ingenuamente ante a ação da espionagem ocidental na África, ou mesmo quando algumas informações vitais permitiram ao Ocidente manter o continente na pobreza, pode-se, por outro lado, afirmar que o mesmo Ocidente não retirou todos os lucros esperados visto presenciarmos lá a atual crise econômica e financeira. Possa o Ocidente ter a coragem de examinar a si mesmo e fazer a autocrítica sobre a mediocridade de seus dirigentes que -- enredados nos problemas de empregos fictícios, de desvio de verbas públicas, de assédio sexual, de pedofilia e outros – não tiveram o tempo e menos ainda a inteligência de compreender que para se erguer a Europa não era necessário uma África prostrada.

* Jean-Paul Pougala é o Diretor do Instituto de Estudos Geoestratégicos de Genebra (Suíça) pougala@gmail.com - www.pougala.org

A ausência de uma rede de transporte intra-africana é um obstáculo à integração regional e ao desenvolvimento

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/83529

cc AzulnocturnalDr. Gary K. Busch, de nacionalidade norte-americana, é especialista em política africana e possui vasto conhecimento em negócios nesse continente. Além da experiência como professor e responsável por Departamento na Universidade do Havaí, ele presta consultoria a várias companhias de transporte e logística que operam em escala mundial. Ele foi igualmente Diretor de Pesquisa em importante sindicato norte-americano e Secretário Geral Assistente de uma organização sindical internacional. O site francês Terangaweb o entrevistou com vistas a sólida análise baseada em experiência prática.

Nº 31, OUTUBRO DE 2011. EM ANÁLISE POLÍTICA, CURSO, UNIÃO AFRICANA

Terangaweb: O senhor pode nos falar mais sobre a sua experiência na África?

G.K. Busch: Comecei a descobrir a África em 1968. Viajei para lá várias vezes, principalmente no corpo das missões que me eram confiadas. Trabalhei igualmente para governos africanos. Iniciei no Movimento de Trabalhadores Africanos no seio da Unidade Internacional para o Desenvolvimento dos Sindicatos Africanos. Ademais eu lhes fornecia medicamentos, vacinas etc. Quando, por exemplo, os membros do Movimento de Libertação de Guiné-Bissau chegaram aos Estados Unidos, eu os acolhi. Resumindo, eu trabalhei com a África durante anos.

Terangaweb: O senhor é consultor de várias empresas de transporte e de logística em operação na África. Em que medida pensa que as infraestruturas de transporte, assim como todos os serviços a elas ligados, têm um papel de melhoria da situação econômica?

G. K. Busch: A África é um vasto continente pleno de riquezas, mas que padece com uma rede de transporte muito deficitária a qual não liga os diferentes centros comerciais entre si. Essa falta de integração entre os centros de comércio internacional representa pesado fardo para os exportadores africanos e gera uma situação onde enorme percentual do preço da venda de produtos africanos no marcado mundial é destinado a cobrir os custos de transporte. Nas nações desenvolvidas, os custos de transporte e de seguro representam aproximadamente 5,5% a 5,8% do preço da mercadoria no ato da entrega. Em alguns países africanos esses custos de transporte e de seguro chegam a quase 80% do custo dos produtos oferecidos nos mercados mundiais. E, considerada a ausência de infraestrutura mais desenvolvida de transporte intra-africano, esses 80% do preço da mercadoria para os mercados mundiais são pagos a companhia estrangeiras e em dólares. Essa dependência do pagamento externo resulta também num impacto sobre o mercado de divisas.

Assim se o preço de mercado de um produto é determinado pelo preço de chegada e este é o preço CIF (Cost, Insurance and Freight = Custo, Seguro e Frente), e se considerando que o custo do transporte e do seguro atinge também elevado percentual do preço, isso força o exportador africano a reduzir seu preço FOB (Free On Board ouFreight On Board = preço do produto, da sua fabricação até a chegada no navio cargueiro) para compensar a diferença. Por exemplo, se a tonelada do minério de manganês é vendida a $ 250 CIF para o Leste europeu, e os custos de transporte chegam a $ 60 por tonelada, então o preço FOB máximo de uma tonelada de minério de manganês pode ser superior a $ 190. O preço do transporte e do seguro escapa ao controle do exportador africano e este fica à mercê das taxas de frete, estas sempre mais elevadas.

Outro aspecto importante a salientar reside no fato de que a estruturação das redes de transporte e a consequente internacionalização da construção da infraestrutura de transporte internacional representa a manutenção dos grilhões entre os países africanos e as antigas potências coloniais, ou seja, entre a África anglófila e a Grã-Bretanha, bem como entre a África francófila e a França e a África lusófila e Portugal etc. O tráfego Norte-Sul é a via de transporte mais utilizada na África; a rota entre a África Oriental e a África Ocidental é quase desconhecida. O Leste europeu continua absorvendo cerca de 50% das exportações africana. Contudo a degradação das condições comerciais gerou anomalias como o envio de novos produtos de origem sul africana para a Europa que, lá chegando, são reenviados à África Oriental.

O tabaco também segue esse tipo de rota. Quando Malawi quer vender tabaco ao Senegal, esta mercadoria é inicialmente enviada à Grã-Bretanha ou à França, para depois voltar ao Senegal. Isso resulta em alto custo, porém menor do que o do envio direto para o Senegal.

Terangaweb: As companhias de transporte e de logística se articulam para participar do desenvolvimento das infraestruturas de transportes?

K. G. Busch: Não, pois são controladas pelos governos, e em certos casos pela França; tanto no caso do transporte aéreo (Air Afrique, Air Gabon etc.) como no do transporte marítimo.

Terangaweb: Quais são as críticas do senhor à política externa da França na África?

G. K. Busch: Este é o maior dos problemas das nações africanas. Na hora em que elas devem aprender a se organizar de maneira totalmente independente, a França surge como impedimento. Elas possuem uma bandeira, um hino nacional, uma sede nas Nações Unidas... E é tudo.

Anteriormente todos os funcionários eram franceses; eles gerenciavam tudo, controlavam todos os mercados; todo o fluxo de mercadorias passava por eles. Ainda hoje, mesmo fora dos cargos funcionários oficiais, eles continuam com o domínio da situação, pois se encontram no comando dos postos-chaves. O único homem que reverteu esse estado de coisas foi Sékou Touré, primeiro Presidente da Guiné Conakry, depois de organizar um referendo. A França voltou para retomar tudo, a sua infraeestrutura inteira, chegando mesmo a desmontar todos os seus portos e a confiscar todo esse material. Nessa época, início dos anos 60, os outros presidentes herdeiros das antigas colônias francesas, como Houphouët-Boigny, assinaram o Pacto Colonial. Até hoje tais nações têm suas bandeiras, mas nenhuma independência.

Também quando exportávamos cacau para a Libéria e desejávamos comprá-lo na Costa do Marfim não podíamos entrar nos navios atracados, pois os franceses nos impediam. Era preciso negociar com os agentes, com os transportadores e com as empresas francesas. Esses problemas só acontecem nas zonas onde se fala o francês. Quem deseja fechar negócio na África francófila deve, para tanto, obter a permissão de empresas francesas.
Na Costa do Marfim os franceses são vistos retomando suas atividades, ainda que se sintam ameaçados. O patronato francês, dominante até 2006, é hoje reembolsado pelo governo de Outtara pelas perdas sofridas durante a guerra civil. Além disso a maior parte das pessoas que vêm negociar no país não conseguem fazer grandes coisas, pois a França apoia os nortistas que se apropriam do mundo dos negócios.

Terangaweb: O senhor acredita que, ainda assim, é possível a integração regional na África?

G. K. Busch: Certamente. A UEMOA (Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest-Africaine = União Econômica e Monetária dos Estados da África Ocidental), a União Africana, a União Aduaneira da África Austral são todas instituições que desempenham importante papel. O problema reside em que nada do que se compra na África é produzido nela. A África do Sul produz quantidade significativa de bens de consumo, porém estes não são exportados para o próprio continente. É preciso multiplicar as trocas internas para se criar assim uma dinâmica regional.

Por outro lado a questão energética também é primordial. Sem o fornecimento ininterrupto de eletricidade não é possível haver fábricas e produção. O déficit energético bloqueia o desenvolvimento. A classe média é a base do progresso e a falta de energia impede que essa classe se desenvolva e desempenhe seu papel. No continente africano é encontrada imensa quantidade de petróleo, porém todo ele é exportado. Durante anos a Nigéria recebeu ajuda para abastecimento em combustíveis. O petróleo sai em quantidades igualmente grandes da Argélia para beneficiamento nas refinarias estrangeiras. Em seguida a mesma Argélia compra o próprio petróleo das refinarias estrangeiras.

Entrevista realizada por Awa Sacko

Tradução do francês para o português por Attila Blacheyre, UnB – Universidade de Brasília

Conference debates implementation of the Responsibility to Protect

Michael Penn

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/83546

cc F H 2Debate is raging about the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P), a set of principles established by the United Nations in 2005 but still in a formative stage as regards implementation. A recent conference discussed R2P.

It was invoked in Libya, but should it be applied to Syria as well?

The emerging norm of R2P argues that national sovereignty carries with it not only rights but also responsibilities. Among the most grave of these state responsibilities is to ensure the protection of civilian populations from physical harm. But when states begin to target their own people in ‘mass atrocity crimes’ the responsibility falls to the international community to intervene and stop the slaughter.

The major instance of R2P principles being put into practice is UN Security Council Resolution 1973 by which NATO and other international forces intervened in Libya from March of last year. Theoretically, Resolution 1973 was adopted to prevent a massacre in the city of Benghazi, but critics complained that some Western countries stretched the mandate until the Gaddafi regime was completely overthrown.

At Doshisha University in Kyoto, Japan, a groundbreaking conference has recently been held in which scholars and specialists from many countries debated the implementation of R2P and considered its applications to Asia.

The fundamental principle that slaughter of civilians by their governments should be prevented was widely accepted by the conference participants, but the main point of contention regarded the significance that should be attributed to the abuse of R2P by powerful nations in the pursuit of self-serving agendas. Is R2P, as one participant put it, ‘a wolf in sheep’s clothing?’

Professor Bojun Li of the Law School of Xiangtan University in China was among the sharpest critics of R2P. He noted that the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of other nations is deeply rooted in international law going back to the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. It is also a core principle of the United Nations itself.

As such, Professor Li argued that ‘the emergence of humanitarian intervention poses a severe challenge to the principle of sovereignty’. In Professor Li’s understanding, the emerging norm of R2P faces a major handicap because it is, in the first place, flat-out illegal.

Beyond the legal issue, Professor Li also expressed concern about some of the practical aspects of R2P. He noted that in the heat of conflict it is not uncommon for media reports to wildly exaggerate the scale of bloodshed and that crucial political decisions are often based on such misinformation. Li was also one of several participants to note that ‘humanitarian protection is always the pretext for war’.

In contrast, Air Vice-Marshal Kapil Kak of the Centre of Air Power Studies in New Delhi, India, was cautiously supportive of the R2P concept. While he shared the concern that ‘R2P should not lead to misuse and provide a pretext for unilateral actions’, he also indicated that he could endorse the emerging view that sovereignty carries with it the responsibility of governments not to grossly abuse the human rights of their populations.

