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EQUATORIAL GUINEA THIRTY-FOUR YEARS AFTER INDEPENDENCE

Dr. Adolfo Obiang Biko

2002-05-16

http://www.equatorialguinea-monalige.com

On the west coast of Africa a small country about the size of Belgium was blessed by God with a wealth of natural resources. It had fertile soil, ample rainfall, an abundance of fish in its rivers and the ocean, and mineral deposits, including the recently discovered oil. With a very small population of only 500,000 people there should have been no limit to the well-being and prosperity of its citizens.

But nature and history are often at odds with each other. There are misunderstandings and missed opportunities which affect the rise and fall of an aspiring population.

Equatorial Guinea was a Spanish colony for over two centuries. It grew into a thriving economic center with trade dominated by its superb cacao and fruit and exotic wood species which were much desired in Europe and beyond. The Spanish colonialists were the masters and the native inhabitants were the workers who toiled in conditions of slavery and abuse. The introduction of Catholicism and the education of children under the auspices of the church was a strong institution bonding masters and slaves.

In the 1950s the concept of freedom and self-government was sweeping across Africa. The liberation movement of former Spanish Guinea came to fruition in 1968 after negotiations in the United Nations. I am proud to have been a participant in the struggle and a signer of the Articles of Independence at the U. N.

As a result of unfortunate political manipulations at the time Francisco Macias Nguema became the first native ruler of our new country. It was the start of a barbaric tyranny parallel to the regime of despot Idi Amin Dada in Uganda. In Guinea, in addition to the assassination of 80,000 innocent civilians, Nguema's regime declared war on religion and desecrated the Holy Sacrament publicly. It jailed and executed priests and religious men and women, closed all churches, transforming some into cacao warehouses and others into dancing saloons. It banned any religious worshipping and officially declared Nguema God and "Creator of Equatorial Guinea". The colonial structure, cruel as it was, had broken down and was replaced by selfish and malicious tyranny.

Macias Nguema dedicated himself to pagan practices and traditional voodoo rituals, including cannibalistic practices, and ended up in mental and physical deterioration and eventual "disappearance" choreographed by a "family arrangement". Following the undemocratic tradition of his Mongomo tribe, succession was determined by declaration of the Mongomonos for Macias's nephew Teodoro rather than by public voting. His qualifications and prerequisites for the job: malicious murderer-executioner and chief enforcer of Macias' perverted practices.

A third of the Guinean population lives in exile still today, afraid of the tyrannical regime which has continued under the leadership of Nguema's nephew, Teodoro Obiang Nguema. In Uganda and some other African former colonies there have been some changes in rulership, but the people of Equatorial Guinea still suffer under the family regime which began thirty-four years ago. As the people say with rage, "The same dogs with different collars".

Seeking to sanctify his reign Teodoro Obiang Nguema arranged pseudo-elections, which violated his own erratic Fundamental Law of the country. In the 1996 "election", competing alone, he was victorious with 99.00% of those voting.

Teodoro has been industrious and lucky. He, with the conspiracy of family members, developed relationships with drug producing countries, especially those of southwestern Asia, leading to Guinea's predominance as a major world drug transshipment center. From Guinea's strategic location on the coast with numerous islands it has open-water access to Europe and the United States. The income from this lucrative businesshas maintained him in comfort.

In the recent half-decade the discovery and extraction of oil onshore and offshore has led to the nickname "the new Kuwait". ExxonMobil, Trident and other world-class oil companies have invested billions in exploration and extraction rights. It has provided a leap in income for the extended ruling family, but the bounty has not trickled down to its citizens who remain subject to torture and execution. The situation of the oil companies is a ticklish one since they want the business rights but don't want to appear to be supporting a corrupt regime. Regarding recent inhuman condition Amnesty International stated in April, 2002:

"International monitoring in Equatorial Guinea is essential, especially now when human violations are still being perpetrated, including the incomunicado detention for a month of more than fifty suspects who are at risk of being tortured to death...The fact that the families are being denied access to their relatives and that nobody knows where they are currently being held has led to fears that some of them may already have died under torture. The relatives have publicly expressed their fears that these persons might have been killed while in detention".

Mr. Gustavo Gallon, the Special Representative of the UN Commission on Human Rights, wrote in his January 2002 report:

"The human rights situation in Equatorial Guinea has been a matter of concern to the Commission on Human Rights for longer than that of any other country. The situation of rights in that country should continue to be monitored in order to ensure the implement the recommendations repeatedly made by the Commission over the last 20 years".

Despite numerous visits to the Mayo Clinic in the U.S. Teodoro has been in failing health for years and the question of his successor is now an urgent one for the country. His sons have already assumed major duties. The possibility of a free and fair democratic election seems remote without pressures from and international governments and human rights institutions.

The history and current situation of my country, outlined briefly above, are dealt with in detail in my recent book, Equatorial Guinea: From Spanish Colonialism to the Discovery of Oil, which is my legacy to my beloved people. My hopes for my country are strong and I will continue to expose and plead and educate so that Equatorial Guinea will one day have the future nature seems to have intended for it.

Dr. Adolfo Obiang Biko is President of MONALIGE, author of the book Equatorial Guinea: from Spanish Colonialism to the Discovery of Oil, and the presidential candidate for MONALIGE in the forthcoming elections in Equatorial Guinea in 2003.

Amnesty International Report: Equatorial Guinea: The UN Commission on Human rights must act in the interest of human rights, April 2002. http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AFR240042002?OpenDocument&of=COUNTRIESEQUATORIAL+GUINEA

OPEN PETITION TO STATE PRESIDENT BAKILI MULUZI

SANJIKA PALACE, BLANTYRE

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/7621

We, concerned Malawians living in South Africa, petition Your Excellency, President Dr. Bakili Muluzi on matters raised below on the basis of the oath of office you took in promising to uphold and defend the Malawi Republican Constitution at all times. Malawians entrusted you with the responsibility of providing them with leadership that is founded on natural justice, human rights and democratic governance. We recognize that it is also our patriotic duty to bring to your attention those issues that impact on national integrity and survival of Malawi as a nation.

Your Excellency, as you may be aware, Malawi is besieged by political conflict and uncertainty that is negatively impacting on the SADC region in realizing the goals of New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and thereby damaging the investor confidence that the region desperately needs.

You are aware that there is a campaign going on in Malawi on, your behalf, calling for the Malawi Republican Constitution to be amended to allow you to run for a third presidential term of office. We know that you have said nothing on the matter despite the negative effects of uncertainty that this campaign is creating. The uncertainty and hopelessness that has gripped Malawi today as a result of the political campaign that your political party is waging has a negative effect on the country and the region. Additionally, Malawi experiences political instability that robs Malawians of unity required galvanizing patriotic efforts by citizens to move their country forward.
Malawi Constitutional Forum
South Africa Chapter
P.O Box 584, Newtown, Johannesburg 2113

14 May 2002


OPEN PETITION TO STATE PRESIDENT BAKILI MULUZI
SANJIKA PALACE, BLANTYRE

We, concerned Malawians living in South Africa, petition Your Excellency, President Dr. Bakili Muluzi on matters raised below on the basis of the oath of office you took in promising to uphold and defend the Malawi Republican Constitution at all times. Malawians entrusted you with the responsibility of providing them with leadership that is founded on natural justice, human rights and democratic governance. We recognize that it is also our patriotic duty to bring to your attention those issues that impact on national integrity and survival of Malawi as a nation.

Your Excellency, as you may be aware, Malawi is besieged by political conflict and uncertainty that is negatively impacting on the SADC region in realizing the goals of New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and thereby damaging the investor confidence that the region desperately needs.

You are aware that there is a campaign going on in Malawi on, your behalf, calling for the Malawi Republican Constitution to be amended to allow you to run for a third presidential term of office. We know that you have said nothing on the matter despite the negative effects of uncertainty that this campaign is creating. The uncertainty and hopelessness that has gripped Malawi today as a result of the political campaign that your political party is waging has a negative effect on the country and the region. Additionally, Malawi experiences political instability that robs Malawians of unity required galvanizing patriotic efforts by citizens to move their country forward.

We would, as empowered by the constitution, demand that you stop this uncertainty by declaring that you shall not change the constitution to suit personal gain but preserve it in line with your oath of office. Of great concern are your systematic efforts in eroding the value and integrity of the Republican Constitution through scrupulous amendments to suit you personally and thereby usurping the people’s power. We further register concern at your manipulation of the Legislature and intimidation of the Judiciary against the constitutional principle of separation of power. We highlight some of the concerns that have characterized your administration.

1. We would petition you to preserve the integrity of the office of the president of Malawi by acting in a manner that would not bring about national embarrassment. Going against the progressive thinking that advocates for transparent and accountable government in SADC, Malawi is now popularly known for lawlessness, intolerance, exclusion, corruption and state terrorism.

2 Your members of Parliament recently passed a controversial motion, which impeached three High Court Judges. As president of Malawi and leader of your party you could have stopped such blatant interference with the independence of the Judiciary. The findings of the inquiry, which you commissioned following the impeachment, have not been made public. Malawians view these acts as pure political tactics by the Executive wing of your government to re-introduce dictatorship through the neutralization of the independence of the Judiciary. Lack of independence in the Judiciary would bring forth injustice such as that which often creates political conflicts. We petition you to stop the intimidation that subordinates the Judiciary to the Executive wing as led by yourself.


3 Hospital statistics have revealed that over 5,700 Malawians have over the past three months died from malnutrition related diseases as a direct result of a clear error of judgment by Malawi government when they looted the National Strategic Grain Reserves and sold a reported 167,000 metric tones of maize to Kenya in order to create a deliberate food shortage that would benefit the unscrupulous businessmen in your cabinet. Malawians demand that the government account for the proceeds of the 167,000 metric tons and urgently replenish the Strategic Grain Reserves as a matter of honor and restore the human dignity of Malawians;


4 Malawians are dismayed with the ever-increasing level of intolerance on the part of the ruling UDF Party. Several attempts by the government to eliminate opposition leaders through the para-military wing of the party have never been investigated by a clearly partisan police force. The beating up of senior clerics like Rev. Kalebe in a mistaken identity for Bishop Tengatenga; and the death of Sheik Bugdad El Banna of the Sunni Muslim Council of Malawi after being assaulted by the so called Young Democrats now believed to be armed, are a measure of intolerance unprecedented in Malawi’s political history. The beating up of Chief Wimbe by UDF Party’s armed wing at a public rally in Kasungu, and in your full view; the killing in custody of a popular local musician whose only crime was to sing a song uncomplimentary to the government are some but a few on the gruesome list of atrocities being committed either with or without your knowledge. Malawians therefore demand that you make a public condemnation of these terrorist actions, which now remind the nation of the famous Malawi Young Pioneers.


5 Malawi’s economy is on the brink of collapse through mismanagement and corruption, which has now permeated all levels of government and society at large. As a result of this, Balance of Payment support which Malawi receives from donors as well as bi-lateral aid arrangements have since all been frozen save for token disbursements to avoid an economic calamity. Malawians therefore demand that you, as President stop the looting of the economy by dismissing all those in your cabinet, who have been involved in serious corruption that has in turn eroded both investor confidence and donor support in Malawi’s development efforts

6 Your party cadres murdered Charles Waya, a young man from Bvumbwe. Evidence proving an existence of conspiracy to cover up this atrocity exists and is buttressed by the unwillingness by the government to investigate the matter. Malawians are reminded of the brutality of Youth Leaguers of the old Malawi Congress Party by the terrorist attacks which the UDF armed wing continues to carry out on an increasing number of people in order that they promulgate their decadent values of one party dictatorship


In the spirit of nation of building, we hope that Your Excellency will pay urgent attention to these matters that are gripping the country and get the nation back on track for sustainable development. We further hope that you will accord Malawians freedom of assembly and association that they are now being denied.

GOD BLESS MALAWI.

For and behalf the petitioners:


Signed:

The Bushmen: Take Action

2002-05-16

http://www.survival-international.org/bushman%20action.htm

Time and again, writing letters to those in power has proved to be one of the most effective tools for securing concrete change for tribal peoples. Survival letter-writing campaigns have helped tribal peoples win recognition of their land rights, put an end to logging or mining on their land, or halt government violence and oppression.

Your letter really can make a difference to the Gana and Gwi Bushmen. Please write a brief and polite letter or fax (in English, Setswana, or your own language), including the following points:

The Botswana government is ignoring international law by failing to recognise the Gana and Gwi's ownership rights over the land they have traditionally lived on and used.
Services on which the Gana and Gwi Bushmen have become dependent should be maintained – the cost is not prohibitive and the European Union has offered to fund it.
The Gana and Gwi Bushmen have the right to decide for themselves how they want to live – they are not 'primitive' simply because they are hunters.
Please send your letter to:

The Hon F G Mogae
President of the Republic
Private Bag 001
Gaborone
Botswana

Zimbabwe: Urgent Action Needed

2002-05-16

http://www.stoptorture.org/urgent/index.php

Dozens of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters and perceived supporters, have been abducted and sometimes "disappeared" in what appears to be a systematic campaign of intimidation against government opponents. MDC polling agents and other members of the party structure remain at high risk of attack from state-sponsored militia, which include veterans of the liberation war that led to independence in 1980.

Zimbabwean election regulations required that the names and addresses of MDC polling agents and other members of the party structure had to be printed in newspapers, and reports confirm that the militia are using these lists to target their attacks and abductions. Sign the Amnesty petition online.

Malawi and southern African food emergency

2002-05-16

http://www.anglia.ac.uk/geography/radix/malawi.htm

RADIX has just begun to develop a page devoted to the current food emergency in southern Africa. We would welcome any materials (brief comments, reports on work-in-progress, suggestions of web links, electronic reprints of good background essays, etc.) from anyone and everyone. We are particularly interested, from both scholarly and humanitarian points of view, in the differences between 1991 and 2002. The earlier event amounts to a 'success story' in drought mitigation and prevention of famine. A preliminary analysis suggests three sets of differences:
Stresses: more numerous and severe in their interactions this time (HIV-AIDS, cholera, flood followed by drought, standing crops damaged by hungry mega fauna/ stolen by hungry thieves, mismanagement of stored food reserves, deterioration of democratic governance, level of corruption) Regional cooperation: possibly less vigorous SADC level activity (could this be because of tensions due to members taking different sides in the conflict in Congo?)
International response: slower (?) (Are there signs of 'compassion fatigue'? or distraction by Afghanistan and the Middle East? or reluctance to provide aid to regimes seen as corrupt?).
Among the countries currently included in WFP bulletins on the food emergency (Malawi, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Lesotho, Swaziland, and Mozambique), there are very great differences in terms of history, political economy, political ecology, regime stability and credibility. Nevertheless, the composite factors give rise to concern that this time around more lives could be lost (400% rise in the price of maize in Malawi in the face of which many of the rural poor who have already sold off all assets simply starve). Another question is why Botswana appears to be escaping the current crisis. We are also particularly interested in what happened to the large number on NGO initiatives in this region in the early 1990s that were designed to build local capacity to cope with drought and other hazards. Have some been successful? Is the current crisis simply too large for these to provide much protection or resilience? Are women faring much better this time around? (Megan Vaughan's book on the 1949-50 famine in Malawi -- then Nyasaland -- provides an excellent baseline study of gender and famine: The Story of an African Famine, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). We invite comments in this discussion list and also contributions of documents for posting on the RADIX web site addresses to bwisner@igc.org or m.h.fordham@anglia.ac.uk

Re: LAGOS BOMB EXPLOSION

Tola Olujuwon

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/7620

Good day to you.I saw this in pambazuka's edition and I decide to react toit.I am a Nigerian based in Lagos and I am aware of efforts of Government and agencies on the bomb explosion in Lagos.The only co-ordinating groups known is the office of the Secretary to the Government of Nigeria and the Governor of Lagos State.However some agencies like the Nigerian Red Cross Society,the Salvation Army and Some Major Newspapers and TV stations,got some relief materials which I believe were handed over to Govt and the Red Cross and these were in the news.Some NGOs set up rehabilitation and counselling services at the camps provided by govt.

The below organisation could be another scam and it should be disregarded in its entirety.All donations if any should be addressed to The Federal Government of Nigeria or the Governor of Lagos State.I am not aware of any agency being set up by Govt apart from the existing ones and I have not seen or hear any NGO soliciting for funds for the victims.

Please disregard these jokers.

WEST AFRICA: ICRC and artists to raise rights awareness

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/books/7475

The regional delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and seven West African artists have launched a music album titled 'Man is Man's remedy' that aims to raise awareness of basic principles of humanitarian law. The 8-track, non-commercial album, launched on Wednesday in Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire, was a collaborative work of four artists from Cote d'Ivoire, Assy Kywah of Benin, Sonia Carre d'as of Burkina Faso and Dama Damwuzan of Togo. Apart from a plea "to give back a little humanity to those who have lost it" in the title track, they also sing of child-soldiers, anti-personnel mines, small arms trafficking, women in war, prisoners, displacement, and respect for civilians during conflict.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

WEST AFRICA: ICRC and artists to raise rights awareness

ABIDJAN, 9 May (IRIN) - The regional delegation of the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and seven West African artists have
launched a music album titled 'Man is Man's remedy' that aims to raise
awareness of basic principles of humanitarian law.

The 8-track, non-commercial album, launched on Wednesday in Abidjan, Cote
d'Ivoire, was a collaborative work of four artists from Cote d'Ivoire, Assy
Kywah of Benin, Sonia Carre d'as of Burkina Faso and Dama Damwuzan of Togo.
Apart from a plea "to give back a little humanity to those who have lost it"
in the title track, they also sing of child-soldiers, anti-personnel mines,
small arms trafficking, women in war, prisoners, displacement, and respect
for civilians during conflict.

The ICRC project coordinator, Simon Pluess, said music was chosen because of
the region's strong oral tradition and because musicians were "mouth-pieces"
of their communities. The artists were also known to highlight social issues
in their respective careers.

The album, an arrangement of popular West African rhythms and beats, and
sang in French and other traditional dialects, will first target West
Africa. ICRC plans to eventually avail the album to other francophone
countries, Pluess told IRIN.

Ivorian reggae singer Kajeem who has taken part in other pro-bono projects,
said he joined the project because musicians, and artists in general, have a
greater responsibility than making people dance and earning money. Artists,
he told IRIN, can contribute to Africa's peace and development.

The album will shortly be launched in Burkina Faso, Togo, and Benin. Its
original French title is 'L'Homme, un remede pour l'Homme'.



[ENDS]

IRIN-WA
Tel: +225 22-40-4440
Fax: +225 22-41-9339
Email: IRIN-WA@irin.ci
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Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Women Build Africa 2002

Traveling Exhibition - West Africa

2002-05-16

http://www.africancolours.com/?content/womenbuilders.html

Women Build Africa is a narrative of women organizing for change. The exhibit, 200 m2 in dimension is divided into three zones. The introductory zone The Thousand Faces of Women provides a perspective on the intricate role played by women with regards to the values and practices of their society and the way in which women preserve and pass down their knowledge and know-how from generation to generation. The zone Nurturers and Innovators showcases the nature, diversity and importance of women's involvement in economic development. In the third zone Building the Future visitors are invited to reflect on the progress that must be accomplished in order to enable women in Africa to achieve political, economic and social emancipation. The exhibition underlines the importance of education, central to any strategy promoting women's rights and economic development, and their contribution to peace building. It advocates for mutually empoweing gender relations and increased efforts to create a legislative environment that provides women with acces to key assets such as land and credit. It ends on a positive note by highlighting networks of solidarity that are created between women world-wide and efforts at capacity building and empowerment.

Call for Articles for Women in Action

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/7547

Isis International-Manila is coming out with the second issue for 2002 of its magazine, Women in Action, with the theme, "Women and Communication." Deadline for submissions for Issue No. 2-2002 is June 30, 2002.
Call for Articles for Women in Action (WIA) No. 2, 2002

Isis International-Manila is coming out with the second issue for 2002 of
its magazine, Women in Action, with the theme, "Women and Communication."

We welcome articles on any of the following topics:
1. Debates on digitalisation of media - Is digital technology a parasite
because it can not stand alone and is attached to other media like print,
radio, TV? Can digital technology be considered a new medium?

2. How are the new information and communication technologies (ICT) used by
civil society? Success stories on the use of the new ICTs in pushing
forward the agenda of civil society

3. Access to communication as a human rights/development index issue

4. Issues and debates on the right to communicate being integral to human
rights

5. Issues and debates on internet rights

6. Women's access and participation in ICT

7. What is the Southern perspective and/or analysis on women and
communication?

8. Examination or investigation of who is funding communication projects
with civil society

9. How can Internet Service or Access Providers, software and hardware
developers, computer dealers, operators of Internet cafes and other
computer-related businesses incorporate social responsibility in their
operations?

10. Case studies of alternative communication models (ex. telecentres,
community radio)

11. Models of convergence of mainstream communication technologies and new
ICTs

You may also suggest topics related to the ones enumerated above.

Articles should be within 1,500 - 2,000 word range. Deadline for
submissions
for Issue No. 2-2002 is June 30, 2002. We provide a modest honorarium for
articles that get published.

You may submit your articles by regular post, fax or e-mail to:

Irene R. Chia
Media and InfoCom Services Programme Associate
Isis International-Manila
Street address: 3 Marunong St., Bgy. Central, Quezon City 1100, Philippines
Fax: (63-2) 924-1065
E-mail: irene@isiswomen.org, cc: communications@isiswomen.org

and/or

Lalaine Viado
Issue Co-coordinator
Women in Action
E-mail: lalaine@isiswomen.org






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WOUGNET-L is hosted on Kabissa - Space for change in Africa
To post, write to: WOUGNET-L@wougnet.org
WOUGNET-L website: http://www.lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/wougnet-l
Information about WOUGNET: http://www.wougnet.org

Call for materials: Information Access for Rural Women

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/7520

Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET) invites you to participate in an online
conference on Information Access for Rural Women and contribute material you may have that is relevant to the subject of information access for rural women. This material could be in the form of reports or articles on your activities in the area or links to relevant sections of your website. Information, communication and entertainment are as critical for rural living as they are for urban living, and indeed there is increasing demand for information and communication equipment and services in rural areas.
Subject: [wougnet] Call for materials: Information Access for Rural Women

Hi everyone,

In preparation for the online conference on Information Access for Rural
Women,
I would like to invite you to contribute material you may have that is
relevant
to the subject of information access for rural women. This material could be
in
the form of reports or articles on your activities in the area or links to
relevant sections of your website, and can address issues such as:
- rural women sharing/disseminating their knowledge
- information needs for rural women
- means of information exchange/dissemination, eg. radio, rural information
centers
- setup and management of rural information centers
- impacts of ICTs on rural women
- engaging women in rural ICT initiatives

Material submitted will be made available online via the Conference webpage
at
http://www.wougnet.org/Events/iarw.html

I would also like to encourage everyone's participation at the conference.
If
you have not registered already, below is information about the conference
as
well as a conference registration form.

Happy to answer any further questions you may have.

Regards,

Dorothy


===============================

Online Conference: Information Access for Rural Women
June 3 - 21, 2002


Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET) invites you to participate in an online
conference on Information Access for Rural Women. Information, communication
and entertainment are as critical for rural living as they are for urban
living, and indeed there is increasing demand for information and
communication
equipment and services in rural areas. However, major challenges exist in
terms
of available means of information access and dissemination as well as how to
operate the audio-visual systems used in rural areas.


Conference Objective:
Facilitate the exchange of ideas and experiences on information access for
rural women.


Conference Participation:
Participation in the online conference is open to everyone. The conference
will
be email-based.


Conference Language:
The primary language of the conference is English. Limited English/French
translation will be available, including translation of conference
facilitation
messages as well as translation of the weekly summaries and final report of
the
conference.


Conference Outline:

Week 1: June 3-7
Rural information centers: Description/components of centers. What channels
are
used to distribute information. Goal/objectives for the setup of the rural
information centers. Size of target audience for information center.
Experience
in setting up of information centers. What is used to power equipment -
electricity, solar power, etc.

Week 2: June 10-14
Challenges/Difficulties of setting up and maintaining rural information
centers: Access to/dissemination of relevant information. Usage of center by
target audience. How is center staffed - paid staff, volunteers, etc. How
information dissemination has helped local organisations and community
groups
achieve their goals.

Week 3: June 17-21
Lessons learnt/Best practices and recommendations.



Conference Output:
1. Weekly summaries of the conference proceedings
2. Report on the conference proceedings to be presented at the KnowHow
Conference Kampala. For more information about the KnowHow Conference, visit
http://knowhow.isis.or.ug


Contact information:
For additional information, contact ruralwomen@wougnet.org or visit:
http://www.wougnet.org/Events/iarw.html (English)
http://www.wougnet.org/Events/iarw_fr.html (French)


Thank you.

Dorothy Okello
Coordinator, WOUGNET


########################

CONFERENCE REGISTRATION

To register for the conference, complete all fields of the form below. Send
completed form to ruralwomen@wougnet.org


First Name:

Last Name:

Sex:

Email Address :

Country:

Reasons for wanting to participate in this conference:



###############################




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WOUGNET-L is hosted on Kabissa - Space for change in Africa
To post, write to: WOUGNET-L@wougnet.org
WOUGNET-L website: http://www.lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/wougnet-l
Information about WOUGNET: http://www.wougnet.org

Draft protocol on Women's Rights

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/7521

The Experts/Ministerial meeting on the Draft Protocol women's human rights to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights has been postponed for the second time because only 4 Ministers had confirmed their participation. We need to continue lobbying our governments at national level especially ministries of gender and justice and gender desks of regional economic communities and encourage them to participate to ensure that it is postponed again.
Hi everyone,

Following is a message from FEMNET regarding the Draft Protocol women's
human
rights to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. As mentioned in
the
note below, a number of documents are available:
- Amendments to the protocol by Florence Butegwa, UNIFEM and Chidi Odinkalu,
Interights
- Comments to the protocol from different groups and individuals (about 7
separate documents)

If you are interested in receiving copies, please send me a note at
dokello@wougnet.org

Regards,

Dorothy



----- Forwarded message from FEMNET <femnet@africaonline.co.ke> -----
Date: Fri, 10 May 2002 18:19:08 +0300
From: FEMNET <femnet@africaonline.co.ke>
Subject: Draft protocol on Women's Rights


Dear Colleagues,

The Experts/Ministerial meeting on the Draft Protocol women's human rights
to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights has been postponed for
the second time because only 4 Ministers had confirmed their participation.
We need to continue lobbying our governments at national level especially
ministries of gender and justice and gender desks of regional economic
communities and encourage them to participate to ensure that it is postponed
again.

A discussion has been going on electronically and some concrete decisions
have been reached so far. We would like to share this with you so that you
can use it in lobbying and also send in your comments.

Our efforts are directed at achieving a strong protocol that will protect
the human rights of women in Africa.

Attached, please find the amendments reached summarised by Florence Butegwa,
UNIFEM and Chidi Odinkalu, Interights. Their efforts and commitment in
streghening women's human rights in Africa are highly appreciated.

I will forward comments from which they were derived in the next mail to
avoid clogging your mail. For those who have already received them before
please bear with me.

Thank you.

Sincerely

Mary Wandia

Advocacy Officer

African Women's Development and Communications Network (FEMNET)
P. O. Box 54562, Nairobi, Kenya.
Tel: +254 2 3741301/20
Fax: +254 2 3742927
E-mail: femnet@africaonline.co.ke
Website: http://www.africaonline.co.ke/femnet


FEMNET aims to strengthen the role and contribution of African NGO's
focussing on women's development equality and other human rights, through
communications, networking, training and advocacy.





---
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Information about WOUGNET: http://www.wougnet.org

Global: Gender Equity Takes Center Stage at UN "Children's Summit"

2002-05-16

http://www.learningchannel.org/front.shtml

Ensuring equal opportunities for girls in education is the key to achieving social and economic gains in developing countries, delegates declared on the opening day of the United Nations "Children's Summit" in New York Wednesday.

HIV/Aids Crisis Caused by Gender Imbalance

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/7511

GENDER inequality is the root of the AIDS crisis, a conference on HIV/AIDS held in Kampala over the weekend, was told. The recent trends show more women becoming infected at a very early age. The conference also heard that HIV/AIDS will surpass the bubonic plague as history's worst pandemic.
HIV/Aids Crisis Caused by Gender Imbalance / By Milton Olupot.

* ?Crisis de VIH/SIDA causada por desigualdad de género / por: Milton
Olupot.
Voir: http://ww2.aegis.org/news/nv/2002/NV020311.html

* « Crise de VIH/SIDA causée par inégalités entre les sexes » / par : Milton
Olupot. Voir: http://ww2.aegis.org/news/nv/2002/NV020311.html


New Vision (Kampala) - March 13, 2002
GENDER inequality is the root of the AIDS crisis, a conference on HIV/AIDS
held in Kampala over the weekend, was told. The recent trends show more
women
becoming infected at a very early age. The conference also heard that
HIV/AIDS will surpass the bubonic plague as history's worst pandemic. The
Hunger Project chief, Ms. Joan Holmes, said if the 40 million people living
with HIV or AIDS do not get life-prolonging drugs, AIDS will surpass the
bubonic plague. Presenting the basic facts on AIDS at the two-day meeting at
the International Conference Centre, Holmes said AIDS has become the most
devastating disease humankind has ever faced and experts predict that the
worst is still to come. She said the cumulative number of people estimated
to
be infected with HIV worldwide is over 60 million since the beginning of the
pandemic and almost 50% of them got infected before the age of 25. The
report
says most of the infected people will die before their 35th birthday, while
95% of the new infections are in the world's poorest countries where the
ability to provide prevention and care is limited. Eight African countries
took part in the conference, under the theme, "AIDS and gender inequality:
Action at the grassroots." They included Benin, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Malawi,
Mozambique, Senegal, Zimbabwe and Uganda.

Source: AEGIS March 13, 2002 http://ww2.aegis.org/news/nv/2002/NV020311.html

International: Always a 'Lose-Lose' Situation for Women in a Male Dominated Society

2002-05-16

http://www2.womensnet.org.za/news/show.cfm?news_id=939

Women in many Asian, African and may be in Europe and America, have similar never ending stories, full of pain and sorrows. The more women compromise, the more men take advantage of them. The more they give, the more men take from them physically, mentally and spiritually. This is the never-ending situation for women of a male dominating society.

International: Call for Gender Parity at the ICC

2002-05-16

http://www.iccwomen.org/icc/60ratifications/index.htm

Women's Caucus for Gender Justice is appealing to all concerned groups and individuals to join the campaign for women&#8217;s equal representation in the elected judges of the International Criminal Court, which is due to be operational on 1st of July 2002.

Kenya: Sect Denies It Plans Forced Circumcision

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205060019.html

Members of the controversial Tent of the Living God sect have denied claims that they planned to circumcise women by force. They termed the allegations as malicious.

Kenya: What About Battered Husbands?

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130432.html

The first reaction upon hearing about the topic of battered men, for many people, is that of incredulity. Author David Gross writes, "Battered husbands are a topic for jokes - such as the cartoon image of a woman chasing her husband with a rolling-pin."

Nigeria: Sheikh Warns Muslim Women Against Politics

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205120177.html

As more women clamour for political offices in the forthcoming elections, an Islamic scholar in Bauchi has warned muslim women against participating in partisan politics.

The Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Girls

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/7524

The nature of armed conflicts changed dramatically during the latter half of the twentieth century, with casualties among civilians increasingly outnumbering those of military personnel. Women and girls became especially vulnerable in such conflicts. Because of this, significant ethical, analytical and operational challenges have emerged for the United Nations system, not least for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). One of the most critical challenges is the need to develop integrated, gender-sensitive strategies and programme interventions for addressing conflict situations.
Conference Report: "Women and Conflict - The Impact of Armed Conflict on
Women and Girls".

* Informe de Conferencia (en inglés): ?Mujeres y el Conflicto - El Impacto
de
Conflicto Armado sobre Mujeres y Niñas?. Visite la página Web siguiente:
http://www.unfpa.org/publications/armedconflict_women.pdf

* Rapport de conférence (en anglais): « Femmes et conflit - l?impacte des
conflits armés sur femmes et filles ». Veuillez visiter la page Web :
http://www.unfpa.org/publications/armedconflict_women.pdf


A Consultative Meeting on Mainstreaming Gender in Areas of Conflict and
Reconstruction Bratislava, Slovakia 13-15 November 2001. The nature of armed
conflicts changed dramatically during the latter half of the twentieth
century, with casualties among civilians increasingly outnumbering those of
military personnel. Women and girls became especially vulnerable in such
conflicts. Because of this, significant ethical, analytical and
operational challenges have emerged for the United Nations system, not least
for the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). One of the most critical
challenges is the need to develop integrated, gender-sensitive strategies
and
programme interventions for addressing conflict situations.

For the full report, please visit:
http://www.unfpa.org/publications/armedconflict_women.pdf


* Cross-posted from Gensalud:
http://listserv.paho.org/archives/gensalud.html

Malawi: Kapito's threat draws fire

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/7625

Leader of the National Assembly Harry Thomson has said nobody in the United Democratic Front [ UDF] can force the party's MPs to support a bid to change the Constitution to allow an incumbent President to run for more than two term. He described UDF Regional Governor John Kapito statement that the party would fire MPs who did not support the amendment in Parliament as "emotional."
Thomson, who also noted that MPs have a right to speak their mind, was speaking in an interview. "I think it [Kapito's ] was an emotional statement. MPs will have to do their own soul searching and make their own decisions. You can say anything but you can't force everyone to think the same way," said Thomson.
Kapito's threat draws fire The Nation Wednesday, 15 May, 2002 By Pilirani Semu - Banda and Ephraim Munthali Leader of the National Assembly Harry Thomson has said nobody in the United Democratic Front [ UDF] can force the party's MPs to support a bid to change the Constitution to allow an incumbent President to run for more than two term. He described UDF Regional Governor John Kapito statement that the party would fire MPs who did not support the amendment in Parliament as "emotional."
Thomson, who also noted that MPs have a right to speak their mind, was speaking in an interview. "I think it [Kapito's ] was an emotional statement. MPs will have to do their own soul searching and make their own decisions. You can say anything but you can't force everyone to think the same way," said Thomson.

Thomson said the issue of extending terms of Office for the President has "not yet been discussed " at the Party's National Executive. He also said it cannot be discussed at Cabinet evil because it has nothing to do with Government. Constitutional Lawyer Edge Kanyongolo said in a separate interview Kapito's statement was incorrect and unconstitutional. Kanyongola said according to the Constitution, the only time an MP could be fired is when he has crossed the floor or is associating with another political body.

"MPs don't need to fear. They are free to vote any way they want to," said Kanyongolo. Civil Liberties Committee Executive Director Emme Chanika said people should be allowed to speak on the third term without threats from Leaders. She added that if MPs are threatened they should make dishonest choices that would the President. "Why don't they just leave the people and MPs to debate the issue freely and make free choices?" Queried Chanika. Director of Livingstonia CCAP Synod's Church and Society Programme Moses Mkandawire said MPS should be left to act independently and called Kapito's statement "dictatorial."

At the rally, which was broadcast on MBC, Kapito warned all UDF MPs to support the bid to amend the Constitution to allow the President to run for more than two terms of Office or face the chop." When this issue goes to Parliament all UDF MPs should vote for it or they will be fired from the Party," said Kapito.
said Kapito. But yesterday Kapito backtracked on his rally statement, saying he did not mean to threaten the MPs. "You and I both know that according to Law, a political party cannot fire an MP so how could I have said such a thing? All I said was that UDF Mps are supposed to follow what their Constituents urge them on amending the Constitution to increase terms of Office," said Kapito Kapito, however, said he stood by his declaration that President Bakili Muluzi is the UDF 2004 Candidate, adding that he will repeat that at every Rally he will address.

MALAWI: Third term controversy heats up

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/7474

President Bakili Muluzi has maintained an official
silence over a controversial campaign to change the constitution to allow
him to run for a third term in 2004, but opposition leaders are demanding
that he make his position known.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

MALAWI: Third term controversy heats up

BLANTYRE, 9 May (IRIN) - President Bakili Muluzi has maintained an official
silence over a controversial campaign to change the constitution to allow
him to run for a third term in 2004, but opposition leaders are demanding
that he make his position known.

Since January, Muluzi has held a series of country-wide rallies doling out
development funds, which he describes as "coming to see you to listen to
your problems" visits. Apart from alluding to future plans for the
betterment of the country, he has not referred directly to the hotly
disputed issue of whether he intends to stand for an unconstitutional third
term.

Newly-appointed Minister of Justice and Attorney General Henry Phoya,
recently said there would be no government bill to amend the constitution to
provide for a third term. But some members of the ruling United Democratic
Front (UDF) party have been less reticent. A private members bill is
expected in the next sitting of parliament on 31 May.

Local chiefs, who have been put on the government's payroll, are being
lobbied by the UDF to support a third term. Regional governors, appointed by
Muluzi, have also weighed in with their support for the president.

Over the weekend Southern Malawi governor Davis Kapito told Muluzi at a
rally he addressed in Mulanje, 60 km east of Blantyre, that the country
wanted him to continue as president. "Whether you like it or not, you will
stand again," Kapito told the president in front of thousands of supporters
who attended the rally.

Kapito said members of parliament were free to amend the constitution
because they represented the people. "After all, the people who framed the
constitution were just picked from here and there. They did not represent
the people," he argued.

The UDF has 92 seats in the 193-member parliament, well short of the
two-thirds majority needed for constitutional amendments. However, the two
major opposition parties - the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Alliance
for Democracy (AFORD) - are split. Both have factions that are working with
the government.

The third term issue is debated almost daily in the media. On Tuesday during
a phone-in programme on independent Capital FM radio, nine callers out of 10
said the president should step down at the end of his term of office. Some
said the argument that there was no one better qualified than the incumbent
was the same used by the praise singers during the single party dictatorship
of Kamazu Banda.

The Catholic and Anglican churches, Muslim clerics and several other
organisations have all publically opposed a third term.

Opposition strongman Brown Mpinganjira, who heads the National Democratic
Alliance (NDA) pressure group, has called for a constitutional conference to
discuss the matter.

Mpinganjira, a powerful former minister who was dropped from cabinet last
year on corruption charges, has also suggested that not everybody in the UDF
would like to see Muluzi stand again after his second five-year term expires
in 2004.

"Most curious has been the silence by some UDF heavyweights such as
Vice-President Justin Malewezi, UDF Party Vice-President Aleke Banda [also
agriculture minister], minister Harry Thompson and National Assembly Speaker
Sam Mpasu," Mpinganjira reportedly wrote in a letter to Muluzi on 3 May.

"These four have not voiced out any support for the third term. It may not
be far fetched to conclude that their silence means opposition of the third
term issue," read the letter in part.

Recently, the British High Commission, representing Malawi's biggest single
bilateral donor, warned against rushing to amend the constitution before
wider consultation.


[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Nigeria: Sharia court hands out tough punishment

2002-05-16

http://www.africanconflict.org/article.php?sid=404&mode=&order=0

The BBC is reporting that a man has been condemned to death by stoning by an Islamic (or Sharia) court in northern Nigeria. He was convicted of rape in the northern State of Jigawa. This comes on the heels of the cases of two women who were recently sentenced to death by stoning for adultery but had their sentences reduced largely due to outcry from the international community.

SA and Zimbabwe may clash over unity talks

2002-05-16

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=4293

Pretoria and Harare seemed to be on a collision course last night after the Zimbabwean government unilaterally postponed unity talks between the ruling Zanu PF party and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Sierre Leone: All Sides Satisfied with Peaceful, Transparent Poll

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150291.html

"Free and fair and free of fear and violence," appears to be the consensus on the general elections in Sierra Leone, after Tuesday's enthusiastic voting for a new president, a new parliament and peace after more than ten years of civil war. Sierra Leoneans are congratulating themselves, the United Nations, the British and all those who helped them reach the day when they were able to put a bitter conflict behind them and take the country forward.

Sierre Leone: Voters Look for Landmark Change at the Ballot Box

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130882.html

With this week's elections, Sierra Leoneans are hoping to put behind them the bitter memories and atrocities of more than a decade of brutal civil war. They want to close a page that has sullied their reputation and tarnished their history. It will not be easy. Though fighting has stopped, the political battle continues.

SWAZILAND: Tradition of labour tribute draws fire

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/7472

By tradition, Swazis of all generations and genders show their devotion to their monarchs and fealty to their chiefs by providing labour for chores both practical and symbolic. Recently, the custom has drawn fire from pro-democracy groups, who claim the practice of tribute labour violates human rights.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

SWAZILAND: Tradition of labour tribute draws fire

MBABANE, 9 May (IRIN) - By tradition, Swazis of all generations and genders
show their devotion to their monarchs and fealty to their chiefs by
providing labour for chores both practical and symbolic. Recently, the
custom has drawn fire from pro-democracy groups, who claim the practice of
tribute labour violates human rights.

"It is a form of slave labour," Jan Sithole, secretary-general of the
Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions has told the International Labour
Organisation (ILO).

"Nonsense," replies Prince Mguciso Dlamini, older brother of King Mswati,
sub-Saharan Africa's last hereditary monarch. "The tradition of kuhlehla,
where Swazis participate in a royal project, is being distorted for
political purposes. It is made to seem something that it is not to
outsiders. But Swazis understand and accept the practice."

At the annual ILO conferences in Geneva, Swaziland's labour federation
reported that workers were forced to labour for the palace without
compensation, in violation of international labour protocols signed by the
Swazi government.

"The word is out that in Swaziland the subjects of the king are forced to do
work for the palace," said attorney Fikile Mthembu, who joins Swazi
delegations to international conferences. "I think this is a distortion of a
misunderstood tradition."

"Simply put, kuhlehla, or 'tribute labour', is a way for Swazi warriors to
show their loyalty to His Majesty. They can't die in battle anymore,"
explained Prince Mguciso.

In Swaziland, the state is embodied in the person of the sovereign himself,
King Mswati III, the 16th king from the House of Dlamini that has ruled the
Swazis since the 1500s. Swazis do not distinguish between the nation and the
man, and while the king is not considered divine, he is the central figure
of the month-long sacred Incwala (kingship/harvest) ceremonies held when the
first fruits ripen in summer.

Tens of thousands of Swazis in traditional attire converge on the Queen
Mother's village, and petition the national ancestral spirits to endow the
king with wisdom, and the nation with good rains and fortune.

The semi-religious character of Swazi acceptance of their monarchical system
is reflected in the kuhlehla labour tradition. It is seen as devotional duty
to the ancestral spirits as much as making a political statement in support
of the king.

"I do not believe in the ancestors, because I am a Christian, but there is a
sacred part to warrior duty, the tradition of it," said Samson Mkhonta, a 25
year-old electrician who has undergone the ritual initiation to become a
member of the warrior regiments. "We learn the old skills, like making
cow-hide shields and carving fighting sticks. This is passed down from
generation to generation. To me, that is a sacred thing."

For Chuchuza Dube, a 19 year-old warrior when he is not a university
student: "I feel like a real Swazi when I put on the warrior outfit."

Tribute labour comes in several forms. The majority of Swazis participating
do so voluntarily, countering pro-democracy groups' contention that coercion
is involved. But there are some instances of chiefs forcing their subjects
to attend national ceremonies, which may be justified by custom but lends
support to the critics' assertions.

Twice a year, the warrior regiments assemble at Engabezweni royal residence
to weed the royal sorghum field in January, and harvest the crop in May.
Actual work comprises three hours in the morning, and the rest of the day is
devoted to warrior dances and songs, maintaining the regimental barracks
that are large circular log enclosures fitted with domed grass huts where
the men sleep, and initiating new recruits.

"The warriors last fought in 1879, against the Pedi tribe. Today, the
regiments are like a social club," maintained Balolonja Simelane, a
regimental official whose sons have joined the units of their age mates.

Swazi "maidens" participate in an overnight trek at winter's end to fetch
the eponymous reed umhlanga, that lends its name to the Reed Dance
(Umhlanga) held in tribute to the Queen Mother. Last year, a record 50,000
young women, who by tradition must be unmarried, participated.

"The Reed Dance is particularly important in the age of AIDS because it is
intended to reinforce cultural values like the preservation of virginity,"
said Khosi Dlamini, a counsellor for HIV-positive Swazis.

However, some of Swaziland's 350 chiefs do compel their subjects to do
tribute labour. Northeast of Mbabane, Chief Malume demanded fines of cattle,
the Swazis' traditional currency, from subjects who did not participate in
this year's Incwala pageant.

"There is pressure on the chiefs to deliver a sizable turnout of their
people at national pageants," said one palace observer. "The pro-democracy
pressure groups are not the only ones who are politicising the issue. Some
officials in the royal government want to use large turnouts at national
pageants to show widespread support for the monarchy."

The workers federation in particular objects to compulsory labour at the
chiefs' residences. Chiefs' subjects must build their huts, and weed and
harvest their fields. The federation has listed this duty with the ILO as a
violation of human rights.

Chief's runner (aide) Mandla Hlatwayo defends the tradition. "Swazis are
given free land to homestead under chiefs, and free grazing land for their
cattle. All that is asked is they devote some time to the chief's residence,
which is used for the weekly meetings of the area residents and is the focal
point of the community. But some people are lazy, and they do not wish to
give back to the community. It is right to fine them a goat or a chicken."

Said attorney Mthembu: "An understanding of the subtleties of Swazi tribute
labour is necessary before the system can be condemned wholesale. There are
some localised abuses, but most people volunteer on these community or
nation-building or cultural preservation projects, as a way to show they are
Swazis."

[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

US: Bush's Renunciation of War Crimes Court Assailed

2002-05-16

http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/64

The Bush administration's nullification of the United States signature to the 1998 Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court (ICC) has drawn heavy fire from major U.S. human rights, church, and peace groups as a potentially disastrous precedent certain to alienate Washington's closest allies.

US: Secretary Rumsfeld's statement on the ICC treaty

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/7493

"This administration announced the president's decision to formally notify the United Nations that the United States will not become a party to International Criminal Court treaty. The U.S. declaration, which was delivered to the secretary general this morning, effectively reverses the previous U.S. government decision to become a signatory. The ICC's entry into force on July 1st means that our men and women in uniform-as well as current and future U.S. officials-could be at risk of prosecution by the ICC. We want to make clear that the United States rejects the purported jurisdictional claims of the ICC-and the United States will regard as illegitimate any attempt by the court, or state parties to the treaty, to assert the ICC's jurisdiction over American citizens."
M2 PRESSWIRE
May 8, 2002

Secretary Rumsfeld statement on the ICC treaty

Earlier today, this administration announced the president's
decision to formally notify the United Nations that the United States
will not become a party to International Criminal Court treaty. The
U.S. declaration, which was delivered to the secretary general this
morning, effectively reverses the previous U.S. government decision
to become a signatory.
The ICC's entry into force on July 1st means that our men and women
in uniform-as well as current and future U.S. officials-could be at
risk of prosecution by the ICC. We want to make clear that the United
States rejects the purported jurisdictional claims of the ICC-and the
United States will regard as illegitimate any attempt by the court,
or state parties to the treaty, to assert the ICC's jurisdiction over
American citizens.
The United States has a number of serious objections to the
ICC-among them, the lack of adequate checks and balances on powers of
the ICC prosecutor and judges; the dilution of the U.N. Security
Council's authority over international criminal prosecutions; and the
lack of any effective mechanism to prevent politicized prosecutions
of American servicemembers and officials.
These flaws would be of concern at any time, but they are
particularly troubling in the midst of a difficult, dangerous war on
terrorism. There is the risk that the ICC could attempt to assert
jurisdiction over U.S. servicemembers, as well as civilians, involved
in counter-terrorist and other military operations-something we
cannot allow.
Notwithstanding these objections to the treaty, the United States
respects the decision of those nations that have chosen to join the
ICC. But they, in turn, will need to respect our decision not to join
the ICC or to place our citizens under the jurisdiction of the court.
Unfortunately, the ICC will not respect the U.S. decision to stay
out of the treaty. To the contrary, the ICC provisions claim the
authority to detain and try American citizens-U.S.
soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines, as well as current and future
officials-even though the United States has not given its consent to
be bound by the treaty. When the ICC treaty enters into force this
summer, U.S. citizens will be exposed to the risk of prosecution by a
court that is unaccountable to the American people, and that has no
obligation to respect the Constitutional rights of our citizens. The
United States understandably finds that troubling and unacceptable.
Clearly the existence of an International Criminal Court, which
attempts to claim jurisdiction over our men and women in uniform
stationed around the world, will necessarily complicate U.S. military
cooperation with countries that are parties to the ICC treaty-because
those countries may now incur a treaty obligation to hand over U.S.
nationals to the court, even over U.S. objections. The United States
would consider any such action to be illegitimate.
We obviously intend to avoid such actions. Fortunately there maybe
mechanisms within the treaty by which we can work bilaterally with
friends and allies, to the extent they are willing, to prevent the
jurisdiction of the treaty and thus avoid complications in our
military cooperation. Obviously, countries that have not ratified the
treaty would be under no such obligation to cooperate with the court.
By putting U.S. men and women in uniform at risk of politicized
prosecutions, the ICC could well create a powerful disincentive for
U.S. military engagement in the world. If so, it could be a recipe
for isolationism-something that would be unfortunate for the world,
given that our country is committed to engagement in the world and to
contributing to a more peaceful and stable world.
For a strong deterrent, it is critical that the U.S. be leaning
forward, not back. We must be ready to defend our people, our
interests, and our way of life. We have an obligation to protect our
men and women in uniform from this court and to preserve America's
ability to remain engaged in the world. And we intend to do so.
((M2 Communications Ltd disclaims all liability for information
provided within M2 PressWIRE. Data supplied by named party/parties.
Further information on M2 PressWIRE can be obtained at
http://www.presswire.net on the world wide web. Inquiries to
info@m2.com)).

--
=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=
Ms. Shantha Rau
Information Services Coordinator
NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court

777 UN Plaza 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
USA
Telephone +1 212 687 2176 Faxsimile +1 212 599 1332
Email cicc4@iccnow.org
Web http://www.iccnow.org
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ZAMBIA: Police slammed in new human rights report

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/7483

Zambia's human rights record has been slammed in a new report by a local human rights NGO, with the police coming in for particular criticism. Afronet executive director Ngande Mwanajiti told IRIN their newly released report, entitled 'Zambia Human Rights 2001', found abuses in freedom of association, freedom of expression and misconduct over the organisation of last year's election.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ZAMBIA: Police slammed in new human rights report

JOHANNESBURG, 9 May (IRIN) - Zambia's human rights record has been slammed
in a new report by a local human rights NGO, with the police coming in for
particular criticism.

Afronet executive director Ngande Mwanajiti told IRIN their newly released
report, entitled 'Zambia Human Rights 2001', found abuses in freedom of
association, freedom of expression and misconduct over the organisation of
last year's election.

It also alleged there was a pattern of political assassinations, and
documented grave human rights abuses by the police.

The report, which covers the period between January and December 2001,
documented at least 20 cases of individuals who had been shot by police or
of people dying in suspicious circumstances in police custody.

It focused on the government's rejection of the recommendations of a
commission into torture by Judge Japhet Banda that was critical of the
police.

Banda had investigated allegations of the torture of soldiers arrested after
a failed coup attempt in 1997. He recommended compensation for victims and
that senior police officers retire. The government of then president
Frederick Chiluba rejected both suggestions. Mwanajiti said the fact that
those implicated remained in public office made it difficult to eliminate
police brutality.

"We are also alarmed at the pattern of political assassinations. Last year
Paul Tembo was shot dead in the early hours of the day he was due to testify
in a misappropriation case which had already found one cabinet minister and
two other people guilty," Mwanajiti said.

Tembo was a former campaign manager for Chiluba but had defected to the
opposition Forum for Democracy and Development shortly before his death.

"Zambians also want to reduce the powers of the president," he said. The
current president [Levy Mwanawasa] is the Minister of Defence and the
Commander in Chief of all the armed forced making him the boss of all
government departments that control law and order."

Freedom of expression and the media was a perennial problem, Mwanajiti
added. Despite a lively independent press, the government tried to cripple
the private media by not advertising in their publications and keeping taxes
high.

The reported also cited lack of access to the media during December's
general election.

"Though the government keeps saying it is committed to improving the
situation of the media it seems reluctant to introduce an Information Act
which will guarantee access to information. At the moment draconian rules
and regulations make it difficult for journalists to operate. Currently they
are demoted or threatened if they don't toe the party line," the Afronet
director alleged.

The report slated the 2001 election which brought Mwanawasa to power. "The
Zambian Electoral Commission was extremely hostile to civic organisations.
One of the main concerns was that at least 200,000 people were excluded
because they didn't have the green citizenship card required to register to
vote," said Mwanajiti.

The European Union and the Carter Centre also condemned the 27 December
election as flawed.

"We are going to use the report to challenge the new government to respond
to issues," Mwanajiti said.

[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Zimbabwe ruling party to resume talks with opposition

2002-05-16

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=4292

Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu PF party has canceled negotiations with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), mediated by Nigeria and South Africa. But the MDC has been told by South African and Nigerian diplomats that the dialogue will resume Monday, as planned. Zanu-PF said last week it was postponing talks with the MDC until the outcome of the opposition's challenge to the High Court, alleging widescale vote-rigging in the presidential elections.

Zimbabwe: Mbeki in Last Bid to Save Party Talks

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205160146.html

FACILITATORS of talks between Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU PF and the opposition MDC are now consulting South African President Thabo Mbeki and his Nigerian counterpart Olusegun Obasanjo in a desperate bid to try to save the negotiations from collapse, it was established Wednesday.

Zimbabwe: This is what we do

2002-05-16

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=4283

Zimbabwe is now a country of islands. In some courtrooms, in some businesses, on farms, in some churches, even in the quiet corners of some barracks, decent people do what they can to resist the regime.

Cote d'ivore: Government, UNHCR to Conduct Refugee Census

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205100702.html

The government of Cote d'Ivoire and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees will begin on Saturday their latest census of the country's refugee population. Apart from UNHCR, various UN agencies- UNICEF, WFP, WHO- and the National Statistics Institute are participating in the project, it was announced on Friday.

ERITREA: UNHCR ends refugee status for Eritreans

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/7477

The United Nations is to end the refugee status of hundreds of thousands of Eritreans who have fled decades of fighting in their country, the UN said on Wednesday. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) said they were no longer at risk from war – which has blighted the country for more than 30 years.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ERITREA: UNHCR ends refugee status for Eritreans

NAIROBI, 9 May (IRIN) - The United Nations is to end the refugee status of
hundreds of thousands of Eritreans who have fled decades of fighting in
their country, the UN said on Wednesday.

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) said they were no
longer at risk from war – which has blighted the country for more than 30
years. Refugee status was first granted to fleeing Eritreans in the early
1960s during their bitter war for independence, which was finally achieved
in 1993. Then the war with Ethiopia broke out in May 1998 prompted more
Eritreans to flee, until it ended in December 2000 after the two countries
signed the Algiers peace agreement.

"I believe that these two groups of refugees from Eritrea should no longer
have a fear of persecution or other reasons to continue to be regarded as
refugees," said Ruud Lubbers, UN High Commissioner for Refugees. "They will
therefore cease to be regarded as refugees by my Office with effect from the
end of this year."

The largest number of the remaining Eritrean refugees are in neighbouring
Sudan. UNHCR is helping 140,000 of them in camps in eastern Sudan, while
thousands of others have spontaneously settled in urban centres. More than
44,000 Eritrean refugees have been repatriated from Sudan with UNHCR
assistance. About 5,000 Eritrean refugees also remain in Ethiopia and Yemen.
A statement issued from UNHCR headquarters in Geneva said: "The worldwide
cessation will take effect on 31 December and will affect hundreds of
thousands of Eritreans in neighbouring countries.

"The root causes of the Eritrean refugee problem no longer exist, as
fundamental and durable changes have occurred with the end of the
30-year-old war with Ethiopia in 1991 and Eritrean independence in 1993.
Similarly, peace has returned with the signing of a ceasefire agreement
between Ethiopia and Eritrea in June 2000 and the establishment of a
UN-supervised
security buffer zone between the two countries. The acceptance of the recent
decision of the International Border Commission by both countries has
contributed further to confidence-building," the statement said.

More than 100,000 Eritreans have already gone home, either on their own or
under a continuing voluntary repatriation operation launched in May 2001.
UNHCR said it would continue to assess the claims of individuals who came
forward to seek continued asylum beyond 2002. "Those found to be still in
need of international protection will be able to remain in their current
host country as refugees, the statement said, adding: "Those who do not
qualify for asylum after 2002, but do not wish to return home because of
strong family, social or economic links with the host country will be
expected to legalise their stay there."


[ENDS]

IRIN-CEA
Tel: +254 2 622147
Fax: +254 2 622129
Email: IRIN@ocha.unon.org

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

KENYA-SOMALIA: Somali refugees in Mandera to be relocated

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/7536

The Kenyan authorities have asked the office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to relocate about
10,000 Somali refugees who have been living in the northeastern Kenyan
border town of Mandera, the Nairobi-based Sunday Standard reported on 12
May. The Mandera district commissioner, Jamleck Baruga, was quoted by the
paper as saying he had met UNHCR officials, who told him they would comply.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

KENYA-SOMALIA: Somali refugees in Mandera to be relocated

NAIROBI, 13 May (IRIN) - The Kenyan authorities have asked the office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to relocate about
10,000 Somali refugees who have been living in the northeastern Kenyan
border town of Mandera, the Nairobi-based Sunday Standard reported on 12
May. The Mandera district commissioner, Jamleck Baruga, was quoted by the
paper as saying he had met UNHCR officials, who told him they would comply.

The UNHCR regional spokesman, Jonathan Clayton, told IRIN that the agency
and the Kenyan government were "exploring the possibility of relocating the
refugees away from the border point". Most of the refugees were said to be
just 500 metres from the border. Clayton said the government was fully
cooperating with UNHCR on this matter. "It is providing asylum to the
refugees, and has indicated willingness to continue doing so," he said.

The refugees fled inter-clan fighting in the border town of Bulo Hawa in the
north of Gedo Region, southwestern Somalia, last month after fighting broke
out there among rival factions of the Marehan clan. Humanitarian sources in
Mandera said the situation in Bulo Hawa was not yet conducive to a return of
the refugees. "The town is still insecure, with a lot of militia roaming
around," one of them said.

According to UNHCR, 80 percent of the refugees are women and children,
currently settled in temporary shelters in Mandera or staying with relatives
or friends there.

The humanitarian source said a temporary camp would be set up "in and around
Mandera for a two-month period", and the refugees currently sheltering near
the border would be moved to it, thereby resolving one of the Kenyan
government's concerns. According to this source, the current troubles in
Bulo Hawa "will most likely subside soon and they will go home", and
therefore there was no point in relocating this particular group to Dadaab
or Kakuma refugee camps.

[ENDS]

IRIN-CEA
Tel: +254 2 622147
Fax: +254 2 622129
Email: IRIN@ocha.unon.org

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

KENYA: Thousands displaced by flooding

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/7491

Floods and landslides triggered by weeks of heavy rains across Kenya have killed at least 20 people and affected over 120,000, many of whom have been forced to flee their homes. One of the worst-hit areas was Migori District, southwestern Kenya, where some 13,000 people had been displaced due to swelling of the nearby Migori and Kuja rivers, humanitarian sources told IRIN on Wednesday. "If it continues raining we could see another 20,000 people forced to leave their homes in Migori," sources said.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

KENYA: Thousands displaced by flooding

NAIROBI, 10 May (IRIN) - Floods and landslides triggered by weeks of heavy
rains across Kenya have killed at least 20 people and affected over 120,000,
many of whom have been forced to flee their homes.

One of the worst-hit areas was Migori District, southwestern Kenya, where
some 13,000 people had been displaced due to swelling of the nearby Migori
and Kuja rivers, humanitarian sources told IRIN on Wednesday. "If it
continues raining we could see another 20,000 people forced to leave their
homes in Migori," sources said.

Sources told IRIN there was an urgent need for drugs to treat waterborne
diseases, as sanitation in the district was poor and floodwaters had covered
wells, leading to a shortage of drinking and cooking water.

In addition, four schools in Migori District had been forced to close to due
flood damage and, at a further five, no children were attending as their
journeys to school were made impossible by the flooding, sources said.

According to humanitarian sources, several priority regions for assistance
across Kenya had been identified, and included, Migori, Nyando, Busia and
Kisumu Districts, all in western Kenya.

Col Bonventure Wendo, spokesman for the Kenyan National Disaster Operations
Centre, was quoted as saying by the BBC that the worst flooding was in the
low-lying districts of Kisumu and Busia near Lake Victoria.

Meru, Mount Kenya, Murang'a, all in central Kenya, had also been badly
affected, sources said.

The Daily Nation newspaper reported on Tuesday that more than 30 people had
been killed across the country, with 22 reportedly killed in landslides in
Murang'a and Meru in the past week.

In two separate incidents, mudslides have killed 15 members of two families
near Mount Kenya, according to the BBC.

Reuters quoted a Kenya Red Cross official as saying the floods were the
worst to hit the country since 1998, when heavy rains linked to the El Nino
phenomenon killed more than 80 people in 24 hours.

The long seasonal trains in Kenya are normally expected to run from April
through to June each year, and more heavy rains are expected, according to
the Kenya Red Cross.

Despite heavy rains in Nairobi, water supply had ceased to many of the
Kenyan capital's 3 million residents. Nairobi City Council has blamed the
shortage on mud that has got into pipes bringing water to the city from
nearby reservoirs. The BBC quoted water engineer Lawrence Musyoka as saying
the daily supply was down 40 percent from the usual 410 million litres.

In recent years the city has suffered frequent water shortages, most often
caused by drought in the East African nation. Nairobi Mayor Dick Waweru last
year asked residents to bear with the city council, and said the situation
would improve if there was some rain.


[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: Irin@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Liberia: Fighting Reported Closer to Monrovia

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130587.html

Fighting between Liberian government forces and armed opponents was reported on Monday to be moving closer to the capital, Monrovia, humanitarian sources told IRIN. Attempts by humanitarian workers to conduct a rapid needs assessment among the internally displaced people (IDPs) were delayed due to the security situation. But it was estimated that some 6,000 IDPs had reached Ganta in Nimba County while another 5,000 had reached Totoka, south of Gbarnga. The total number of IDPs in Liberia was estimated to be at least 40,000.

RWANDA-TANZANIA: IRIN focus on Rwandan refugees in Tanzania

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/7482

Eight years after the Rwandan genocide of
1994, there are approximately 25,000 Rwandan Hutu refugees living in camps
in Ngara District, western Tanzania. Both the Rwandan and the Tanzanian
governments are keen to see the repatriation of all of these refugees. At
the same time, however, the case of each individual Rwandan refugee case is
currently assessed by the Tanzanian authorities, which give refugee status
to over 99 percent of them.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

RWANDA-TANZANIA: IRIN focus on Rwandan refugees in Tanzania

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]


NGARA, TANZANIA, 9 May (IRIN) - Eight years after the Rwandan genocide of
1994, there are approximately 25,000 Rwandan Hutu refugees living in camps
in Ngara District, western Tanzania. Both the Rwandan and the Tanzanian
governments are keen to see the repatriation of all of these refugees. At
the same time, however, the case of each individual Rwandan refugee case is
currently assessed by the Tanzanian authorities, which give refugee status
to over 99 percent of them.

The message from the Rwandan government to the refugees is that the
situation is conducive to their return. "We are calling them to come back
and work together to rebuild our country, which was devastated by the
genocide," Abdul Karim Harelimana, Chairman of the Joint Commission for
Repatriation and Reintegration of Rwandan Refugees, told IRIN.

The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
considers the residual refugee cases in Tanzania to be "very difficult".
These were people for whom it would not be simple to return, a UNHCR
spokeswoman, Ivana Unluova, told IRIN. Therefore, UNHCR, which is organising
and facilitating the return of the refugees, continues to insist on the
voluntary nature of the repatriation.

Since the beginning of 2002, just over 1,000 Rwandan refugees have gone home
with the assistance of UNHCR. In the last couple of months, the numbers have
dropped significantly, with the weekly convoys in April carrying as few as
between 24 and 62, totalling only 156 for the month. Meanwhile, 511 new
refugees have arrived in the camps since the beginning of the year.

A UNHCR official confirmed to IRIN that rumours about a possible forced
repatriation of the refugees were circulating among the Rwandans. The
precedent set by the "massive repatriation" in 1996, when "the refugee camps
were surrounded by the army with guns and sticks, and when refugees were
beaten" and forced to depart, had left an indelible mark on the collective
memory. "Due to what happened in 1996, even now refugees are worried about
what may happen," one refugee told IRIN.

Because of these fears, for the last six months a steady trickle had been
leaving the camps and going to surrounding countries such as Malawi,
Mozambique, Kenya and especially Uganda, said the UNHCR official. The
Ugandan government was widely perceived by refugees to offer a better deal
than the Tanzanian government, because in Uganda they were given land to
work on, whereas in Tanzania refugees were strictly confined to the camps.

Another UNHCR official added that if it should occur that the Rwandans were
ordered to go home, "they would turn into Burundians overnight" -- meaning
that in order to avoid forced repatriation, they would temporarily leave the
refugee camps, then return, re-registering as Burundians, who are allowed to
remain in Tanzania. Such incidences had already happened in the past, he
confirmed.

UNWILLING TO GO HOME:

In the Lukole B refugee camp in Ngara, several Rwandans told IRIN why they
were not prepared to go home. "The Tutsis are dominating the Hutus in
Rwanda. If you are in a bar, and a Tutsi demands that you offer him a
drink - you have to do it. If you don't, you will see. He can make a dossier
about you and allege you committed genocide. Then you will face problems.
The dossier will be respected and taken seriously," said one man.

A woman said she would not go home, because there was no peace. "When I was
there, I saw the problems in the prisons. I used to visit two of them to
bring food to relatives. But after seeing how people were being dumped in
the prisons, I was scared and fled in 1998."

"People who were well off were being attacked during the night. They used
bullets for the men, but would not waste the bullets on the women. For women
and children they used tools to knock their heads," she continued.

"My aunt, uncle and their eight children were killed in Birenga commune. My
uncle Raphael was a strong businessman. He used to invite the army to have
drinks with him. One day, they said they would come, so he prepared
everything. He invited them to eat and drink. Then they left, but came back
during the night in an army vehicle. They shot him dead and used hoes to
kill my aunt and eight cousins. Afterwards they stole all the money in the
house."

"They were killed because of their riches," she added. "Another family I
know, of 20 people, were killed because they were well off. They were killed
on the spot at a family party they had." She added that prominent leaders
were still fleeing from Rwanda, but could not mention any names.

Asked why he did not consider Rwanda to be safe to return to, one man said:
"There are still people who are fleeing, and also those being imprisoned
without trial in Rwanda. Some prominent leaders are escaping [from] the
country. We hear this from the radio and from people who have escaped
themselves."

Another refugee told IRIN that it was not a good time to go back home. He
said repatriating "would be very painful" and that he was still hoping he
could stay in Tanzania.

"Firstly, if I repatriate, I will have a problem with my wife's family,
because I am a Hutu and she is Tutsi. My wife would be unable to testify
about what she witnessed during the genocide, because she is married to a
Hutu. If she did so, I would get into trouble from the Hutu community. They
would ask why I married a Tutsi who is testifying against them."

"Secondly, I have a house, big farm and other properties. I can't get them
back because there is a Tutsi living there now, who repatriated from Uganda.
When I was in Rwanda in 1995, he used various methods to have me put in
jail. He accused me of killing my wife's 'real' husband and stealing her."

"Thirdly, for a man like me married to a Tutsi, it is very dangerous for us.
It creates disharmony within a family." He said his wife had already
received threats to her life 1997, and that if ever insecurity occurred in
the camps in Tanzania, people knew she was a Tutsi. "There is always the
risk," he said.

GUILTY OR NOT GUILTY:

Gasana Ndoba, chairman of the National Human Rights Commission in Rwanda,
told IRIN that it was untrue that Rwandan refugees in exile were presumed to
be guilty of committing crimes during the 1994 genocide. "Of course there
have been arrests after refugees have returned from exile, but there is no
automatic presumption of guilt about those who come back."

"The judicial system is not perfect, but it is certain that the attitude of
public institutions is to welcome the refugees back, and to help them to
resettle. There are of course imperfections in the system, but there is no
pattern of systematically arresting those coming back from exile.

"I think such beliefs are related to the circumstances of the refugees who
left the country in 1994. This was organised by those who planned,
implemented and executed the genocide. They forced or managed to persuade
many people who bore no responsibilty at all to go with them into exile, so
they could hide among them. The same leaders still have an influence on the
refugees," Ndoba said.

Asked about the accusations relating to extrajudicial revenge killings of
Hutus in Rwanda, he said: "One must be reasonable. In the post-genocide
period, there was no organised state or judiciary in place. There were no
professional structures and no nongovernmental agencies working in the field
of human rights, so the climate was not favourable to professional justice.
There were abuses which must be acknowledged, but with time and organisation
of the state these are becoming rare and exceptional. They may still happen,
but there is no specific targeting of refugees or ex-refugees in those
matters."

Harelimana told IRIN that the Rwandan government did not believe that the
refugees still in exile were genocide perpetrators. He said of the estimated
25,000 refugees in Tanzania, probably 100 were either intimidators or
ex-soldiers who had been involved in the genocide. "There are intimidators
working in the camps, spreading propaganda, who were involved in the
genocide and who are using the others as human shields."