Covering some of the same legal ground as Professor Li, Air Vice-Marshal Kak came to a different conclusion; namely, that ‘sovereignty was never absolute’. As a matter of practice, powerful countries have usually been successful in guarding their domestic monopoly of force but weaker states have been vulnerable to external interventions at many junctures in the past.

Air Vice-Marshal Kak arrived at the position that the implementation of R2P must be carefully circumscribed, but when ‘casualties are well above the threshold of acceptable tolerance, the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention would be undeniable’. The main challenge we face, Kak argued, is to develop the proper instruments to ensure that R2P remains focused on its core concerns.

The Doshisha University conference also encompassed presentations about the recent history of R2P.

Daisaku Higashi of the University of Tokyo, for example, explained to the participants how issues of humanitarian intervention have been playing out in recent decisions at the UN Security Council.

Professor Higashi described his study of voting behavior by the so-called BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), which have tended to oppose, or at least be very skeptical about, humanitarian intervention and the implementation of R2P.

According to Higashi, a distinction should be made between Russia and China which have a more fundamental antipathy toward R2P when it is cited in relation to their strategic allies (such as the case of Russia and Syria) or even potentially against themselves; and the three nations of Brazil, India, and South Africa, which are sensitive to the potential for abuse inherent within humanitarian intervention but still ‘respect the aspirations of people in totalitarian regimes such as Libya and Syria.’

Professor Pierre Sane, special visiting professor at Doshisha University and one of the key organizers of the conference, wrapped up the discussions by pointing out that it was the case of the Rwanda Genocide in 1994 that gave rise to what would later become known as R2P.

He acknowledged that ‘human rights are instrumentalized by states’ but didn’t see this as a prohibitive factor against the implementation of R2P. After all, he noted, true motives are always complex and inscrutable, and if the practical effects serve the interests of humanity, then state motives may be immaterial.

Professor Sane also advanced the argument that poverty is another grave violation of human rights and that in the future mass starvation too might serve as a trigger for humanitarian intervention. He stated, ‘Where a government is unable to satisfy the basic needs of its population, then it means the international community has a responsibility to ensure that nobody starves to death.’

In the end, the participants in the Doshisha conference did not reach a consensus on what should be done in a case like that of Syria, nor what instruments are available to reduce the impact of powerful states that utilize R2P to advance their own strategic agendas, but none could escape Professor Sane’s final evaluation of why the R2P principles cannot be dismissed by men and women of conscience: ‘We don’t want to throw the baby out with the bathwater because, at the end of the day, what we are talking about is saving lives.’

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* Michael Penn is the president of the Shingetsu News Agency.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Focus on Africa: Should we be amused or take offence?

George Gachara

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/83547

cc M WThere's been a series of high profile gaffes by world leaders when referring to Africa. What is to be done?

It seems to me that the African identity has been under siege from a barrage of demeaning attacks by some isolated but significant players abroad. These attacks have generated an angry discourse across many (social) media platforms especially since they have been excused as ‘honest mistakes’.

Now that the dust has settled, we must take the journey to examine our anger, look at these matters for what they are and unequivocally address the underlying issues so that we can break the cycle of cultural oppression. Without which we risk having the young internalizing this power inequality and therefore perpetuating it.

#Swedish racist cake

First there was the provocative Swedish art installation event in which a ‘naïve’ minister of culture symbolically mutilated the genitals of a black woman as part of the well-intentioned World Art Day celebrations.

Rather disturbingly for many Africans, especially African women, the minister was pictured laughing as she cut off the genital area from the cake. To make the metaphor more convincing, the artist screamed in ‘pain’ every time the minister cut a slice.

In the eyes of many Africans, this mock-mutilation circus not only failed to raise awareness on the very painful and complex issue of female genital mutilation but was seen as humiliating, and dehumanizing for African woman. It was also heavy with racial overtones.

This spectacle achieved in recreating the 19th century tragedy of ‘Hottentot Venus, Sara Baartman’ as farce, yet again parading her ‘huge buttocks and peculiar genitalia’ for public entertainment. The Swedish minister shocked the world by her apparent recklessness, naivety and for her role in validating the work of a navel gazing and unthinking artist.

#Spain is not Uganda

Soon after, Spain's Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy was said to have typed out this message to his finance minister: ‘We're the number four power in Europe. Spain is not Uganda. This was in an effort to encourage him to stay strong, in securing a bailout package.

This gaffe exposed his offensive stereotype of African economies, and provoked outrage from Ugandans and other Africans.


# Indigenous people full of primitive energy

As if in a circus, Korean Airlines’ condescending advertisement soon took the stage, highlighting what would be the key attractions for vacationers to Kenya. According to the people at the Airlines tourists would get to ‘…enjoy the grand African Savanna, the safari tour, and the indigenous people full of primitive energy.’

This advertisement prompted an outcry from Kenyans in media platforms, demanding an immediate apology. The airline company quickly pulled down the article and subsequently apologized for their miscommunication.

The tragic part of this story was the jubilation and traditional dance that met the airline’s arrival at the national airport, quickly confirming a bad stereotype.

# Sex with Africans

As if the sewer party wasn’t bad enough, the Irish politician Edwin Poots ascended to the throne of the sovereign kingdom of inappropriateness, after his most inappropriate proposal to ban en masse, blood donations from gay people, people who have had sex with Africans or prostitutes, and other groups who in his opinion, engage in high-risk sexual behavior.

With one stroke, he effectively institutionalized prejudice, bigotry, narrow-mindedness and reversed centuries of progress – going back to the abolition of slavery, the civil rights crusade, the stonewall protests, the advent of human rights and through to every international convention on human equality.

He managed to successfully imply that my mother, my hallowed grandmother, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, the awesome Graca Machel, the humble catholic nun who was my school headmistress, myself and every ‘African’ engage in high-risk sexual behavior. Further, he managed to place Africans, gays and prostitutes, beneath his Irish society.

We would need to cut through the walls of protocol, pseudo-intellectual apologetic arguments, and we would have to cut right through the mountains of public relations, in order to understand these comments and actions.

For the purpose of this argument, let us suppose that the Swedish minister of culture Lena Adelsohn-Liljeroth, the Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, the Irish politician Edwin Poots and the people at Korean Airlines are good, Africa loving and progressive people.

Let us also suppose that we are overreacting since they mean no harm, that they were misquoted or maybe they were unaware of the sensitive nature of their comments and actions. Further, let us also suppose that they all are sincerely remorseful.

What is not accounted for is the bad taste in the mouth, the sense of whose culture is superior and the growing sense of (African) nationalism.

First, it is bad manners to make demeaning, racist, sexist, homophobic, or misogynistic comments in most cultures around the world. People are expected to be courteous and for this reason, any commentary that offends acceptable behavior is condemned besides the imposition of appropriate social sanctions.

Second, if at all there was genuine acknowledgement of indiscretions, why don’t we have social sanctions? Does this mean that they have gotten away? To whom are they accountable? Then, does this imply that it could be acceptable to be inconsiderate to groups considered lower? Or could it be that we are asking the wrong questions?

Let us suppose that they got away with it, because we are somewhat lesser in the degree of our civilization or power. Let us also suppose that there is something like ‘African culture’ that can be measured and that there is an objective matrix for measuring cultural maturity which can distinguish between a culture’s own level of development from its race.

Let us suppose that we were evaluated and we conceded that we are indeed lesser and that were willing to attain a certain standard in order to earn a seat at the table of mature cultures. Once we are mature then offenses against us (Africans) can attract a penalty.

Let us concede we sometimes mistreat our women, children and young men. Further, that our systems of thought, language, medicine, rhythm, and food are all strange. Let us concede that our spirituality, is uncomplicated and not Abrahamic. We also concede that our commerce is artless in addition to the use of wood fuel, and consuming water directly from the river.

Let us suppose that one day we began the journey to maturity; we strived to treat everyone equally, we protected our women and children from harm and exploitation. We adopted one of the Abrahamic religions (preferably one related to Christ), we decided to learn and speak English. We wrote and read books. We adopted the use of fossil fuels for our energy needs.

We adopted new forms of governance (popular democracy). We built nice houses, in neat estates, in huge cities. We bought and drove cars. We all went to school and then to the university and then looked for a job. At that time we grew our commerce to make profit and trade with higher articles.

Lets suppose that we became a free, prosperous, modern and peaceful civilization - to the degree of the least member of the ‘mature culture’ fraternity. Suppose all these were true: would we earn any respect? Would offenses against our dignity attract a penalty? Shouldn’t we already have earned respect? If we are still ineligible for respect, has this got to do with an inherent flaw in our ‘African’ nature? Is the ineligibility something to be proud of or ashamed of?

Third, as a consequence of this inquiry, there is a renewal of a sense of (African) nationalism among Africans in the diaspora, the returnees as well as among the educated, urban populations living in cities across Africa.

This seems to be a growing need to reclaim a sense of dignity, one that has been elusively emasculated by bullying, intimidation and domination by a skewed and aggressive western view of Africa which is not only demeaning, but does not take into account our life patterns.

Many people both young and old are losing their western patterns for African ones; African print, local designs, nappy hair, local food and local music genres are most fashionable. This resistance is gradually changing from a discourse to an identity. Could this be the way out? Could this be the only way to ‘mature’? If indeed, would it not be amusing?

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Works Cited

1. BBC NEWS. (2012, June 17). Health Minister Poots stands by ban on gay blood donors. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from BBC NEWS: http://bbc.in/OzNCy8

2. Black Feminists. (2012, April 20). An Open Letter from African women to the Minister of Culture: The Venus Hottentot Cake. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from Black Feminists: http://bit.ly/N8M0zq

3. Frayer, L. (2012, June 27). Spain's leader warns nation may not be able to borrow much longer. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from Los Angeles Times - World: http://lat.ms/N8LTDT

4. Opolo, K. (2012, June 25). Uganda is Not Spain . Retrieved July 7, 2012 , from Opalo's weblog: http://kenopalo.com/

5. Press, A. (2012, June 18). Korean Air: Sorry for calling Kenyans 'primitive'. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from Fox News: http://fxn.ws/NOtKIC

6. Twitter. (2012, June 27). #UgandaisnotSpain. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from Twitter: https://twitter.com/#!/search/%23UgandaisnotSpain

7. Western Culture Knowledge Center. (2009). What is Western Culture? Retrieved July 7, 2012, from Western Culture Knowledge Center: http://bit.ly/Njs897

8. Zakaria, F. (2012, June 19). Spain vs. Uganda in Twitterverse. Retrieved July 7, 2012, from CNN WORLD: http://bit.ly/LhJx56

'Report on Extrajudicial Killings of 110 Black People since January 1st, 2012'

Released by Malcolm X Grassroots Movement

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83543

What motivated the round-the-clock research for this new Report? More than two years ago, on New Year’s Eve, police killed two innocent men: Oscar Grant in Oakland, Adolph Grimes in New Orleans and shot Robert Tolan in a Houston suburb. Based on research started in 2009 after those murders, we learned there were a lot more killings that had not yet been uncovered. Then, after Trayvon's murder, there was a huge public outcry and a few headlines about more killings. More grieving families and more calls for investigation. Further research became urgent and it demonstrated that Trayvon's death was not an isolated tragedy. Between January 1, 2012 and June 30, 2012, at least 110 Black people were killed by police and their “deputies”.