He said the Tanzanian government was working with the government of Rwanda
to identify the genocide perpetrators in the camps, and that some people had
been arrested there. Realising that they were being investigated, others had
fled to Zambia and Uganda. There were also some who continued to live in the
refugee camps, but had not registered and were therefore very difficult to
identify.

He acknowledged that in 1995 and 1996, some soldiers had "gone astray" and
taken revenge on Hutu civilians in Rwanda. These were individual cases,
however, and the government had taken action against the perpetrators.

GACACA JUSTICE SYSTEM:

On 8 April, the training began of almost 255,000 judges who will preside in
Rwanda's gacaca courts - a form of popular or traditional justice for those
accused of involvement in genocide. All but the highest category of genocide
crimes will be judged by these courts.

Rwandan law divides genocide suspects into four categories, to be judged at
four administrative levels by the gacaca courts. Category four consists of
those accused of looting or destroying victims' property during the
genocide; category three of those defined as "the person who has committed
or became accomplice of serious attacks without the intention of causing
death to victims"; category two of those accused of killing; and category
one of those accused of rape and other sexual torture. Those assigned to
category one will be sentenced to death if found guilty.

Following the training, due to last for six weeks, pilot trials are due to
take place, after which it is hoped that the gacaca system will begin
operating in all parts of the country. Asked about his hopes for the new
justice system, one refugee said: "I don't know how it operates. If it
operates well, I will be able to go and stand against anyone who charges
me."

"Gacaca is not operating yet. It needs time for it to start, so we can see
if it is doing its work properly. Then we will repatriate," he said. "We
will closely follow the news about gacaca on the radio, and we will also
expect to be given news from UNHCR," said another.

"If gacaca is working properly, all of us will be pleased to go back home to
face the challenge of those who say we are all killers. If it doesn't,
nobody will think of going back," another commented.

[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: Irin@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

UN crackdown on refugee sex abuse

2002-05-16

http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/africa/newsid_1978000/1978472.stm

The UN refugee agency has promised a policy of "zero tolerance" to eradicate the problem of aid workers sexually abusing refugees.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Ruud Lubbers, said new measures included an increase in the number of female aid workers, and a ban on sex between employees and young refugees.

Corporate Bribery on the Rise Worldwide

2002-05-16

http://www.ipsnews.net/interna.asp?idnews=9712

International conventions have not stopped multi-national corporations from trying to secure valuable contracts by bribing government officials in the world's emerging economies - especially in the arms and defence, and public works and construction industries. ''Fine words are not enough. Until people are brought before the courts, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Convention (OECD) convention on bribery will not make a difference to the developing world, where money is siphoned off from schools and hospitals and essential public works projects,'' said Transparency International Kenya Director, John Githongo.

Kenya: Kosgei Launches Book On Graft War

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205100761.html

The campaign against graft received a boost when a source book was launched on corruption prevention in the Public Service. The book is to be used in the Public Service Integrity Programme. The ceremony was led by the Head of the public service, Dr Sally Kosgei, at the Kenya School of Monetary Studies, Nairobi.

Kenya: World Bank project official arrested over 103,000 dollar bribe

2002-05-16

http://globalarchive.ft.com/globalarchive/article.html?id=020514004494&query=bribe

The Kenya Urban Transport Infrastructure Project director has been for allegedly receiving 8m shilling [equivalent to about 103,000 US dollars] bribe from World Bank officials in Washington DC. His arrest comes in the wake of the return of a team of local investigators from the US, where they had been to investigate the bribery claims.

Kenya: World Bank Worried Staff Are Aping Crafty Nairobi Officials

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150047.html

Improvement of key Kenyan roads stopped abruptly or never even began as a result of multimillion shilling corrupt deals involving World Bank official Gutam Sengupta, a top Kenyan civil servant and a string of international contractors.

SOUTH AFRICA: Ban proposed for corrupt contractors

2002-05-16

http://www.bday.co.za/bday/content/direct/1,3523,1086052-6099-0,00.html

CONTRACTORS used to receiving lucrative tenders through bribery of state officials may be blacklisted and barred from participating in the procurement system of the government for three to five years.

SWAZILAND: Corruption said to be rife at deputy prime minister's office

2002-05-16

http://globalarchive.ft.com/globalarchive/article.html?id=020515007313&query=corruption

Corruption is rife at the deputy prime minister's office as government officials and senior officers are said to be enriching themselves from the King's [Mswati] 40m emalangeni Regional Development Fund.

TANZANIA: Government challenges /

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130042.html

The Tanzanian government has reacted strongly to Transparency International's (TI) most recent report that gave Tanzania the "filthy" tag, reports this week's East African newspaper. Asked about TI's Corruption Perception Index 2001 that gave Tanzania a 2.2 rating out of 10, thereby classifying it as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, Wilson Masilingi, the minister responsible for good governance, denied the existence of rampant corruption in the country, and described TI as "an enemy of developing countries".

Transparency International Reports

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150014.html

The global anti-corruption organisation Transparency International's Bribe Payers Index for 2002, released on Tuesday, shows very high levels of bribery in developing countries including South Africa. Corporations from Russia, China, Taiwan, South Korea and several leading industrial nations were most likely to offer bribes to developing nations.

Uganda: Danida writes to Matembe over Rakai corruption

2002-05-16

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=35238

The Danish Agency for Development Assistance (DANIDA) has threatened to stop grants and loans to Uganda, citing high level corruption in district councils. The Danish Ambassador, Flemming Bjork Pedersen has written to the Minister of Integrity and Ethics, Miria Matembe and the Inspector General of Government demanding action against Rakai's district chairman Vincent Semakula Kiwanuka who allegedly misappropriated millions of shillings.

Africa at the Crossroads: Time to Deliver

Oxfam Briefing Paper

2002-05-16

http://www.oxfam.org.uk/policy/papers/africacrossroads/africacrossroads.html

Africa is at a crossroads. Despite the development efforts of the past two decades, Africans are getting poorer. Over 300 million people live on less than US$1 dollar per day. Life expectancy is 48 years and falling. Twenty-eight million people are living with HIV/AIDS, and 40 per cent of children are out of school. The responsibility for this crisis lies within the continent and outside it. There is a glaring absence of accountable governance at national, regional, and global levels. Only by ending the 'business as usual' approach to Africa can the situation change.

AFRICA: IRIN interview with OAU secretary-general

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/7538

Amara Essy was appointed secretary-general of the Organisation of African Union (OAU) in July last year to oversee the body's crucial one-year transformation into the AU and the launching of the new organisation. OAU experts have now recommended that the transition period be extended - just two months ahead of the AU's scheduled launch in July. Essy told IRIN why the AU was critical to the continent's future development, and about the complexities and difficulties faced in the transition process.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

AFRICA: IRIN interview with OAU secretary-general

ADDIS ABABA, 13 May (IRIN) - Amara Essy was appointed secretary-general of
the Organisation of African Union (OAU) in July last year to oversee the
body's crucial one-year transformation into the AU and the launching of the
new organisation. OAU experts have now recommended that the transition
period be extended - just two months ahead of the AU's scheduled launch in
July. Essy told IRIN why the AU was critical to the continent's future
development, and about the complexities and difficulties faced in the
transition process.

QUESTION: Why is the OAU recommending that the transition period to African
Union be extended?

ANSWER: To transform the OAU into the African Union is not a simple matter.
I have tried to bring together all the brains of Africa to look and ponder
over the African Union. What do we need to launch the African Union? We need
the four main decision-making organs - the Assembly of the Union, the
Executive Council, the Committee of Permanent Representatives and the
Commission. When you have these organs, then you can launch the African
Union. Now we have to look at a time frame on whether we need - and the
heads of state will have to decide - on a kind of transitional period.

We have to set a time frame. We have to know what we are going to do in the
next two or three years. What are the urgent priority issues that have to be
taken up? What is the medium- and long-term work that has to be carried out?
So, we will have a timetable. We have to have a schedule, and then the heads
of state will have a clear vision of what kind of transition period we are
going to have, and then they will know the work that we will have to do.

There is no postponement of the launching or the transformation. There is a
difference between the launching of the Union and the transitional period
that will make operational the African Union. We have 17 organs in the
African Union that we have to establish. In the OAU there are only four
organs. But in the African Union we will have 17 organs like, for example,
the central bank of Africa. You cannot have it in one day or in one year.

On top of that we need the resources to be operating these organs. These
organs will cost money, because you need people to man these organs. There
is a kind of ambiguity. The launching of the African Union is scheduled to
take place in South Africa as the heads of state have decided. The various
organs, the various bodies that have been put together - they can express
their views, so we should not confuse between what is an advisory panel and
what is the official organ.

We are going to bring together the governors of the central banks of Africa
to try to see what they can look at in the financial and monetary areas.
Maybe one day in Africa you will have a single currency in the long term.
So, when you talk of the European Union, they have taken more than 50 years
to come where they are. And today, when you talk of the African Union, it
cannot be done overnight. We can make sure we can have a strong union that
can take up the destiny of the continent.

Q: What are shortcomings of the OAU that prompted the decision to set up the
AU?

A; Well, I am not going to say that the OAU is worse than the United
Nations. Everywhere where you have an agglomeration of human beings you have
divisions, you have oppositions, you have antagonism. Yes, we have had a lot
of problems in the OAU, but it is not different from other organisations.

With my predecessor [Salim Ahmed Salim] there have been problems between the
various collaborators. They have issued a private letter and made it public
about their problems, but what I have tried to do is [to stress that] we
cannot change somebody who is more than 40 years old... But what I said is
that despite our differences, despite our divergent views and backgrounds,
we have to work together.

The important role that we have here is to be able to contribute to the
African Union. For somebody who is an African, and African diplomat, I think
it will be a self-satisfactory result to say that I have contributed. Well,
those who were here in 1963 feel proud. They say: We are the ones who have
created the OAU. The same kind of motivation will be there when they will be
working for the African Union. So you cannot change people and mentalities
overnight. I think everywhere it is the same.

Q: How much in terms of finances does the AU need to function?

A: I cannot tell you an exact figure. In fact, we have put together a
working group that will deal with this. They are working on a strategy, a
plan on how to mobilise resources. I think the African Union will not be
able to depend only on the contributions of member states. It is not a
secret for anybody, because for the time being we have more than $50 million
dollars of arrears of contributions.

So we have to find other sources in order to make this African Union
function. And these are the financial experts. I cannot just give you a
figure like that, because there are so many things involved in order to
calculate the financial implications. It depends on how quickly we are able
to establish the various organs, the structures. In finance, I think we have
to be precise, and I don’t have the figure to give you here and now.

Q: When would you personally like to see a female chairperson of the African
Union?

A: As regards the chairman of the Union, I don’t know it depends on the
heads of state. The heads of state will decide on the basis of everything
that they will have as information, what they will have updated as regards
the restructures - the commission, the posts, the job descriptions, the
number of commissioners, the structure that is needed and, as I said, even
to be a candidate there is time [table] that you have to follow, there is a
time frame that is set, then you have to submit a candidate, then you have
elections etc.

I don’t know [when I like to see a female chairperson]... We have very
capable women today in the OAU. I think it depends on them. They can be
candidates if they wish to be. They will decide. I would like to see a woman
head as soon as possible. I have no problem.

Q: Why has African Union has not fired the imagination of the ordinary
African?

A: In Africa we have a saying that only a hunter kills an elephant and the
whole village cuts up the elephant and eats the meat. The idea of the
African Union is not over [something which was born] yesterday, and has not
come from [the Libyan leader,] Mr [Mu'ammar al-] Qadhafi if I have read all
the magazines and books. The idea of African Union in fact emanated from a
Haitian, and he was the one who gave birth to this.

It was a dream - a long-standing dream - and this is what motivated Mr
Qadhafi - that his country was under sanctions, and then all the African
countries decided to get together and [work] to lift the sanctions against
Libya and help the Libyan people, because everywhere when you have sanctions
it is not the government that suffers, it is the people of the country that
suffer. And then you realize that Africa united can be a force. And this is
what pushed him to bring to a concrete form this dream of African Union.

So let us say this dream of African Union was given a concrete and material
form. So this African Union must see the [light of] day. Who will benefit
afterwards? It is the whole of Africa, we the peoples of Africa, because if
we can have an Africa where you can have trade from the north of Africa to
the south of Africa, from one end of the continent to the other, instead of
depending on the stock exchange of New York as we ourselves we can trade our
commodities among ourselves.

Let's [consider], say, oil - instead of sending it somewhere else we can
sell it to our neighbour. There will be important development in Africa, and
who will benefit? It will be the African peoples. Well, [the] African
continent is very rich, and yet at the same time, paradoxically, it is the
poorest continent. A small country like Belgium today has trade that is more
important than the whole of Africa. I think the whole of Africa in the world
contributes only one per cent of trade. And no development can come from
outside.

Asia developed from within. You can have external support, but development
is an internal affair. Today, we have to develop infrastructures, because
without infrastructures - let's say without roads, without railroads,
without these transport facilities you cannot develop. So when you look at
the structure and all the issues we are dealing [with], we want to look at
the conditions we have to meet in order to develop the continent.

Q: Will you stand as a candidate as the head of the newly formed African
Union?

A: I don’t want to ask this question. I don’t even ask myself whether I am a
candidate or not. It will all depend on how things will evolve. It will
depend where I will find myself after the transition, because it is not easy
in nine months to do the work that we have been able do...

It is not only the transition we are dealing with; we are [also] dealing
with all the conflicts. I was in the Comoros. I was in Madagascar. You have
all the other conflicts that are there also. All these issues are being
dealt with on a daily basis. My only ambition today is to say: What can I do
for Africa?

I have had a lot of opportunities in my life: I went to school, I was a
diplomat and I have had the chance of occupying major posts. I was in New
York for 12 years as ambassador. I was the president of the [UN] General
Assembly. I was president of the Security Council. I am old, but not too
old. What I can say is what I have said: What can I contribute to Africa and
[with] all my experience, all my powers, to contribute to Africa? It is not
occupying a post for [the sake of] occupying a post.

As I have said, it is not the texts that will make [the] African Union, it
is the human beings - the men and women who believe in this African Union,
who make the African Union. Because you may have very good texts, but if you
do not have the people who can work as a team for a common objective you
cannot have an African Union...


[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Koehler's Seen the Light, Now for US And Europe

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130810.html

A fortnight ago, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) managing director, Mr Horst Koehler, unleashed a verbal tirade against the Western establishment that may as well have come from an African president. Calling American and European trade policies "perverse," Mr Koehler urged an end to cotton and sugar subsidies that obstruct poor countries from exporting to the West, contributing to the grinding poverty in the producing countries.

New World Bank Reports Confirm that the HIPC Initiative is Failing

2002-05-16

http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/analysis/articles/hipc290402.htm

In two new reports issued by the World Bank in time for the recent
IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings, the World Bank has admitted
that its own Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative is
failing.
New World Bank Reports Confirm that the HIPC Initiative is Failing
By Romilly Greenhill, Jubilee Research 29th April 2002

[Excerpts only, full report at:
]http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/analysis/articles/hipc290402.htm]

1. Introduction

In two new reports issued by the World Bank in time for the recent
IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings, the World Bank has admitted
that its own Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative is
failing.

The two reports from the World Bank show that:

* Of the 5 countries already at Completion Point, at least 2 of
these do not have sustainable levels of debt according to the HIPC
criteria.

* Of the 21 countries which are currently between Decision Point
and Completion Point under the Initiative, at least 8-10 countries
will not have sustainable levels of debt at Completion Point,
according to the same criteria.

* Of the same group of countries, 9 have had their interim relief
from the IMF suspended due to failure to stay `on track' with IMF
supported Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) programmes.
These countries are supposed to receive interim relief on their
debt service between Decision Point and Completion Point.

* There have even been delays in providing interim debt service
relief for some countries which are entitled to this relief and are
`on track' with IMF programmes.

In this paper, we examine the two World Bank reports in detail, and
provide an overall assessment of how the HIPC initiative is
measuring up to the Bank's own criteria. We find that the World
Bank's own assessment shows that 31 out of the 42 countries within
the HIPC initiative are being failed by the process - even
according to the World Bank criteria.

2. Debt sustainability threatened.

Under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, debt
sustainability is measured for most countries by comparing total
debt in net present value terms to a country's total exports. When
the total stock of debt is more than one and half times the value
of exports, the country is deemed to have an `unsustainable' level
of debt. Under the HIPC initiative, debt relief is provided by both
multilateral and bilateral creditors to bring down the total stock
of debt to within `sustainable' levels.

Jubilee Research and other NGOs have repeatedly charged that the
export projections used by the World Bank and IMF to calculate the
amount of debt relief that will be needed have been overly
optimistic, and that such optimism has been used by the creditors
to limit their own contribution to the initiative. For example, for
the first 24 HIPCs to reach Decision Point, the average growth in
exports for 2001 was projected to be 11.6%. This is an extremely
high figure, and bears little resemblance to the historical trend
of the HIPC countries. In fact, since 1965 annual export growth for
low income countries has been less than one third of this level.

It comes as no surprise, therefore, to learn that the actual export
growth for these 24 countries during 2001 was less than half the
World Bank's projected level, at 5.1%. ,,,

As a result of this shortfall, the average ratio of debt to exports
in 2001 for the 24 countries considered is now estimated to have
been a staggering 280%, almost twice the levels deemed
`sustainable' by the World Bank and IMF. Even the four countries
which had already passed Completion Point are estimated to have an
NPV of debt to export ratio of 156%. In total, 8 to 10 of the 20
countries which were between Decision Point and Completion Point at
the time of writing can no longer expected to have a NPV of debt to
exports at Completion Point of less than 150% (Benin, Burkina Faso,
Chad, Ethiopia, The Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal,
and Zambia.)

In their report, the World Bank almost admits that their export
projections were overly optimistic, noting that `long term economic
forecasts.. depend critically on the underlying assumptions
especially on the future course of government policies as well as
external market conditions.' But they excuse their dramatic failure
to provide accurate projections on the grounds that the assumptions
were `based on policy scenarios and thus predicated upon the
successful implementation of a comprehensive set of economic and
structural reforms.' In other words, if the projections fail, the
country is itself to blame for not undertaking sufficiently
thorough `structural reforms.' ... this view simply does not meet
the reality.

Firstly, as the World Bank acknowledges, much of the shortfall in
exports has been caused by dramatic falls in commodity prices over
2000-01, particularly for coffee and cotton (which fell by 60% and
10% respectively.) For this fact alone, the HIPCs can hardly be
held responsible, except to the extent that under their IMF
tutelage they have all simultaneously been attempting to increase
exports, putting downwards pressure on the price. Worse,
protectionism in the North has severely worsened the volatility of
commodity prices. When prices are protected in the North under
agricultural agreements such as the Common Agricultural Policy and
similar US agreements, all the change in price in response to
natural fluctuations in commodity prices must be borne by the poor
countries - countries that are already suffering markets which have
been flooded by cheap exports, as a result of excess production in
the North caused by agricultural subsidies.

While the World Bank does concede as much, their response is that
the HIPCs should do more to diversify their production and export
base, and note that `the experience so far with export
diversification in low-income countries that are primary commodity
producers has been rather disappointing.' They list a host of
reasons for this, including `governance concerns' (i.e.
corruption), `limited protection of property rights' (i.e. not
paying enough attention to the needs of foreign investors and
creditors), `structural impediments to private sector development'
(i.e. protection for the poor, small farmers and workers), and
`limited availability of entrepreneurial capital and technical
skills' (i.e. blame the poor for being ignorant.)

Unsurprisingly, what the World Bank does not concede is that the
poor response to diversification programmes is the result of their
own policies of trade liberalisation. The basic logic of trade
liberalisation is that countries become more specialised in areas
in which they have a so-called `comparative advantage', and
increase their reliance on imports for goods in which they have a
`comparative disadvantage.' But the fact is that most of the HIPCs
have a `comparative advantage' in pure, unprocessed primary
products. As they liberalise, and move further towards the global
`free trade' position (much further, indeed, than their protected
competitors in the North), they become more dependent on primary
commodities, not less. ...


3. Delaying Interim Relief

During the recent World Bank and IMF Spring Meetings, debt
campaigners were shocked to learn that as many of 9 of the 20
countries between Decision Point and Completion Point are having
their interim relief from the IMF suspended as a result of
so-called `policy slippages' on their IMF programmes. Contrary to
the Bank's assertion that `annual debt relief received during the
interim period between decision and completion points is a
substantial share of the annual debt relief after completion
point.[therefore] countries do not have to rush [to completion
point] for the sake of increasing flows of debt relief', the
reality appears to be somewhat different. In fact, 9 of the 20
countries between Decision Point and Completion Point at the time
the report was published have seen `slippages' on their IMF
programmes. As the World Bank notes, when such slippage occurs,
suspension of interim relief from the IMF is `basically automatic.'
Most of these so-called `slippages' are for delays in meeting the
IMF targets on privatisation and liberalisation within HIPC
economies, and many are for very minor diversions from IMF
programmes.

Even more worrying, the World Bank has also admitted that some
relief is being delayed because of `administrative bottlenecks' and
difficulties in reconciling data between debtor and creditor
countries. In the case of Zambia, Decision Point was reached as far
back as December 2000 but interim relief has not yet been approved.
The fact the countries that have jumped through all the needed
hoops for getting to Decision Point are being delayed interim
relief because of creditors failure to get organised is nothing
short of scandalous.

4. HIPC Reaches Judgement Day - and the World Bank finds it to be
failing

NGOs such as Jubilee Research have long condemned the HIPC
initiative for failing to meet its stated objectives, for being
designed in the interests of creditors, and for imposing structural
adjustment type conditionalities on poor countries.

One of the criticisms often levelled at the HIPC initiative is that
it uses criteria for assessing debt sustainability which are purely
based on simple macroeconomic aggregates, such as exports, while
disregarding the human development needs of the HIPC countries, as
set out in the Millennium Development Goals. That being said,
however, one would expected that that World Bank's own initiative
would meet its own, narrow criteria for debt sustainability.

However, for the first time, the World Bank is now admitting that
its own initiative is failing. Table 1 [in full report on web]
summarises what the Bank says about each HIPC and their progress
towards reaching debt sustainability. As it shows, 31 out of the 42
HIPC countries are being failed by the initiative even according to
the World Bank criteria.

With a success rate of 25%, one might expect that the World Bank
would acknowledge the depth of failure of the HIPC initiative and,
like Jubilee Research and other NGOs, call for a new process for
debt cancellation, or `Jubilee Framework.' Instead, the World Bank
merely writes that: it would be `unrealistic to expect.that
countries will always stay below the HIPC debt sustainability
thresholds.' The Development Committee of the World Bank has even
gone so far as to say that the HIPC initiative is making `sustained
progress' in their Communique following their 21st April meeting in
Washington. Such self-delusion is almost unbelievable.

It is time to admit that creditors will have to provide more
relief, and fast, to overcome the crushing debt burdens which still
engulf the poorest countries on earth. The World Bank should
immediately review all the HIPC countries and provide immediate
further relief where required. While the Bank and IMF have agreed
that more relief may need to be provided at Completion Point in
some cases, and indeed have already done so in the case of Burkina
Faso, this is not enough. Their statement that `there should be no
presumption on country eligibility for topping up or the amount of
additional HIPC relief at the completion point' is a clear
indication that they intend to wriggle out of providing extra
relief, even when this is justified by external conditions.
Moreover, there is no provision for any further relief beyond
Completion Point.

We call on all creditors to accept their responsibilities to the
poorest countries on earth and to cancel the un-payable debts of
these countries under an independent process of arbitration, or
`Jubilee Framework.' It is time for an end to the endless rounds of
broken promises and weasel words that constitute the HIPC
initiative. When even the World Bank admits that HIPC is failing,
it is time to change. The Jubilee Framework can wait no longer.

**************************************************************

NIGERIA: Focus on dispute over offshore oil resources

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/7473

When Nigeria's Supreme Court ruled last month that all of the country's offshore oil and gas resources belonged to the federal government, it was an apparent triumph for President Olusegun Obasanjo. Not quite, analysts warn. "While Obasanjo has won a significant legal battle at the Supreme Court, an enormous political battle lies ahead of him," Ike Onyekwere, a political analyst, told IRIN. "And how he goes about it bodes a lot for Nigeria's political stability."
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

NIGERIA: Focus on dispute over offshore oil resources

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]


LAGOS, 9 May (IRIN) - When Nigeria's Supreme Court ruled last month that all
of the country's offshore oil and gas resources belonged to the federal
government, it was an apparent triumph for President Olusegun Obasanjo. Not
quite, analysts warn.

"While Obasanjo has won a significant legal battle at the Supreme Court, an
enormous political battle lies ahead of him," Ike Onyekwere, a political
analyst, told IRIN. "And how he goes about it bodes a lot for Nigeria's
political stability."

While Nigeria's 1999 Constitution provides that 13 percent of the country's
oil revenue be allocated to oil-bearing states, Obasanjo on taking office
limited the allocation to oil revenue from onshore oil resources. This
provoked strident protest from the littoral oil-producing states.

As the controversy deepened, the federal government in 2001 filed a suit
against the country's 36 states, seeking the interpretation of the highest
court as to what constituted the seaward boundaries of the states. On 5
April 2002, the Supreme Court ruled that the seaward boundary of the
country's eight littoral states terminated at their low-water mark,
effectively giving the federal government control over the offshore oil and
gas resources.

While the ruling represented a key legal victory for Obasanjo, it opened a
political can of worms for him in the restive southern oil region called the
Niger Delta. During four decades of oil activities, the region, populated by
mainly ethnic minorities, suffered severe neglect and environmental
degradation, area residents claim.

Over time the popular thinking that evolved in the oil region was that
successive governments dominated by the majority ethnic groups, particularly
Hausa-speaking Muslims from the north and Yorubas from Obasanjo's southwest
home region, were only interested in evacuating the oil wealth to develop
their areas. The indignation borne of this perception fuelled the unrest
that has manifested in violent protests and disruption of oil activities
through sabotage and hostage-taking, in the Niger Delta over the past decade
.

For the oil region states the Supreme Court ruling implied a sharp drop in
revenue. Worst hit among them was Akwa Ibom State, whose share of oil
revenues derived from only offshore production. Not only would it lose the
revenue, it would now be obliged to return to the treasury huge sums already
allocated to it.

Nigerian law professor, Itse Sagay, believes the ruling "is bound to
exacerbate the conflict" between the federal government and the oil states.
"Apart from the fact that the judgment is a clear negation of the rules of
international law, under which the continental shelf is an inalienable and
inherent part of the coastal state, the domestic Nigerian laws applied are
those constituting a blatant expropriation of the natural resources of the
southern minorities," he wrote in the independent 'Thisday' daily.

Signs have already emerged of deteriorating personal relations on account of
the ruling between Obasanjo and Akwa Ibom State Governor Victor Attah, in
spite of both men being members of the same ruling People's Democratic
Party.

On 2 May, Attah convened a meeting of what he called "the general assembly
of Akwa Ibom people" where he accused Obasanjo of personally introducing the
onshore/offshore distinction and of dispensing the 13 percent of oil
revenue set aside for the oil-producing states.

He referred to Nigeria's constitution at independence in 1960 which
specified that the continental shelf belonged to the littoral regions, and
pointed out that it was the 1979 constitution overseen by Obasanjo as
military ruler that deliberately omitted the provision and upheld the
distinction. After the onshore/offshore dichotomy was abolished in 1992 by
then military ruler, General Ibrahim Babangida, Attah said, it was Obasanjo
who restored it once more after he took office in 1999 and went to the
Supreme Court in the face of protests.

Attah's speech was followed the same day by widespread demonstrations in the
state capital, Uyo, during which angry youths denounced both Obasanjo and
the Supreme Court and threatened to resist what they regarded as
expropriation of their resources.

Indeed, since the ruling, incidents of violent protests and disruption of
oil activities by militant youths, which had declined over the past year,
appeared to be on the rise again. Late last month militant youths boarded a
rig working offshore for oil giant ChevronTexaco and held hostage nearly 90
foreign and Nigerian workers to back their demands for jobs and amenities.
The youths released them three days later.

ChevronTexaco has also been forced over the past month to shut down several
oil wells in Imo and Delta states, where a number of communities have laid
stringent conditions (including provision of jobs and amenities), before
they would allow the company to operate in their area.

Youths of the Ijaw ethnic group, the most populous nationality in the Niger
Delta, on 3 May held a peaceful demonstration at the premises of Italian
Agip oil company against what they considered the unfavourable employment
policies of the company. They were undeterred by the presence of armed
policemen who fired shots in the air as they approached.

"They saw that we would not be moved, stopped shooting at us and invited the
managers to speak with us," Kingsley Kuku, a spokesman for the Ijaw Youths
Council, which organised the protest, told journalists. He said similar
meetings had been held with officials of Royal/Dutch Shell and German
construction company, Julius Berger, the previous week.

Popular opinion in the oil region goes back to the early years of
independence, when groundnuts produced in the north, cocoa produced in the
southwest and palm oil from the southeast, were the main foreign exchange
earners for the country. Produced respectively in the lands of the Hausa,
the Yoruba and Igbo, the three biggest ethnic groups in the country, their
regions had absolute control over these resources.

Regional control over resources was reduced after the military took over
government in 1966, first to 50 percent in 1970, and a few years later
further down to 45 percent. In 1977, Obasanjo as military ruler further cut
back regional control of resources to 25 percent. Under subsequent military
governments it dropped eventually to one percent. With the agitation of
minorities from the oil region, it had since risen to three percent, and
then 13 percent approved by the 1999 constitution.

According to governor Attah: "There must be those who are upset by our
current efforts to improve our fortunes and change our roles. There are
those who want us to remain perpetually as house boys and maids. There are
those who cannot accept the fact that now we are making bricks to build our
own mansions, so they must take away the straw. We say, give us back our
straw."

[ENDS]

IRIN-WA
Tel: +225 22-40-4440
Fax: +225 22-41-9339
Email: IRIN-WA@irin.ci
[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
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of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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Opponents Unite to Decry U.S. Farm Subsidies

2002-05-16

http://story.news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story&u=/oneworld/20020514/wl_oneworld/1032_1021382051&e=3&ncid=655

Proponents of free trade and fair trade alike decried on Monday legislation giving U.S. farmers 190 billion dollars in subsidies over the coming 10 years, saying the move would hurt poor farmers around the world. "It is indeed a sad day for world farmers," said a World Bank official who spoke on condition of anonymity. "This is surely a step backward."
Proponents of free trade and fair trade alike decried on Monday legislation giving U.S. farmers 190 billion dollars in subsidies over the coming 10 years, saying the move would hurt poor farmers around the world.


• Farmers' World Network
• Focus on the Global South
• Traidcraft Exchange
• OneWorld Full Coverage on Agriculture


"It is indeed a sad day for world farmers," said a World Bank (news - web sites) official who spoke on condition of anonymity. "This is surely a step backward."

Spotlight Will Fall On Africa At Durban Talks

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205160173.html

THE New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) will be the main topic of the World Economic Forum's annual southern African summit in Durban from June 4-7. Hundreds of delegates will attend the conference at Durban's International Convention Centre. The Geneva-based World Economic Forum is an independent organisation committed to improving the state of the world. It presents the annual global summit in Davos, Switzerland.

The United States as a HIPC

how the poor are financing the rich.

2002-05-16

http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/analysis/reports/usa190402.htm

This short report outlines the role the US deficit has played in driving the process of globalisation. Secondly, it analyses the way in which poor countries are financing the US deficit and therefore the high living standards of US citizens.

Uganda: Museveni in US to Seek Investment, Attack Protectionism

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205080152.html

Although Congo's ongoing conflict was an important part of discussions Uganda president Yoweri Museveni held with Secretary of State Colin Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, as the first phase of his 10-day working visit to the United States ended Tuesday, Museveni stayed firmly "on message" in his campaign to project Uganda's trade and investment opportunities and the need for industrialized nations to remove protective barriers.

ZAMBIA-ZIMBABWE: Little hope of lost maize millions being repaid

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/7496

Ari Ben-Menashe, the man at the centre of
Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's treason case, has been
ordered to repay millions of dollars to the Zambian goverment in a maize
deal gone wrong, the Financial Gazette reported.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ZAMBIA-ZIMBABWE: Little hope of lost maize millions being repaid

JOHANNESBURG, 10 May (IRIN) - Ari Ben-Menashe, the man at the centre of
Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's treason case, has been
ordered to repay millions of dollars to the Zambian goverment in a maize
deal gone wrong, the Financial Gazette reported.

However, the Zambian government is unlikely to see the US $6 million plus
interest the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) ordered repaid
after as Ben-Menashe's Carlington Sales Company, which was contracted to
supply 50,000 mt of maize in the late 90's, has been liquidated.

Ben-Menashe's name hit headlines this year when Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) leader Tsvangirai and two others were arrested for allegedly
plotting to kill President Robert Mugabe. Tsvangirai met Ben-Menashe with a
view to hiring his public relations company Dickens and Madson to improve
the MDC's image abroad. He was then secretly filmed saying he wanted to
"eliminate" Mugabe, leading to the treason charges.

The Financial Gazette reported that the 50,000 mt of maize was never
delivered. South African bank Nedcor, acting on behalf of the Zambian
government asked the court to get the money back.

However, despite the positive judgment, Willem Kruger, Nedcor's head for
legal affairs said: "We are unable to effect our rights in terms of the
arbitration because Carlington has liquidated itself."

The maize scandal goes back to 1997 when the government decided to buy
100,000 mt of maize through the Canadian based Carlington Sales Company at a
price lower than the Zambian price. Ten percent of the final price of US $24
million was forwarded by the Bank of Zambia to cover shipping costs but the
maize never arrived. The contract was renegotiated several times as the
Zambian government battled to raise the money. Eventually US $5.24 was paid
for 50,000 mt but still the maize never arrived.

An additional US $2 million was allegedly paid to Ben-Menashe on the orders
of former president Frederick Chiluba so that Ben-Menashe's public relations
company could lobby for investment in Zambia's mines.

However, the newspaper said Ben-Menashe claimed that he was forced to bribe
many Zambians and claimed that former opposition politician Paul Tembo was
murdered because he was going to testify on his behalf. The judge rejected
his offers to provide evidence of this calling it a delaying tactic.

The LCIA ordered Ben Menashe to pay Nedcor, to whom the Zambian government
had ceded the contract, US $4,988,508 for breach of contract plus interest
of US $1,120,313. He was also ordered to pay the court costs, the newspaper
reported.

Kruger said Nedcor was currently trying to recover some of the money from
the Carlington liquidation process.

Reacting to news of the court settlement rights monitoring group Afronet
chief executive Ngande Mwanajiti told IRIN: "The Zambian government hasn't
done anything about it. The people involved are still serving in
government."


[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
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AIDS could 'Destroy the Global Economy

2002-05-16

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=11021

HIV/AIDS could "destroy the global economy" and threatens to disrupt international efforts to combat terrorism, U.N. Deputy Secretary General Louise Frechette told delegates on Monday at a meeting of the International Chamber of Commerce in Denver, the Denver Post reports.

Angola: Grim Results From Humanitarian Assessment Missions

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150005.html

Malnutrition levels in at least seven newly accessible areas in Angola are "critical", according to the United Nations. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said on Tuesday that inter-agency rapid assessments in 28 areas which were cut off from relief aid before May because of the war indicated that people needed assistance urgently.

Developing Nations Urge 'More Say' at Global Fund

2002-05-16

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_hiv.cfm#11186

Several developing nations on Wednesday said that the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria should be altered to give African nations and other countries with high HIV infection rates "more of a say" in the fund's operations, Reuters reports. Speaking to the World Health Assembly -- the governing body of the World Health Organization -- a representative from Botswana said, "We recommend that Africa's representation on the board ... be reviewed to make sure that it is in proportion to the burden of the disease."

ERITREA: Focus on rapid expansion of HIV/AIDS

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/7485

Eritrea faces a rapid expansion of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic within the next few years, the Joint United Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) warned on Tuesday. Dominique Mathiot, the UNAIDS Country
Programme Adviser, believes the number of people infected by HIV could increase significantly.
ERITREA: Focus on rapid expansion of HIV/AIDS

NAIROBI, 9 May (PLUSNEWS) - Eritrea faces a rapid expansion of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic within the next few years, the Joint United Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) warned on Tuesday. Dominique Mathiot, the UNAIDS Country
Programme Adviser, believes the number of people infected by HIV could
increase significantly.

"The trend is alarming," said Mathiot. "There are a number of reasons for
concern, including the forthcoming demobilisation of 195,000 soldiers, the
mass movement of people that followed the last conflict, as well as the
economic vulnerability of many people."

Recent studies into HIV/AIDS in Eritrea have shown a steady increase in
cases within certain sections of the population.

While figures compiled since 1997 indicate that HIV prevalence in the adult
population is around 3 percent, a recent survey of the army revealed that
4.6 percent of soldiers were HIV-positive. The same study showed an HIV
prevalence of 22.8 percent among female bar workers.

Since the first AIDS case in Eritrea was reported in 1988, the progress of
the disease has been rapid. By 2001, more than 13,000 people had been
registered as infected. About 2,500 of these cases were reported in 2001
alone.

Other statistics also demonstrate how quickly the pandemic has expanded. In
1996, AIDS was claimed to be the 10th highest cause of death in Eritrean
hospitals. By last year it was the second leading cause of death among
patients over five years of age.

Experts are concerned that the country's health system is unprepared for
such a rapid increase. "The figures show that an increasing number of people
are sick with AIDS and there is no real support structure to cope," said
Mathiot. A number of small-scale schemes are being developed to offer them
help. Most plan to offer home visits, food aid and nursing care for patients
who cannot be accommodated in hospitals.

One project, implemented by the health ministry and the United Nations
Population Fund, by way of a US $350,000 grant from the Danish Embassy, is
working to improve the quality of care and support for people living with
HIV/AIDS. Working through local religious groups and community
organisations, the Community-Based HIV/AIDS Care and Support: Mobilising the
Civil Society of Eritrea will provide volunteers, who will visit patients in
their home, with basic nursing training.

Bidho, Eritrea's first association for people living with HIV/AIDS, which
was set up last year, is also planning to offer similar practical help to
patients and their families.

The World Food Programme, together with the health ministry's National AIDS
Control Programme, will offer food aid to up to 10,000 affected families.

As part of an innovative new approach to educating people about the disease,
10 of the country's best known sporting and entertainment heroes are to
participate in a television and radio campaign.

Cyclists, singers and comedians will perform in a series of short films and
radio announcements to be aired within the next few weeks. Audiences will be
asked to respect the "ABC of Life: Abstinence, Be faithful and wear
Condoms". The films, produced by the Eritrean Social Marketing Group, are
part of an ongoing government education programme, which includes nationwide
poster campaigns, educational projects in schools, youth clubs and camps for
internally displaced people as well as the sale of cheap condoms, which are
easily available nationwide.

Awareness campaigns have also been organised for groups considered at higher
risk of being infected, such as truckers and commercial sex workers.

However, cultural taboos in some parts of the country may hinder the fight
against the disease. Sister Birikty, health coordinator of the National Red
Cross Society in Eritrea (RCSE) said there was still considerable stigma and
discrimination associated with HIV/AIDS. "We have to tell the truth about
AIDS so that cultural taboos and beliefs are properly addressed," she said.

The RSCE is participating in a global HIV/AIDS campaign entitled "The Truth
about AIDS. Pass it on", which was launched on Wednesday by the
International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
Working through its thousands of volunteer members across Eritrea, the RSCE
plans to inform people about the disease.

"The image of the national society in Eritrea is well positioned in the
community. Therefore we are especially well placed to pass on the truth
about AIDS and to change the perceptions, attitudes and behavior of our
community members," said Birikty.



[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "PlusNews" HIV/AIDS Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

Humanitarian Groups Appeal to WHO for More Reseach

2002-05-16

http://c.moreover.com/click/here.pl?e38214995&e=6392

The top decision-making body of the World Health Organization begins its annual meeting Monday in Geneva. Humanitarian groups like Doctors Without Borders are appealing to the organization to encourage more research and development into new drugs to fight disease, especially in the developing world.

New Technique Successful in Combating Tsetse Fly, Says FAO

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150744.html

With nearly 10 million square kilometres of Africa infested by tsetse fly, a new method, the sterile insect technique, has proved successful in combating tsetse fly especially when used in combination with traditional methods such as traps and insecticides. The Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) said on 10 May, that the technique, whereby male flies are sterilised through radiation and then released into the tsetse-infested areas where they mate, brings down the reproductive rate of the whole population leading to extinction.

Southern Africa: AIDS - Fighting Back

2002-05-16

http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=1120109

The Economist this week examines the HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa, specifically in Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa. Botswana has the distinction of being among Africa's richest nations, with a stable democracy and little corruption. However, the country also has the highest HIV adult prevalence rate in the world at 38.5%. According to the Economist, Botswana's mining industry is the key to both its prosperity and its high HIV prevalence. The gold and diamond trade has bolstered the nation's economy, but the single-sex communal living conditions of the miners -- where alcohol and prostitution are frequent diversions -- have contributed to the spread of the virus. In addition, the miners, who are often migrant workers, can transmit the virus to their wives or girlfriends when they return home.

Southern Africa: AIDS is undermining education World Bank report says

2002-05-16

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=11020

HIV/AIDS is threatening international education efforts because in parts of Africa the epidemic is "killing teachers faster than nations can train them" and impeding students' ability to attend school regularly, according to a World Bank report.

UN: Child Death Figures Up

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205150020.html

More than 5,500 children die daily from diseases caused by consuming water and food polluted with bacteria, according to three UN (United Nations) agencies. A new study released by United Nations Environmental Programme (Unep), United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) and World Health Organisation (WHO) revealed that diarrhoea and respiratory infections are the major causes of child mortality.

US AND VATICAN OPPOSE REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AT UN CHILD SUMMIT

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/7537

The U.N. General Assembly Special Session on Children ended Friday night with a compromise and overall endorsement of the conference's final document after 30 hours of "bitter non-stop negotiations" over references in the draft declaration to access to abortion and abstinence-based sex education. The final document does not contain any reference to reproductive health services,a phrase US delegates -- with the support of the Vatican and several Islamic nations -- argued implied access to abortion.
US AND VATICAN OPPOSE REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AT UN CHILD SUMMIT
The U.N. General Assembly Special Session on Children ended Friday night
with a compromise and overall endorsement of the conference's final document
after 30 hours of "bitter non-stop negotiations" over references in the
draft declaration to access to abortion and abstinence-based sex education.
The final document does not contain any reference to reproductive health
services,a phrase US delegates -- with the support of the Vatican and
several Islamic nations -- argued implied access to abortion.
In a move that infuriated its allies, EU negotiators abandoned the EU
position on reproductive health during the Outcome negotiations. In effect
the EU proposed removing any significant reference to the Beijing and Cairo
conferences, which strongly endorsed the idea that the health of women and
girls will be enhanced by access to reproductive services.
The delegates later agreed "reluctantly" to accept the plan, in which the US
delegation agreed to drop its proposal to define a family as a union "based
on marriage between a man and a woman" and instead accept "various forms of
the family," as the end of the conference approached. The compromise also
included the removal of "strong endorsements" of more comprehensive sex
education programmes, but it did not go so far as to endorse
abstinence-based sex education as the best way to avoid STIs and unintended
pregnancies.

IPPF REACTION

Priyanka Debnath, 18, representing IPPF at the Session said:
"If the General Assembly's final decision doesn't include young people's
views, then what was the point in talking about youth participation?"
IPPF Assistant Director-General Dr Pramilla Senanayake, taking part in a a
BBC World News Hour discussion with Unicef Executive Director Carol Bellamy,
pointed out that revisiting Cairo and Beijing resolutions was
counter-productive. She also highlighted IPPF's position that sex education,
unwanted pregnancy, child abuse, and trafficking were fundamental to the
health and welfare of children all over the world.

SOURCE: IPPF; Kaiser Daily Reproductive Health Report, 13 May 2002

Africa: Guidance, Counselling and Youth Development

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7528

The African Association for Guidance and Counselling was launched at the Conference on Guidance, Counselling and Youth Development in Africa, in Nairobi (22-26 April 2002). The aim of the Association is to provide professional support to counsellors and facilitate networking with international partners.
Conference on Guidance, Counselling and Youth Development in Africa
May 8, 2002 - The African Association for Guidance and Counselling was
launched at the Conference on Guidance, Counselling and Youth Development in
Africa, in Nairobi (22-26 April 2002). The aim of the Association is to
provide professional support to counsellors and facilitate networking with
international partners. Its president is Dan Bhusumane (Botswana) and its
executive body counts members from Mali, Cameroon, Nigeria, Senegal,
Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Kenya and Rwanda. African Ministers of Education
initiated the programme in 1994 to develop and institutionalize guidance and
counselling services as non-academic support, with special focus on girls.
Some 27 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa participate. Regional training
courses have been organized for policy-makers, teachers, teacher trainers,
youth and social

http://www.iac-irtac.org/nairobi/nairobi.html

ANGOLA: One of the worst places in the world for children

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7514

Angola is one of the worst places in the world to be a child. One child in three dies before the age of five and only 30 percent of those who survive ever make it to school, a new rights monitoring group said on Wednesday.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ANGOLA: One of the worst places in the world for children

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]


JOHANNESBURG, 8 May (IRIN) - Angola is one of the worst places in the world
to be a child. One child in three dies before the age of five and only 30
percent of those who survive ever make it to school, a new rights monitoring
group said on Wednesday.

A statement ahead of the launch of the Watchlist on Children and Armed
Conflict by several NGOs said that according to UNICEF, children in Angola
form more than half the population but little attention is paid to their
needs. There has been largely silence over the violations of their rights by
government and opposition armed forces during the war.

The protracted conflict, only recently halted by the 4 April ceasefire, will
have severe psycho-social repercussions for children and adolescents, most
of whom have never known peace. Many children exhibit trauma symptoms like
fright, insecurity, and disturbed sleep, the NGOs warned. Previous exposure
to violence puts them at a greater risk of future involvement in violence.

Although the war dominated headlines coming out of Angola, studies have
shown that more people have died from malnutrition, disease and poor water
and sanitation than direct conflict.

As the information flow opens up in Angola, an International Medical Corps
report said that Angolan children under five face a greater risk of poor
health than children anywhere else in sub-Saharan Africa.

Up to 70 percent of children are not registered which inhibits access to
health and other services where they are available. The health system has
been described as being "in a shambles after years of neglect."

Without trained attendants at birth, the infant mortality rate is reported
to be as high as 172 deaths per 1,000 births.

Immunisation rates in Angola are among the lowest in the world so
preventable diseases threaten children's lives. Malaria is the greatest risk
causing 50 percent of under-five deaths. Just over half of the children
under five in Angola are underweight.

Exact figures on HIV/AIDS are not available and beyond Luanda there are
shortages of testing kits, but at least 7,900 children are infected with the
virus. According to UNAIDS and the World Health Organisation an estimated
98,000 children under 15 have lost a mother or both parents to the disease
and about 62,000 children are AIDS orphans.

According to Oxfam, the 30 percent of Angolan children who do make it to
school have to put up with few resources and overcrowding. Up to 90 children
can be found in one classroom around Luanda. Of the children who do study,
only 34 percent reach grade five and only the elite have access to higher
education. Some children start late or leave early so that they can earn a
living.

The war has created large scale population upheavals and though the NGOs say
it is difficult to conduct accurate assessments, an estimated four million
people have been displaced - half of them children.

According to NGO interviews, of these children 82 percent are estimated to
have come under fire, and 56 percent had watched someone trigger a landmine.

Landmines in Angola particularly threaten women and young girls as they
forage for food and firewood. Some anti-personnel mines were often brightly
painted so children picked them up.

The war was not just something children watched. Angola's military law
established 20 as the minimum age of recruitment, but the low level of birth
registration exacerbated underage recruitment. The Coalition to Stop the Use
of Child Soldiers estimates that 3,000 children could be in the ranks of the
national army.

The UN Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA), OCHA, UNICEF, Amnesty
International, Human Rights Watch and the US Department of State all
reported the recruitment of children by rebel UNITA forces.

The demobilisation of about 8,500 child soldiers was halted by the
resurgence of war in 1998. By then an estimated 3,000 children had been
demobilised. By 2000 there was a noticeable increase in child recruitment by
both sides.

The watchlist comes as over 120 nations meet at a UN Special Session on
Children in New York until 10 May.

Olara Otunnu, the UN Special Representative for armed conflict and children,
was reported as saying this week that the three-day special session was
expected to work hard to mobilize international political will and public
opinion behind the protection, rights and well-being of the war-affected
children.

The watchlist aims to collect and publicise information on each country in
conflict so that decision makers can access key information on issues
affecting children, ranging from landmines to health matters.

So far it has profiled Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi and is working on
reports on the West Bank/Gaza strip and Israel, Sudan and the Democratic
Republic of Congo.

It will be launched on Thursday in conjunction with a UN Special Session on
Children panel discussion entitled 'Protecting Boys and Girls During Armed
Conflict'.

The steering committee includes Care International, Coalition to Stop the
Use of Child Soldiers, International Save the Children Alliance, Norwegian
Refugee Council, Women's Commission on Refugee Women and Children and World
Vision International.

More details: www.watchlist.org











[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

East Africa: Poverty, HIV/Aids Threaten Our Children

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7525

Pervasive Poverty and the Aids epidemic are frustrating many of the efforts by East African governments to improve living conditions for children, leaders of Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania told a United Nations conference last week.

Global: CHILD SOLDIERS PLEDGE FOR INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7512

Olara Otunnu, the Secretary-General's Special Representative for Children and Armed Conflict, said yesterday that when the International Criminal Court was established he would work to ensure that people responsible for recruiting child soldiers were among the first to be indicted.
CHILD SOLDIERS PLEDGE FOR INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT
>
>Olara Otunnu, the Secretary-General's Special Representative for
>Children and Armed Conflict, said yesterday that when the
>International Criminal Court was established he would work to ensure
>that people responsible for recruiting child soldiers were among the
>first to be indicted.
>
>He was speaking at the second of two meetings on child soldiers,
>both of which featured short, moving speeches by child victims of
>war, including two former child soldiers.
>
>"I don't think I could ask even my worst enemy to go through what I
>went through. It's too painful. I don't feel like any other human
>being," said China, who was forced to take up arms when she was nine.
>
>Ishmael joined up when he was 14 "to get revenge for my parents'
>deaths. But I was killing other people's parents. It's a disturbing
>cycle of revenge."
>
>At an earlier meeting, a Security Council session on children in
>conflict, 17-year-old Elisa brought a message to diplomats and
>ministers from the Children?s Forum: "War and politics have always
>been an adult game but children have always been the losers."
>
>And she urged, "I hope you will remember my words."
>
>It marked the second time that a child has addressed the Security Council.
>
>At another session on the issue, presented on Monday by the US
>Council on Foreign Relations, participants were told that the
>existence of several international legal instruments meant there
>could be real international action against people who used children
>as soldiers, including a protocol to the Convention on the Rights of
>the Child, three Security Council Resolutions on children and armed
>conflict, and the Convention itself. But the International Criminal
>Court would be the strongest mechanism of all.
>
>Once the Court was activated after July, said Otunnu, the priority
>would be to "activate the international court of public opinion."
>

Los Angeles Times
May 8, 2002 Wednesday Home Edition

Ex-Child Soldiers Appeal for End to Recruitment;
United Nations: World body seeks to enforce a ban on the practice.
Accounts of lost youth precede a meeting today on children's rights.
by WILLIAM ORME, TIMES STAFF WRITER

They tote machine guns more than half their size, and they kill
people more than twice their age. They see themselves as soldiers,
not children.
They often die in combat before they reach adulthood--and if they do
survive, they do not readily adapt to civilian life.
"Our childhood has been taken away from us, and none of you can give
that back," China Keiletsi, a Ugandan who served as a rebel soldier
from age 9 to 20, told a group of U.N. officials and children's
rights activists here Tuesday. "But I hope that everyone in this room
will work to make sure that no other child in this world should go
through that," Keiletsi, now 25, said after describing a life of
abduction, carnage, numbing brutalization and unquestioning
obedience. "I beg you."
For decades, from West Africa to Central America to Southeast Asia,
adolescents and even preteens have been pressed into military duty by
government and guerrilla forces alike.
But the United Nations--with broad new support from the major powers
here--is now seeking to enforce a worldwide ban on the use and
recruitment of child soldiers.
"For far too long, the use of child soldiers has been seen as merely
regrettable," said Kofi Annan, the U.N. secretary-general, addressing
the gathering Tuesday. "We are here to ensure it is recognized as
intolerable. Even on the battlefield, there are minimal norms of
conduct that must be upheld."
Several international treaties prohibit sending minors into combat,
but the provisions have rarely been enforced. At least 300,000
combatants younger than 18 are fighting in armed conflicts around the
world, U.N. agencies estimate.
The Security Council has asked Annan to submit a list in October of
any known violators of these prohibitions.
Under the rules governing the new International Criminal Court,
anyone who sends children younger than 15 into combat faces possible
prosecution for war crimes, U.N. officials said Tuesday.
"We are here to put parties to conflict on notice that the use of
child combatants will carry consequences," Annan said.
With about 60 prime ministers and heads of state scheduled to gather
here today for a special General Assembly meeting on children's
issues, the U.N. is also trying to increase support--and funding--for
its rehabilitation programs for newly surrendered and disarmed child
soldiers. In pilot projects in Sri Lanka, Sierra Leone and Congo,
thousands of young ex-combatants are now in these "demobilization
camps," which offer schooling as well as psychological therapy.
"It becomes a normal thing--killing someone was as easy as doing
anything," said Ishmael Beah, a 20-year-old from Sierra Leone who was
forced to serve as a rebel soldier for three of his teenage years.
After eight months in a U.N. rehabilitation program, Beah, now a
charming, effortlessly eloquent young man, said, he was able to
resume classroom studies. But he still suffers from nightmares and
wrestles with a deep sense of guilt. "I was killing someone else's
parents," he said.
Because underage soldiers are impressionable and obedient, they have
been responsible for "some of the very worst wartime atrocities" in
recent years, said Olara A. Otunnu, a senior U.N. official
specializing in the problems facing children in armed conflicts.
Since 1999, Otunnu has traveled to war zones seeking pledges from
governments and rebel groups that they will no longer send anyone
younger than 18 into combat. He says he has now received 59 such
commitments, many in sub-Saharan Africa, where the problem is most
acute.
In the Democratic Republic of Congo, where thousands of young boys
have fought as insurgents and as government troops in recent years,
President Joseph Kabila and leaders of the opposition Congo
Liberation Movement pledged a year ago to immediately halt the
recruitment of child soldiers. They also agreed to permit U.N.
inspections of military camps to ensure compliance and promised that
armed minors would be transferred to U.N. facilities for former child
soldiers.
But reports persist of young boys and girls fighting on both sides in
Congo. And thousands of children abducted from northern Uganda are
now in rebel camps across the border in Sudan, Otunnu said Tuesday.
In Angola, where Otunnu is headed next week, the army and the rebel
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola both have young
teenagers in arms, he said.
If these practices do not cease, Otunnu said, "we will work to ensure
that the very first prosecutions in the International Criminal Court
are of those who recruit these child soldiers."


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NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court

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New York, New York 10017
USA
Telephone +1 212 687 2176 Faxsimile +1 212 599 1332
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Web http://www.iccnow.org
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KIDS DEMAND ACTION FROM WORLD LEADERS AT UN SPECIAL SESSION ON CHILDREN

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7517

They heard plenty of promises from world leaders who vowed to improve their health, education and rights -- or simply provide them with food. But children attending the UN Special Session on Children demanded one thing: action.
IWTC WOMEN'S GLOBALNET #195
Initiatives and Activities of Women Worldwide
By Anne S. Walker

May 10, 2002

KIDS DEMAND ACTION FROM WORLD LEADERS AT UN SPECIAL SESSION ON CHILDREN

(The following has been excerpted from articles in the New York Times)

They heard plenty of promises from world leaders who vowed to improve
their health, education and rights -- or simply provide them with food.
But children attending the UN Special Session on Children demanded one
thing: action.

As the three-day meeting comes to an end, children from around the world
are speaking out about AIDS and other diseases, the 120 million children
who don't go to school, and governments that fail to respect children's
rights.

"Most leaders just pay lip service to children,'' Bernice Akuamoah, a
15-year-old from Ghana, said during a rare dialogue between African
leaders and African children. "They come and they say all these nice
things and we expect them to happen, but that's a whole other matter.''

Meanwhile, delegates from more than 180 countries were meeting behind
closed doors, wrestling with a final summit document that is to set out
new priorities and goals in efforts to improve the lot of children
worldwide over the next 15 years.

The most serious divisions were over an effort to include a reference to
the plight of Palestinian children and over language on family planning,
children's rights, and "reproductive health" that some conservatives
interpret as advocating abortion. Negotiators met into the early hours
on Friday, trying to wrap up the summit's final document.

A US official said all the delegates have agreed privately that "health
services" does not mean abortion, but the United States wants this
specified in a footnote to the document. Diplomats said there was
near-deadlock on the issue amid strong resistance to the US demand.

During the negotiations over wording, American officials have pressed
for specificity Ñ demanding, for instance, that the term "reproductive
health services" be annotated to exclude abortion. In this they are
joined by the Vatican, as well as several Islamic nations, from Iran to
Pakistan. On the opposing side are delegates representing the European
Union, as well as countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia.

In the General Assembly, leaders of both the industrialized and
developing world were urged to spend more money on children and less on
weapons. "When there is a war against any nation, the state finds the
money. This is a war for our children. We want the money and we are
going to get it for them," said Najma Heptullah, deputy head of India's
upper house of parliament.

Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo pledged to spend less on defense and
more on children. "My government has reduced the military expenditures
and will use that money to bolster social spending, particularly in the
defense and education of children," he told the General Assembly.

Norway's Minister for International Development Hilde Johnsson said
there was reason to be optimistic. "The tide is there. The countries
that are not increasing aid feel a bit awkward and feel they should
deliver more," she said. "That is very good pressure that has been
built."

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South Africa: Meeting the needs of disabled children

Call for Projects or Programmes

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7513

A research study on the needs of children with disabilities in South Africa is being conducted by Samaita Associates on behalf of the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund. Organisations that have programmes or projects that benefit disabled children are invited to participate in the study. The deadline for submissions is 17 May 2002.
Meeting the needs of disabled children

A baby is denied critical heart surgery by a provincial hospital because he
has a disability. Villagers try to burn disabled children who are believed
to have been raised from the dead to work for witches. A mentally disabled
child is chained to a tree every day because his mother is unable to cope
with his behaviour. A deaf boy attends school for years, but learns little
from teachers who are unable to communicate with him. Sexual offenders prey
on isolated and dependent disabled children who can't run away or give
evidence.

These stories have made South African media headlines in recent months and
are a stark reminder of the needs of children with disabilities. The vast
majority of human rights violations against disabled children and their lack
of access to basic social services remain unreported.

Ignorance, stereotypes, prejudice, cultural myths and fears around
disability prevail in South African society. Lack of access to information
prevents parents of disabled children from seeking assistance from social
services that may be available to them.

"There are few statistics available on the prevalence of childhood
disability, but it could be as high as five percent of South African
children," says Andrew K Dube, managing director of Samaita Associates.
"What is clear, however, is that their needs are not being adequately met
and this must urgently be addressed."

Dube's company has recently been commissioned by the Nelson Mandela
Children's Fund to undertake a study of the needs of disabled children in
South Africa.

"Addressing the needs of children with disabilities requires the
participation of all sectors of society," Dube says. "For this reason, we
are calling upon all interested organisations with programmes or projects
that benefit disabled children to participate in our survey on the funding
needs in this area."

The organisations may include groups of parents of disabled children,
disabled people's organisations and other institutions that have a direct or
indirect interest in the needs of disabled children.

Samaita Associates is interested in why the programmes or projects that
benefit disabled children were started; how many children are benefiting
from them; the areas of need they address; and who started the programmes.
It is also asking for input or recommendations for a grant making policy and
the areas that it should cover.

The deadline for submissions is 17h00 on 17 May 2002.

Further information on this study can be obtained from Andrew K Dube,
Samaita Associates, 7 East Bend Rd, Beacon Bay, 5247. Tel/Fax: 043 748-6883,
E-mail: akdube@iafrica.com Mobile Fax: 083 8284 2232, Mobile Tel: 083 284
2232.

ENDS ... 7 May 2002



PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT


Research to determine funding needs of disabled children's programmes

A research study on the needs of children with disabilities in South Africa
is being conducted by Samaita Associates on behalf of the Nelson Mandela
Children's Fund.

Organisations that have programmes or projects that benefit disabled
children are invited to participate in the study. These organisations may
include groups of parents of disabled children, disabled people's
organisations, mainstream organisations and other institutions that have a
direct or indirect interest in the needs of disabled children.

The following information is required by the researchers:
* Name, address and contact details of the organisation
* Details of the programme or project, including why it was started; how
many children are benefiting from it; the areas of need it addresses; and
who started the programme
* Input and recommendations on a grant making policy and the areas of
disabled children's needs that should be covered by such a policy

The deadline for submissions is 17h00 on 17 May 2002.

Further information may be obtained from: Andrew K Dube, Samaita Associates,
7 East Bend Rd, Beacon Bay, 5247. Tel/Fax: 043 748-6883, E-mail:
akdube@iafrica.com Mobile Fax: 083 8 284 2232, Cellphone: 083 284 2232.

ENDS ... 7 May 2002


Issued by:

Frances Kinghorn, Director, Cicada Development Communications (Pty) Ltd
30 Portland Avenue, Craighall Park, 2196
Tel/fax: 011 325-4874
Mobile: 083 625 1110
E-mail: efk@iafrica.com

On behalf of:

Andrew K Dube, Managing Director, Samaita Associates (Pty) Ltd
7 East Bend Road, Beacon Bay, 5247.
Tel/Fax: 043 748-6883
Mobile Tel: 083 284-2232
Mobile Fax: 083 8284-2232
E-mail: akdube@iafrica.com

TANZANIA: Focus on child welfare

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7518

Farraja Kotta is a 16-year-old Tanzanian girl who has just finished her O-level education. But on Wednesday, she had the honour of speaking on behalf of African children in an event on promoting children's participation, held at the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Children in New York.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

TANZANIA: Focus on child welfare

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]


DAR ES SALAAM, 10 May (IRIN) - Farraja Kotta is a 16-year-old Tanzanian girl
who has just finished her O-level education. But on Wednesday, she had the
honour of speaking on behalf of African children in an event on promoting
children's participation, held at the United Nations General Assembly
Special Session on Children in New York.

Farraja, and some 350 other children from around the world, are the first
children ever to have been invited to the General Assembly to participate in
the highest level of international deliberations, where, alongside
international leaders, they are looking at what has been done, and needs to
be done, for children.

For Bjorn Ljungqvist, the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF)
representative in Tanzania, the session needs to be more than just another
three day meeting and must tackle the many shortcomings still faced by
children in Tanzania, and all over the world. "On the Tanzanian side we had
a series of meetings, at which the children identified what they say were
the most important issues and what would be their recommendations," he told
the press in Dar es Salaam on Tuesday.

"The children from Tanzania will talk about education, protection, child
participation and, of course, HIV/AIDS," he said.

The 2001 UNICEF Situation Analysis of Children in Tanzania paints a fairly
depressing picture, noting that, while the country has maintained relative
stability and improved its macroeconomic performance, this has not been
translated into real improvements in the lives of children.
"Tanzania has not met 2000 targets, and is far from being on track to meet
2015 international development targets and Vision 2025 goals. Instead,
virtually every critical measure of child well-being stagnated or declined
through the 1990s," the report states.

Amongst children of up to six years of age, the report highlights the
worrying situation of increased infant- and child- mortality rates,
resulting in the fact that "one in every six children fails to make it to
their fifth birthday".

Primary schooling is another major problem in Tanzania. While the government
has launched its Primary Education Development Plan, the report states that
the quality of schooling is "extremely poor" throughout the country, and
that less than half of all children completed primary education at the end
of the 1990s.

As a result, Ljungqvist believes that, while the government is trying to
build more classrooms, Tanzania's development is being seriously retarded.
"I estimate that if you look at the number of children that have accumulated
without getting a decent basic education over the last 10 or 15 years, we
are talking about seven or eight million young people.

"We talk about fighting poverty, but this is the core of the future of
Tanzania, and without reasonable basic education, what platform do they have
to stand on?" he added.

The report also highlights the impact of HIV/AIDS on Tanzania's children,
saying that community surveys in six districts have suggested the recent
figure of 700,000 AIDS orphans may, in fact be only half the real numbers.

"Children are often hit hardest, as parents fall ill and scarce resources
are devoted to treatment, or expropriated by others after their parents'
death," the report says.

With 10 percent of those who replied to the Say Yes for Children campaign -
a world-wide ballot on children - putting harm and exploitation of children
as their major concern, protection of children is another issue that will be
put forward by the Tanzanian delegation in New York.

Confirming this, the UNICEF analysis reported that "approximately 40 percent
(or 3.4 million) children and young people aged 5-17 in Tanzania were
engaged in economic work" in a given period in 2000, with poverty being the
underlying reason for this.

According to Ljungqvist, this is a cause for concern. "If those children are
not given a fair chance to learn, to complete their education, physical and
mental growth before taking on a full-time heavy job, then I think their
future is very bleak."

Ljungqvist added that the news was not all bad, with progress being made in
helping children fight malaria. Trials in Tanzania have proved that
Insecticide Treated Nets can help reduce malarial cases by up to 50 percent.

Meanwhile, Iodine Deficiency Disorders also seem to have been challenged
effectively, and through salt iodisation - up to 80 percent in Tanzania -
this is a problem that can be overcome.

However, there is much to be done, and it all comes down to a question of
prioritisation, says Ljungqvist. "When the needs are so many, where do you
put that money when it comes available? Unless you really make sure the ones
that take that final decision really know that an extra US $20 million for
this project would have an impact."

It is not that there is a lack of commitment, he believes, but rather the
issue of children needs to be taken more seriously.

"We hope that children will now be seen as an important investment. Children
have always been seen as cute kids that you have to feel pity for and treat
almost as a welfare issue, but if you are really serious about the future of
this country you have to see that if you don't give children a chance to
both survive, learn, be healthy and well-nourished, you will not have a
chance to catch up," he said.

In his foreword to the UNICEF report, President Benjamin Mkapa stressed that
all policy should take into consideration the needs of children, "and, we
need to do this not just for the children of Tanzania, but with the children
of Tanzania".

This week, with the participation of some 350 children at the General
Assembly, seems to be the ideal opportunity.



[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
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The Global Movement for Children

2002-05-16

http://www.crin.org/docs/themes/SpecialSession/globalmovementforchildren.htm

The UN Special Session for Children has evoked high hopes from organisations working for the benefit of children. Many organisations, advocacy groups and NGOs list out their expectations from the session.

TOGO: Project against child labour

2002-05-16

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=27739&SelectRegion=West_Africa&SelectCountry=TOGO

Togo's office of the International Catholic Child Bureau, using a US $343,000 contribution from the French government, has launched a three-year project to combat child labour across the country.

TrainingPoint - New Portal for Sharing Technology Curricula for Nonprofits

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7565

TrainingPoint is an experimental project with the goal of creating a self-supporting online community of nonprofit technical assistance providers. Take a look at the online lessons/tutorials (only Microsoft, so far) that are online.
Says Nelson Layag, Director of Technology for CompassPoint: "The original concept behind TrainingPoint was to share resources among the people and organizations that provide technology assistance to nonprofit organizations. But we think there is an even broader audience for this tool. For example, community technology centers (CTCs) that have had to develop their own curricula to serve their clients, whether children, new immigrants, or adults in job training programs, can now turn to TrainingPoint as a free resource for these materials."

A primary feature of TrainingPoint is the ability to download complete training materials and teaching guides for technology tools and software programs in the following major topic areas: Basic Computer Skills, Computer Applications, the Internet, Specialized Software, and Technology Management/Planning. The site features the curricula of training providers from all around the nation, including submissions from some of the premier training and technology providers to nonprofits in the country. Among the titles already included at the site are: CompassPoint's Database Camp for MS Access and Word for the Self-Taught, Michael Stein Internet Consulting'sYour Internet Strategy: Best Uses of Email and the Web, and NPower NY's Networking Basics.

Also, site users don't have to take the word of the curricula posters as the only source of feedback on the materials. TrainingPoint allows any user to post their feedback on a curriculum to the site for others to consider. So the only real promotion on the quality of a given curriculum comes from peers and others in the nonprofit community.

For more information on TrainingPoint contact:
[url=mailto:CristinaC@compasspoint.org]Cristina Chan[/url], Special Projects Director
<a href="mailto:NelsonL@compasspoint.org">Nelson Layag, Technology Director

Zimbabwe: Reproductive Health Crisis for Adolescents

In the Spotlight at UN Special Session on Children

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/education/7515

A new report demonstrates just how devastating the health impact will be on adolescents worldwide if the Bush administration succeeds in dismantling existing international agreements on adolescent reproductive rights at the United Nations Special Session on Children, May 8-10.
Reproductive Health Crisis for Zimbabwean Adolescents
In the Spotlight at UN Special Session on Children

New York - A new report demonstrates just how devastating the health impact
will be on adolescents worldwide if the Bush administration succeeds in
dismantling existing international agreements on adolescent reproductive
rights at the United Nations Special Session on Children, May 8-10.