"Any one of these people killed could have been my son or your husband or daughter”, says Arlene Eisen, member of the Malcolm X Solidarity Committee and co-author of the Report.

Rosa Clemente of the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement elaborates, “Nowhere is a Black woman or man safe from racial profiling, invasive policing, constant surveillance, and overriding suspicion. All Black people – regardless of education, class, occupation, behavior or dress – are subject to the whims of the police in this epidemic of state initiated or condoned violence.”

The Report, produced by the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement (MXGM) and the "No More Trayvon Martins" campaign, is part of a larger effort. Kali Akuno, MXGM member and report co-author explained, “The Report shows how people of African descent remain subjected to institutionalized racist policies and procedures that arbitrarily stop, frisk, arrest, brutalize and even execute Black people. The killing will continue despite calls for investigations and lawsuits. We urge people to read this Report and join us in demanding that the Obama administration implement a National Plan of Action for Racial Justice to stop these killings and other human rights violations being committed by the government".

To read the report visit www.mxgm.org For information on the petition visit http://www.ushrnetwork.org/content/webform/trayvon-martin-petition

ICC should ensure that Lubanga sentence is meaningful for victims in the DRC

Press release

REDRESS

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83535

10 July 2010 - Today, the International Criminal Court handed down its first ever sentence in the case against Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga Dylo, who was found guilty in March of the war crimes of recruiting and using children under 15 in the armed conflict in the Ituri region of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo in 2002-3.

Trial Chamber I of the ICC sentenced Mr Lubanga to 14 years of imprisonment and ordered that the six years since his surrender to the ICC on 16 March 2006 should be deducted from this sentence.

Presiding Judge, Adrian Fulford, explained that the Chamber considered the gravity of the crimes in the circumstances of this case. The Chamber noted in particular “the harm caused to the victims and their families, the nature of the unlawful behaviour and the means employed to execute the crime; the degree of participation of the convicted person; the degree of intent; the circumstances of manner, time and location; and the age, education, social and economic condition of the convicted person.”

While Mr Lubanga's sentence is another important step towards justice for victims of these horrendous crimes, who have awaited justice for almost ten years, it’s important to highlight the concerns expressed by Judge Elizabeth Odito Benito in her dissenting opinion. Judge Benito disagreed with the Majority’s decision to the extent that, in her view, it disregards the damage caused to the victims and their families, particularly as a result of the harsh punishment and sexual violence suffered by the victims of these crimes.
For this reason, it’s imperative that the ICC ensures now that victims and communities most affected by these grave crimes understand the sentence so that justice is meaningful to them.

"The sentence delivered today is likely to be received with mixed reactions on the ground and could lead to increased tension in the Ituri region," said Carla Ferstman, director of REDRESS. "It is essential that the ICC undertakes adequate and swift outreach to victims and affected communities to explain the sentence and what the next steps are, including reparation proceedings. It is important that justice is done, but also that victims see and understand that justice is done," Ferstman added.

"Victims, their families and communities still suffer from the consequences of these crimes. These children were often brutalised, and themselves were asked to commit crimes: They were asked or encouraged to rape; they were asked to pillage villages, sometimes their own; they were asked to kill people," said Ferstman. "And it's not only the children; it's also their families and their communities. A lot of families still don't know what happened to their children. Communities had to reintegrate children that were psychologically and physically hurt and tensions are still evident. Many children were rejected by their communities which perceived them as perpetrators."

Another important issue is that the majority was unable to link Mr. Lubanga to the sexual violence suffered by girl child soldiers beyond reasonable doubt, even though girls recruited into rebel forces were subjected to regular acts of rape and sexual violence. As a result, the Judges ruled that this could not form part of the assessment on his culpability for the purposes of sentence. This is an unfortunate consequence of the overly narrow charging policy of the prosecution; an issue of major concern noted by the judges in their guilty verdict handed down in March.

The ICC has an important role to guard against reprisal attacks on victims and witnesses in Ituri, where Lubanga's henchmen still wield influence. Protection measures need to remain in place for those who had the courage to come forward and participate in the trial.

"Victims had a significant contribution during the trial. Their testimonies, in which they recounted how they were conscripted, the gruelling training they received and the terrible abuses inflicted upon them but also inflicted by them, also painted a vivid picture of the horrors of using child soldiers in combat, helping bring international attention to the plight of child soldiers," Ferstman added.

The Chamber in the Lubanga case is yet to indicate the approach, principles and criteria it will apply in relation to the reparation of Lubanga's victims. A first decision on reparations was postponed.

“We hope that whatever approach is taken to determine reparation for Lubanga’s victims is participatory: involving victims in the process leading to reparations is the first step in helping to re-establish their dignity and agency, both of which are crucial to helping them to move beyond their victimisation,” said Ferstman.

For further information: Eva Sanchis, Communications Officer, at eva@redress.org or +44 (0) 20 7793 1777. You can also visit our web: www.redress.org

Note: REDRESS was founded by a British torture survivor in 1992. Since then, it has consistently fought for the rights of torture survivors and their families in the UK and abroad. REDRESS, along with others, played a role in ensuring that key provisions for victims were incorporated into the Rome Statute which established the ICC. We are also currently the informal coordinator of the Victims' Rights Working Group, a network of 400 national and international organisations and experts that advocates on victim's issues before the ICC (www.vrwg.org).

Online interactive map of global human rights funding

International Human Rights Funders GRoup/Foundation Center

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83542

This map -- the first tool to be released as part of our Advancing Human Rights: Knowledge Tools for Funders initiative -- will enable funders to search for grants by rights issue, population served, and location of grantee.

You can use this map to:

• Scope out new thematic priorities and/or geographic areas;
• Identify potential grantees and funding partners, both among grantmakers who self-identify as human rights funders and among those who do not;
• Inform your strategic planning and decision-making;
• Better understand how you fit within the field of human rights philanthropy.

We will host a one-hour webinar that provides a real-time demonstration of the map's functionality and explains the various ways that you can utilize the tool in support of your grantmaking on Wednesday, July 11th at noon ET.

ACCESS THE MAP

In order to access the map, follow these steps:
Visit the Member Area of IHRFG's website by clicking here.
If you already have a user account, log in,

OR

If you do not have a user account, create one by filling out some brief information, here.

Once you have created a user account, you will receive a confirmation email. You can then log in and access the map!

*Access to the map is available only to IHRFG members. Membership in IHRFG is open to all grantmakers on a completely voluntary dues, or no-dues, basis.

Please contact Nadia Zaidi, nzaidi@ihrfg.org, with any questions or difficulties accessing your account.

Please contact Christen Dobson, cdobson@ihrfg.org, with any questions or feedback on the map or on our Advancing Human Rights: Knowledge Tools for Funders project.

Rights groups question OHCHR draft report on Morocco

Public letter – July 9, 2012

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83540

Your Excellency:

In light of the recent draft report issued by the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Working Group on Morocco, the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights (RFK Center), Aminatou Haidar, 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award Laureate and President of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA), the Boston University Asylum & Human Rights Program, the Norwegian Support Committee for Western Sahara, the Fahamu Refugee Programme, the US-Western Sahara Foundation, and the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies wish to raise concerns regarding the consistency of the draft report with the oral review. Organization representatives travelled to Geneva as part of an international coalition of human rights organizations to attend the UPR session on Morocco and to draw attention to the ongoing human rights violations in Western Sahara.

During the session, many U.N member delegations expressed concerns or recommendations regarding Western Sahara and the Sahrawi people. However, it has come to our attention that several of the references made to Western Sahara have been omitted entirely by the Working Group from the report, for instance:

1. Sweden recommended that Morocco take immediate steps to implement the new Constitution’s provision that international human rights are to be fully respected, including press freedom, freedom of expression, assembly and association. The Swedish delegate explicitly stated that this should include views on the situation in Western Sahara. The draft report has omitted this reference.

2. United States expressed concern that Morocco has failed to register civil society organizations advocating on behalf of minority populations, including Sahrawis. The draft report retains this concern, but does not refer to the Sahrawis by name.

3. Denmark expressed regret that UN-led negotiations to find a peaceful solution to the status of Western Sahara remain stalled, and that peaceful demonstrations continue to be subjected to attacks, and protestors arbitrarily detained or physically assaulted. It also asked the government of Morocco what measures were being taken to protect the safety of peaceful protestors and respect human rights in Western Sahara. The Working Group failed to include the references to the negotiations and the protests, and Denmark’s question to Morocco.

4. Costa Rica recommended that Morocco accept the establishment of a human rights component in the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). This recommendation was omitted from the report.
5. Ireland noted that it would welcome the inclusion of a broader human rights monitoring mechanism in the mandate of MINURSO. This reference to MINURSO was omitted from the report.

While some references to the issue of the Western Sahara occupation were retained in the draft report, others were completely removed or stripped of their significance. The omission of the references made by delegations to the human rights violations in Morocco-controlled Western Sahara against the Sahrawi people prevents the international community from being fully informed of the serious challenges facing the Sahrawi people. -The coalition requests that your office kindly include in the report a more comprehensive summary that includes the concerns and recommendations put forth by the delegations present at the UPR. We have enclosed here a detailed summary of the statements of the delegations to the UPR as they were delivered and how they currently appear in the draft report We believe that a more comprehensive report is critical in order to convey to the international community the importance of acting urgently to put an end to the serious violations of human rights taking place in occupied Western Sahara.

We thank you for your attention to this matter.

Please do not hesitate to contact the RFK Center’s advocacy director, Marselha Gonçalves Margerin, by email at gmargerin@rfkcenter.org or by telephone at (202) 463-7575 Ext. 224.

Sincerely,
Santiago A. Canton Director, RFK Partners for Human Rights, Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights

NOTES

Sweden:
Text Accurately Reflecting Delegation Statements: Paragraph 129.80. Take immediate steps to implement the new Constitution’s provision that international human rights are to be fully respected, including press freedom, freedom of expression, assembly and association, including views on the situation of and in Western Sahara (Sweden);
Current Text of the UPR Draft Report: Paragraph 129.80. Take immediate steps to implement the new Constitution’s provision that international human rights are to be fully respected, including press freedom, freedom of expression, assembly and association (Sweden);

United States:
Text Accurately Reflecting Delegation Statements: Paragraph 39. United States of America expressed concern about arrests of journalists, bloggers and artists, allegations of police brutality against peaceful demonstrators and the torture of detainees by the security forces, and failure to register civil society organizations advocating on behalf of minority populations, including Sahrawis. The United States of America made recommendations.
Current Text of the UPR Draft Report: Paragraph 39. United States of America expressed concern about arrests of journalists, bloggers and artists, allegations of police brutality against peaceful demonstrators and the torture of detainees by the security forces, and failure to register civil society organizations advocating on behalf of minority populations. The United States of America made recommendations.

Denmark:
Text Accurately Reflecting Delegation Statements: Paragraph 65. Denmark noted the excessive use of force to disperse peaceful demonstrations. It noted the arrest of journalists and bloggers. It regretted the arbitrary detention and attack of protesters and noted the persistence of legal and practical gender-based discrimination. Denmark expressed regret that UN-led negotiations to find a peaceful solution to the status of Western Sahara remain stalled, and that peaceful demonstrations continue to be subjected to attacks and protestors arbitrarily detained or physically assaulted. It asked the government of Morocco what measures are being taken to protect the safety of peaceful protestors and respect human rights in Western Sahara. Denmark made recommendations.
Current Text of the UPR Draft Report: Paragraph 65. Denmark noted the excessive use of force to disperse peaceful demonstrations. It noted the arrest of journalists and bloggers. It regretted the arbitrary detention and attack of protesters and noted the persistence of legal and practical gender-based discrimination. Denmark made recommendations.

Costa Rica: Text Accurately Reflecting Delegation Statements:
Paragraph 132.1. Accept the establishment of a permanent human rights component in the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), being the only peacekeeping mission not having this component (Uruguay, Costa Rica).
Current Text of the UPR Draft Report: The report fails to include Costa Rica’s request that Morocco consider the incorporation of a human rights component to MINURSO.

Ireland:
Text Accurately Reflecting Delegation Statements: Paragraph 88. Ireland noted that the Family Code stipulated that the legal age of marriage was 18 and welcomed the changes in the Constitution regarding gender equality. It highlighted Morocco’s commitment to provide unimpeded access to all Special Procedures but remained concerned about the human rights situation in Western Sahara. It noted that it would welcome the inclusion of a broader human rights monitoring mechanism in the mandate of the UN Peace- keeping mission in Western Sahara. Ireland made recommendations.
Current Text of the UPR Draft Report: Paragraph 88. Ireland noted that the Family Code stipulated that the legal age of marriage was 18 and welcomed the changes in the Constitution regarding gender equality. It highlighted Morocco’s commitment to provide unimpeded access to all Special Procedures but remained concerned about the human rights situation in Western Sahara. Ireland made recommendations.

Solidarity with the women and workers of Greece facing austerity cuts

Press release

Democratic Left Front

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83539

02 July 2012

The Democratic Left Front (DLF – South Africa) expresses its full solidarity with the women, workers, progressive mass movements and the SYRIZA Party of Greece as they face the deep effects of the EU-inspired austerity onslaught. The Greek austerity plan involves cuts of 11.6 billion euros ($14.5 billion) by 2014. This amount will come from brutal cuts in budgets for health, wages and pensions. It will also mean hundrends of thousands of job losses in the Greek public sector. This austerity plan is meant to make the workers and the poor pay.

South African workers and unemployed people have faced a similar onslaught for the last 18 years under neo-liberal ANC rule. In the June 17 elections, anti-austerity SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left) came a close second with 26.9% of the vote. The right-wing New Democracy won the elections with more than 29%, amid huge blackmail and threats from major European governments and financial institutions.

The DLF congratulates SYRIZA on its formation as it brings together diverse left groups. What SYRIZA has done is an example and lesson to the left around the world. By forming the DLF in South Africa in January 2011, we are also contributing the process of democratic left renewal on the basis of anti-capitalist mass movements engaged in active struggle. The DLF is a front of anti-capitalist struggle and solidarity that brings together independent trade unions, social movements, rural organisations and left groups behind a platform against neo-liberalism and for an eco-socialist alternative.

The DLF was focused on the June elections in Greece with hopes for a SYRIZA victory as a basis for rolling back neo-liberal Europe and inspiring mass anti-capitalist struggles the world over. The performance of SYRIZA in the elections is a tribute to the mass struggles of Greek workers and other progressive popular forces in that country. We salute SYRIZA for its refusal to succumb to intense pressure to capitulate on its platform of repudiating the pro-austerity memorandum Greece has signed and rolling back the savage spending cuts that were a condition of a financial bailout by European bankers. We call on SYRIZA to continue with this path of resistance. As a coalition of parties, groups, and movements of the left, and on the basis of its local committees support for a coalition of rank-and-file left unionists inside the factories and the public sector, SYRIZA is now in a position to sustain anti-capitalist social mobilisation that can continue to challenge neo-liberal Europe and the austerity measures being currently imposed by the right-wing New Democracy government. This fighting role of SYRIZA is even more critical given how right-wing fascists are building in some neighbourhoods, even developing food support for their areas. This is an old tactic of the bourgeoisie to use the working class to fight its battles both in parliament and in the streets. The DLF stands in solidarity with the resilient Greek movements in their struggle, which is a struggle with significant implications for the whole world.

ENDS

FOR COMMENTS, CONTACT:

Mazibuko K. Jara – 083 651 0271 (mazibuko@amandla.org.za)

Brian Ashley – 082 085 0788 (brian@amandla.org.za)

Vishwas Satgar – 082 775 3420 (copac@icon.co.za)

Special Joint Conference of African Ministers of Finance and Health, Tunis 4-5 July, 2012

Media/Public Statement: 10 July 2012.

Africa Public Health Alliance

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83534

HIGHLIGHTS

• Africa Public Health.Info launches new 2012 Health Financing and Health MDGs Scorecard at Special Conference of Finance and Health Ministers http://goo.gl/uorlz ; presents scorecard to conference with first ever Africa Multi Year Health Financing Trends Analysis. http://goo.gl/3lxwY

• Africa Public Health 15% Plus Campaign calls on Finance and Health Ministers Conferences; and African Union Heads of State Summit of July 9 – 16 in Ethiopia to place improvement of 11 year old 2001 Abuja Health Financing Commitments on next years 2013 AU Summit Agenda – underlining that Africa’s post 2015 MDGs agenda must address pro-poor preconditions for meeting development targets – through a coordinated multi sectoral policy and investment strategy.

• Welcomes outcomes of landmark Special Conference of Finance and Health Ministers hosted by African Development Bank, co-organised with Harmonisation of Health in Africa Partners, in partnership with the African Union and UN Economic Commission for Africa.

• African Finance and Health Ministers Special Conference, agrees on 10 important steps to promote Value for Money, Accountability and Sustainability in the Health Sector.

STATEMENT

African Finance and Health Ministers at their historic special joint meeting including parliamentarians, civil society, bilateral and multilateral partners held on 4th and 5th July 2012 in Tunis, Tunisia have agreed on 10 important steps to promote Value for Money, Accountability and Sustainability in the Health Sector.

These steps include:

• Intensifying dialogue and collaboration between Finance and Health Ministries and with technical and financial partners;

• Taking concrete measures in countries to enhance value for money, sustainability and accountability in the health sector for reaching the objective of universal health coverage, accelerating progress towards the Health Millennium Development Goals, and other internationally agreed development targets by 2015 and beyond;

• Effective integration of socio-economic, demographic and health factors into broader development strategies and policies;

• Effective investment in the health sector based on evidence led strategies and high impact interventions;

• Promoting equitable investment in the health sector ensuring health financing is pro-poor and benefiting disadvantaged areas; strengthening regulatory capacity and development of a strong African pharmaceutical sector as a growth and job-creating sector in Africa;

• Laying a path to Universal Health Coverage in each country, including social health insurance, and effective safety nets to protect vulnerable individuals, households and communities;

• Improved efficiency in health systems, and equitable access to skilled health workers;

• Solidifying sustainable health financing systems that build on and coordinate a diversity of sources, including predictability of external resources to ensure all have access to quality essential health services;

• Strengthen accountability mechanisms, to ensure the highest possible level of results for money spent;


And most Importantly

Increased domestic resources for health through improved revenue collection and allocation, reprioritisation where relevant, and innovative financing - including giving priority to immunisations, non-communicable diseases, AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, as well as reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health.”

Welcoming the conference outcomes, Rotimi Sankore Coordinator of the Africa Public Health Alliance 15% Plus Campaign, and Secretary of the Africa Public Health Parliamentary Network congratulated the Finance and Health Ministers, the HHA partners, the AU and UNECA stating:

“High level inter governmental and development partners coordination on Health Financing policy across Africa is one of the most important preconditions for progress on health and related development goals. This milestone conference demonstrates leadership in this regard – and all of Africa looks forward to supporting necessary follow up action between partners for successful implementation of this landmark initiative to promote Value for Money, Accountability and Sustainability in the Health Sector.”

In his presentation to the joint conference of Finance and Health Ministers on the session theme of “Reaching the Poor: The Post MDG Agenda” Sankore presented both the new 2012 Health Financing and Health MDGs Scorecard; and Africa’s first Multi Year Health Financing Trends Analysis, both underlining the need for a multisectoral policy and investment strategy that targets specific issues that underpin poverty – and highlighting why 11 years on, the 2001 Abuja Commitments to allocate 15% of domestic resources to health should be improved.

Sankore said: “The gap in health investment between industrialised and developing countries is currently too wide. Average percentage allocation of budget to health in Africa region is only 9.6% - but a much higher 16.9% in Americas; 14.6% in Europe; and 14.4% in Western Pacific.

Alongside this, and more importantly, average per capita investment in the Africa region is a low $41; but a much higher regional average of $1,566 in the Americas; and $1,677 in Europe. Individually, many countries in these regions invest between $3,000 and $6,000 per capita, while many African countries invest only between $3 and $20. These figures suggest that human life has more value in other parts of the world.”

“But it is not just a case of more industrialised nations outspending less industrialised ones. Costa Rica ($449) and Cuba ($623) have similar investment per capita to Botswana ($442) and Equatorial Guinea ($612) – Africa’s highest investors in health on a per capita basis - but have more efficient outcomes - similar to or better than more industrialised countries - due to better investment in critical non-health sectors and social determinants of health including: education and retention of health workforce, higher coverage clean water, sanitation, hygiene and nutrition, more equitable distribution of health services, and preventive action on vaccines coverage.”

“The consequent difference in average life expectancy in Africa region of 54 years, compared to 76 years in Americas, 75 years in Europe and 75 years in Western Pacific, shows that this special joint conference of Finance and Health Ministers and necessary follow up action is long overdue - especially now that experts estimate that an extra year of life expectancy in countries could translate to as much as a 4% growth in GDP"

He further underlined that: “Investment in health should be the top priority of every African government. Nothing can be more important than the health of people. Without people there is no society, no economy, no markets. The evidence is clear that 11 years on - Africa needs to improve and refine the Abuja 2001 commitments on health financing if governments are to have a more positive impact on the lives of Africans, especially the poor, disadvantaged and marginalised.

Other key highlights of the presentation to the special joint Ministerial conference include:

The new 2012 Health Financing Scorecard, and first Africa Multi Year Health Financing Trends Analysis demonstrates that it is possible to meet Abuja commitments of allocation of only 15% of budgets to health sector - and yet not make sustainable impact on mortality and morbidity - if there is no sustained improvement in actual per capita investment in health. I.e. 15% of 10 is greatly different from 15% of 100; but $100 per capita is a consistent value (see attached multi year trends analysis).

% Allocation Must Be Combined With Improved Per Capita Investment (i.e. 15% Plus formula): In 9 countries allocating less than 13% of budgets to health, but investing over a $100 per capita - health outcomes are better than in 12 countries allocating 13% to 15% to health but investing less than $30 per capita. (Except Botswana at dual 17% and $442 per capita) i.e. % allocation must be combined with actual improved per capita investment to make sustainable progress.

Budgets Must Be Needs Based and Address Actual Health Burden -If budgets are not needs based (and do not combine improved per capita and %) - meeting only the Abuja commitment of allocating 15% to health - but without substantial reduction in mortality and morbidity creates illusion of progress. Between 2000 & 2009, Africa lost an estimated 8 million lives annually to MDGs 4, 5 & 6 causes – more than the population of most African countries.