State of Denial: Adolescent Reproductive Rights in Zimbabwe, documents a
reproductive health crisis in that African nation, where approximately 45%
of young people are under age 15. Nearly half of all HIV infections -
almost 7,000 daily - occur among people aged 15 to 24, and teenagers undergo
the majority of an estimated 60,000 to 70,000 unsafe abortions performed
each year.

"If governments want to ensure that adolescents survive into adulthood and
avoid the risk of death, ill-health, and abandoned life goals due to teenage
pregnancy and HIV infection, they must act to reinforce the reproductive
rights of adolescents during the Special Session on Children," said Kathy
Hall Martinez, acting director of CRLP's international program.

Written by CRLP and the Child & Law Foundation in Harare, Zimbabwe, the
report is based on over 800 interviews with adolescents, parents, government
officials, non-governmental organizations and UN agencies. It concludes
that young people have a human right to access reproductive health
information and services.

Facts of Life for Adolescents in Zimbabwe:

-30% of girls 15 to 19 years old reportedly had sexual intercourse at least
once; close to 40% of female adolescents in Zimbabwe are mothers by the time
they are 19 years old.

-Zimbabwean service providers cannot provide contraception, including
condoms, without parental consent to any adolescent due to confusing laws
and policies; adolescents' rights to privacy and confidentiality in seeking
medical care is virtually non-existent.

The launch of State of Denial: Adolescent Reproductive Rights in Zimbabwe
will include a presentation by Naira Khan, director, Child & Law Foundation,
Harare, Zimbabwe, and a co-author of the report. CRLP attorneys will also
participate in a panel presentation providing a global snapshot of
adolescent reproductive rights from Europe to Asia.

###

For more information on the report launch in New York City on May 8 from
7-9pm, please contact Suzanne Grossman at suzanne.grossman@crlp.org

Copies of the report will be available to download at
www.reproductiverights.org

Global Apartheid

2002-05-16

http://www.globalethics.org/newsline/members/currentissue2.tmpl#051302141136

Last week, by an odd twist of my schedule, I found myself visiting two sites in two hemispheres that each focus on apartheid. One is well known: Robben Island, the prison off Cape Town, South Africa, where Nelson Mandela was jailed for 18 years. The other is hardly visible: Maticni Street in Usti nad Labem, a gritty industrial town in the Czech Republic, where locals built a block-long wall in 1999 to separate an enclave of the Roma (gypsies) from the Czechs across the street. Robben Island, a seminal training ground for anti-apartheid forces, was a maximum-security facility from which no political prisoner ever escaped. The wall at Usti, a seven-foot-high noise barrier with several open gates through it, prevented nobody from moving anywhere. Robben Island endured for decades. The so-called "wall of shame" lasted about a month. Some say the story out of Usti -- near the border with the former East Germany, and only a decade distant from the Berlin Wall -- loomed larger in the press than it deserved to. But did it? Apartheid comes in many forms. But it always starts from a premise that "they're different from us," and that they need to be separated from us, often forcibly.

HISTORIC PERMANENT FORUM ON INDIGENOUS ISSUES BREAKS NEW GROUND

2002-05-16

http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/12B14D6DB19CCF2FC1256BB800294417?opendocument

The inaugural meeting of a new United Nations body, the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues -- which will take place at United Nations Headquarters in New York on Monday, 13 May, in Conference Room 2 -- will bring together indigenous leaders and civil society from all parts of the world. This is the first time that indigenous voices will be heard at such a high level by the world Organization. The new Forum represents an historic advance in indigenous peoples' efforts to reach the ear of the international community and make their needs and concerns known. While they have made steady progress at the United Nations -- from their first approach to the League of Nations, to the Working Group on Indigenous Populations and the subsequent establishment of the International Decade -- the creation of the Forum as a subsidiary body of the Economic and Social Council is a breakthrough achievement.

Issues of Race and Gender

2002-05-16

http://www.ips.org/index.htm

"How do I hold hands with my sisters in the North without also remembering that for 500 years an estimated 100 million Africans, most of whom were women, were brutally dragged across the world and scattered to every corner of the ‘empire’, while millions more - my fore-parents in the widest sense of the word - slaved on plantations and mines across this region, producing the very wealth that made it possible for European women - of all classes - to renegotiate the distribution of critical resources between themselves and the state through the mechanism of the welfare state. And yet, in this new and very interesting time of the 21st century when the very same forces that invented racial and location difference among and between peoples and women as an exploited and oppressed group, have, through the further entrenchment of social inequality and difference, begun to threaten those very essential bonds that women worked so hard to emphasize during the past hundred years. Clearly, globalization requires that we interrogate more critically those things that have kept us apart - among which most importantly is the issue of white privilege between women in a world divided into North and South."

Malawi implements land policy

2002-05-16

http://www.newafrica.com/news/environment/articlepg1.asp?ID=46737

Malawi has started implementing its controversial national land policy even though parliament hasn't ratified it. The controversial policy insists that foreigners owning land renew their residency every seven years, failing which the government will seize the land and give it to landless people. Critics say this will deter foreign investment.The ministry of land has bought Makande Tea Estate in the southern Thyolo district from the Lonrho Company and started registering landless people from neighbouring Mulanje district.

Kenya: Thousands Homeless in Tana River Floods

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205160059.html

At least 8,000 people have been made homeless and thousands of acres of grazing land flooded by torrential rains lashing Tana River district.

MADAGASCAR REVEALS NEW SPECIES OF FISH, CORALS

2002-05-16

http://ens-news.com/ens/may2002/2002L-05-10-02.html

Three new species of fish and nine species of coral new to science have been discovered in the waters around the African island country of Madagascar.

Rwanda: Poachers kill endangered mountain gorillas

2002-05-16

http://www.enn.com/news/wire-stories/2002/05/05152002/reu_47221.asp

Poachers in Rwanda have killed two of the world's last remaining mountain gorillas, a highly endangered species, in an attempt to capture and sell their young, Rwandan wildlife conservation officials said. "With just some 350 of them remaining, the population is so fragile that every individual lost is significant in terms of the viability of the mountain gorilla," said Katie Fawcett, director of the Karisoke Research Centre in the northwestern town of Ruhengeri.

South Africa moves to weed out ugly 'national flower'

2002-05-16

http://enn.com/news/wire-stories/2002/05/05102002/reu_47184.asp

South Africa moved Thursday to weed out what the Environment and Tourism Minister has dubbed the country's "national flower," the ubiquitous eyesore better known as the plastic shopping bag. The minister, Valli Moosa, told reporters the plastics industry had been given 12 months to phase out the thin, plastic shopping bags handed out free in stores and replace them with thicker ones.

South Africa: El Nino on its way

2002-05-16

http://www.newafrica.com/news/environment/articlepg1.asp?ID=46340

The South African Weather Service said it expects El Nino weather conditions to hit southern Africa at the end of the year, bringing yet another dry spell after this year's already disappointing harvest. "Indications are showing that an El Nino is coming and the data we are getting month after month shows it is under way," said Melton Mugeri, a meteorologist at the South African Weather Service.

Uganda: Kampala to Host Environment Meet

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205160313.html

UGANDA is to host a five-day conference for environmental ministers from Africa ahead of the 10th commemoration of the Earth Summit to be held in Johannesburg, South Africa. Angela Luh of the United Nations Environment Programme told a press conference on Monday that the African Ministerial Conference on Environment (AMCEN) would take place in Kampala in July.

Eritrea: HRW Demands "Immediate Release" of Detained Journalists And Dissidents

2002-05-16

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=27800&SelectRegion=Horn_of_Africa&SelectCountry=ERITREA

The New York-based rights watchdog, Human Rights Watch (HRW), has called on the Eritrean government to free immediately nine journalists detained in September 2001 following the government's imposition of a ban on all private and independent publications in the country, HRW said in a press statement on Thursday.

IPI re-affirms countries on the Watch List

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7571

At its meeting, held in Ljubljana, Slovenia on 9 May 2002, the Executive Board of the International Press Institute (IPI) unanimously agreed to keep Russia, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Venezuela and Zimbabwe on the "IPI Watch List".
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/UPDATE - INTERNATIONAL

10 May 2002

IPI re-affirms countries on the Watch List

SOURCE: International Press Institute (IPI), Vienna

**Updates IFEX alerts of 22 October, 7 September, 26 June and 30 January
2001, 8
December, 30 October and 23 June 2000**

(IPI/IFEX) - The following is an IPI press release:

Ljubljana, 10 May 2002

IPI Re-affirms Countries on the Watch List

At its meeting, held in Ljubljana, Slovenia on 9 May 2002, the Executive
Board
of the International Press Institute (IPI) unanimously agreed to keep
Russia,
South Korea, Sri Lanka, Venezuela and Zimbabwe on the "IPI Watch List".

In Russia, the Executive Board found that there had been no changes to the
media
scene. Commenting on the Russian situation, IPI Director Johann P. Fritz
said,
"In conclusion, it is difficult to see any improvement. The violence against
journalists continues unabated and, with the demise of TV-6, independent
broadcasting has all but disappeared."

With regard to South Korea, the Executive Board resolved to leave the
country on
the "IPI Watch List" because of the need to monitor the plight of the 23
media
outlets fined under the 2001 tax investigation and to ensure that these
fines do
not have a disastrous impact on their ability to operate. In addition, the
Executive Board noted that these companies have been forced to seek outside
financial assistance in order to pay their fines and IPI is concerned about
their impact on editorial independence.

Speaking of the situation, Fritz said, "What can be said with some assurance
concerning South Korea is that the government needs to frame a better
response
to calls for media reform than the imprisonment of media owners."

Concerning Sri Lanka, the Executive Board said there is a continuing need to
review the situation in the country. Commenting on the media environment,
IPI
Chairman Hugo Buetler, editor-in-chief of the Neue Zuercher Zeitung, said,
"Though not directly related to press freedom, the high numbers of deaths
during
the election campaign and on election day are a strong indication of the
problems in Sri Lanka. Until this violence ceases, the country will remain a
dangerous country for reporters."

Regarding Venezuela, Fritz said, "The failed coup is an indication of the
instability plaguing the country. Since the return of the president, there
have
been reports of media outlets refusing to cover the coup and it appears a
number
of journalists have left work due to the climate of intimidation."

Zimbabwe was also kept on the "IPI Watch List" with the Executive Board
profoundly disturbed by the attacks on the media. "An examination of the
Zimbabwean media scene reveals that both the government and the Zanu-PF
party
are deeply prejudiced against the media and there is no sign that this will
change in the near future," said Fritz.

Devised by IPI, the "IPI Watch List" is a mechanism to detect and document
regressive tendencies in countries that appear to be moving towards
restricting
press freedom. Each country's status on the "IPI Watch List" will be
evaluated
twice yearly by the IPI Executive Board.

For further information, contact IPI at Spiegelgasse 2, A-1010 Vienna,
Austria,
tel: +43 1 512 90 11, fax: +43 1 512 90 14, e-mail: Michael Kudlak at
mkudlak@freemedia.at, Barbara Trionfi at info@freemedia.at, or David Dadge
at
ddadge@freemedia.at, Internet site: www.freemedia.at

The information contained in this press release/update is the sole
responsibility of IPI. In citing this material for broadcast or publication,
please credit IPI.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Kenya: I support stiff law for media, says President

2002-05-16

http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/14052002/News/News99.html

Hopes that President Moi would block a controversial law restricting media freedom were dashed on 13th May when he declared his firm support for it. The President said he would assent to the Statute Law (Miscellaneous Amendment) Bill to curb what he termed as "irresponsible journalism".

Kenya: IFJ condemns repressive media bill

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7548

The International Federation of Journalists, the world's largest journalist's group, and the Eastern Africa Journalist Association (EAJA) have expressed their strong concern regarding the adoption of a media regulation that has been passed in Kenya. "This law is repressive regulation that is potentially seriously damaging to press freedom," said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/UPDATE - KENYA

10 May 2002

IFJ condemns repressive media bill

SOURCE: International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Brussels

**Updates IFEX alerts of 10 May and 26 April 2002 and 17 December 2001**

(IFJ/IFEX) - The following is an IFJ media release:

IFJ condemns repressive media bill in Kenya

The International Federation of Journalists, the world's largest
journalist's
group, and the Eastern Africa Journalist Association (EAJA), today expressed
their strong concern regarding the adoption of a media regulation that has
been
passed in Kenya. "This law is repressive regulation that is potentially
seriously damaging to press freedom," said Aidan White, IFJ General
Secretary.

On 8th May the Kenyan parliament passed the Statutory Law (Miscellaneous
Amendment) bill 2002, making shocking amendments to sections affecting the
media. The bill seeks an increase in the bond executed by media publishers
from
the current Kenya shillings 10,000 (US$128) to Kenya shillings million
(US$12,820). Vendors who sell newspapers that are not bonded face a fine of
KSH
20,000 (US$ 256) and/or a six-month jail sentence.

Publishers will also be required to submit at least two copies of their
publications to the registrar of books and newspapers. Failure to comply
will
attract a jail term of three to five years, a 1 million shilling fine for
first
offenders and disqualification from owning or publishing a newspaper or
magazine
for repeat offenders. Newspapers vendors will be required to confirm that
the
publisher has met all the above requirements before accepting to sell a
title.

"If the change is passed into law it will deal a devastating blow to the
growth
of media and freedom of the press in general", says Martin Ocholi, EAJA
coordinator. "EAJA sees this move as a deliberate and mischievous attempt by
the
ruling party and government to deny millions of Kenyans their rights to free
speech. Neither business nor professional significance can be served by this
move", he added.

The IFJ also has strong reservations about the underlying motives of the
government, regarding the recent legal challenges of politicians against
several
Newspapers. "Systematic attacks of the Kenyan government against its
citizens'
freedom of expression sketch a grim picture of the country, particularly in
the
light of the upcoming general elections", stated Aidan White.

The IFJ is calling on President Daniel Arap Moi to refuse presidential
ascent to
the law, and urges the government to stop its attempts to control the media
under the guise of regulation.

The IFJ is the world largest organisation of journalists with more than
500,000
members in more than 100 countries.

For further information, contact the IFJ, International Press Centre,
Residence
Palace, Block C, 155 Rue de la Loi, B-1040 Brussels, Belgium, tel: +322 235
2200
or +322 235 22 01, fax: +322 235 22 19, e-mail: safety@ifj.org, Internet:
http://www.ifj.org/

The information contained in this press release/update is the sole
responsibility of IFJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication,
please credit IFJ.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Kenya: New Media Law Curbs Free Speech

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7609

Human Rights Watch on 11th May condemned Kenya's parliament for passing a new law aimed at government control of newspapers. The new law imposes exorbitant publishing fees that could handicap newspapers economically and silence new voices. Human Rights Watch urged President Daniel arap Moi not to sign the law into effect.
Kenya: New Media Law Curbs Free Speech

(New York, May 11, 2002) - Human Rights Watch today condemned Kenya's
parliament
for passing a new law aimed at government control of newspapers. The new law
imposes exorbitant publishing fees that could handicap newspapers
economically
and silence new voices. Human Rights Watch urged President Daniel arap Moi
not
to sign the law into effect.

The new law appears to be designed to mute public criticism in the run-up to
national elections to be held by the end of this year. President Moi is
stepping
down after two decades in office, and the
country's constitution is under review.

"This measure could muzzle the press in a critical election year,"said Peter
Takirambudde, executive director of Human Rights Watch's Africa division.
"Freedom of expression has never been more important in Kenya."

Current Kenyan law already constricts publishers by requiring them to
register
with the government, pay a libel insurance bond, and submit copies of every
publication to a government registrar. The new law passed by Parliament is
an
amendment to the Books and Newspapers Act and raises that bond amount one
hundredfold, from US$128 to US$12,800. The law also penalizes vendors and
distributors who don't establish whether publishers of every publication
they
sell have registered and paid up. Penalties for a first offense include
fines up
to $12,800, three years in jail, or both.

"In effect, these fees could curb the right to freedom of expression," said
Takirambudde. "And that right is enshrined in international law and Kenya's
own
constitution."

The measure is an attempt to eradicate a proliferating "gutter press,"
according
to the government. But critics claim politicians are trying to cushion
themselves from embarrassing revelations before the election. Journalists
and
media owners, who insist they can clean up the industry on their own, have
drafted a code of ethics and are forming a regulatory council.

The latest media law follows a recent series of defamation and libel cases
against newspapers and bookstores, in which high government officials,
including
President Moi, have won record damages.


For more information, please contact:
In Boston, Binaifer Nowrojee: +1-617-493-2990
In New York, Peter Takirambudde: +1-212-216-1834
In London, Steve Crawshaw: +44-20-7713-1995
In Brussels, Jean-Paul Marthoz: +322-732-2009

--
Jeff Scott
Africa Division
Human Rights Watch
Phone: +1-212-216-1834
Fax: +1-212-736-1300
http://www.hrw.org/africa/index.php
en français, http://www.hrw.org/french/africa/

**The information contained in this autolist item is the sole responsibility
of
Human Rights Watch**

KENYA: RSF Calls on Moi to Drop Media Bill

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7606

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has expressed its concern about a bill adopted by Kenyan MPs on 8 May 2002 and called on the head of State to ask the government to drop the bill, saying it was repressive and a "clear threat" to media diversity in Kenya. "It naturally discriminates in favour of richer newspapers and introduces an ambiance of intimidation at all levels of production," said RSF secretary-general Robert Ménard in a letter to President Daniel arap Moi.
KENYA - Parliament adopted a bill that threatens the media (version
française suit)
Date: Monday, May 13, 2002 6:04 AM

Press freedom
13 May 2002

KENYA

Parliament adopted a bill that threatens the media

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) expressed its concern today about a bill
adopted
by Kenyan MPs on 8 May 2002 and called on the head of State to ask the
government to drop the bill, saying it was repressive and a "clear threat"
to
media diversity in Kenya.

"It naturally discriminates in favour of richer newspapers and introduces an
ambiance of intimidation at all levels of production," said RSF
secretary-general Robert Ménard in a letter to President Daniel arap Moi.
"It
gravely threatens the survival of the weakest titles."

Parliament has adopted on 8 May 2002 the Statutes Law Bill (Miscellaneous
Amendment Bill), tabled by Attorney General Amos Wako. The latest version of
it
increases the cost of newspaper publishing bond from 10,000 shillings (150
euros) to one million (15,000 euros).

Those who fail to conform risk a fine of one million shillings and/or a
three-year prison sentence. Re-offenders can be jailed for five years or
even
permanently banned from publishing anything. The law also punishes those
who
sell or distribute papers that haven't paid the bond.

RSF notes that The People Daily and its former editor, George Mbugguss, were
sentenced on appeal on 22 March this year to pay 20 million shillings (about
300,000 euros) in libel damages to trade and industry minister Nicholas
Biwott.
An article on 10 March 1999 implicated Nicholas Biwott, then minister for
the
East African Community, in the allegedly corrupt award of a contract in a
hydro-electric dam construction project.


Liberté de la presse
13 mai 2002

KENYA

Un projet de loi dangereux pour la presse a été adopté

Dans une lettre adressée au président Daniel arap Moi, Reporters sans
frontières
(RSF) a protesté contre l'adoption récente d'un nouveau projet de loi sur la
presse. "Cette loi est un réel danger pour le pluralisme de la presse. Elle
établit une sélection de fait selon la richesse des journaux et instaure un
climat d'intimidation à tous les niveaux de production", a déclaré Robert
Ménard, secrétaire général de l'organisation. "La survie des titres les plus
fragiles est sérieusement menacée", a-t-il ajouté. L'organisation a demandé
au
Président de tout mettre en oeuvre pour que cette loi liberticide
soit rejetée par le gouvernement.

D'après les informations recueillies par RSF, le parlement kenyan a adopté,
le 8
mai 2002, le projet de loi des statuts (Amendements divers) introduit par le
ministre de la Justice, Amos Wako. Ce texte prévoit notamment de faire
passer
les frais autorisant l'édition une publication de 10 000 à un million de
shillings (de 150 à 15 000 euros). Tout contrevenant s'expose à une
contravention d'un million de shillings et/ou une peine de trois ans de
prison.
Les récidivistes risquent cinq années de prison et une interdiction
définitive
d'éditer. Par ailleurs, le projet permet de poursuivre tous ceux qui
vendraient
ou distribueraient des journaux n'ayant pas payé ces frais.

RSF a par ailleurs rappelé que le 22 mars 2002, le quotidien The People
Daily et
son ancien rédacteur en chef, George Mbugguss, ont été condamnés en appel à
verser 20 millions de shillings kenyans (environ 300 000 euros), à Nicholas
Biwott, ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie, pour "diffamation". Un
article
publié le 10 mars 1999, impliquait Nicholas Biwott, à l'époque ministre de
la
Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est, dans l'attribution controversée d'un
marché
pour la construction d'un barrage hydro-électrique.

--
Reporters sans frontières
Bureau Afrique - Africa desk
afrique@rsf.org, africa@rsf.org
www.rsf.org
Tel : 33 1 44 83 84 84
Fax : 33 1 45 23 11 51
5, rue Geoffroy-Marie
75009 Paris
FRANCE


**The information contained in this autolist item is the sole responsibility
of
RSF**
**RSF est responsable de toute information contenue dans ce message**

Nigeria: JOURNALISTS BARRED FROM COMMITTEE PROCEEDINGS

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7627

Journalists have been disallowed from covering proceedings of a 15-member Christian Peace Committee probing the death of 14 worshippers in Enugu, South East Nigeria. At the resumed sitting of the committee led by Justice Anthony Aniagolu last week, evidence from two witnesses who appeared before it including the former Governor of Old Anambra State, Chief C.C. Onoh, were taken in camera.
MEDIA IN NIGERIA: #01-10 (13 MAY 2003)

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
= = = = = = = = = = =
MEDIA IN NIGERIA is a weekly publication on developments
within and
affecting the media/communication/freedom of expression
sector in Nigeria.

It is an initiative of the Institute for Media and Society
(IMS), a non-profit,
non-governmental organization based in Lagos, Nigeria.
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
= = = = = = = = = = =

NEWS



MEDIA-GENERAL
-JOURNALISTS BARRED FROM PANEL
-NUJALLEGES HARRASSMENT OF MEMBERS

PRINT MEDIA
-CONCORD MAY BE BACK JULY
-VENDORS SEEK BETTER DEAL

BROADCAST MEDIA
-30 NIGERIAN TV STATIONS TO BEAM WORLD CUP SIGNALS
-KWARA GOVT MERGES RADIO, TV STATIONS

INFOTECH
-GSM: SUBSCRIBER BASE NEARS A MILLION MARK
-IILL: FIRST BANK REASSURES SHAREHOLDERS
-INTERNET FRAUD: ISPs FORGE ALLIANCE WITH SECURITY AGENCIES
-SECOND TELECOMS CARRIER COMING

ADVERTISING
-OYO STATE INTRODUCES RENT ON BILL BOARDS

ANALYSIS
-NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY PROFILE OF THE MEDIA


MEDIA-GENERAL

JOURNALISTS BARRED FROM PANEL

Journalists have been disallowed from covering proceedings
of a 15-member Christian Peace Committee probing the death
of 14 worshippers in Enugu, South-East Nigeria. At the
resumed sitting of the committee led by Justice Anthony
Aniagolu last week, evidence from two witnesses who
appeared before it including the former Governor of Old
Anambra State, Chief C.C. Onoh, were taken in camera.

Rev. Anene Nselu, secretary of the committee said
journalists would not be allowed to cover proceedings of
the committee, stressing that clearance must be sought from
him before anything could be published on their
activities.



NUJ ALLEGES HARASSMENT OF MEMBERS

The Enugu State chapter of the Nigeria Union of Journalists
(NUJ), South-East Nigeria, has protested against what it
called harassment and intimidation of its members by
suspected agents of the state government.

Mr. Chukwudi Alife, the chairman of the chapter, in a
statement condemned at the manner in which journalists were
being harassed and threatened while performing their lawful
duties.

According to him those who have reported such threats to
the council include Mr. Emeka Mammah of Vanguard, Mr.
Emmanuel Obe of The Punch, Mr. Abuchi Aneyia of National
Interest and Ahamefula Ogbu of This Day.

&#8220;They all complained of being physically threatened
in addition to moves to remove them from their
employment&#8221;, Alife said.

He advised any government official who feels offended by
any report published by a journalist to seek legal redress.

Meanwhile, Enugu State government has denied the
allegation. Mr. Igbonekwu Ogazimorah, the Special Assistant
on Media Matters to the state Governor, described the
NUJ&#8217;s allegation as &#8220;unbelievable and a source
of great shock to the Enugu State Government&#8221;.

He expressed outrage that the NUJ made the allegation
without cross-checking from the state government. He said
the government had no intention of harassing journalists
whose normal lives are protected under the constitution.



PRINT MEDIA

CONCORD MAY BE BACK JULY

The National Concord, one of the titles of the Concord
Press of Nigeria (CPN) which disappeared from the
newsstands some 17 months ago, may stage a dramatic return
in July this year.

Mr. Kola Abiola, the eldest son of late Basorun M.K.O.
Abiola whose election as President of Nigeria was annulled
by General Ibrahim Babangida in 1993, dropped this hint
recently in Minna, Niger State, North- central Nigeria.

According to him, the new-look Concord, which will soon be
presented to Nigerian readers, will give print journalism a
new outlook. Said he, &#8220;we want to do away with the
old customs and style of Concord. We are starting all over
again and I think we have to be away from the past.&#8221;

Until 1994 when Concord Press was shut for 18 months by the
military regime of late General Sani Abacha, the Concord
titles were brand leaders in the Nigerian newspaper market.
But the fortune of the media empire nosedived after the
forced closure and by early 2001, it was evident that it
was destined for oblivion. Staff were owed arrears of
salaries of more than one year while cash flow became a
nightmare with no fresh injection of funds by the Abiola
family.

The new move to rescusitate the Concord titles is said to
have been facilitated with the injection of funds by some
South African investors.


VENDORS SEEK BETTER DEAL

For the risk they take in the marketing of newspapers,
vendors under the aegis of the Newspapers Vendors
Association of Nigeria (NVAN) have called on publishers to
take steps to improve their lot.

Mr. Richard Ochiem, chairman of the association who made
the appeal at the general meeting of the association in
Lagos said the risk vendors take in running after moving
vehicles on the expressways to sell newspapers, their
having to spend their time and energies to market the
newspapers without any incentive packages from the
publishers was no longer acceptable.

He advocated the acquisition of insurance cover for
vendors, in addition to taking steps to end their
&#8220;exploitation and oppression&#8221;.

He also wants a speedy resolution of the issue of unsold
copies of newspapers which had pitched the association
against some media houses that have adopted the &#8220;no
unsold&#8221; policy.


BROADCAST MEDIA

30 NIGERIAN TV STATIONS TO BEAM WORLD CUP SIGNALS

Following an understanding brokered by the National
Broadcasting Commission (NBC), thirty television stations
across Nigeria have signed a broadcast agreement with TV
Africa to transmit live signals of the 2002 FIFA World Cup
scheduled to hold in Korea/Japan.

The agreement was signed during the just concluded General
Assembly of the Broadcasting Organization of Nigeria (BON)
held in Warri, Delta State.

Bayo Adebiyi, TV Africa&#8217;s Regional Sales and
Marketing Manager disclosed that the broadcasting stations
which were not present in Warri had formally requested that
the agreement be forwarded to them for signing.

Said he, &#8220;The Nigeria Television Authority (NTA),
Kwara State Television and Adamawa State Television had
requested that the agreement be forwarded to them while the
Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) signed the
broadcast agreement for radio transmission of the event.

The agreement guarantees Nigerian audience to the 64
matches of the world Cup. TV Africa, a South Africa based
outfit, is the right owner for the transmission of signals
of the World Cup in Africa.

Nigerian TV stations have been given conditions, which
include the non-broadcast of alcohol and cigarette
advertisement as condition for the broadcast of TV
Africa&#8217;s signals. They are only entitled to 10
minutes advert slot during the duration of a match.



KWARA GOVT MERGES RADIO, TV STATIONS

The government of Kwara State, North-Central Nigeria, has
announced the merger of the state broadcasting corporation,
Radio Kwara , with the state television service (KWTV).

A statement by the Special Assistant to the Governor on
Media, Alhaji Razaq Gidado gave the new name of the
stations as Kwara Radio/Television Corporation (KRTC).

Also a new Director-General has been appointed for the new
Corporation. She is Hajia Mairo Eyitayo Mustapha. Her
appointment takes immediate effect.

The re-organization followed the resignation of the
erstwhile General Manager of KWTV, Mallam Ishaq Modibbo
Kawu.



INFOTECH

GSM: SUBSCRIBER BASE NEARS A MILLION MARK

With barely eight months after the introduction of the
Global System for Mobile Communication (GSM) services in
the country, Nigeria is already proving that it is the hub
of future African telecoms market.

The combined subscribers profile of the two pioneer GSM
operators in the country, MTN communication and Econet
Wireless which have less than 400,000 a few months ago are
now almost a million. Econet now has over 450,000
subscribers while MTN hit the 400,000 mark.

The subscribers&#8217; profile of the two companies have
been boosted by recent promotion drives, which reduced
price beyond existing price levels in all the GSM networks.


In all, the country now has close to 900,000 GSM lines in
operation. There are strong indications that the
subscribers profile would overshoot the one million mark
before the one year anniversary of the digital mobile
communication system in August.






IILL: FIRST BANK REASSURES SHAREHOLDERS

The new management of First Bank Nigeria Plc has commenced
the process of damage control arising from its misadventure
in the Investment International (London) Limited in the
Nigerian Telecommunications Limited (NITEL) buy-over deal
with an assurance of safety of shareholders investment.

The six-man management team of the bank gave the assurance
last week when it met top officials of the Nigerian Stock
Exchange.

Jacobs Ajekigbe, the bank&#8217;s new managing director who
led the team, said the bank&#8217;s decision to loan
$96.2million to IILL to enable it buy a 51 percent stake in
NITEL won&#8217;t affect the bank&#8217;s future.

He assured that despite the loan, First Bank would still
declare profit, dividend and bonus shares to investors.

IILL&#8217;s bid for NITEL collapsed after it failed to
raise the sum it had offered, but not before it had spent
the money borrowed from First Bank on a non-refundable
deposit to secure core bidder status.

This had created anxiety about the safety of
shareholders&#8217; investments.


INTERNET FRAUD: ISPs FORGE ALLIANCE WITH SECURITY AGENCIES

The battle against internet fraud in Nigeria has received a
boost with some Internet Service Providers (ISPs) forging
an alliance with security agencies in the Country and the
United States of America.

The move is a desperate step by the Access providers to
safeguard their businesses from being blacklisted by
offshore satellite companies or bandwith vendors.

The new deal provides for the Security Agencies in both
countries, the ISPs and their partner companies in the USA
exchanging information on cyber criminals, tracking down
fraudulent internet users, and turning over scam mails to
the investigating arm of Security teams of each of the
countries.


SECOND TELECOMS CARRIER COMING

There has been a major shift in the position of the
Nigerian Government as it affects the Licencing of Second
National Telecommunications Carrier. Contrary to its
earlier stand suspending the licencing of any new telecoms
carrier pending the completion of NITEL&#8217;s
privatization, the Nigerian government is now favourably
disposed to the immediate licencing of a second National
operator.

Consequently, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC)
is expected to announce shortly, a new time table for the
process of licencing of a second National Operator.

This was disclosed by Vice President Atiku Abubakar in
Abuja, the capital, last week. He explained that the
government decided to review its position on the licencing
of a second National Operator because it would not want the
privatization process of NITEL, which is under review, to
delay the licencing of a second National Operator.

One of the factors cited for the collapse of the NITEL
privatization programme was the premature announcement by
the NCC iniating bid for the Second National Carrier to
compete with NITEL. The announcement which came at a time
when the preferred bidder in the NITEL privatization,
Investors International (London) Limited (IILL) was still
sourcing for fund is believed to have scared away would-be
investors who understandly argued that the introduction of
the SNO had altered the business horizon which hitherto
existed with NITEL as the sole telecom carrier.

However, in a swift reaction to the government&#8217;s
policy direction for the prolonged privatization programme
in the nation&#8217;s telecoms sector, the licenced Private
Telecommunications Operators (PTOs) in the country have
called on the NCC to hasten the process of providing the
guidelines for the planned sale of the SNO Mr. Charles
Joseph, PTOs President told Journalists that such
guidelines are vital for any investors who might have
interest in the SNO.



ADVERTISING

OYO GOVT INTRODUCES RENT ON BILL BOARDS

As part of efforts to improve its revenue earnings, the Oyo
State Government South-west Nigeria has served notice of
its plan to collect ground rent from owners of advertising
bill boards in the state.

The government expects to rake in about N3 billion annually
from the exercise. And for members of the Outdoor
Advertising Association of Nigeria (OAAN), the penalty for
failure to pay for the billboards in all parts of the state
is to have them pulled down.

The new move of the Oyo State Government, which is widely
expressed to elicit strong opposition from the OAAN, is
said to be backed by provision of the Land Use Decree of
1978.




ANALYSIS



NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY PROFILE OF THE MEDIA
By Ayo Olukotun

(Being excerpts from a paper presented at a recent
conference on &#8220;Urban Violence, Ethnic Militias and
the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in
Nigeria&#8221;, organised by the Institute for Media and
Society in Lagos, Nigeria)

Nigeria has the biggest and most virile press community in
Africa followed by South Africa and Kenya. Ogudu
conservatively puts the number of publications (weeklies,
dailies and magazines) at 116, although a number of these
are fickle and are at the margins of survival. The period
since 1999 has witnessed a mushrooming of sorts in the
newspaper industry with new titles like &#8220;The
Anchor&#8221;, &#8220;National Interest&#8221; and
&#8220;Daily Independent&#8221; springing up as well as the
relaunch of moribund or prostrate titles such as The Daily
Times. As political competition heats up, more new titles
are expected to be born, most of them with a predictably
short life-span.

One consequence of the economic downturn of the 1980s and
1990s and specifically a result of hostile authoritarian
economic policies towards the media is that at as at now
the combined circulation of all newspapers barely reach
half a million, in a country of close to 120 million
people. If we add the circulation figures of magazines and
other publications, to those of newspapers, they barely hit
the 1 million mark.

&#8220;The Punch&#8221;, a privately owned newspaper is
perhaps the most widely read newspaper and its print run is
between 60,000 and 80,000 copies per day. The Guardian, a
favourite of the intellectuals and respected for its
independent, sober views, had a print run in 1999 of
between 50 and 70,000 copies per day.

Other newspapers such as the privately owned Nigerian
Tribune, This Day, Post Express, The Vanguard, The Comet,
as well as the state-owned Daily Times and The New Nigerian
do less well in circulation terms than The Punch and The
Guardian. The magazine market is dominated by three giants
namely, TELL, The News and Newswatch, and have circulation
figures of about 100,000, 80,000 and 50,000 respectively.

One underreported, but increasingly assertive newspaper
genre are the vernacular newspapers, which in the
Yoruba-speaking region made a rebound in the closing years
of military rule. A rash of vernacular newspapers have
sprung up in recent years, trying to build on the success
of &#8220;Alaroye&#8221; whose circulation competes
favourably with the most successful national dailies.

In broadcasting, there are close to 45 television stations,
with about 10 of these in private hands, while of the 44 or
so radio stations, a handful are privately owned following
the deregulation of broadcasting by the state in 1994. The
most successful private electronic media are AIT and Minaj
televisions as well as Raypower Radio, all of which offer
refreshing contrasts to the heavily state-controlled
contents of state electronic media.

As in Kenya, publications rise, fall and are sometimes
reborn with dizzying regularity. This is particularly true
of the genres of afternoon newspapers, soft-sell magazines
as well as newspapers owned by subnational authorities.
Take &#8220;The Diet&#8221; newspaper, for example. It was
founded in 1997 by Mr. James Ibori, a close ally of the
late dictator, General Sani Abacha. In 1999, most of its
staff had walked out as a result of the non-payment of
salaries for several months &#8211; a typical syndrome in
Nigerian press culture. The paper virtually grinded to a
halt in late 1999. In 2000AD, its publisher, now governor
of Delta State, relaunched The Diet as an attractive,
technicolour publication. The paper however remained
distressed and as at July 2001 it was relaunched under a
new title and auspices.

The imposition of value-added tax on input into newspaper
production by both the Abacha and Abubakar administrations,
and the consequent skyrocketing cost of production, forced
many newspapers to downsize, cut back on circulation,
increase cover price or simply capsize. The years between
1994 and 1999 were harsh ones for the press, not just
because of censorship decrees and frequent detention, but
because of hostile economic policies. The imposition of 5%
Value Added Tax on newspapers in the 1999 budget by General
Abubakar, stiffened further the climate in which many
newspapers found themselves. Increase in cover price and
advert rates by The Guardian and other publications, in
recent years make the press even more of an elitist product
than it ought to have been, in the period of civilian rule.

As at April 2002, various newspapers, state-owned and
private, are owing their staff several months of salary,
ranging from 3 months to 8 months, as a result of the
distress in that sector of the economy. One senior
journalist observed correctly that the Nigerian journalist
&#8220;goes out to work armed minimally despite
today&#8217;s electronic age. Side by side with his foreign
counterpart he is equipped like a stone age communicator
amidst the clusters of sophisticated gadgetry presided over
by his Japanese equivalent. Under these conditions, the
Nigeria journalist is an unsung hero &#8211; deplorable low
wages and delayed salary payments are common&#8221;.

Many journalists are not computer literate, much less own
personal computers, in spite of the arrival on the Internet
of The Post Express, The Guardian, The Vanguard and The
Comet. In an age in which &#8220;electronic networks
connect data bases and video cameras around the
world&#8221;. One survey informs pertinently that: &#8220;A
visit to The Guardian newsroom does little credit to its
place and influence in journalism. Besides being a long
clutter of tables and chairs, reporters still go through
longhand production. Very little information technology
presence is felt here&#8221;.

The situation with regards to computer literacy and
adoptation appears to be improving slowly, however, despite
infrastructural hitches such as fitful electricity and
frequent computer breakdown.

Interestingly, all the anti-media decrees promulgated by
General Babangida and Abacha are still on the statute books
as at April 2002 inspite of several promises to expunge
them, although they are not being enforced. These include,
for example, Offensive Publications (proscription) Decree
No. 35 of 1993; State Security (Detention of Persons)
Decree No. 2 of 1984 under which for instance journalists
can be detained and held incommunicado for security
reasons; The Treason and Other Offences (Special Military
Tribunal) Decree No. 1 of 1997; as well as The Constitution
(suspension and modification) Decree No. 107 of 1993 which
annuls a citizen&#8217;s right to public apology or
compensation, if he was unjustly or unlawfully detained.

Another feature of the media worth noting is their
overwhelming concentration in the South-west area due to
historical and economic reasons. This itself has spawned a
debate on media and federalism amidst allegations of a
&#8220;media monopoly&#8221; by a section of the country.

Two influential media genres active in Nigeria are the
international press and the emergent telematics sector; as
well as the alternative press consisting of indigenous
artists, orature and social criticism. BBC, VOA and CNN are
quite popular, in view of an esteemed higher credibility
rating. They infact increasingly shape the content of
Nigeria media. There is also a tiny but growing telematics
sector featuring E-mails, Internet messages and the whole
province of new information technology in which the country
remains peripheral.

Only an estimated 100,000 surf the Internet while the
problems of epileptic power supply and infrastructure
constrain wider diffusion of these services.

(*Olukotun teaches Political Science at Lagos State
University (LASU), Lagos, Nigeria.)



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Nigeria: PANEL FINDS ALLEGED $400 BRIBE TO JOURNALISTS UNTRUE

Tables Turned on Time Magazine

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7573

The report by a panel set up last week by the Federal Government to investigate an allegation in the Time magazine that foreign correspondents resident in the country were bribed with $400 each to give the nation a less negative image described the allegation as unfounded, adding that officials of the Ministry of Information and National Orientation "acted above board in the circumstance."
NIGERIA MEDIA MONITOR
MAY 6, 2002

&#61623; PANEL FINDS ALLEGED $400 BRIBE TO JOURNALISTS UNTRUE.
&#61623; IN WARRI, BROADCASTERS STRATEGISE FOR ENDURING DEMOCRACY
&#61623; MEDIA GROUPS FORGE ALLIANCE ON DEBT MANAGEMENT.
&#61623; SEMINAR PARTICIPANTS LAUD NPAN
&#61623; BON WANTS BROADCAST LAWS REVIEWED
&#61623; MEDIA URGED TO TEACH GENUINE DEMOCRATIC VALUES
&#61623; TALENTED PROSTITUTE
&#61623; THE PRESS AND THE ELECTION YEAR
&#61623; FREEDOM NURTURED BY RESPONSIBILITY
&#61623; AGAIN, PRESS FREEDOM DAY WITHOUT FANFARE
&#61623; HOW TO DEVELOP THE MEDIA INDUSTRY
&#61623; PERSPECTIVES OF PRESS FREEDOM AND RESPONSIBILITIES

PANEL FINDS ALLEGED $400 BRIBE TO JOURNALISTS UNTRUE.
THE GUARDIAN, Thursday, April 25, 2002
"Bribery is just one of the challenges the Nigerian
press faces as the country makes the difficult
transition from dictatorship to democracy."

That was the kernel of the report by a panel set up
last week by the Federal Government to investigate an
allegation in the Time magazine that foreign
correspondents resident in the country were bribed
with $400 each to give the nation a less negative
image.

The report, which was released yesterday in Abuja,
turned the tables on the Time magazine's writer as
Attorney-General and Minister of Justice Kanu Agabi
who chaired the panel, described the allegation as
unfounded, adding that officials of the Ministry of
Information and National Orientation "acted above
board in the circumstance."

Releasing copies of the report with four annexure to
journalists, the nation's chief law officer maintained
that what the writer described as "the whole truth
should more appropriately have been described as the
"the whole lie".

IN WARRI, BROADCASTERS STRATEGISE FOR ENDURING
DEMOCRACY
THE GUARDIAN, April 29, 2002
A summit for a better understanding of the National
Broadcasting Commission (NBC) and the Independent
National Electoral Commission (INEC) may hold next
month. The idea of an enlightenment meeting for
appreciation of the expected role of the electronic
media in the coverage of the on-coming local
government election and other electoral activities is
one major resolution reached by chief executives of
radio and television stations under the aegies of the
Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON) in Warri,
Delta State last week.

At the end of its 31st General Assembly, the
broadcasters in a communique agreed that based on
recent development it has become imperative that a
"stakeholder summit of INEC, NBC and BON should hold
not later than the third week of May 2002 to ensure
better understanding of existing guidelines for
election coverage." This decision came on the heels
of admonition by Ambassador Segun Olusola, founder,
African Refugee Foundation (AREF), that broadcasting
stations must handle the coming electoral processes
professionally to ensure Nigeria does not join the
list of refugee nations.

Mr. Taiwo Alimi, Director-General Voice of Nigeria
(VON) who is also BON's chairman spoke in the same
vein when he underline the vital role of broadcasting
in sustaining an enduring democracy and national
survival.

On the responsibility of broadcasting stations in the
coming election, the BON's chairman called on all
radio and television stations in the country to
"ensure equal access to all political parties. We
must ensure freedom of expression. We must be
professional and the concept of fairness doctrine must
be guaranteed," adding that stations "should resist
attempts by politicians to regard broadcasting
stations and privately-owned electronic media as
instruments for electoral and electioneering
manipulation.

MEDIA GROUPS FORGE ALLIANCE ON DEBT MANAGEMENT.
VANGUARD, Monday, April 29, 2002.
Three media industry groups are currently poised
towards forming a joint alliance with a view to
checking the rising debt problems plaguing the
industry.
The groups, coming under the umbrella of Joint Media
Debt Management Committee include the Broadcasting
Organisation of Nigeria (BON), Outdoor Advertisement
Association of Nigeria (OAAN) and the Newspaper
Proprietors Association of Nigeria (NPAN).

Disclosing this to newsmen at a press meeting last
week in Lagos, the Vice President of the Outdoor
Advertising Association of Nigeria (OAAN), Chief Ahmed
Ipoola Omisore, said this was a fallout of the just
held Media Advertising Summit in Abuja, stressing that
the objective of the alliance is to reduce to barest
minimum the high debt profile.

SEMINAR PARTICIPANTS LAUD NPAN
Vanguard, Monday, April 29, 2002
Participants at a seminar on "The Media and Challenges
of Reporting Elections" have expressed support for the
proscription of beat association by the Newspapers
Proprietors Association of Nigeria (NPAN).
In a communiqué at the end of the seminar held in
Abuja, the journalists who were drawn from Nigeria's
electronic and print media said the proscription check
abuse in journalism.

BON WANTS BROADCAST LAWS REVIEWED
Vanguard, Monday, April 29, 2002
The Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) weekend
called for an urgent review of Nigeria's broadcast
laws as part of the measures to safeguard the interest
of media practitioners against political
victimisation.
BON in a communiqué issued at the end of its two-day
31st General Assembly in Effurun, Delta state,
demanded that the nation's broadcast laws be
comprehensively reviewed so as to protect the rights
of broadcasters in the course of performing their
legitimate duties.

They were of the opinion that such measure would
enable broadcasters discharge their abiding
responsibility of ensuring equitable access to all
political parties and ensure freedom of expression as
cornerstones of democracy.

BON also announced that an 8-man committee had been
set up to review the constitution of the organisation.

Other positions of BON as spelt out in the communiqué
include:
&#61623; That rights acquired for the coverage of all
international and local events be extended to all
interested radio and television stations in Nigeria
and commended BON, NBC and TV Africa reconciliation
meeting.
&#61623; That BON should strengthen and expand its
collaboration and co-operation with representatives of
US, French and German embassies, European Union and UN
agencies in Nigeria.
&#61623; BON commended governments at both the federal
and state levels for upgrading broadcasting facilities
and enjoins those states that have not done so to
follow suit."

MEDIA URGED TO TEACH GENUINE DEMOCRATIC VALUES
The Comet, April 26, 2002
The Minister of Information and National Orientation,
Professor Jerry Gana, has urge the mass media to
inculcate the norms and values of democratic
principles in every Nigerian, as a way of ensuring
peaceful elections next year.

Gana, who made the appeal in an address delivered on
his behalf by Mallam Wada Maida, the Managing
Director, News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) at the opening
ceremony of the 31st General Assembly of the
Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria (BON) in Warri
yesterday, noted that the media had a crucial role to
play in the elections.

He said that the theme of the ceremony, "Broadcasting
voters education; Values of Democracy and Coverage of
Elections," would not have come at a better time than
this when "the nation prepares for a crucial election
in the history of democracy".

Gana said democracy could only be sustained when the
individual was given a choice, adding that radio,
television stations and newspapers were expected to
provide Nigerians the necessary information to make an
informed choice on parties and politicians who would
govern them as preparations were on for council
elections in August and other polls.

TALENTED PROSTITUTE
TheNews Magazine, May 6, 2002.
He came out of the Agip Recital Hall of the
Onikan-based Muson centre in Lagos, shouting, "Press!
Press! Press!" The contempt in his tone was loud. The
man paused for effect. Then another shout, "Where are
these press boys now?" And from different angles of
the imposing hall, pressmen scampered to the foyer.
The man in his crisp white flowing agbada said,
"Choose a leader." I perched in a corner watching this
unfolding drama. If I wasn't a journalist, I would
have been captivated. "I say choose your leader," he
repeated. And the pressmen, waiting for what would
amount to a naira feast, did his bidding. "Now, see
Juliet my assistant for your welfare." As he stepped
aside, the journalists descended on the lady who said,
"wait" with absolute scorn. She promptly opened her
bag and, one by one, she doled out to our pressmen
keske, a package of money. I agree that some of them
merely passed off as reporters.

If you think that is unbecoming wait for this: A
newspaper organisation in Lagos called a press
conference as part of its preparation to mark the
anniversary of its evening paper. At the end of the
conference the journalists who came to report the
event refused to leave. They later sent one of them to
the Managing Editor who had addressed them earlier on.
"There was no way they could get back to their
newsrooms with only the snacks and soft drinks," the
spokesman explained. Surprised, the assaulted Managing
Editor asked one of his Security Officers to show the
journalists the way to the door. Expectedly, his
event, unlike that of the man in flowing agbada, never
got even a mention the following day.

I swear to God that these anecdotes are not
apocryphal. They are a true representation of some of
the abuses of journalism in Nigeria. Against better
judgement, this is one dehumanising way in which the
press is defeating its own essence. A new siege on the
sentinel muffling what ought to be a strident
eloquence. If the journalists who demand and take
bribe openly claim that privation makes them curiously
vulnerable, would their top editors and publishers,
whose conscience are bought constantly and cheaply by
governors, high-ranking officials, businessmen and
other public figures also give poverty as their
reason? The truth of the matter is that because of
greed of the worst kind the press is now its own
merciless antagonist.

Let those extortionists and blackmailers who parade
themselves as editors and publishers remind themselves
of this quote: "A journalists should neither solicit
nor accept bribe, gratification or patronage to
suppress or publish information. To demand payment for
publication of news is inimical to the notion of news
as a fair, accurate, unbiased and factual report of an
event," that's taken from the Code of Ethics for
Nigerian journalists.

When you genuflect and pick the crumbs of those who
want to enhance their own positions by undermining
your own, you automatically fragment the delivery of
genuine and truthful information and then erode public
trust in your profession. The outstanding outcome: you
will eventually be the loser because you will have to
look for another means of livelihood when the public
confidence that nurtures journalism dries up. Get what
I mean? When your papers or magazines stop selling you
will live on keske! More crucially, in the long run,
the country, which is now freestanding, by and large,
will be brought to its knees, begging for a lifesaver,
and you won't be there to offer it.

Yet section 38 sub-section one of our constitution
honours journalism with a liberal protection. In doing
that, the constitution assumes that the press will
rise to the challenge of knowing that it must provide
a responsible information service in the public
interest. This obligation is now being compromised.
Who will cleanse our papers of the smudge of
corruption?

The constitutional provision that I speak about also
assumes that the press is capable of being a sentinel
at the gate of public rights. This is an extraordinary
legislation, which only a scoundrel will not hold
aloft as a flag of honour for our journalism. It takes
for granted that journalists will be committed to
accuracy, that they will constantly demand
accountability, that pressmen won't be partisan (And
if they must be, they will do so on the side of truth)
and that they will not allow abuse of power by
government and businessmen.

But how do you hold a mirror before the larger
society, when the mirror itself is tainted? A
cash-and-carry-coverage is as obnoxious as the legal
constraints against good journalism, which we always
talk about. I'm convinced that this is the time the
press should be policed. A respectable press council
should step in and rein in every erring journalist on
the loose.

All of which brings us neatly to keske tycoons. Let
all those who are gagging the mouths of our watchdogs
know they can't bribe all the Nigerian journalists no
matter how fabulous their wealth. So, your keske is
not a guarantee that your misdeeds will never be
exposed. This is what some Nigerian journalists have
demonstrated many times.
The only antidote against bad press is good governance
and proper accounting.

This piece is my own modest way of expressing
solidarity with Stephen Faris of Time magazine who
wrote on corruption in Nigerian media two weeks ago.
The bullshit of a change of American imperialism being
levelled against the writer won't wash, for the guy
has not said that American journalism is free of
corruption too. Faris hit the bull'seye and he should
be celebrated for his painful truth.
Kunle Ajibade is the Executive Editor of TheNews
magazine.


THE PRESS AND THE ELECTION YEAR
DAILY TIMES, Monday, April 29, 2002.
It is a general belief that the right of the people to
speak out through a free press is a hallmark of a
democratic society.

This right to me is perhaps the most basic ethical
tenet of journalism the world over.

The press in modern democracy is expected to be
independent of government. But, can this be said of
the Nigerian press? My position is no.

Independence is at the very heart of any statement of
ethical principles respecting the conduct of the
press. The proprietors of a newspaper may choose to
ally itself with a particular political party or
interest, but an increasing number of newspapers and
journals in most civilized societies are politically
independent as well as independent of government.
This does not mean that they refrain from endorsing a
certain political party or a candidate for public
office, but rather that they owe no prior allegiance
and that they make the endorsement voluntarily, as an
exercise of their independence. That is certainly not
the case in Nigeria.

>From this it follows that an independent press must
cherish that role by resisting pressures of all kinds
from within and outside, from special interest groups
in the community in which they operate, from powerful
individuals, and from advertisers.

>From the foregoing, the question that readily comes to
mind is, are there truly independent newspapers in
Nigeria? I will leave readers to draw their own
conclusions.

>From this flows the point that the newspaper and its
staff should exemplify independence in their actions.
Not only should they be independent in fact, but also
they must be seen to be independent.
Mr. Omonhinmin, a senior journalist with Voice of
Nigeria, writes from Abuja.

FREEDOM NURTURED BY RESPONSIBILITY
VANGUARD, Monday, April 29, 2002.
We begin by saying that the news media as interpreters
of social reality are crucial to good governance in
any society. Because the mass media mediate between
the government and the governed, they offer choices
for informed decision. They help government in
publicizing its activities; they also give a feedback
on public reaction to these policies. For the media to
play their role of informing and educating the public
well, they must operate in an environment that allows
for a free exchange of ideas. An environment that
allows for a free access to information, for free
processing and free dissemination of information.

The media can hardly promote good governance without
knowledge of what it means.

When we talk of press freedom we usually refer to the
right to communicate ideas, opinions and information
without prior restraint. At the heart of freedom of
the press is the need, according to Dennis and
Merril," to encourage the existence of an educated and
informed electorate that can make decisions about
public affairs.

Press freedom encourage a free flow of ideas in the
conviction that everyone has the right to express an
idea but no one should be compelled to accept it. This
right is now regarded as a fundamental human right
"essential to the individual's self realization and
development." Because democracy is about choice, press
freedom is the vehicle to allow contending ideas to
intermingle. The belief is that in this process, the
forces of dialectics will throw up the superior idea,
which is expected to carry the day. Human beings being
rational, the principle of press freedom holds that
they will be persuaded by superior ideas freely
expressed.

The issue of absence of prior restraint simply refers
to a situation in which what the press publishes is
not subjected to some form of vetting before
publication. In other words, freedom of the press
refers to a situation where the press is free to
publish what it regards as news without any state
agency, masquerading as a big brother, breathing down
its neck or constituting itself into a big bother.
Whatever bone anyone wishes to pick with the media
should be after publication.

The concept of press freedom places a high premium on
the presumed innate goodness of human beings and the
power of the intellect. But we all know that even
though man is a rational being, he also has an
emotional side. Indeed, behavioural scientists say
that man is ruled more by his emotional side than his
rational self. It, therefore, follows that to enjoy a
right that right should not infringe on the rights of
others. Which explains why in exceptional cases, press
freedom is curtailed. Some of these situations touch
on state security, prevention of a crime from being
punished or when the country is at war. Let me also
add that there will always be constraints on human
conduct whether they are personal, social, commercial
and institutional.

But aside from the law restricting press freedom in
exceptional cases, the greatest tribute any journalist
can pay to the principle of press freedom is to
demonstrate a keen sense of professionalism through
ethical conduct. Ethics, as we all know, refers to "a
moral philosophy, which is concerned with the
standards of good or bad conduct in society."

We can go further to describe journalistic ethics as a
normative science of conduct that enables journalists
to deal with the challenges of their craft. It
acknowledges the basic understanding of the
requirements of the profession, its functions and
purposes; and the barriers that must be overcome for
the service being delivered to be meaningful and
useful.

Since the media do not operate in a vacuum but indeed,
exist to serve an audience, they have to ensure that
the service they render has value. One way to
guarantee that value is to ensure that what they
publish is credible. The surest way to maintain
credibility is by ensuring that what is published is
relevant, true, balanced, reflects appropriate
context; had depth and is sufficiently engaging to
hold the public's attention.

Media responsibility is as much an organizational
responsibility as it is individual and constitutional.
It is organizational in the sense that every medium
has a responsibility to its audience. A medium that
loses its credibility has lost everything. It is
individual in that every journalist has a notion of
what is good and bad, what is decent and tasteless and
at the end of the day, the author of a work is held
responsible for his product either for reward or
opprobrium. Media responsibility is also
constitutional because the constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria assigns to the media the duty of
monitoring governance. Section 22 of the 1999
Constitution directs the media to "uphold the
responsibility and accountability of the government to
the people".

Chapter 11 of the Constitution where Section 22 can be
found enunciates the fundamental objectives and
directive principles of state policy and directs the
media to uphold them. This covers concerns such as
war against illiteracy, diseases, corruption,
homelessness, the pursuit of inter-ethnic integration,
and fair access to economic opportunities. These are
the urgent concerns of our time that the media are
enjoined to help government in promoting. In other
words the Constitution envisages media-government
partnership for sustainable good governance. Whereas
the government is to formulate policy and govern, the
media are to monitor governance in the interest of the
people. A government is said to be good when it
fulfils the aspirations of the people, when it brings
improvement into the quality of their lives. A good
government will be alive to its constitutional
obligations. It will listen to public opinion;
consult the people or their representatives to
determine their needs. A good government is
action-oriented. It fulfills its electoral promises
and candidly explains its limitations. A good press
on the other hand is one that is responsible and
evenhanded in its coverage. It is one that not only
condemns, but commends and recommends.

Our constitution clearly subscribes to the social
responsibility theory of the press, which gained
currency in the early 20th century. The theory sees
press freedom as going hand-in-hand with
responsibility to the society. It emphasizes the
general will as opposed to the individual will of the
libertarian theory.

The Social Responsibility theory sees the media as
agents of society who are obliged to represent public
good in carrying out "essential functions of mass
communication in contemporary society". The theory
expands the traditional understanding of the role of
the media to include the following:
&#61623; The media must serve the political system by
providing a platform to spread information and comment
on public affairs;
&#61623; The media are expected to educate the public
on issues of the day;
&#61623; The media must not only entertain the
society, the quality of entertainment must be one that
nourishes the mind;
&#61623; The media should service the economic system
by linking buyers and sellers of service and goods.
&#61623; The media should champion the interests of
the individual citizen and protect his rights by
serving as a watchdog against government;
&#61623; The media should not only strive to be
financially independent of government and special
interest groups, some special media deserve to be
insulated from the pressures of commercial publishing.
The social responsibility theory urges the media as
an institution to monitor itself and where it fails to
do so, it expects the government or some other
pressure group to place checks on the excesses of the
industry since it appreciates that the media has as
much capacity for good as it has for abuse. We can
trace the origin of ethical codes and Press council to
these concerns.

In our own case, we know the efforts that went into
the establishment of our Press Council. After the
failures of 1978 and 1988, the Nigeria Press Council
was finally inaugurated in 1992. After operating for
about six years, the council now lies prostrate
following some objectionable claims that were smuggled
into the 1999 amendments to the decree establishing
it. That development has compelled a fresh look at
the desirability or otherwise of a Press Council.
While a school of thought argues for a council that
has nothing to do with the government, another calls
for a fresh tinkering with the existing statutory
body. The reality appears to favour the latter
position. The Nigerian media have not shown the
capacity to fund and operate independent Press
Council. So we remain saddled with a statutory one.
Whenever the current impasse is resolved a functional
press council can only enhance the capacity of the
media to render quality service to the public. Media
stakeholders have indeed reviewed all press laws and
codified their findings. These findings are lying
somewhere in the National Assembly. It is hoped that
the NPO will put in place a strong lobby to ensure
that the appropriate enactment is passed.

Another issue demanding urgent action is the Access to
Information Bill sponsored by some NGOs. That bill
seeks for the media untrammeled access to public
records. It has gone through the necessary readings
and indeed a public hearing has been held on it. If
it is finally enacted it can only speed up the
investigative power of the media and encourage better
public service. For example it would have helped in
ending the controversy surrounding the purchase of
houses in the USA and the UK by the Kogi State
governor. The media would have been able to establish
definitively whether he bought the houses this year or
earlier as he claims to have declared them on assuming
office in 1999.

Access to the media is still expensive. Cost of
production is high. For the print media, newsprint,
printing plates, films are all imported. The
situation is even more precarious for the electronic
media. Everything there from tapes to cameras is
imported. The outcome is that cost remains an
impediment to effective communication. There is,
however, something to cheer. Quite apart from what
obtained under military regimes, there is ample space
for the media to practice responsible journalism.
Proscription, seizures of publications and arbitrary
arrest, which were weapons of control, has given way
to due process. The Nigeria media operate in a free
environment where the journalist goes about without
the much-dreaded lurking presence of state officials.
Being paper presented by Lanre Idowu at the Nigerian
Guild of Editor's Forum on media and good governance
in Lagos.

HOW TO DEVELOP THE MEDIA INDUSTRY.
The Comet, April 26, 2002
Most originators or promoters of media enterprises in
Nigeria are motivated by some pull (and sometimes,
passion) that goes beyond just monetary expectations.
Some time before an investment deal is sealed,
however, the team of promoters will inevitably include
people whose interest is almost entirely the prospect
of financial dividends. In many cases, it is these
other promoters (distinct from originators) who
subscribe to the core investment that enables the
project to take off, and the media dreamer or visioner
is naturally grateful. This writer cannot, on the
other hand, claim ignorance of the few moguls on the
Nigerian media scene who single-handedly dreamt of
media empires and then proceeded to fund and launch
the enterprises innovatively. Three well-known
examples here are the founder of one newspaper
conglomerate and two private broadcasting giants.

The magnate class in media investment certainly did
not veer out into publishing or broadcasting because
they considered media business more lucrative than
whatever brought them the original fortunes. They are
all too smart to reason that way. So why do
entrepreneurs go into this business?

In some quarters, it has been argued that a media
business has a higher statistical chance of surviving,
of sustainable development, if the originator of the
enterprises is himself (or herself) a media
practitioner. For him, the motivation stems from a
sense of vocation, an occupational or professional
drive. Vocation is also a veritable motivation for
"captains of industry" who establish media organs.
What they experience is vocational in the more
classical sense of a calling of the deity, a feeling,
a longing, to put some of their wealth back in the
world, into a public-spirited enterprise, which
little, if any, consideration for such otherwise
sensible business indices as return on investment
(ROI) and so on.

More often than not, investors in the media, other
than journalists and other media professionals, are
known to also have a personal or narrow cause which
they which to pursue through their media organ:
partisan politics and religion are common, even if
they are hardly admitted openly by the persons
concerned.

Three more possible objectives or motivations: one is
the sheer drive to express oneself, someone who
believes that he has something to say, he has the
desire to pass on information, or has some new way of
doing it, someone who wishes to share his feelings or
conviction with others, rather like an author, or a
poet. Another in this list is development motivation,
clearly a cause also, but generally more altruistic in
the sense that this cause is not primarily meant to
satisfy a personal desire to win power or souls.
People who set up community newspaper or broadcast
systems fall under this category and officially of
course, all public service (in our case, state) media
organs are supposed to be development support agents.
It is a moot point whether entertainment as a genre is
admissible in the listing carried out here, but it is
quite possible that a proprietor may wish to provide
entertainment or a cultural expression, beyond
financial gains.

Funding the business
The professional in business is often driven by the
quest for excellence and sometimes, recognition. He
invariably starts out very optimistic, largely on
account of his confidence in his own capability. Most
such professionals recognize the competition in the
market place but believe that the main obstacle to
their success is raising sufficient money for taking
off. There are two options left to them; make do with
a little money from friends or convince a rich
investor to come aboard. The latter case is fraught
with the risk that the rich man may start calling the
business shots later on.

The investor expects and demands returns, which is
what a business is about. Professionals, on the other
hand, are invariably two pre-occupied with their
specialized technical or other skills to bother with
the business of profit management. Of course, they
like to make money, like everybody else, but keeping
the book, costing work, these are chores many media
professionals don't give enough attention to, or do
not understand, or simply cannot be bothered with. A
good media entrepreneur is not always a good
accountant and will, therefore, do well to hire a
proficient accountant. If he does not have one, his
business partners should insist.

There is a general feeling among Nigerians promoting
one business or another, and that is that there is
nothing that will not sell. This is probably true,
but products that have come before their time have
failed. Feasibility studies, as pointed out earlier,
tend to be unduly optimistic when they are written
with the objective of attracting funds from third
parties, that is, rich investors or banks. Such a
business may run into difficulties later due to
under-funding or to poor demand (market). Ironically,
many Nigerian "Traders" have gone into a business line
armed simply with haunch and no spreadsheet business
analysis, and gone on to succeed, some immensely.

It would be quite unwise to conclude that one should
embark upon a business venture armed simply with a
hunch, whether with or without other people's money.
It helps to uphold a good business sense over
sentimentality, if the ownership (or equity base) of a
company is shared among two or more investors. This
arrangement also serves to spread the failure risk or
any other risk in business; however, should the
business become immensely successful, the original
founders may turn around, erroneously, to wish he
could have made all that money alone if he had not
invited other people to invest in it.

Investing for growth
A media organ may, on the one hand, grow through the
expansion of the coverage or of the market in its
current product or, on the other hand, through the
development of new lines of product. In the first
situation, it would have become obvious (beyond doubt)
that a market gap exists to be filled. What may be in
doubt is the actual size of that gap and what share of
it our company can justly and correctly forecast for
itself. The next step is to determine what capital
expenditure is required and what new operational costs
are involved. This simplistic line of action is
really not exclusive to media business.

A newspaper or magazine organization in the scenario
just described would have observed that the demand for
its newspapers was already in excess of its
production/circulation. It is possible that it has
already seen a new or further demand for its
publication, based on special research or from
observing a trend, or simply from field reports. The
growth opportunity could, for example, take the form
of additional pages of advertisements, whether
monochrome or colour. In the electronic media, we
would be looking at the extension of broadcasting
hours or of the transmitter range or, indeed, the
complexity and type of programmes produced. All these
have implications for production capacity (press or
studio) and distribution network (transport/outlet)
outlet or transmitter, including satellite).

In the advertising industry, growth would be indicated
by the demand and complexity of the agency's services
in such areas as production and "media". While the
former would call for fixed capital, the latter might
just be a handsome injection of short-term funds, such
as would also be required for growth in the areas of
public relations or research.

There are many instances where growth is aimed in
relatively uncharted terrain. An example is an agency
that decided to open an office in, say, the Republic
of South Africa or in Ghana.

Diversification is another common form of growth, by
which a media enterprise could well take up a new set
of business functions, like real estate development,
to take a bad example. This might arise as a result
of the enterprise having excess cash in hand or simply
deciding to speculate in land and property. This
example would, strictly speaking, not count as growth
in media business, but an agency going into printing
or the production of gifts items would be diversifying
through what may be termed forward integration. In all
these areas where decision is deliberative and choice
is discretionary it is necessary to carry out a study
on the market for the new undertaking and the kind of
returns which will accrue.

Are there other forms of investment that could yield
better returns? These days of dizzy bank interest
rates, simply leaving money in a fixed account may be
considered quite profitable and less stressful in
financial management: there are not too many business
undertakings with 25 per cent annual yield or profit
(albeit with comparable capital depreciation). But
growth implies development and increased activity not
simply increased profit of return.

Sustaining Growth.
Growth in media business cannot be equated to only
growth in the profit of the enterprise. Profit is
perhaps the easiest way of measuring the success and
health of a business (in the short term), and this
writer would argue that profit in both the long and
the short terms should be sufficient for assessing the
success or otherwise of a business venture. However,
business principles, like other adages, may argue that
what is not growing must be dying. Besides, a
substantial share of a business market confers market
power on the holder, future profit is better assured
that way, and prestige also accrues.

A media professional who establishes a media venture
is likely to measure his success by the size of the
enterprise, his company's share of the market, the
reputation of his operation, and his earnings (which
will include profit or dividend, naturally). If the
company has accumulated profit (and cash) over the
years, he could continuously reinvest for incremental
growth, to acquire hard-ware and other logistic
facilities.

Significant new ventures will invariably call for
recourse to new equity and/or loan. It is assumed
that the company has a functioning board and that the
founders and the other shareholders, if any, have
remained friendly. Non-media directors of a company
may be more attracted to simply higher yielding
investments than media professionals, where there are
alternatives for investing surplus money. When it is
suggested that new equity be raised for financing
growth in the core or in related area, media
professionals will often have a harder job convincing
their partners on the board, or in the company, of the
need to part with more money. This is partly because
media investments are not considered high yield by
ordinary people.

Lately, Nigerian media entrepreneurs have begun to
enter into strategic partnerships with foreign and
international media organizations. Nigerians
newspapers strike up alliances with well-known
international journals like the Financial times (of
London), broadcasting organizations have programme
coverage and exchange arrangements as well as
technical assistantships, and Nigerian advertising
agencies are progressively affiliating with world-wide
agencies for strengthening their positions even in the
local market.

Given the drive of globalization and the convergence
of the media and telecommunications, the challenge of
growth points to high technology. Computerisation is
inevitable for both the print and the electronic
media, and in the age of the satellite, the Internet,
and mobile telephony, a new and common challenge is
presented to all media operators to continue to be
relevant.

Text, sound and picture are now instantly available in
fixed and mobile modes and with disappearing or even
non-existent territorial boundaries, competition is
rapidly ceasing to be local. Nigerian media operators
should increasingly, therefore, negotiate investment
inflow from otherwise competing international
organizations, through partnership or mergers.