External Support is important – But Domestic Investment is Key: In 19 countries including 4 that are at that are at Abuja 15% commitment level - and others close to it, or even well below it - external resources for health accounts for between 20% and 80% of total expenditure on health - indicating need for improved domestic investment for sustainable development.

More Money for Health: In 33 countries investing only between a very low $2 and $37 per capita, little or no sustainable improvement and efficiency is possible – regardless of % allocation - unless they improve per capita investment in health to at least $ 44 or higher over 5 years or more;

*(For more highlights of presentation see links below statement to PDF of full media statement & Africa Public Health Presentation to joint Ministerial Conference: )

Linking Health Financing to the Post MDG Agenda, Sankore pointed out gaps in the MDGs that must be improved in shaping a new development paradigm:

“Targets were set for MDGs, but no targets were set for preconditions to meet those targets. Most African countries are operating with only between 30% to 65% of capacity for Human Resources for Health - but no improved education and working conditions targets were set for training and retention of health workers. Only a limited amount of efficiency can be squeezed from health systems in these countries, and in some cases no efficiency at all – No one can run efficiently on one leg. We must identify the actual number of extra training institutions, and trainers required in each country, and the level of investment required over specific number of years for thee gaps to be bridged.

While brain drain is a problem, the real problem is that there is a huge human capacity gap across a range of areas including health, but there is no accompanying human resources development plan”.

Drawing attention to the continents open wound of refugees and Internally Displaced Persons he added that –

“In setting our development priorities, we must also not forget the millions of refuges and Internally displaced persons - 13 million in the Horn and East Africa alone – the forgotten of the forgotten - whom more or less constitute the continents 55th country, but with no government to cater for them.”

Sankore ended his presentation to the Ministers, and partners present by calling on the AUC, UNECA, Conference host AfDB with partner HHA agencies to join in an urgent collaboration for a working conference of leaderships of key sectors that impact on quality of life to define the African Post MDG Agenda, these sectors being:

Finance, Planning and Economic Development; Social Development; Health, with Sanitation and Hygiene; Education; Population, Civil Registration and Statistics; Youth; Women and Gender; Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition; Water Resources; Trade, Industry and Manufacturing; Power generation.

(Statement Ends)


*DIRECT LINKS TO DOCUMENTS:

1: New 2012 Africa Health Financing Scorecard - http://goo.gl/AAjw4
2. First ever Africa Multi Year Health Financing Trends Analysis - http://goo.gl/uBTDD
3. Full Tunis Conference Outcome Declaration in English and French courtesy of hosts AfDB and organisers HHA: http://goo.gl/naO0p
4. Joint Ministerial Conference Agenda with speakers: http://goo.gl/s1uRg
5. Parliamentarians Key to Institutionalisation of Value for Money, Accountability and Sustainability in Health Sector – http://goo.gl/TCB6i
6. Africa Public Health Presentation to joint Ministerial Conference: http://goo.gl/Nfk6G
7. PDF of full media statement: http://goo.gl/aVdMD


For further information please contact

Ogechi Onuoha, Partnerships and Communications Officer

Tel: +23417601902

Western Sahara: RFK Center condemns brutal attack of rights defender’s Children

Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/83533

(2012-07-10) The Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights (RFK Center) expresses deep concern for the welfare and safety of the children of human rights defender Aminatou Haidar, who were beaten by unidentified assailants on July 8. The RFK Center demands a full investigation into this unlawful assault of minors and will continue to stand with Ms. Haidar in her peaceful efforts to protect the rights of the Sahrawi people living under Moroccan occupation in Western Sahara.

Hayat Al-Gasmi, 17, and Mohamed Al-Gasmi, 13, were physically attacked while riding a bus from Agadir, Morocco to El Aiun, Western Sahara. According to reports, once it was learned that Hayat and Mohamed were the children of Ms. Haidar, Moroccan passengers began yelling racial taunts and eventually became violent. Both children sustained wounds consistent with extensive head injuries including bloody noses, swollen eyes, bruises, and blurred vision.

"Moroccan authorities have an obligation to protect Sahrawi people under their jurisdiction and to investigate and prosecute the individuals responsible for these actions," said Santiago Canton, Director of the RFK Partners for Human Rights. "Morocco must also take all necessary measures, including passing legislation and implementing public policies, to stop violence against Sahrawi children."

Sunday's attack is part of a larger pattern of abuses against Sahrawi children, which have been provoked by racist media coverage. Last year, Mohamed was harassed by Moroccan police, who threatened to rape him. Mohamed was among dozens of children who were arbitrarily detained, were subjected to inhumane treatment, or were tortured by Moroccan security forces. The Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA) filed claims on behalf of many of the children before the Moroccan National Human Rights Council. To date, there has been no investigation into any of the incidents.

BACKGROUND

Western Sahara, also known as "Africa’s Last Colony," is a territory occupied by the Moroccan government.

The human rights of the native people of Western Sahara – the Sahrawi – are persistently violated, and those who advocate for self-determination are denied their freedom of assembly.

Ms. Haidar, also known as the "Sahrawi Gandhi," is the 2008 RFK Human Rights Award Laureate and President of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA). As a result of her non-violent human rights advocacy, she has been threatened, harassed, beaten, tortured, and even expelled from Morocco. However, this incident marks the first time that her children have been physically harmed.

For more information, go to: http://rfkcenter.org/aminatou-haidar

Contact:
Cate Urban, Communications
Email: urban@rfkcenter.org
Tel: 202-463-7575 X234
Mob: 443-417-0701

Nabudere: An uncompromising revolutionary

Yash Tandon

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/83570

Of some people it is true to say that they are better known after they have left this world. What makes them relatively unknown in their life time is a mystery. Dani Wadada Nabudere was one of the most enigmatic revolutionary African figures of the 20th Century, a prophet of a man, a three-dimensional man. And yet he was not very well known outside the circle of people who crossed his path. The following are a couple of brief snippets of his life when it crossed mine.

1960S: MY FIRST ENCOUNTER AND MAKERERE

I met Dani first in London as students in 1961 when we were members of the Executive Committee of the United Kingdom Uganda Students Association – UGASA -- together with the Ateker Ejalu, Chango Machyo and Edward Rugumayo, who were all later to play a significant role in the history of Uganda. We were then engaged in helping to raise the political consciousness of young Ugandans like ourselves studying or working in the UK and in Europe. One of our main activities was to lobby British parliamentarians for Uganda’s independence.

Dani and I returned to Uganda in 1964. For the next six years, when I was at Makerere (“the Hill”) and he was practicing law, our paths crossed intermittently mostly during debates on the Hill. Makerere was a stimulating, exciting, place in the 1960s. At the time, Rajat Neogy’s literary journal called Transition (later found to have been funded by a CIA front) provided a trendy intellectual platform to contributors like Ali Mazrui, Paul Theroux and Wole Soyinka. Dani occasionally contributed to the discussions in the Transition. More than that, he was an active member of the youth wing of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). He was later expelled from the Party.

In his Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda (1997), Museveni explains why: "We had contacts with progressive politicians such as Dani Wadada Nabudere, Kintu-Musoke, Jaberi Bidandi-Ssali, Kirunda Kivejinja and Raiti Omongin. They were leftists who had been expelled from the UPC in 1964 for having belonged to the Kakonge wing of the party [1]. Some of us also belonged to the Uganda Vietnam Solidarity Committee, which Nabudere had formed as a support and to oppose the American war of aggression against the Vietnamese people". (p. 47). Museveni probably had no idea then (or maybe even now) that Nabudere and Omongin had just about that time formed the first Maoist Party in Uganda. During this period Nabudere had also played a critical role in the unification talks between Zanzibar and Tanganyika.

In September 1965, Nabudere was accused by a member of the Uganda Parliament of organising a “communist plot” to overthrow the government. In December 1969, following an attempt on Obote`s life at a UPC congress Nabudere (among others) was arrested and placed in detention under the Emergency Laws. He was released in late November 1970. When Idi Amin took over power in January 1971, a number of Ugandans on the left decided to work with the Amin government (Nabudere was appointed Chairman of the Board of Directors of the East African Railways), but they were soon disillusioned, and beginning with Rugumayo a number of them resigned from government in 1972. (For an account of this, see D. Wadada Nabudere, Imperialism and Revolution in Uganda, pp. 288-291).

This is Nabudere before I really got to know him intimately at the University of Dar es Salaam where he became a close friend and political mentor to many left activists from Africa. It was in Dar es Salaam that I, too, was inducted by Nabudere as a member of the Maoist Party of Uganda, some 10 years after it was formed.
1970S: NABUDERE AND THE DAR ES SALAAM DEBATE

There were at least three politically and pedagogically significant debates at the University of Dar es Salaam in the late 1960s and the decade of the 1970s. The first was about Tanzania, the direction it was going and how it might show the way for the rest of Africa towards the ultimate goal of socialism. It was mainly a debate among the Tanzanian radicals, sometimes joined in by others from outside Tanzania such as Walter Rodney and Nabudere. The second was a debate mainly among the African members of the teaching staff of the University, in particular in the Faculty of Social Sciences, on how the prevailing pedagogy of their disciplines might be challenged and changed to reflect the African context and conditions. This debate led to the formation of the African Association of Political Science (AAPS) in 1973, among whose early presidents’ were Anthony Rweyemamu (the founder), Nathan Shamuyarira, and Nabudere. The AAPS was a Pan-African organisation, and admitted a variety of views from pan-African perspectives. It also tried to reach out to Africans in the Diaspora. Many of the leading members of the AAPS in the early years (1973-83) were scholars from other parts of Africa such as Shamuyarira and Ibbo Mandaza (from Zimbabwe); Okwudiba Nnoli, Claude Ake and Adele Jinadu (from Nigeria); Emmanuel Hansen (from Ghana); Mamdani and myself (from Uganda); Amedee Darga (from Mauritius); Moeletsi Mbeki (from South Africa) and Helmi Sharawi (from Egypt), among scores of others from other parts of Africa and the diasporas. Nabudere was one of the main articulators of the AAPS philosophy. He showed how the social sciences as ideological expressions of dominant classes faced a crisis of relevance in Africa, and how these needed to be challenged. These ideas were later to appear in his “African Social Scientists Reflections, Part 2: Law, Social Sciences and Crisis of Relevance” (2001).

The third was a debate among primarily the Ugandans on “the Hill” and those living in exile in East Africa, occasionally joined by others even outside East Africa. It was partly inspired by Nabudere’s book Imperialism and Revolution in Uganda (1980) and its critique by Mamdani, Bhagat and Hirji. Later these discussions were reproduced as a book called The Dar es Salaam Debate on Class, State and Imperialism (1982), which I edited, with a foreword by Mohammad Babu, the well-known Marxist revolutionary from Zanzibar. The ‘Debate’ had intellectual, pedagogical and also political and strategic value for Uganda but also Africa and the third world. The key analyses and messages argued by Nabudere in the ‘Debate’ remain valid to this day. The significance of this debate, latent when it was taking place, became clear in the early months of 1979, as those same very issues took on a practical political salience after Amin’s invasion of Tanzania in December 1978. Tanzania repulsed the invasion but then Nyerere faced a dilemma. Should he proceed to Kampala, with his army thus effectively becoming an “occupation force”, or should he try to forge a united Ugandan political front to take over the reins of government? He opted for the latter. But to forge unity of contending forces from Uganda proved a nightmare.

Immediately following Amin’s invasion, the left nationalists in Tanzania, under Nabudere’s leadership, formed an Ad Hoc Committee for the Promotion of Unity Amongst Ugandans to try and unite with all forces opposed to the Amin regime. In its early days, Nyerere was skeptical of the “left”, and had Nabudere’s and my houses on “the Hill” under surveillance. But when Nyerere failed to break the deadlock between Obote and Museveni, he turned to the Ad Hoc committee to organise a conference of all democratic forces to form a government of national unity. The Moshi Conference - at which Nabudere, Edward Rugumayo and Omwony Ojwok played the key role of uniting all Ugandan forces – laid the basis for the founding of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), under the chairmanship of Y.K. Lule. Rugumayo was elected as the Chairman of the transitional parliament called the National Consultative Council (of which I too was elected a member); Omwony Ojwok as the NCC’s Secretary; Nabudere as the Chairman of its Political and Diplomatic Commission; and Paulo Muwanga (of the Uganda People’s Congress) as the Chairman of the Military Commission. After the formation of the UNLF, the Tanzanian forces entered Kampala and the UNLF assumed power in Uganda in April 1979.

Looking back at that period (1979-1980), I am profoundly struck that thirty years ago we faced the same problems as the Arab revolutionaries are facing today (2011-2012) as they grapple with the problems of creating democratic structures after the fall of dictators, whilst trying to forge national unity and keeping out intrusive external intervention.

1980S: THE PERIOD OF THE UNLF AND THE DANISH VOLK HIGH SCHOOL

Assuming power is one thing; running a country politically and administratively is another. From May 1979 to May 1980, Uganda went through paroxysms of fear, hope, disappointments, ecstasy, adventure, chaos, bombing raids, murders and general mayhem. What prevented it from descending into total anarchy was the presence of Tanzanian troops. What kept political peace, fragile as it was at the best of times, was the political skill and outstanding clarity of strategic thinking of Nabudere. At the Moshi conference, he was the principal author and architect (along with Omwony Ojwok and Rugumayo) of the constitution of the UNLF, which is a document still worth studying even today for its political perspicacity. Nabudere was a conciliator between various factions and tendencies – from the monarchists to the militarists -- of the UNLF. Let me give one instance of Nabudere’s political dexterity. At the end of the Moshi Conference, when Museveni complained to Nyerere that his absence from it had marginalised him, it was Nabudere (along with Rugumayo) who persuaded Lule and Muwanga to bring him into the UNLF as Deputy Chairman of its Military Commission. Indeed, throughout that nervously tumultuous one year, it was Nabudere who provided the focal point for unity and vision as the chairman of UNLF’s Political and Diplomatic Commission. It is during this period of Uganda’s recent history that Nabudere came to be known as the leader of the “Gang of Four” (along with his three close comrades – Rugumayo, Omwony and me).

What broke down this fragile ambience between the security and the political was the pressure felt by Nyerere to bring Obote (at the time still in Dar es Salaam) back to Uganda, and the machinations of the Ugandan domestic political and military forces. On 1 May 1980, the UNLF was overthrown in a military coup [2], and Nabudere, then in Yugoslavia attending the funeral of Marshall Tito, found himself together with other compatriots in second exile, this time in Nairobi. The UNLF was renamed as UNLF (Anti-dictatorship), and the struggle for the democratic dispensation continued. The UNLF (AD) went into a period of armed struggle around Mount Elgon but this was short lived.

An account of this period, and the debates on strategy and tactics of liberation struggle that the (Maoist) Party and its democratic wing – the UNLF (AD) - was engaged in, would make interesting and highly educative reading for those involved in day-to-day struggle against the continued domination and interference by imperialism and its internal agents in Africa. The “Gang of Four” were only the few public faces of this movement, but hundreds of comrades and their families made huge sacrifices for the struggle during these very difficult months and years. A proper account of this period will one day no doubt celebrate and pay homage to the work and sacrifices of these comrades. It is a pity that Nabudere and Omwony Ojwok should have died before writing an account of this period. Rugumayo’s forthcoming autobiography will no doubt deal with some of these matters. All I can say at this point is that the armed struggle in Mount Elgon lasted for only a short period, and for various strategic and tactical reasons it was decided to abandon it and concentrate on political work - what was later called the “grass-rooting” strategy. The UNLF (AD)’s Maoist wing was thus probably one of the few revolutionary organisations that deliberately ended its armed struggle and decided that a thorough-going cultural revolution should precede armed struggle (not follow as in the case of China).

This was also the period when Nabudere and the Party made far reaching contacts with several other revolutionary movements in Africa (such as, among others, those in Senegal, the Cameroons, Burkina Faso, the Congo and South Africa); as well as in the Middle East (Egypt, Palestine, Iraq); Asia (India, China, Japan, the Philippines); Europe (Germany, Norway, Belgium, Denmark); and the USA.

In 1982 Nabudere moved to Helsingør in Denmark, teaching at a Volk High School. This was one of his most productive years as a scholar. He wrote the over 300-page manuscript called The Rise and Fall of Money Capital, which I published in 1990 under an organisation called Africa in Transition, an organization I had founded with my brother Vikash. It is probably the most comprehensive analysis of money since the early writings, among others, of Marx, Engels, Hilferding, Rosa Luxemburg, and Keynes, all of whom came under Nabudere’s cutting edge analysis. Nabudere carried out a meticulous historical analysis of the rise of money as money (as distinct from its evolution as capital), and made the prediction that money will eventually overcome capital and then meet its own demise as an instrument of credit. This is what in fact happened in the first decade of the 21st century, what came to be known in our own times as “financialisation of capital”. Nabudere had already anticipated this during his period of research and writing in Helsingør. This book is one of the most outstanding, and relatively unknown, original contributions of Nabudere to Marxist economics. Later, a summary of the book was published by Fahamu, titled, The Crash of International Finance-Capital and Its Implications for the Third World (2009), to which I wrote a foreword.

I spent a week with him in Helsingør, taking part as lecturer to his class and also absorbing the very energetic and communitarian ethos of the school. Nabudere took in just as much as he gave. From Helsingør he learnt the volk school philosophy of adult education, which he was later to apply when he founded the Afrika Study Centre Trust, and the Marcus Garvey Pan-African University in Mbale, Uganda.

1990S: ZIMBABWE

In early 1990s Nabudere left Helsingør and came to Zimbabwe to join his family. His wife, Ida, and three of their younger children were already in Harare. Ida was then teaching in a secondary school. I too was already in Zimbabwe engaged in grassroots activities among largely trade union organisations and peasant communities in Zimbabwe and the region. Nabudere accompanied me to several of the rural projects in which I was engaged. He was particularly struck by the fact that given the right environment and encouragement, people at the grassroots level are best placed to take “development” in their hands. Development is too serious a matter to leave in the hands of the politicians and international “donors”. This experience in Zimbabwe was the basis for further elaboration of the “rooting strategy” to which I have alluded earlier. For a deeper understanding of his thoughts in this period, see the book of essays he edited for the AAPS called Globalization and the Post-Colonial African State (2000). In his own essay he argued that African states "were being adjusted' out of existence as nation-states, and needed to build on the spirit of their people to fight against the negative impact of globalization.

2000S: UGANDA AND THE MARCUS GARVEY PAN-AFRICAN UNIVERSITY

In the mid-1990s Dani returned to Uganda with his family. Very soon he was involved in the politics of constitutional change under the regime of Yoweri Museveni. As a member of the Constituent Assembly, he actively participated in the making of a “new” Constitution of Uganda under the NRM government. But the effort to refashion the politics of Uganda towards a more democratic dispensation was largely frustrated by the complex politics of the country, and the machinations of external forces, especially of the IMF and the donor community.
Towards the turn of the century, therefore, he began to devote his energies to the broader agenda of encouraging a pan-African consciousness among the younger generation of Ugandans and Africans, and a "new universal order based on basic pluralist-humanist principles", in which Africa would play a distinct role. This was in contrast to some Western writers like Samuel Huntington who had predicted a “clash of civilizations”. (See his The Crisis of Modernity and the Rise of Post-Traditionalism in Africa (1998); Afrikology, Philosophy and Wholeness (2011) and Afrikology and Transdisciplinarity: A Restorative Epistemology (2012)). He founded the Marcus Garvey Pan-Afrikan Institute in Mbale, Uganda, later to evolve as a university, of which he was the first Chancellor-Designate. In this capacity, he wrote: “…the model that I am advancing here is a direct reflection of our general experience under the global capitalist system and a reasoned response to its impact, which we can refer to as a ‘post-capitalist synthesis.’” He advocated “the restorative governance and justice” aimed at restoring social relations in society and establishing “new balances that can enable people in the communities to regain control over their lives.” Democracy in this sense involves “listening to voices of everyone who have normally been excluded from decision-making”. He was particularly emphatic on the restoration of African languages in popular discourse, because the unfamiliarity with colonial languages denied the African people a meaningful inclusion in the democratic processes. Afrikology, he argued, requires scholars, students and practitioners “to liaise with the language communities in understanding what they know and mean”. Going beyond Africa he proposed “The horizontal restorative epistemology” -- worldviews (cosmologies) that are responsive to nature and that take into account “our cosmic relations with nature”.

Dani was in regular communication with me on these matters, but in some ways the person with whom he had even closer relations during this period was my brother, Vikash, with whom he would occasionally stay when he was in London. My last theoretical exchange with Nabudere was in March 2010 when he made significant improvements on an essay I had written on the “Dar es Salaam Debate” (forthcoming some time in the future). He also wrote to me about his engagement with the University of South Africa in joint research projects under the umbrella theme of “Reclaiming the Future”, and invited me to join his efforts.

NABUDERE THE MAN

Before I close this very short narrative of this great son of Africa, a brief reflection on what kind of person Dani was might be in order from someone who was a close associate of his for half a century.

Nabudere was a world-class African revolutionary, a Ugandan patriot, a scholarly and erudite academic, and a shrewd politician. All these blended in him holistically making him a towering, formidable, figure in any gathering of intellectuals or politicians – local or global. He was an extraordinary man, a visionary; in many ways even a prophet, with a three-dimensional view of the world, which few mortals possess. Most of us are two-dimensional with at the most short term and medium term perspectives. Few have the capacity to look beyond the present. He had a very long foresight, and many of his predictions, one for example, the collapse of the Soviet Union (made well before the fall of the Berlin Wall), and the collapse of the capitalist-financial system (made in a book published in 1980) came true when most of us could not even see the making of crises in these two global systems of the twentieth century.