It would be wrong to believe that technology is all
that is required to stay in the business of the
future. Technology remains essentially a tool, a means
of creating and delivering the message faster and more
faithfully. The generation of ideas, creativity, and
the management of the enterprise can all be aided by
technology, but will not be replaced. A major
characteristic of the age is the very rapid rate of
change and the vast array of opportunities that are
thrown up continuously by technology. Sometimes
technology is introduced for facilitating a specific
activity; only for it to present a whole new set of
possibilities to the business development people.
Vincent Maduka, former NTA director-general delivered
this address at the 2002 Media Summit held in Abuja
recently.

AGAIN, PRESS FREEDOM DAY WITHOUT FANFARE
The Guardian, May 3, 2002
For eight years since its declaration in 1991 as World
Press Freedom Day, May 3 has always been a beehive of
media activities in Nigeria.

The tempo as well as content of programmes that
feature during this yearly ritual has, however,
declined drastically in the last three years when the
country embraced democratic system of governance. The
scenario is expected to play itself out today.

Prior to May 29, 1999 when the present democratic
administration came to power, the press freedom was
usually used to articulate the significance of free
press as a major prerequisite for sustainable social,
political and economic development.

That was in addition to creating a veritable platform
to review the activities of media organizations in the
preceding year including the conditions of media
workers, particularly those that suffered violence,
intimidation or arbitrary detention because of their
commitment to conveying the truth.

In the vanguard of commemorative activities were media
friendly non-governmental organizations and human
rights groups such as Centre for Free Speech (CFS),
Independent Journalism Centre (IJC) Media Rights
Agenda (MRA) and lately International Press Centre
(IPC) among many others.

And activities such as lectures, workshops, symposia,
exhibition and sometime rallies were some of the
regular features of the celebration.

The disposition of soldiers who were then in power
with their attendant attempts to cage the press also
propelled the consciousness of journalists about the
freedom day anniversary.

Indeed, the last time the day was celebrated with much
fanfair was in 1999.

Apart from the regular anniversary statements from
Kofi Anan of the united Nations: Federico Mayor, the
then director of UNESCO and Mary Robinson, UN High
commissioner for Human Rights, the 1999 edition also
featured a lecture delivered by Odia Ofeinun, chairman
editorial board, The News/Tempo on reporting the
opposition, There were also exhibitions and public
presentation of 4th Estate, a bi-monthly publication
of JODER and IJC sponsored by the European Union.

Within three years of democracy, however it seems
press freedom day celebration is no longer fashionable
in Nigeria.

For instance last year edition lacked the plethora of
activities that usually marked the event. Except the
presentation of a handbook entitled: "Reporting ethics
conflict in Nigeria' published by the Media Democracy
in Nigeria project (MFD) in collaboration with the
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) the
occasion went unnoticed.

It is not certain whether the vanguard of the
commemoration are prepared to roll out drums today.
Except Independent Journalism (IJC) which will hold a
lecture today with "Nigerian Journalists and the
challenges of ethics" as theme, other active
participants in the celebration of the press day had,
uptil last Wednesday, not come up with a categorical
statement on how to mark the yearly event.

Visits to the premises of IPC in Ogba and MRA in
Ikeja, Lagos on Wednesday revealed no preparation for
today's anniversary.

Meanwhile, Mrs. Oluremi Oyo, president, Nigerian Guild
of Editors (NGE) is expected today as guest speaker at
the IJC lecture holding at the corporate headquarters
of the Independent Communications Network Limited
(ICNL) publishers of The News; Tempo and P.M News.

Scheduled for 3p.m students of the college of
journalism established by the management of ICNL as
well as journalists from print and electronic media
including media managers are expected to grace the
occasion.

Media analysts, however, attributed the low-keyed
status that the anniversary appears set to attain to
the current relaxed climate of journalism practice in
the country. But some practitioners faulted the
argument stressing that there is still a long journey
to press freedom in the country.

The reason, a practitioner adduced, could be lack of
funds. In previous editions programmes were bankrolled
by foreign agencies.

The journalist urged sectorial groups within the
media, particularly NGOs to develop avenues of
sourcing funds locally in other to continue to assert
their relevance.

On why a country like Nigeria cannot afford to be left
out in the celebration, observers see the day more of
an African Press Freedom day. The root of the
anniversary is believed to be African and since Africa
is noted for both military and civilian dictatorship,
the anniversary of World Press Freedom Day will
continue to be relevant.

The origin of the press freedom day was, in fact,
traced to a seminar on promoting an independent UNESCO
and the UN on May 3, 1991, which was held in Windhoek,
Namibia.

This date (May 3), according to a UN press release
No.40, commemorates the Windhoek Declaration on
promoting an independent and pluralistic African
press."

Hence the anniversary is a right platform to find out
what is the situation of press freedom in Africa as at
today, not only that it will be interesting for people
to know how freedom affects the income and lifestyle
of the African journalist? More importantly too, how
is press freedom used to promote national and African
goals of unity, socio-economic integration, as well as
economic growth and development?

Though cases of harassment and detention of
journalists in the country have reduced since 1998,
the importance of press freedom as a cornerstone of
human rights and a guarantee of other freedom of
information act and endorsement of a Nigerian media
bill, professionals have been canvassing abrogation of
anti-press laws still in existence.

Notable among these are the Newspaper Act of 1917;
Press Registration Act of 1933; Defamation Act of
1961; Emergency Power Act of 1961 Seditious Meeting
Act of 1961.

Others are the Official Secrets Act of 1962, Newspaper
(Amendment) Act of 1964, as well as the criminal code
and penal code.



PERSPECTIVES OF PRESS FREEDOM AND RESPONSIBILITIES
Vanguard, May 2, 2002
I want us to ask ourselves a basic question. What is
Press Freedom? My own view is that press freedom has
to be the provision of an atmosphere in which the
media, can without legal or constitutional inhibitions
or hindrances, make their contributions to the
development of primarily the society in which they
operate. It would also cover the economic
circumstances of their operation and the presence of
the human resources with which they can perform
optimally. I have limited myself to only these three
areas - constitutional, economic and human - knowing
fully well that they are not exhaustive.

But let us apply them to the Nigerian situation.
These days, you don't read in the print media or hear
on the electronic, any lamentation about the absence
of press freedom. The position today, I suggest, is
that our press is so free that our new generation of
professionals may be mistaking freedom for license.
To me again, we can demonstrate simply. I have the
freedom to stay in my garden and exercise my arm to
throw a stone up, or to the front, for as much as my
strength can take it. I also can do so several times
over. What I have to watch is that the stone does not
do any damage to a neighbour, his property or to an
installation or appliance. If any of those happen, in
the exercise of my throwing my stone, I could become
liable.

I am afraid that many of us in the practice today, are
going beyond the exercise of our arm to the possible
destruction of other interests. We take freedom so
much for granted that we don't think of it as a topic
worthy of mention or discussion, or consider that what
we have, we ought to guard jealously.

In a paper presented on February 9, 2002, at a
Presidential Retreat on "The Electoral process and
Violence" at the International Conference Centre,
Abuja, our colleague, Mohammed Haruna, now
Vice-President of the Newspapers Proprietors
Association of Nigeria (NPAN), described the Nigerian
media as "one of the freest in the world". We should
cherish such a description. But in doing so, we must
not lose track of where we are coming from and where
we may be going. I hope no colleague in this audience
would deny that there have been excesses of late.

Economic soundness is one area which can sustain the
exercise of press freedom. With a buoyant economy,
more newspapers can publish adverts (as more are now
doing), spend more on information gathering and offer
even greater linkage between government and people.
Readers will have more money with which to purchase
publications and readership will expand. As we
witness the birth of more newspapers, more radio and
television stations, we will attain a deserved greater
reach of our population in this country of about 125
million Nigerians. The media can also practice more
of what they preach.

As to the human resource component of press freedom, I
refer more here to issues like the intake into our
academic and professional institutions, to the quality
of training received, to the continuing education
programmes which they have access to, to the extent to
which they can acquire modern equipment - all of which
contribute to a fuller appreciation of press freedom
and the usage of it for the advancement of our
country.

I would approach the issue of responsibilities rather
broadly. I believe the utmost responsibility of the
Nigerian media is to the country itself, through the
promotion of what can help move Nigeria forward. I
suggest we then share responsibilities for the unity
of Nigeria, for its good governance, for the interests
of its citizens, for the image of the country and even
for the improvement of our own profession as an
inimitable pillar or a building block for democracy.
Again, I am not exhaustive here.

I suggest that our duties and responsibilities are
well spelt out, as far as the constitution is
concerned. At another stage though, we, as
professionals, have to also define what we want to
contribute to the health of our nation. And we must do
it by being critical of ourselves, even before others
do so.

I am appalled by the notion that some of those who
practice journalism in our country, not only do not
care about ethics, they do not even know about any
such thing. I have discussed my concern with
colleagues and I fear that some of those who come into
the profession "in a fit of absent mindedness" are
doing journalism a lot of harm.

There is nothing conservative about ethics. Indeed,
you cannot be a good journalist if you always practice
without them, or you choose to be oblivious to them.
For, What is ethics about? It is about finding out
facts, publishing what you can verify and defend,
being fair, seeking the other side of the story,
resisting undue influences, not publishing only
because of favours, not seeking only your own personal
interest, having the courage to admit when you are
wrong, etc.

One other area that has given many a lot of concern is
the extent to which our print media cross the board -
newspapers, newsmagazines and especially human
interest publications - seem to be competing for
sheer, sometimes indefensible SENSATIONALISM. I
understand it is all in a bid to capture the readers'
eyes and therefore the market. But these days, the
print media are over-reaching themselves in scary
hardliners such as. "War imminent", Madness and
mayhem", "anarchy and revolt", "Ticking time bomb".

The above are just four of newsmagazine cover
headlines of recent. We should, as professionals, be
able to sit back and see whether these "service" help
either our profession, or governance in the short,
medium or long run.

The final element I will refer to four now is the use
of language even by some of our so-called columnists.
My concern now is not how easy it is to become a
columnist these days, it is the inability of many of
those who believe they are now in that grade to
measure their language. I will suggest that some of
the younger ones among us should read "WINNERS TAKE
ALL" by ALLAH-DE. What I am referring to is the
sublime, not intemperate language. It is the lack of
violence in the deployment of words. It is decorum.
For as we all know, any high school student can put
pen to paper, but those who say they want to live by
writing must do so being humble enough to acquire more
linguistic expertise, which is not the same thing as
just splashing vitriol to attract attention.

Perhaps I should round-off by making some suggestions.
*NGE should consider for inclusion in its "media
charter" a reference to the "Fundamental Principles"
contained in Chapter 11 of the Nigerian Constitution.
They offer a consensual guidance.

&#61623; NGE should liaise with NEPAD (New Partnership
for African Development) for which there is a Nigerian
representative, for collaboration on "Political
governance and the African Peer Review Mechanism"
which is part of an African initiative supported by
the industrialized world.
&#61623; NGE should follow-up its continuing education
bid by involving non-governmental and governmental
enterprises which want to contribute to an improvement
in professional standards.
&#61623; NGE should work further with NPAN and NUJ for
standardization and improvement in journalists'
salaries, wages and allowances.
&#61623; NGE should enforce its guidelines on the
quality required for editorship, and if necessary
refuse to admit those who, in its view, are not
materials with professional responsibilities, and
sound judgment.

Finally, editors and newspapers can and should do
their own independent work and not limit their
publications to cynicism about government. They can
also complement other efforts.
Being paper presented by Mr. Oseni, Press Secretary to
President Olusegun Obasanjo at a recent Nigerian Guild
of Editors Forum on "Media and Good Governance".

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South Africa: Presidential Press Corps Questioning Raises Outcry

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7552

In the past few weeks the National Intelligence Agent (NIA) in South Africa raised an outcry among journalists after it demanded intimate details about their private lives.
To: IFEX Auto List (other news of interest)
From: Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI), fxi@fxi.org.za

Weekly report

Focus of the week

11-May-02

In the past few weeks the National Intelligence Agent (NIA) in South Africa
raised an outcry among journalists after it demanded intimate details about
their private lives. Journalists were asked to disclose details about whom
they
slept with, whether they are homosexuals or not and several other questions
related to the setting up of the presidential press corps.

The reason behind the questioning was for security clearances for
journalists
who would cover presidential activities. The decision to form a presidential
press corps was agreed between the South African Editor's Forum (SANEF) and
the
government. The meeting came after government complained about bad publicity
it
received over its stance on the Aids and the anti-retroviral issue and also
on
how it handled the Zimbabwean issue.

"We are not against the idea of a press corps but we definitely disagree
with
the line of questioning," said Mondli Makhanya one of the members of the
SANEF
council. He said the practice is an international phenomenon and they saw no
problem about it. The rationale behind the idea is to forge good relations
between media and state and allow a better flow of information.

This suggestion has implications on whether the media will able to do their
job
without government interference. Apart from the press's role of informing,
the
press also serves as a critical voice. The state in order to control the
people
it would want to censor the information that reaches the public, it would
also
want praises and not criticisms. There are inherent contradictions between
the
state and the media and the press can only meet its mandate, by widening
those
contradictions and widening debate.

The uncritical acceptance of the idea of press corps should be a matter of
great
concern. It seems the media did not bother to weigh the implications of a
group
of journalists being registered as an elite section to cover the
presidential
activities.

The implications are obviously far reaching and pose a serious threat to
free
press. It now means journalists will have to go through a process in which
the
government would allow or refuse them to access information to enable them
to
cover matters around the president. Editors have always been the ones to
chose
journalists to cover particular events and for this to lie in the hand of
the
government is highly problematic. This could even set a precedent for
several
government departments and other institutions to demand that all journalists
dealing with them should be registered.

The establishment of such a structure will also involve rules that may
actually
amount to censorship. With another result being that journalists may also
censor
themselves to fit into the structure.

Diary of the Week

Defamation law faces test in Holomisa case.

Defamation law may face substantial changes if the Constitutional Court
allows
the Sowetan Sunday World newspaper to appeal against a ruling made by the
High
Court in the case of the United Democratic Movement Buntu Holomisa.

According to the Sowetan newspaper of May 8, Holomisa sued the Sowetan
Sunday
World for defamation. The newspaper argued that the law should require the
onus
to be on the plaintiff to prove the falseness of the statement instead of on
the
defendant to prove that the report was true.

Gilbert Marcus, a lawyer for the Sunday World, told the Constitutional Court
that the law should find a balance between the right to dignity and the
right to
freedom of expression. He said that there was an imbalance at the moment in
favour of the right to dignity.

Public attacks a woman after Special Assignment programme.

The Soweto woman, who was shown on the South African Broadcasting
Corporation's
current affairs programme, Special Assignment went into hiding after the
public
attacked at her home.

According to the Star newspaper of May 9 the woman was shown on Special
Assignment for allegedly dealing in human body parts. The bones she sold
were
however found to be those of a cow.

Another journalist arrest in Zimbabwe

Another journalist was arrested in Zimbabwe in the case of a beheaded woman.
It
is alleged that the Zimbabwean opposition party Movement for Democratic
Change
said Zanu Pf youth killed Brandina Todyanemandu by cutting off her head. The
newspapers picked up the story and reported it.

According to the Citizen newspaper, Pius Wakatama is the fourth journalist
to be
arrest for reporting on the matter. Two journalists from the Daily News and
one
from the British Guardian were arrested last week for reporting on the
alleged
beheaded case. All journalists are charged under the new Access to
Information
and Protection of Privacy Act.

SABC fails to meet mandate-ANC

South Africa's ruling party the African National Congress (ANC) has accused
the
public broadcaster the South African Broadcast Corporation (SABC) for
failing
meet its mandate.

According to a report in the Business Day newspaper of May 7, 2002 the
ruling
party will tell the broadcaster today that it was biased towards
entertainment,
and a balance was required between education, information and entertainment
and
that more African languages should used.

ANC, communications committee chairperson Nat Kekana says, "We would like to
see
more current affairs programmes in all languages so that the SABC becomes a
platform for citizens to participate in discussions about their lives. The
SABC,
we believe is falling short of its mandate as a public broadcaster. It
should be
more developmental in its work."

According to Kekana the SABC needs to end transformation in order to meet
its
mandate. The apartheid regime used the SABC as its mouthpiece and the
broadcaster engaged in a process of transformation soon after the democratic
government was elected in 1994. The ANC said it now believes that the
broadcaster should end the process of transformation and start implementing
services.

For further information contact:
Freedom of Expression Institute
Information and Communications Officer
Scotch Tagwireyi
Phone: 27 11 403 8403
Cell: 27 82 821 0756

Togo: IFJ denounces intimidation and terror campaign against journalists

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7603

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemns the increased persecution of and threats against Togolese journalists.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

PRESS RELEASE/UPDATE - TOGO

9 May 2002

IFJ denounces intimidation and terror campaign against journalists

SOURCE: International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), Brussels

**Updates IFEX alert of 17 April 2002**

(IFJ/IFEX) - The following is an 8 May 2002 IFJ press release:

The IFJ denounces a campaign of intimidation and terror against journalists
in Togo

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), the world's largest
journalists' organisation, condemns the increased persecution of and threats
against Togolese journalists.

Koffi Augustin Amégah, publisher of Reporter des Temps Nouveaux, has been in
hiding since 18 April 2002, following the Togolese police's setting off of a
genuine "manhunt" against him. Mr. Amégah is being sought by the authorities
following his newspaper's publication of comments by a soldier who condemned
the seizure of 2,000 copies of La Tribune du Peuple, which is close to the
opposition. Despite Mr. Amégah's denial of any wrongdoing, the Togolese
police appear determined to obtain a forced confession from him concerning
his assumed sources.

Mr. Kodjo Afatsao Siliadin, publication director of La Tribune du Peuple,
also faces serious threats. The seizure of his weekly was ordered by the
Togolese interior minister, General Sizing Walla, after Mr. Siliadin was
accused of writing "disparaging remarks" (according to Article 108 of the
new Togolese Press Code) in an article published in his newspaper's 4 April
2002 edition. In the article, the author criticised the attack by Togolese
Armed Forces soldiers on a blacksmith accused of theft.

"The seizure of the newspaper and the threats to Kodjo Afatsao Siliadin's
and Koffi Amégah's lives are a flagrant violation of press freedom and the
free exercise of the journalism profession," stated Aidan White, the IFJ's
General Secretary. "This cycle of repression and terror targeting
journalists is unacceptable."

These obstacles to the right to inform are not isolated incidents either.
There have been several other cases in recent weeks in Togo. On 8 April,
hundreds of copies of Motion d'Information newspaper were seized. The next
day, 9 April, thousands of copies of the publication Le Regard were also
confiscated.

The IFJ firmly condemns the Togolese government's conduct, urges it to stop
seizing newspapers and put an immediate end to the threats weighing against
journalists Kodjo Afatsao Siliadin and Augustin Amégah. These attacks on the
press, which encourage self-censorship by the media, pose a challenge to
Togolese citizens' fundamental right to freedom of expression.

The IFJ is the world's largest journalists' organisation, with 500,000
members in 103 countries.

For further information, contact the IFJ, tel: +322 235 2200, or Mahmoun
Faye, 17, Boulevard de la République - BP. 21722, Dakar, Senegal, tel: +221
842 0142, fax: +221 842 0269, e-mail: fijafrica@sentoo.sn, Internet:
http://www.ifj.org/

The information contained in this press release/update is the sole
responsibility of IFJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication,
please credit IFJ.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

Zimbabwe: Court rules journalists have case to answer

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7550

A magistrate court in Harare ruled on May 7 that arrested "Daily News" journalist, Lloyd Mudiwa and Zimbabwe correspondent for the British paper "The Guardian", Andrew Meldrum, have a case to answer. The two were remanded out of custody to May 22, 2002. Charges against the other accused, Collin Chiwanza of "The Daily News", have been dropped.
To: IFEX Auto List (other news of interest)
From: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), research@misa.org.na

Zimbabwe Alert Update
May 10, 2002
Court rules journalists have case to answer

**** The following is an update of MISA Alerts issued on May 2, 6 and 7. See
www.misa.org for more information.

A magistrate court in Harare ruled on May 7 that arrested "Daily News"
journalist, Lloyd Mudiwa and Zimbabwe correspondent for the British paper
"The
Guardian", Andrew Meldrum, have a case to answer. The two were remanded out
of
custody to May 22, 2002. Charges against the other accused, Collin Chiwanza
of
"The Daily News", have been dropped.

Harare provincial magistrate, Ms Lillian Kudya, dismissed an application
made by
Lawrence Chibwe on behalf of Mudiwa and Chiwanza and also by Beatrice Mtetwa
representing Meldrum, that the state had no evidence for a prima facie case
against the three. Kudya ruled that Mudiwa, the writer of the story and
Meldrum
had a case to answer under section 80 of the Access to Information Act. The
two
are accused of having written a false story thereby breaching section 80 of
the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. The court ruled that
the
state is not obliged to prove its case beyond any reasonable doubt at this
stage.

Chiwanza who was arrested on the same day with Mudiwa had his charges
dropped on
the grounds that he simply accompanied Mudiwa to Maguje, the scene of an
alleged
politically motivated murder story that sparked the arrests of the three
journalists. The court found out that Chiwanza had not contributed to the
writing of the initial story, which has since been found to be untrue.

On May 7 "The Daily News" published a story in which it said that the
alleged
victim had died of natural causes and was only a lover and not the wife of
Enos
Tadyanemhandu, also known as George Nyadzayo. The paper also alleges that
Tadyanemhandu was working for the state's Central Intelligence Organization
(CIO), which wanted to spy on the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) hence the genesis of the story.

The three journalists had earlier made an application for refusal of remand
saying that they had no intention of publishing a false story but were
misled by
the source and alleged husband of the victim, Tadyanemhandu also known as
Nyadzayo.

The court said that the two could challenge the constitutionality of the law
in
the Supreme Court. The lawyers for the arrested journalists have argued
that
the Section under which they are being charged is unconstitutional.

BACKGROUND

The arrests of the Zimbabwean journalists follow the publishing of an
article on
April 23, in which "The Daily News" alleged that two young girls had
witnessed
the beheading of their mother by alleged Zimbabwe African National Union
Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) supporters in the rural area of Magunje. Andrew
Meldrum, a Zimbabwean permanent resident and correspondent for the British
"Guardian" was arrested on May 2 for the same story which he wrote "The
Guardian"

"The Daily News", in a front-page story on April 27, apologised to the
ruling
party, ZANU PF, and to the government after it was revealed that the husband
of
the victim might have misled the paper.

Ends
--------------------------

Information distributed by:
Zoe Titus
MISA Researcher & Information Officer
Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)
Private Bag 13386
Windhoek, Namibia
Tel. +264 61 232975, Fax. 248016
e-mail: research@misa.org.na
web: http://www.misa.org

MEDIA INSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA
PROMOTING MEDIA DIVERSITY, PLURALISM, SELF-SUFFICIENCY AND INDEPENDENCE

--------------------------

Zimbabwe: Government Broadcasting Procedure Causes Uproar

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/7551

The licensing of a wholly owned government signal carrier company, Transmedia, to offer satellite broadcasting services in partnership with the DStv Network represented by MultiChoice-Zimbabwe, has sparked an uproar among other applicants.
To: IFEX Auto List (other news of interest)
From: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), research@misa.org.na

Zimbabwe Alert
May 10, 2002
Broadcasting licensing procedure raises eyebrows

The licensing of a wholly owned government signal carrier company,
Transmedia,
to offer satellite broadcasting services in partnership with the DStv
Network
represented by MultiChoice-Zimbabwe, has sparked an uproar among other
applicants.

The "Zimbabwe Independent" reported on May 3, 2002, that the Department of
Information and Publicity had licensed Transmedia, a licensed signal carrier
to
run broadcasting services in partnership with MultiChoice. MultiChoice
Zimbabwe
has not been licensed though it is providing satellite broadcasting services
from its base in South Africa. The Broadcasting Services Act Section 19 (2)
prohibits a signal carrier from being licensed to provide broadcasting
services.
In other words, no company can have a broadcasting licence as well as one
for
signal transmission. Transmedia which is the new company formed by the
government from the split Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has however been
given the two licences. This is "illegal" in the words of legal experts
quoted
by the paper.

The Chief Executive Officer of the Broadcasting Services Authority (BAZ),
Thomas
Mandigora confirmed that only Transmedia has so far been licensed to
provide
Satellite broadcasting. He also said that MultiChoice has not been
licensed.
However it was reported that Transmedia and MultiChoice have entered into a
deal
that would result in the ZBC being featured on DStv, which is the
broadcasting
arm of MultiChoice. This would amount to the "licensing" of MultiChoice to
continue its operations in Zimbabwe. Mandigora also told the paper that BAZ
had
finished processing licences for satellite broadcasting and had already
submitted its recommendations to the Department of Information and
Publicity.
Aspiring satellite broadcaster, Oscar Kubara, who is the Chief Executive
Officer
of Munhumatapa African Broadcasting Corporation said that the secrecy
surrounding the licensing procedure was a major source of worry for aspiring
broadcasters. "There has not been official communication with us as
applicants,"
said Kubara.

However in a story that appeared in the state owned "The Herald", on
Saturday
May 4, the Minister of Information and Publicity Professor Jonathan Moyo
castigated the Zimbabwe Independent for deliberately falsifying information.
Moyo said that section 9 (3) of the Broadcasting Services Act 2001 provides
that: "With the exception of a public broadcaster, a broadcasting licence
and a
signal carrier licence shall not be issued to the same person." As a public
institution established after the split of the ZBC under the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation Commercialisation Act, Transmedia can have that
licence
said Moyo. Also in terms of section 4 (1) (d) of the Broadcasting Services
Act
one of the listed functions of Transmedia is to provide
satellite-broadcasting
services.

Moyo went on to castigate the paper for "peddling" falsehoods and as yet
another
example of growing unacceptable instances of deliberate falsification of
information by media houses according to him.

Although as indicated above, Transmedia has been granted a broadcasting
licence
for both signal transmission and satellite broadcasting, no other applicants
has
been granted that licence. Transmedia to date has a "monopoly" in the signal
carrier business as provided for in the Broadcasting Services Act. The Act
provides for only one other signaltransmitter to be licensed apart from
Transmedia. No call for applications for this licence have however been made
to
date.

The Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa
(MISA-Zimbabwe)
has criticized this legislation, as a way of controlling would be
broadcaster,
as they have to get signal transmission service from a state controlled
company.
No justifiable reason has been given as to why there must be two signal
carrier
companies only.

Ends


--------------------------

Information distributed by:
Zoe Titus
MISA Researcher & Information Officer
Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)
Private Bag 13386
Windhoek, Namibia
Tel. +264 61 232975, Fax. 248016
e-mail: research@misa.org.na
web: http://www.misa.org

MEDIA INSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA
PROMOTING MEDIA DIVERSITY, PLURALISM, SELF-SUFFICIENCY AND INDEPENDENCE

Zimbabwe: Zanu PF to sue local and foreign media

2002-05-16

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=4294

The ruling party in Zimbabwe will sue media organisations, including those outside the country, and the main opposition party for reporting a false story, the state-run Sunday Mail reported. The story concerned a false claim by the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) two weeks ago that a woman was beheaded by supporters of President Robert Mugabe's party.

Africa: World's Richest Countries Urged to Follow Through on Pledges

2002-05-16

http://story.news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=story&u=/oneworld/20020514/wl_oneworld/1032_1021403777&e=1&ncid=655

The world's richest countries must help prevent the continuing use of rape by HIV-infected militia as a weapon of war in Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), according to a new report from British-based charity Christian Aid.

ANGOLA: Interview with Humanitarian Coordinator, Eric de Mul

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7497

Angola's peace process has entered a critical phase. While the government anounced on Thursday with some satisfaction that close to 42,000 UNITA troops had been quartered - corresponding to about 78 percent of the former rebel group's military force - the international community warned that all was not well. Humanitarian Coordinator and UNDP Representative in Angola, Eric de Mul, told IRIN in an interview that although there was real concern over conditions in the quartering areas, the government was yet to meet with the international community to draw up a plan that would enable them to provide assistance.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ANGOLA: Interview with Humanitarian Coordinator, Eric de Mul

JOHANNESBURG, 10 May (IRIN) - Angola's peace process has entered a critical
phase. While the government anounced on Thursday with some satisfaction that
close to 42,000 UNITA troops had been quartered - corresponding to about 78
percent of the former rebel group's military force - the international
community warned that all was not well.

Humanitarian Coordinator and UNDP Representative in Angola, Eric de Mul,
told IRIN in an interview that although there was real concern over
conditions in the quartering areas, the government was yet to meet with the
international community to draw up a plan that would enable them to provide
assistance.

Without that, donors would find it difficult to help with the US $70-75
million demobilisation process, and UNITA troops could start leaving their
quartering areas.

QUESTION: Donors have voiced concern over the demobilisation process - that
there are a lack of humanitarian supplies for the quartering areas and the
UNITA troops and their families.

ANSWER: Yes we share that concern. The process to bring UNITA fighters to
the quartering points started several weeks ago. We haven't been able to
have a look at any of the places, the only thing is we hear that the process
is on the one hand going fairly slowly, and secondly there seems to be a
lack of almost everything - at least at the beginning. The whole process
seems to be very slow - which is not surprising because its a very big
operation ... We are talking about 50-55,000 soldiers and about 300-350,000
family members of UNITA. So it's large numbers.

The idea that we heard from the start was that the military wanted to take
care of it and said they could handle it. And that's fine ... If the process
is as Angolan as it can be, the better. And the first steps were totally
Angolan ... The point is the concern we have is that it will be very, very
difficult to find the required means and required set-up to do it properly.
There was very little time to prepare for it [the April ceasefire and
demobilisation]. If you look at other peace processes there's normally a
kind of lead up time to start doing this. In this case there wasn't. So
everybody was kind of taken by surprise and have had to go into an extra
second or third gear without having the benefit of being able to prepare for
it properly.

There was mention of assistance from the United Nations and international
community in the whole process but it's not defined. So right from the start
we were expecting, somehow, that we would be approached by the authorities
to say: OK now we're going to try and clarify what we think the
international community and United Nations should do, and that hasn't
happened.

Q: How bad is the health condition of the UNITA troops and their family
members?

A: If you compare it to people who are in the areas we couldn't go to before
[the April ceasefire], the situation is pretty grim. People are extremely
weak, especially the children, and are often sick, they're ill. The many
years of non-availability of any type of assistance and the total lack of
medicines, drugs and medical attention has taken its toll.

Q: If the kind of assistance the government needs is not defined, it must be
difficult to know how to operate?

A: Yes, its extremely difficult. What we've done is to try and prepare
ourselves as best we can so we've made a kind of contingency plan, but based
on very flimsy, very scanty data. We know the total number [of UNITA
beneficiaries], we know the quartering areas, more or less, and we know the
people are in bad shape. These are the three things we are sure of, all the
rest is kind of guess work. As long as it's not clear what the government is
going to do, it's also difficult to know how we can compliment and deliver.
That's why I'm saying we've been waiting for a couple of weeks to get this
possibility to discuss, to sit down and work out something, but it hasn't
happened. I expect that it will, but when I don't know. Some say maybe next
week or the coming days, but that's been the story for the last couple of
weeks, so I'm a bit hesitant to try and predict anything.

Q: The UN has an unfortunate history in Angola. Do you think there is some
reticence in the Angolan government to ask the UN for assistance?

A: I think it's a mixture. On the one hand is the issue of trying to keep it
in their hands, and as I said before there is nothing wrong with that. If
the Angolan authorities themselves can handle it - so much the better. There
is certainly the kind of feeling that if you start working with the UN you
may get into trouble because the UN is slow, it takes time, so the
experience hasn't been that fantastic ... But I think gradually these things
will move a little bit to the background when it becomes clear that it would
be useful to have an extra hand to help. As I said, maybe that's coming.

Q: Do you see the UN role as purely being in terms of humanitarian
assistance?

A: Yes, that's the problem with the agreement. On the one hand it's good
because it's short - it's not one of these lengthy documents that takes a
couple of lawyers a couple of weeks to figure out exactly what it means. So
from that point of view it's OK. On the other hand, it's extremely vague. On
three or four occasions it refers to the UN but in very vague terms, like an
observation role and assistance with quartering and demobilisation and
reintegration and there's also a reference to organisation of a donor
conference later in the year. These are the points where the UN and
international community are referred to - and again, so far we haven't had
any further clarification since we had discussions with the ministry of
planning on the donor conference. But since that is a bit further away,
there's time for that and it is something that is somewhat easier to handle.
The other issues on the political side that refers to the role of the UN in
terms of observing the process, I think that is still not clearly defined.
And on the humanitarian side for [providing for] the UNITA soldiers and
family members, that is also still not defined.

And this is heavy stuff, it's not simple. It requires a lot of money in the
first place, but in order to get money you have to present something that is
fundable. And, as I said, we've been trying with the little information we
have to try to imagine what it could be and put it on paper. We've shared it
with the donors but at the end of the day they keep saying yes, that's fine
and we'll try to help, but the first step is we have to have a clear answer
from the authorities as to what they really want the international community
to do.

The other thing that I've picked up is that the idea that they [Angolan
government] want to avoid problems that occurred in the past - [i.e.] to try
and move very quickly and then be disappointed when the whole thing falls
apart. So the whole idea of making sure that what has been agreed sticks,
that is very important. So they are looking very carefully to see whether
UNITA keeps its promises. Second, in the past too many things were being
done at the same time and that was not good - so it looks like they're
interested in a step by step approach.

Then there is the donor conference which they see as two phases. First to
alert or make the donor community again aware of the enormous humanitarian
problems. That will be later in the year, sometime in October, followed by a
heavier one that will deal with reconstruction, rehabilitation and that
would be towards the end of 2003 early 2004. So that's the kind of outline
they are looking at, which is fine. The point is that all of that will come
later depending on how well you do the first steps. And that's where the
main concern is. Are we going to be able to make the first step stick, make
it solid? That means we have to make sure that the [UNITA] soldiers have the
feeling that they are taken seriously, they are being attended to, and have
a chance to eventually move to a situation where they can start a normal
life.

Q: What should be the international community's bottom line and what are
your real concerns, what could really go wrong in this process?

A: If UNITA soldiers are moving to areas that are indicated as quartering
areas - they go there and find that nothing is there or very little, that
might make them turn their backs and go back, to what I don't know. I don't
think they'll go back to fighting because I think they're extremely weak and
I think what has happened over the last couple of years, particularly
sanctions, has really hit hard ... So from that point of view I'm not too
worried about the war starting again, I don't think that's a realistic
possibility, but of course they could become a nuisance. They could start
roaming the countryside out of desperation and start creating a hell of a
lot of problems in the countryside, a countryside that is already riddled
with problems - add this to it and it really becomes dramatic.

Q: Are there any indications that this is happening already?