Dan suffered fools badly. He was unforgiving to those who were, in his eyes, second rate academics, intellectuals or politicians. In his long vocation as a revolutionary from the age of 18 to the time he died at the age of 79, he set for himself unrelentingly high standards – in political work and scholarly writings – which his students, colleagues and compatriots had a hard time to emulate. He loved his family – wife, children and grandchildren. For these too he set very high standards. His wife, Ida – a wonderful, dignified person of South African origin with a determined face and soothing smile – and seven children and eight grandchildren knew of Dani’s total commitment to Uganda and to African revolution, and they made enormous sacrifices to enable their husband-father-grandfather to focus on his chosen destiny. Dan was a Marxist scholar and practitioner to his bones, which made some of his writings difficult to understand for those uninitiated in the Marxist dialectics. But he was not dogmatic in political tactics. He could work with monarchists as well as republicans; nationalists as well as internationalists. What he despised most were militarists and dictators. President Obote put him in jail for his revolutionary activities in the 1960s and yet when the time came to work with Obote in 1979, he was quick to forgive him. President Museveni, with whom he had many differences, came to Dani’s burial and praised him for being a “comrade” and a “Pan-African revolutionary”.

Those who knew Dani intimately – his family, friends and comrades – knew that his hard and unremitting external demeanor hid a soft, very human, side. The mischievous twinkle in his eyes and his sharp, often acerbic jokes – even as he challenged his worst adversary – and his warmth and loyalty to friends and comrades betrayed his soft inside. He was above all a dreamer well beyond his time.

SELECTED WRITINGS OF NABUDERE

Nabudere wrote more than 15 books and over 200 papers and lectures (published and unpublished), among which the best known are as follows:
1977. Imperialism and the National Question. Tanzania Publishing House
1977. The Political Economy of Imperialism, London: Zed Press
1979. Essays on the Theory and Practice of Imperialism. London: Onyx Press
1980. Imperialism and revolution in Uganda, Onyx Press.
1982. Several essays in Tandon, Yash, The Dar es Salaam Debate on Class, State and Imperialism. Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House.
1989. The Crash of International Finance Capital and its implications for the Third World. Harare, SAPES.
1990. Rise and fall of Money Capital. Africa in Transition
1998. The Crisis of Modernity and the Rise of Post-Traditionalism in Africa (unpublished)
2000. ed. Globalization & the Post-Colonial African State, Harare: AAPS Books
2001. “African Social Scientists Reflections, Part 2: Law, Social Sciences and Crisis of Relevance”, Bonn: Heinrich Boll Foundation.
2002. “NEPAD: historical background and its prospects”, in Anyang' Nyong'o, et.al. eds. NEPAD: A New Path? Bonn: Heinrich Böll Foundation.
2003. “Towards the Establishment of a Pan-African University: A Strategic Concept Paper” African Journal of Political Science. (2003), Volume 8 No. 1
2009. The Crash of International Finance-Capital and Its Implications for the Third World. Fahamu/Pambazuka
2010. The Global Capitalist Crisis and the Way Forward for Africa (unpublished)
2011. Afrikology, Philosophy and Wholeness: An Epistemology, Africa Institute of South Africa, Pretoria.
2011. Archie Mafeje: Scholar, Activist and Thinker, Africa Institute of South Africa.
2012. Afrikology and Transdisciplinarity: A Restorative Epistemology, ISA, Pretoria.
2012. Towards A Restorative Horizontal Economic, Political, and Environmental Transformation. (unpublished)

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* Yash Tandon is a writer on development theory and practice, and senior adviser to the South Centre. This article was first published in the Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 39 No. 132.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.


END NOTES

[1] The Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) was a radical nationalist party. Its then Secretary General, John Kakonge, had broad communist leanings, and had a strong following among the youth wing of the party, among them, Nabudere. At the Gulu Conference of the party in 1964 the left wing was outmanoeuvred by Obote and the party mainstream leadership.

[2] The first administration of the UNLF government under President Lule lasted only six months. In September 1979 he was ousted from power by a vote no confidence moved in the transitional parliament, the NCC. He was, in other words, democratically removed, and replaced by President Binaisa. It was the Binaisa administration that was then removed from power by the military led by the forces of Obote and Museveni, backed by Tanzania.

Remembering Dani Wadada Nabudere

David Simon

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/obituary/83572

I got to know Dani only fairly late in his life. We first met as fellow trainers of civil society and postgraduate students in Sweden in January 1996 at a workshop organised by the late Anders Närman, Sweden’s truly radical development geographer, who had a long history of engagement in and with east and southern Africa, during which he had befriended many liberation strugglers and senior government members of relatively newly independent states. Indeed, it is a measure of his standing that both Dani and the late Omwony Ojwok (the latter representing the Ugandan government), both members of the famous Ugandan “Gang of Four” of 1979-1980 attended Anders’ funeral in Gothenburg in November 2004.

Both of us had recently embarked on critical “re-thinkings” of prevailing development theories, conventional and “radical”, in the light of development failures and distortions, the post-structural challenge and the end of the Cold War. At that and several subsequent workshops and conferences, we engaged actively and productively, with a high level of agreement and occasional animated disagreement. I found his critique of post-colonialism for being too Eurocentric persuasive, despite the paradoxical nature of that charge, and was able to incorporate his resultant formulation of post-traditionalism into the analyses I was developing. He, in turn, enjoyed my perspective on postmodernism and its relationships with post-colonialism (1). Late night discussions were invariably facilitated by good beer and akvavit, or in his case, generally whisky. One conference in Copenhagen was particularly revealing in terms of the respect and affection with which those who remembered him from his period of exile in Denmark and work in Folk High Schools in the 1980s held him. He was quite touched.

We developed something of a double act in the training sessions. Initially the students were slightly nonplussed but once they “got” Dani’s wicked sense of humour and playfully provocative style of teaching, often playing off me or vice versa, they loved it even if they didn’t always understand the life experiences underlying his positions. The final time we worked together in this way was as part of a team convened again by Anders to provide continuing professional development (CPD) for social scientists (attracting both senior and junior staff as well as some postgraduates) at Makerere University in August 2002, updating and debating development theory, policy and praxis, informed by the Ugandan and East African contexts. Again, the wide respect for Dani, even from those who disagreed with him politically or young staff encountering him for the first time, was evident, and he soon disarmed the few who sought to cross swords.

In 1998 he produced a book manuscript that developed his ideas on African crises and post-traditionalism entitled “The crisis of modernity and the rise of post-traditionalism in Africa”. We discussed the manuscript at length and he revised the text in 1999. However, it proved surprisingly difficult to find a publisher and then a commitment to publish by one was broken. He grew frustrated and abandoned the search for an outlet. I greatly regret that it never reached the public as it would have been a signal African contribution to these debates, and in a markedly different register from his earlier books.

I commissioned Dani to write the biographical essay on Nyerere for my edited volume, Fifty Key Thinkers on Development (Routledge, 2006). This he took on enthusiastically, quite delighted that I wanted to include Nyerere in this context. He wrote well, delivered on schedule but at nearly twice the firm word limit, and was then somewhat taken aback that I insisted that he cut it. However, we got there and many people comment on what a fine essay it is.

Another particular regret is that I never made it to his Marcus Garvey Pan-Afrikan Institute/University in Mbale, despite regular exhortations. I had set up an undergraduate field course for our Royal Holloway undergraduate students in rural West Pokot (now Pokot Central) on the Kenyan side of Mt Elgon around the same time and sunk costs plus cheaper air fares made it difficult to relocate. Once when I could have visited, he was in South Africa, a country where he spent considerable time after the end of apartheid, frequently based at UNISA in Pretoria, writing and conducting joint research.

Dani was a true polymath: an accomplished academic, lawyer, politician and government minister – not only a towering figure in Uganda but widely in East and southern Africa and Europe. He was one of the last of the liberation struggle leaders, an enthusiastic teacher, a complex character, a great raconteur and a good friend. His departure from the stage of life will be keenly felt.


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* This article was first published in the Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 39 No. 132.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

END NOTES

1. Our respective conference contributions were published along with others in a special issue of Geografiska Annaler, Series B, Human Geography 79B(4), 1997. Dani’s paper is entitled “Beyond modernization and development, or why the poor reject development”, pp.203-215, and is almost certainly his only publication in a Geography journal.

Question of faith

Dennis Mosiere

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/African_Writers/83561

Iran-Kenya oil deal

Gado

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/cartoons/83541

Zimbabwe: Call for wider Zim sanctions aimed at Mugabe

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/zimbabwe/83608

http://bit.ly/NsiGAq

Africa: Dlamini-Zuma elected to head AU Commission

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/aumonitor/83607

http://bit.ly/M27TMZ

Ghana: Making it compulsory to have women in Ghana’s parliament

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/83609

http://bit.ly/NvNvrv

Global: Women's rights and safety online

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/83571

http://bit.ly/POLQOL

South Sudan: Women review the gains of independence

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/83524

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Botswana: Diamonds bring no benefits to Basarwa

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83503

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DRC: Warlord sentence a joke, say NGOs

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83559

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Egypt: 100 days human rights campaign launched

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83556

http://bit.ly/Nq2k9F

Gambia: Opposition leader urges Gambia spy boss to end torture

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83513

http://bit.ly/Mj1RIC

Kenya: Government condemned over Mau Mau case

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83520

http://bbc.in/OwPHuQ

Kenya: REDRESS intervenes in colonial torture case, says no limitation period on torture claims

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83585

Press Release
For Immediate Release

13 July 2012, London – Crucial hearings will begin on Monday 16 July 2012 in the High Court on time limitation periods applicable in the landmark case brought by Kenyan victims of alleged torture during the Kenya Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s.

The British Government is arguing that the claims are time-barred and should be struck out, but the victims contend that this is a case in which the Judge should exercise his discretion and allow the claims to proceed. REDRESS, a London-based human rights organisation that helps torture survivors obtain justice and reparation, has made submissions in support of the victims’ claims. Under international law there is no limitation period for the prosecution of war crimes and crimes against humanity, while English law allows the Court to extend limitation periods at its discretion.

The Kenyan victims have brought a claim for damages for personal injuries and torture caused by employees and agents of the British and Colonial Administration in Kenya during the Mau Mau uprising between 1952 and 1961. The violations were allegedly committed during the State of Emergency declared by the Colonial Administration during resistance to colonial rule. Grave violations including castrations, severe sexual assaults and systematic beatings were committed when individuals were detained in screening centres, prisons, and detention camps under a programme known as “villigisation”.

The Defendant in the case, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, applied to strike out the claims in advance of a full trial on the basis that Kenya is legally responsible for any abuses and also that the claims are time-barred by the provisions of the Limitation Act of 1980. Last year, the High Court rejected the British Government’s argument that all liabilities were transferred to the Kenyan Republic upon independence in 1963 and that the British Government could not be held liable today.

REDRESS, as interveners in the case, has made written submissions to the High Court on the issue of limitation periods under English and international law. English courts have described the courts’ discretion to extend or remove limitation periods as “unfettered,” and related to the strength of a claimant’s case. REDRESS argues that there is no statute of limitations on war crimes and other gross or serious violations of international law, including torture.

“Some international crimes are so hideous that there is no time limitation on seeking justice,” said REDRESS’ Director Carla Ferstman. “The victims are coming to the end of their lives – they deserve compensation from the British Government for what they suffered.”

The hearings will be in London from 16 - 27 July 2012. REDRESS’ submissions will be considered on Thursday 19 July.

The victims are represented by Leigh Day & Co. REDRESS instructed leading silk Elizabeth-Anne Gumbel QC to draft its submission in the case Mutua and Others v. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

For further information: Contact Eva Sanchis (eva@redress.org) at +44 (0) 20 7793 1777 and +44 07857110076.

Note: REDRESS was founded by a British torture survivor in 1992. Since then, it has consistently fought for the rights of torture survivors and their families in the UK and abroad. It takes legal challenges on behalf of survivors, works to ensure that torturers are punished and that survivors and their families obtain remedies for their suffering. REDRESS cooperates with civil society groups around the world to eradicate the practice of torture once and for all and to ensure that survivors can move forward with their lives in dignity. It has intervened in a range of leading torture cases. More information on our work is available on our website: www.redress.org

Nigeria: Forced eviction at Abonnema Wharf waterfront

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83532

http://bit.ly/PQhAUX

North Africa: Civil society signs torture pact

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83554

http://bit.ly/NNWpgF

South Africa: The inequality of murder

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83506

http://bit.ly/MXqDkk

South Sudan: 'Prison is not for me'

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83505

http://bit.ly/RV6QSt

Sudan: Authorities must stop torture, ill-treatment of demonstrators

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/83578

http://bit.ly/LbXnkB

AFRICA: 'Sexual refugees' struggle to access asylum

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83522

http://bit.ly/LO13KZ

Africa: Human smugglers profit as tragedies multiply

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83577

http://bit.ly/NrSgRj

Africa: North Africa and displacement 2011-2012

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83610

http://bit.ly/SyiVxl

Chad: The strains of long-term displacement

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83605

http://bit.ly/MyCh0R

Global: Un censures practice of detaining migrants

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83507

http://bit.ly/RVafkd

Global: Undocumented and invisible in America

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83508

http://bit.ly/MgvWwf

Libya: Migrants die of thirst off North African coast, says UN

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83526

http://bit.ly/N0vdi0

Somalia: Refugees risk militia recruitment as aid dries up, say agencies

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83562

http://bit.ly/PSkAjz

Uganda: More than 5,000 Congolese flee to Uganda amid fresh fighting

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83525

http://bit.ly/N0q3Cp

Uganda: Refugee influx prompts government call for regional talks

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/83523

http://bit.ly/NhGB7w

Egypt: New unions face uncertain future

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/labour/83593

http://bit.ly/NuTXNj

Congo: Parliamentary polls held

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83616

http://aje.me/NwFiTS

Egypt: Court overturns President Mursi parliament order

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83519

http://bbc.in/NJxuLo

Ethiopia: Mosque sit-ins see deaths, arrests

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83598

http://reut.rs/PWTV3M

Swaziland: Police fire tear gas on protesters

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83498

http://bit.ly/RUGoIz

Togo: Prime Minister resigns

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83614

http://bit.ly/MyQQS8

Zambia: Banda, Sata differ over Sata's verbal attack on Bush

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/elections/83500

http://bit.ly/LErgAk

Global: Shining a light on the world's biggest companies

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83569

http://bit.ly/N2tnh8

Malawi: Oil exploration on Lake Malawi turns fishy

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83497

http://bit.ly/LcJoQi

Nigeria: NGO heads to court over President's asset declaration

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83518

http://bit.ly/Nn8RSI

South Africa: Ambassador suspended on full pay

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83555

http://bit.ly/M4p4QB

South Sudan: Attack on activist threatens anti-corruption efforts

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83582

http://bit.ly/OcSaJR

Uganda: Activists dispute improved transparency claim

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/corruption/83615

http://bit.ly/MsZwP6

Africa: AU mulls new Africa growth plan

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/83579

http://bit.ly/LLsQjW

East Africa: How region’s $34bn budget affects 130m lives

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/83588

http://bit.ly/MaTFfz

Ethiopia: World Bank approves controversial loan

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/83599

http://bit.ly/LqzTgt

Southern Africa: SADC infrastructure plan ready for approval

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/83553

http://bit.ly/NyZdQf

Zimbabwe: Debt a ‘ticking time bomb’

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/83499

http://bit.ly/NdHSdA

Africa: African governments must invest in health

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83580

http://bit.ly/P2RsUc

Global: Need to take battle for health to global level

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83530

http://bit.ly/PLPQiQ

Global: World needs 3.5-m health workers

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83531

http://bit.ly/Mib2wQ

Sierra Leone: Fresh cholera outbreak

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83612

http://bit.ly/SyCeqe

South Africa: The real everyday world of state doctors

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83521

http://bit.ly/M26it2

Tanzania: Hospitals hit hard by brain drain as sacked doctors seek jobs abroad

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/83600

http://bit.ly/MrRje0

South Africa: Education system out of control

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/83492

http://bit.ly/NFx3BM

Uganda: Anonymous punishes Uganda for persecution of LGBT community

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/83592

http://exm.nr/Lqty4J

Uganda: New LGBTI clinic faces fierce government criticism

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/lgbti/83573

http://bit.ly/NjzNUV

South Africa: Foreigners displaced in attacks

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/racism/83564

http://bit.ly/NA9749

South Africa: Storm over Zapiro's Zuma penis cartoon

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/racism/83502

http://n24.cm/NcLH5R

Africa: A different breed of alternative energy

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/83509

http://bit.ly/PNC80h

Angola: New forest discovery triples rare habitat area

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/83495

http://bit.ly/OV1Pt0

Kenya: Power project threatens indigenous peoples

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/environment/83583

http://bit.ly/N2JjQx

Africa: Desertification a threat to Africa’s development

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/83516

http://bit.ly/L7AeQz

Africa: What you should know about Saudi investment in African farmland

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/83515

http://bit.ly/NJuFd8

Ethiopia: Hunger, the new weapon to force tribes off their land

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/83557

http://bit.ly/LKNcd8

Global: Positive investment alternatives to large-scale land acquisitions

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/83603

http://bit.ly/PXT2rM

Global: Towards a ‘land sovereignty’ alternative?

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/land/83602

http://bit.ly/P9dnJl

Africa: Gates Foundation pours $10 million into GM crops

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/83604

http://bit.ly/OIpkC4

Malawi: Massive crop failure imperils millions

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/83491

http://bit.ly/NhTduL

Swaziland: People dying of hunger, MP says

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/food/83587

http://bit.ly/NBtESw

Ethiopia: Blogger Eskinder Nega jailed for 18 years

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83597

http://bbc.in/NBEIiz

Kenya: Journalist flees after exposing death squad

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83501

http://bit.ly/NcJPtz

Libya: Two TV cameramen held

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83563

http://bit.ly/Nq9pHt

Mali: Masked gunmen seize, assault publisher

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83601

http://bit.ly/Sy6e5y

Mali: Newspaper editor kidnapped and beaten by armed men

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83510

http://bit.ly/NeUILJ

Somalia: Gunmen shoot another journalist

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83517

http://bit.ly/NhxCU5

Sudan: Media and bloggers censored

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/83496

http://bit.ly/Mi2zWG

Angola: The Chinese-built ghost town

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/83494

http://bbc.in/MXh70L

Cameroon: Death of conjoined twins generates debate

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/83504

http://bit.ly/MXoOUE

Kenya: Persistent violations of children's rights

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/83611

http://bit.ly/OxXpUu

Uganda: Parliamentarians seek to curb childbirth

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/welfare/83514

http://bit.ly/MfV7J5

DRC: Government denounces insurgency as Rwandan army 'invasion'

2012-07-11

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83527

http://bit.ly/M29a9u

DRC: Peacekeepers at war

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83594

http://on.wsj.com/LqtTnX

DRC: Rwanda and DRC 'agree on international border force'

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83613

http://bit.ly/PY2346

Global: UN increasingly reliant on private security contractors

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83558

http://bit.ly/Lblct2

Liberia: MPs 'confirm presence of Ivorian training bases'

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83511

http://bit.ly/PNDQyz

Mali: AU voices concern

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83596

http://bit.ly/SvsRre

Mali: West African leaders urge international military intervention

2012-07-10

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83512

http://bit.ly/LMKoYd

Somalia: Fighter jets target Al Shabaab in southern Somalia

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83595

http://bit.ly/M0zEpq

Somalia: Tens of thousands need food aid in Somaliland

2012-07-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83606

http://bit.ly/NvKg3i

Uganda: Brief nine of National Reconciliation and Transitional Justice Audit 2012 available

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/83590

http://bit.ly/KeeYKM

Africa: Walking directions for Google maps launched

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/83581

http://bit.ly/LRF4CQ

Global: Copyright and the digital divide

2012-07-12

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/83566

http://bit.ly/NqGXFo

Art for Humanity July newsletter

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/enewsl/83589

Register for the XII International Colloquium on Human Rights

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/83584

http://bit.ly/PWHHZ6

Advocacy and Human Rights Defence Manager

Sex Workers Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT)

2012-07-15

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/83591

It also engages in policy activities to promote the recognition and protection of sex work as to legitimate work, and also leads a civil society campaign to calling for the decriminalisation of sex work in South Africa.

Our work is informed by a human rights approach and feminist and development models and theories, in which the leadership, agency and decisions of sex workers are encouraged and respected.

The incumbent will be responsible for implementation of the Advocacy Programme and will be responsible for advocating and lobbying for changes / legal reform in laws and policies affecting sex workers in South Africa. The primary focus of this job is to manage the Decriminalisation of Sex Work Campaign, which involves -
1. Coordinating parliamentary lobbying engagements and correspondence with parliamentarians and influential players in government and civil society
2. Managing a team of staff and coordinating a civil society working group which contributes to the campaign
3. Identifying and managing emergent strategic opportunities to push the campaign forward
4. Formulating and managing media strategy, including monitoring and media responses

The second aspect of the incumbent’s work is to co-manage a human rights defence programme which seeks to facilitate the defence of sex worker human rights. This work includes-
1. Managing day- to-day reports of violations,
2. Documenting and monitoring trends in human rights violations and using these for advocacy follow up
3. Facilitating sex workers’ consciousness building, skills and knowledge to strengthen capacity to defend their human rights
4. Partnering with legal assistance organisations to provide legal redress for violations
5. Participating in the provision of human rights defence in other provinces and supporting other organisations to participate in human rights defence.

The Position is a Management level and involves-
1. The supervision of at least 2 staff members
2. Participation in management activities, processes and decisions.

Qualifications:
· A relevant degree in humanities and/or law
· At least 5 years of experience of working in the non-profit field (with gender/women, health or human rights)
· Experience in working with sex workers
· Knowledge of the law (demonstrated in academic or experiential terms) and especially as it pertains to sex work
· Demonstrated ability to write and articulate human rights arguments
· Management Level experience and supervision of others
· Experience and knowledge in policy level processes and human rights defence processes highly advantageous Must be computer literate and able to communicate effectively through information technology
· Good Networking skills and ability to form and use strategic alliances

Highly advantageous:
· Civil society campaign skills and experience
· Media advocacy skills
· Previous experience advocating for rights of minority groups
· Must be able to strategise and implement the components of the Advocacy Strategic Plan as well as constant revision thereof according to operational requirements;

Must be goal and results orientated; including the ability to produce work within agreed upon time frames so that output targets are met;

Please send applications on or before the 24th July 2012 at 5 p.m. to:

The Director, 19 Anson Street, Observatory, Cape Town, 7945.
P.O. Box 373, Woodstock, 7915.
Or send your application via email to: sallys@sweat.org.za

Your application must include a cover letter indicating your suitability for the post as per job requirements, and at least 2 recent, contactable references. Please note that late applications will not be accepted and only shortlisted applicants will be notified. We reserve the right not to make an appointment.

Fahamu