A: Not really ... I think there is a bit more control over the soldiers.
What we have heard is that the other group, the 300-350,000 family that also
expected to receive some assistance, [those that don't find it could] just
move off to let's say existing supply points, areas where normally
internally displaced persons (IDPs) are being helped and just move into
there, becoming part and parcel of that group which in a way is confusing
the whole thing. That's the problem, because on the one hand it means that
the supplies for the established number of displaced will not be sufficient
because that number will grow and then you get this confusion between
basically two different groups which are mingled and mixed and could also
create a kind of unhealthy and awkward situation.

Q: On the wider humanitarian front, as these inaccessible places open up how
many people are we looking at?

A: We only have an estimate. We were estimating around 500,000. I still hope
its not going to be less - the assessment process is going to be finished at
the end of next week, so we'll have a better idea. The issue is just that -
we keep accumulating. So we have already an existing IDP caseload, add to
that the people from the now accessible areas, and add to that the soldiers
that are demobilising, and the numbers become rather frightening. And add to
that a group of donors that are still fairly reluctant to increase, or
really come out to say they'll be in a position to increase their
contributions substantially, and we're looking at a situation that - to say
difficult is an understatement - could be extremely difficult.

Q: What is behind the donor reticence, because on the one hand we have a
peace process that hangs in the balance, and we have this extra caseload to
feed, but as you suggest the donors haven't come forward yet - what is
behind that?

A: There are a number of things behind that. One is certainly in the case of
Angola a kind of donor fatigue in the extreme, because this has been going
on for so many years and after so many attempts and failures donors have
become rather disappointed with the whole situation. Secondly, the number of
donors for Angola is smaller than you see in other countries. On the one
hand that may be positive because it makes it easier for donors to get
together and move in a more coordinated, comprehensive fashion.

On the other hand, the more donors you have the more possibilities for
funds. The second point is that donors have had, especially in the last
couple of years, rising expectations of what the government should be able
to do in reaching out to its own population. So far they have been very
disappointed. There have been quite a number of instances where the
government has made very substantive and clear promises that have not really
been met. And this time around I think the donors are really waiting for
clear signals, and you can almost say proof, that the government is really
going to make more of its resources available to the Angolan population.

Q: What sort of figures are we looking at?

A: If we start with the consolidated appeal that was prepared late last
year, that is about US $240 million. That was before this whole new
situation evolved. We are now in May and I think we have about 30 percent of
that covered, which is reasonable. Now all of a sudden we have an additional
caseload. The contingency plan we have estimated - it's a real ballpark
figure because there are no clear elements to our calculations - that stands
at about US $70-75 million. That would be for the quartering and the
beginning of the demobilisation. We haven't added the people in the now
accessible areas.

We don't have a complete figure yet because we don't know what the needs are
going to be. We have had an assessment which had some positive surprises -
there were areas where we found there was more food than we had thought
there would be. But the negative surprises was that the condition of the
people was really very troublesome, and that is general. Maybe that's even a
bit worse than we expected. So I would say the vulnerability, the weakness
of the people is really dramatic. Altogether, we are looking at quite a
substantial amount of money, and we're up against time. And that's why we,
hopefully sooner than later, get the opportunity to sit down with the
authorities and figure out what should we do to complement what they are
doing.

Q: What kind of financial commitments have the Angolan authorities made?

A: Earlier in the year there was a promise of about US $57 million to be
made available to IDPs but that is still on the books. The information we
have is that so far not much of that has been allocated or been spent. For
the quartering and demobilisation effort I understand that US $50 million
was set aside from the defence budget to do that. These are the two figures
we know about. What exactly is being done with it or how much has been
spent, that is not very clear.

Q: How optimistic are you that this is going to work?

A: I think in the end it's going to work, but it's going to take much more
time than everybody thinks at this point, and ... hopes. I guess that's
almost unavoidable because the problems are so huge, there are no quick
fixes. I think the possibility of the war beginning again are close to zero.
I am concerned and worried that we may have a couple of months of a
deepening crisis, deepening misery ... Later on, gradually, we will get out
of that situation and it is going to be very important for the government
and the international community to be tenacious, to not stop before the job
is really finished.


[ENDS]

IRIN-SA
Tel: +27 11 880-4633
Fax: +27 11 447-5472
Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Curfew lifted nearly one year after failed coup

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7495

Nearly one year after its imposition in the wake of
a failed coup that shook Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic
(CAR), a nationwide curfew was lifted on Thursday.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: Curfew lifted nearly one year after failed coup

NAIROBI, 10 May (IRIN) - Nearly one year after its imposition in the wake of
a failed coup that shook Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic
(CAR), a nationwide curfew was lifted on Thursday.

Originally imposed on 28 May 2001 from 21h00 to 6h00, when soldiers loyal to
former President Andre Kolingba launched an offensive against forces loyal
to current President Ange-Felix Patasse, the curfew was scaled back on 31
December 2001, from midnight to 5h00. During these hours, all civilians had
to remain indoors, and only military patrols were allowed to move freely
through cities and towns. In case of emergency, only authorised vehicles
with flashing lights were allowed to circulate, while nocturnal workers such
as security guards and doctors were required to remain within the bounds of
their workplace.

Humanitarian sources in Bangui speculated that the timing of this decision
was due in part to the fact that rebel soldiers who fled across the Ubangui
River to Zongo in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
have been relocated some 100 km from the riparian border and progressively
disarmed, whereas previously, they remained an armed threat just across the
river.

A statement from the office of the president said that the lifting of the
curfew meant that life had returned to normal in CAR. It further noted that
"in taking this decision, the President of the Republic ... counts on the
public-spiritedness and sense of responsibility of all children of CAR."

"On the other hand," it continued, "[the President] sends a strict warning
to all who, refusing obstinately that our country and the people of CAR live
in national peace and harmony, would attempt to take advantage of this
return to normalcy to hatch their harmful plots to challenge our
democratically constituted institutions. They will be considered as
terrorists and will be brought to justice."

Another source in Bangui told IRIN that despite the lifting of the curfew, a
high level of insecurity remained in and around the capital, including
regular armed break-ins and highway robbery.

Bangui was again besieged by hostilities in November 2001, when CAR
government forces tried to arrest CAR former army commander, Gen Francois
Bozize, on behalf of a judicial commission probing the coup attempt of 28
May 2001. Bozize refused to comply with the arrest warrant, asserting that
he had not been given sufficient safety guarantees. Bozize had been
dismissed as army chief of staff on 26 October 2001 after being accused of
involvement in a coup plot. He denied involvement at the time, saying he had
backed Patasse during army mutinies of 1996 and 1997. Soldiers allied to
Bozize came to his defence, and five days of intermittent fighting in the
northern region of the capital ensued before Bozize and his forces were
dislodged and fled northward to the southern Chadian town of Sarh.

CAR authorities then accused Chad of backing Bozize and his supporters, who
repeatedly engaged in confrontations with CAR military forces along the two
nations' common border. Chad later granted Bozize asylum out of
"humanitarian concern", an official of the Chadian Ministry of
Communications told IRIN in January.

Concurrently, Chadian rebels were raiding southern Chad from bases in CAR.
Chad deployed troops "to block the infiltration of CAR troops in Chad", the
Chadian official said at the time, but noted that there had been no direct
confrontation between the armies of the two countries.

Patasse and Chadian President Idriss Deby met in N'djamena on 10 April 2002
to discuss ongoing tensions between the two countries. Following what was
hailed as a successful two-hour meeting, the two leaders announced the
immediate reopening of their common border, and stated that outstanding
issues would be addressed by a bilateral commission of experts and
parliamentarians.

[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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CONGO: Pool region still inaccessible, humanitarian situation unknown

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7540

Fighting between government forces - supported by
Angolan troops - and Ninja militias allied to the Rev Frederic Bitsangou
(alias Ntoumi) in the Pool region of the Republic of Congo (ROC) is now well
into its second month. The total number of persons displaced by the conflict
there remains unknown, but is "at least 22,000 and probably more", according
to humanitarian sources in the country.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

CONGO: Pool region still inaccessible, humanitarian situation unknown

NAIROBI, 13 May (IRIN) - Fighting between government forces - supported by
Angolan troops - and Ninja militias allied to the Rev Frederic Bitsangou
(alias Ntoumi) in the Pool region of the Republic of Congo (ROC) is now well
into its second month. The total number of persons displaced by the conflict
there remains unknown, but is "at least 22,000 and probably more", according
to humanitarian sources in the country.

The government has reported that at least 5,000 persons have found refuge in
the town of Kindamba, a small and isolated town of 5,000 inhabitants in the
Pool region, about 170 km northwest of the capital, Brazzaville, but they
have not yet received any assistance. A previous attempt by the United
Nations to conduct an evaluation mission was cancelled at the last minute
due to insecurity.

Not more than 2,000 people have managed to reach refuge outside the affected
area, in neighbouring Plateaux, Bouenza and Lekoumou regions. The
international community has been able to visit them and provide assistance,
and it is expected that a mission to Kindamba may be organised in the coming
days.

The UN and other international organisations were recently allowed to visit
Kinkala, the capital of Pool region some 79 km west of Brazzaville, the
office of the UN Humanitarian Coordinator reported on Friday. The mission,
conducted on 8 and 9 May, found that the four displacement camps that had
been set up in Kinkala since 5 April had been closed by the authorities on
14 April. The international community has been unable to reach Kinkala since
9 April, and therefore little humanitarian assistance is available.

About two-thirds of Kinkala's population has returned to their homes, with
the major problem being the absence of medical personnel to run health and
sanitary facilities. The mission provided voluntary staff with medical
equipment and other supplies. Most civil servants and teachers have not
returned to Kinkala. Numerous sources have reported that over 20 young men
were taken from the camps and have not been seen since.

The resumption of cargo train services between the coastal city of Pointe
Noire and Brazzaville has enabled economic activity in the capital to return
to "almost normal", according to the office of the UN Humanitarian
Coordinator, although passenger trains have not yet been authorised.

The route - Congo's main railway line - had been shut down by the government
for security concerns since 2 April, when at least two people were killed
and 12 wounded in an attack on a passenger train travelling from
Pointe-Noire to Brazzaville, said to have taken place in two separate
locations near Kinkembo, some 150 km west of the capital. Fuel, which had
been in particularly short supply, is now transported from the coast to the
capital in trains carrying military escorts.

From his base in Vindza, Pool region, Ntoumi has sent an audio-cassette to
President Denis Sassou-Nguesso expressing his desire for a negotiated
solution. According to Ntoumi, the crisis started when 500 additional
government troops were sent to the Vindza area. In response, he sent some of
his followers to inquire about the reasons for this military build-up. He
claims that the military then shot at his men.

It was following that incident, he said, that he concluded that the
government was seeking a military solution against him. In his statement, he
asserted that a military solution was impossible and trying to effect it
would cause unnecessary hardship for the population.

The tens of thousands who had been displaced from the southern
neighbourhoods of Brazzaville in early April have, for the most part,
returned to their homes. Thousands of displaced people from the Pool region
are still in Brazzaville, although some are returning. However, still more
keep arriving in Brazzaville from various localities in Pool, usually
claiming that they are fleeing out of fear.

A door-to-door survey is now being conducted by the UN to identify
vulnerable displaced people. Most have already received non-food items, and
the survey will determine whether food assistance is required, the office of
the UN Humanitarian Coordinator reported.

Meanwhile, the government is proceeding with preparations for legislative
elections to be held on 26 May, even if Pool has not stabilised. In such an
event, elections will be held in the region later. According to the
government, 994 candidates of 1,239 who applied from all political parties
have been authorised to compete for the 137 available seats in the National
Assembly.

Campaigning was officially launched on 10 May, with Congolese Interior
Minister Pierre Oba appealing for the sustained prevalence of the "calm and
good conduct" which characterised the presidential elections of 10 March,
when Sassou-Nguesso won a landslide victory in the ROC's first presidential
elections since 1992.

Former Prime Minister Andre Milongo, considered to be Sassou-Nguesso's main
challenger, withdrew from the race on 8 March, claiming irregularities.
Former President Pascal Lissouba, who defeated Sassou-Nguesso in 1992, and
former Prime Minister Bernard Kolelas were barred from entering the race by
the revised constitution, which requires candidates to have resided
continuously in the country for at least two years before the election.

Both are living abroad in exile, having been tried and convicted in absentia
for crimes allegedly committed during civil war that plagued the nation
throughout the 1990s.

Following the 1999 ceasefire agreements, the process of demobilising an
estimated total of 25,000 militia fighters has been under way in the ROC.
The process comprises members of the Cobras (loyal to Sassou-Nguesso), the
Cocoyes (loyal to Lissouba), and the Ninjas (loyal to Kolelas).

[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
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of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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DRC: ''No real progress'' at talks in Cape Town

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7539

The spokesman for rebel group Rassemblement
congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma), Kin Kiey Mulumba, told IRIN on
Monday that "no real progress" had been made during talks held among
opposition groups and the RCD late last week in Cape Town, South Africa. The
informal talks had been held, "to see what can be done to push forward the
peace process", following the end of the inter-Congolese dialogue (ICD).
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

DRC: ''No real progress'' at talks in Cape Town

NAIROBI, 13 May (IRIN) - The spokesman for rebel group Rassemblement
congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma), Kin Kiey Mulumba, told IRIN on
Monday that "no real progress" had been made during talks held among
opposition groups and the RCD late last week in Cape Town, South Africa. The
informal talks had been held, "to see what can be done to push forward the
peace process", following the end of the inter-Congolese dialogue (ICD).

Mulumba said it had been decided in Cape Town that new inclusive talks were
needed, and that the ICD must resume so that outstanding issues between the
parties to the dialogue could be settled. "We need more pressure from the
international community now, from [South African President Thabo] Mbeki,
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, and other heads of state, so that we can
move forward. We need much more pressure," he said.

Asked what the next step forward would be, he said: "Now we are waiting,
waiting to see what the international community will tell us, and for more
pressure to build up. Mbeki is doing his best, as is Mwanawasa." He added
that he was hoping to resume the ICD within a couple of weeks, but still had
had no confirmation from either the Mouvement de liberation du Congo (MLC)
or the Kinshasa government of whether they would attend.

At the end of the ICD, which was held from 25 February until 19 April, the
MLC and the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo forged an
alliance whereby the current president, Joseph Kabila, would remain in
office in a new government, and the MLC leader, Jean-Pierre Bemba, would
become prime minister.

RCD-Goma, which was offered the position of the presidency of the National
Assembly, rejected the offer and then formed an alliance - entitled the
Alliance pour la sauvegarde du dialogue intercongolais - with five unarmed
opposition parties. Both the government and the MLC boycotted the Cape Town
talks.

[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
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DRC: Storm CLouds Over Peace Process

Vital roles for President Mbeki and the UN

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7626

The Inter-Congolese dialogue held at Sun City in South Africa, which lasted more than seven weeks, finally produced a partial agreement on a transition government for the Democratic Republic of Congo on 19 April. After years of war, the accord reached between President Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC (Mouvement pour la libiration du Congo) marks an important new political alignment. However ICG's Africa program Co-Director Fabienne Hara said: "Despite the agreement, the negotiations are far from complete and the future of the Democratic Republic of Congo remains uncertain. The talks left the RCD (Rassemblement congolais pour la Dimocratie) and its military ally Rwanda isolated, threatening renewed hostilities and even partition. Strong international leadership will be essential to reach an all-inclusive agreement".
INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP MEDIA RELEASE

Storm clouds over Congo peace process
Vital roles for President Mbeki and the UN




Nairobi/Brussels, 14 May 2002: The Inter-Congolese dialogue held at Sun City in South Africa, which lasted more than seven weeks, finally produced a partial agreement on a transition government for the Democratic Republic of Congo on 19 April. After years of war, the accord reached between President Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC (Mouvement pour la libiration du Congo) marks an important new political alignment.



However ICG's Africa program Co-Director Fabienne Hara said: "Despite the agreement, the negotiations are far from complete and the future of the Democratic Republic of Congo remains uncertain. The talks left the RCD (Rassemblement congolais pour la Dimocratie) and its military ally Rwanda isolated, threatening renewed hostilities and even partition. Strong international leadership will be essential to reach an all-inclusive agreement".



A new ICG report, Storm Clouds Over Sun City: The Urgent Need to Recast the Congolese Peace Process (the report is only available in French at the moment, a translation of the Executive Summary is attached), calls for South African President Thabo Mbeki to be entrusted with mediating the conclusion of the Inter-Congolese dialogue, but only upon agreement of all the Congolese parties. At the same time the South African leader should be given a mandate to obtain a preliminary accord with the countries that have occupied the Congo (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola and Zimbabwe) on support for the transitional government and withdrawal of their troops.



The Sun City talks, while not conclusive, have put important issues on the table - notably Rwanda's security and the broader economic and security topics at the heart of the conflict. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan is, therefore, urged to appoint a new high-profile Special Envoy to supervise the implementation of the political transition, to ensure cooperation between the various UN institutions involved in Rwanda and in the Congolese peace process (ICTR, MONUC, the expert panel on the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the DRC), and to establish the framework for a conference to conclude a security pact between the states of the Great Lakes region.



iCG Central Africa Project Director Dr Francois Grignon said: "Now is the time to press forward on the disarmament of the Rwanda Hutu militias based in the DRC, as well as the withdrawal of the RPA (Rwandan Patriotic Army) from the DRC itself. A UN Special Envoy would play a key role in this, and in helping to address the long-term security of the region, especially the reconstruction of the Congolese state and the rights and responsibilities of that state".




--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

MEDIA CONTACTS

Katy Cronin (London) +44.20.86.82.93.51
email: media@crisisweb.org
Heather Hurlburt (Washington) +1.202.408.80.12

All ICG reports are available on our website www.crisisweb.org
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS



After seven weeks of negotiations at Sun City, a partial agreement was reached on 19 April 2002 between Jean-Pierre Bemba's MLC (Mouvement pour la libiration du Congo) and the government of Joseph Kabila. The agreement represents the end of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue in the context of the Lusaka peace accords. However confusion reigns. The negotiations are not complete and the future of the Democratic Republic of Congo remains uncertain.



The accord, struck by the majority of delegates from unarmed opposition groups and civil society, and approved by Angola, Uganda and Zimbabwe, is the beginning of a political realignment in the DRC conflict. Most notably it heralds the end of the anti-Kabila coalition and confirms the isolation of the RCD (Rassemblement congolais pour la Dimocratie) and its ally Rwanda. The Kabila government and the MLC actually concluded the accord by default, due to the intransigence of the RCD on the question of power sharing in Kinshasa, and, in the background, the failed negotiations between the governments of the DRC and Rwanda over the disarmament of the Hutu rebels known as ALiR (Armie pour la libiration du Rwanda). This accord transformed the discussions between the Lusaka signatories into a bilateral negotiation with a Kabila-Bemba axis backed by the international community on one side, and a politically weak RCD, backed by a militarily strong Rwanda on the other.



The new partners announced that they would install a transition government in Kinshasa on 15 June, declared the Lusaka accords 'dead' but committed themselves to continuing negotiations with the RCD and Rwanda. The RCD, its cohesion and existence threatened, tried to break its isolation by forming an alliance with the UDPS (Union pour la dimocratie et le progrhs social) of Etienne Tshisekedi, and is talking up threats of renewed hostilities and partition of the country.



It is highly desirable that negotiations with the RCD be finalised before the transition government is installed. President Mbeki of South Africa, as next president of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and of the African Union (AU), should become joint leader of the process, on condition that he receives a clear mandate from the parties to the dialogue and from the regional countries that have given their support to the Kabila-Bemba partnership, i.e. Angola and Uganda. The neutrality of South Africa has indeed been questioned by the Congolese who were stung by its apparent support for the RCD at Sun City.



The Sun City talks may also mark the beginning of a real regional discussion on the security and economic issues at the heart of the Congolese conflict. In particular, the issue of Rwanda's security is finally on the table - the disarmament of the Rwanda Hutu militias based in the DRC - as well as the issue of the Congo's security - the withdrawal of the RPA (Rwandan Patriotic Army) from the DRC itself. These are both part of the Lusaka accords. It is also time to discuss the long-term security of the region, especially the reconstruction of the Congolese state, and the rights and responsibilities of that state.



As soon as a political accord on power sharing is reached, the indispensable coordination of all these different dimensions of the peace process should be assured by the appointment of a high-profile Special Envoy of the United Nations' Secretary-General. The mandate of the Special Envoy should be to supervise the implementation of an inclusive agreement on political transition; to coordinate UN activities on DDRRR (disarmament, demobilisation, repatriation, reintegration, and resettlement of armed groups); to ensure cooperation between the various UN institutions involved in the Rwandan and Congolese peace processes (ICTR, MONUC, the expert panel on the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the DRC); and to prepare the agenda for a regional conference on security and sustainable development in the Great Lakes.

RECOMMENDATIONS



To the Signatories of the Lusaka Peace Accords and Members Of The Joint Military Commission:



1. Entrust President Mbeki with mediating the conclusion of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue. This process could build on results obtained by the facilitator of the Lusaka process, Ketumile Masire. It should also be based on a compromise between the power-sharing proposal known as 'Mbeki II' and the accord struck between the Congolese government and the MLC.



2. Give the mediator a mandate to obtain a preliminary accord between Rwanda, Uganda, Angola and Zimbabwe on conditions to be met for them to support a transitional power-sharing agreement in the DRC. Once this agreement is obtained, the new mediator could once again bring together the parties to the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and finalise an inclusive power-sharing agreement.



3. Immediately cease all military deployments that could reignite hostilities, and any resupply of armed groups in the Kivus.

To the Secretary General of the United Nations:



4. Appoint a high-profile Special Envoy for the Great Lakes with the responsibility to guide and press for the application of the Lusaka peace accords and to ensure cooperation between the various UN institutions involved in the Rwanda and in the Congolese peace process.



5. Give the new Special Envoy a concurrent mandate to negotiate between Rwanda, the government of DRC, Angola, Uganda and Zimbabwe on the application of a DDRRR program as well as the permanent withdrawal of all foreign troops from the Congo.



6. Equip MONUC with a specialist conflict resolution team to assist humanitarian aid agencies in gaining access to the Kivu and Ituri regions and to establish reconciliation programs between local communities.

To the Government of the DRC, the MLC and Their Respective Allies:



7. As a crucial test of credibility, immediately arrest and deliver to Arusha the leaders of ALiR who are wanted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and suspend all supply of ALiR forces on Congolese territory.

Brussels/Nairobi, 14 May 2002

East Africa: Small Arms Proliferation Linked to Communal Conflicts

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205130617.html

Small arms proliferation is threatening lives of pastoral people in Africa, a report just released warned. The report on: "Pastoralism and Conflict in the Horn of Africa", jointly compiled by the University of Bradford, UK, Safe World, UK and Africa Peace Forum, Nairobi, Kenya pointed out that cattle rustling in the Horn of Africa has increased in which many are killed as a result of the proliferation.

Liberia: Panic Grips Monrovia

2002-05-16

http://allafrica.com/stories/200205140031.html

Panic gripped Liberia's capital, Monrovia, this week as the sound of approaching gunfire sparked fears that fighting between rebels and President Charles Taylor's forces was drawing near.

MADAGASCAR: Violence flares as peace talks are postponed

2002-05-16

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=27747

Analysts and NGOs on Monday warned of a wider and more vicious confrontation in Madagascar if no political solution is found soon. Six people were killed and many others injured over the weekend in a fresh outbreak of violence in the north-western town of Mahajanga. Local news reports said the civil strife erupted after supporters of ex-president Didier Ratsiraka attacked members of ethnic groups they accused of favouring new president Marc Ravalomanana.

OPERATION IRON FIST

What Price for Peace in Northern Uganda?

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7478

In an effort to end, once and for all, the 15-year conflict in northern Uganda, in March the Government of Uganda launched “Operation Iron Fist”, a determined military campaign to root out Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) by taking the war into southern Sudan, the LRA’s military and logistical base. In this report, African Rights urges the Ugandan government to consider the plight of captive combatants in the LRA, as well as the effects of conflict on local populations before pursuing a single-minded strategy of conflict.
African Rights
Working for Justice

OPERATION IRON FIST
What Price for Peace in Northern Uganda?



9 May 2002


For further information, please contact in Kampala:

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In an effort to end, once and for all, the 15-year conflict in northern Uganda, in March the Government of Uganda launched “Operation Iron Fist”, a determined military campaign to root out Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) by taking the war into southern Sudan, the LRA’s military and logistical base.
The vast majority of the LRA combatants are formerly abducted persons, many of them still children, including those born in captivity. Accounts of the fighting in southern Sudan describe women fighting with children strapped to their backs and the sound of babies crying in battle. It is difficult to see how military confrontation will avoid tragically high casualties. LRA methods of forcing the captives to commit atrocities binds them to the rebel group which indoctrinates members to believe that they have to fight to the death or risk being killed. These circumstances make any military intervention fraught with problems since there is no easy way of drawing a line between victims and perpetrators. The Minister of Defence, Mr Amama Mbabazi, acknowledged this when he commented in a radio programme that “it is difficult to distinguish between a captive and a willing combatant when you are under fire.”
There are indications that the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), working with the Sudanese army, had hoped to effect a large-scale rescue of children and non-combatants at the initial stages of the operation. The Ugandan army had even advised the Amnesty Commission to prepare for the return of large numbers of people from the Sudan. But the government’s initial calculation that the confusion of battle would lead to more escapes by LRA combatants has not materialised. The deployment of heavy armour in southern Sudan-including tanks and artillery pieces transported in broad daylight towards the border-have also been cited as evidence that the government plans to use maximum firepower, regardless of the consequences.
As the name of the operation was intended to signal, the government means to deal firmly and decisively with the LRA. Although it had hoped to free many of the LRA captives, it seems to have invested little by way of preparations to achieve this tactically complex objective. Only belatedly, and after an outcry from local people, did the government begin to emphasise the goal of freeing abducted children. The belligerent tone that has accompanied Iron Fist, and the deployment of heavy weapons, belie the government’s argument that the objective of the mission is to lead captives to safety. To date, the government has not presented convincing arguments as to how this will be achieved without inflicting serious casualties on the captives and without destroying the hard work which the Acholi community of the area has invested in peace. Reports about the early encounters suggest that no prisoners were taken when the UPDF ambushed the LRA near Agoro hills in March. During April, few encounters between the LRA and the UPDF were reported, as the LRA abandoned its camps for the relative safety of the mountains to the south of Sudan. According to the Uganda army, up to 30 LRA combatants were killed in the Sudan early in May. This, and other army reports of hundreds of Sudanese civilians brutalized and murdered by LRA, have not been independently confirmed. What is verifiable, though, is the absence of any rescued captives, so far.
Conflict in the north is rooted in the history of Ugandan politics which has left many Acholi people feeling left politically and economically marginalised following the ouster of the Milton Obote and the Okello regimes by Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA). With thousands of Acholi former soldiers still reeling from the shock of the loss of power and status, the seeds of insurgency found fertile ground in which to grow. Significant sections of the community also feel locked out of the political life of the nation. The years that followed saw an alliance between the ascendant LRA and the Sudanese government which introduced a new and complex regional dynamic which has sustained this insurgency. Finding a permanent solution must, therefore, involve improved relations with Sudan, raising the standard of life for ordinary people in the north and a greater sense of political inclusion in order to give them a stake in the national economy and political system. No quick-fix military action against the LRA can resolve these issues. Instead, killing the children of Acholi will simply sharpen their grievances and stoke future strife. Unless and until the government addresses these perceptions and realities, the guns are unlikely to fall silent in northern Uganda.

The Impulse Behind Operation Iron Fist

It is not difficult to understand the frustrations which prompted the government’s decision to pursue the LRA into southern Sudan. Kony has been a difficult rebel leader to deal with and has repeatedly spurned previous overtures or regarded them with suspicion. Negotiations have not yielded the quick political dividends that the government was looking for. The war has proven to be a serious political liability, both domestically and internationally. An embarrassingly long insurgency in the north has sapped the Movement government of support in the north, as illustrated by the trend of voting in Acholi where President Museveni has had a poor showing in presidential elections. Internationally, the suffering in northern Uganda has attracted attention, especially in light of the government’s inability to protect the thousands of children who have been abducted, and the plight of the many thousands of internally displaced people. In addition, the situation in the north has tended to be conflated with the wider, complex question of southern Sudan and now, with the international war against terror.
Two main recent developments appeared to favour the timing of Operation Iron Fist, the most important of which is the improved relations between Uganda and Sudan. As long as the two countries were using the rebel groups stationed on their territory as proxy armies, the wars in northern Uganda and southern Sudan were set to continue. Various bi-lateral and regional initiatives to bring the two sides closer, and to end support for their respective opponents, had failed to come to fruition. International developments since the September 11 attacks on the United States have dramatically altered the course of events. The LRA, long branded as terrorists by the Ugandan government, has now been included on the list of groups regarded as terrorist organisations by the US. Sudan, accused by Washington of links with Osama Bin Laden and fearful of American retaliation, has sought to end its diplomatic isolation in the west and to forge closer links with the US. It is, therefore, anxious to be seen to be co-operating with anti-terrorism measures. Immediately after September 11, Khartoum offered intelligence on Al Qaeda, whose leader, Bin Laden, had in the mid 1990s operated bases inside Sudan. Allowing the Ugandan army to operate within its own country, in pursuit of the discredited LRA, is clearly an important political investment both in the regional context and internationally.
Secondly, following the return of troops from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Kampala now had the forces to deploy inside Sudan. It would seem that the government was anticipating military action early this year when it boldly asserted that the people of Acholi would return to their homes from the dozens of camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in 2002.

The Military Reality

With the conversion of so many factors, the government had banked on pulling off a spectacular end to the conflict in the north. But the government’s calculations have not gone according to plan, with grave consequences for the prospects of peace and for the people of the north.
The preparations for the mission appear to have been rushed. It is likely that the Sudanese, sensing the opportunity, might have seen the advantage of Kampala acting quickly. The longer this operation takes, the greater the domestic political risk for the Khartoum government. Mindful of public opinion, particularly the opposition of Islamists to foreign troops on its soil, the Khartoum government has also been careful to allow a few weeks at a time for the operation, leaving open its political options. On 5 March, Sudan and Uganda signed the first protocol which permitted limited operations against the LRA in Sudan. Already the mission has had to be extended on 22 April, for a month. These limited time periods allow the Sudanese a get-out clause, and are likely to intensify the pressure on the UPDF to deliver, with the result that minimising casualties is unlikely to be considered a major priority. Military missions with tight deadlines are a recipe for political and humanitarian mistakes. Operation Iron Fist has been no exception.
Even from the military perspective, the campaign can hardly be described as a success so far. In separate attacks on March 23 and 24, the Ugandan and Sudanese forces suffered exceptionally high casualties at the hands of the LRA, with several top officers and scores of men killed or injured. This prompted the Sudanese People’s Armed Forces (SPAF) to announce, towards the end of March, that they would henceforth join in the action against the LRA. However, there has been little evidence of the Sudanese army in action, perhaps because of the LRA’s relocation further south of Juba, into territory controlled by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). According to reports, the Sudanese authorities are now putting out radio announcements calling on civilians to vacate the operations area ahead of intensified military action. Predictably, the LRA, which has been operating from southern Sudan for about ten years, abandoned its camps splitting into smaller groups. Today, the LRA has relocated to the Imatong mountain range not far from the Ugandan border, leaving the UPDF to overrun several empty camps and to recover large amounts of ammunition. The quantity and sophistication of the weaponry in the hands of the LRA are a testament to the extent of assistance that the LRA has received within Sudan, and raise questions about the seriousness and long-term nature of Sudanese support for the mission. Perhaps a sign that the Ugandan government was not satisfied with the progress of the military action is the fact that Colonel Muheesi, the Northern 4th division commander, whose troops are operating in southern Sudan, was removed from his position and re-deployed to a desk job along with at least one other senior officer, Lieutenant Colonel John Mugyenyi.
Against this shifting situation, the Ugandan army has had to change its military strategy and has moved its tactical headquarters to Palotaka, closer to the mountain ranges where the LRA has sought refuge. The military task will not be any easier now, since the army will have to abandon the use of heavy equipment and to send forces up the mountains during a season of heavy rains. The army says that it is prepared for the task. With 10, 000 troops said to be committed to the operation, the army is sounding confident, while at the same time, readjusting expectations of a quick end to the conflict. Likening Joseph Kony to the slain Jonas Savimbi of UNITA, Brigadier Aronda, the field commander of the mission, speaking on a radio interview, has predicted the imminent demise of the LRA. For his part, the army commander, Major General James Kazini, has camped in Gulu to oversee the operations and has publicly staked his career on the outcome of Iron Fist. He told the press early in May: “You call me on December 31; if Kony is still alive I will resign.” Such pronouncements are, no doubt, a routine part of psychological warfare, but they do nothing to nurture hope that the conflict can be ended with the minimum loss of Acholi lives.
This background should prompt the government to reflect deeply on the alternatives to the military path on which it has embarked. The heinous crimes which the LRA has committed against the population of southern Sudan and northern Uganda are a matter of public record. But the people of northern Uganda insist that the suffering will only end through dialogue and peaceful strategies to deprive Kony of recruits and political support. Both governments must revive and exhaust all the avenues for averting the impending military confrontation in the mountains of Sudan.

Human Rights Concerns on the Domestic Front

Alongside the operations in Sudan, the army has opened a new front in domestic counter-insurgency. A number of ordinary people, especially those living in the camps outside Gulu, have been arrested by army patrols. They are typically picked up in the middle of the night in the course of patrols and held at army camps, accused of collaboration with the LRA, desertion from the army or possession of weapons. Army detachments in Coope, Katikati, Pabbo and Koro in Gulu have apparently been used to detain suspects. Sometimes entire families have been rounded up. The Uganda Human Rights Commission in Gulu has received about a dozen complaints that the detainees have been subjected to serious torture and that some have needed hospitalisation following their release. It is continuing its investigations into these cases. But the actual figure for those arrested is higher. The arrests are likely to continue. Early in May, the army announced that it had recovered over 1000 letters in Kony camps within Sudan which linked a number of people within Acholi, and elsewhere, to the LRA. Amongst the letters cited in the government’s New Vision newspaper of 1 May was one purportedly written by former President Milton Obote. The newspaper report linked the spate of arrests of supposed LRA collaborators to the alleged discoveries in the Sudan.
During conflict, the army invariably assumes policing roles for which soldiers have not been adequately trained. However, because of the circumstances, it views its activities as a legitimate response to the security situation. But security concerns should not be a cover for human rights abuses. These arrests and reports of ill treatment are wrong in themselves and will do nothing to foster trust between the government and the people of Acholi during a time when the army should be striving to maintain harmonious relations with the community. The Human Rights Focus (HURIFO) in Gulu acknowledges that there had been improvements in the army’s relations with local residents when Colonel Muheesi was at the helm of the 4th Division. But it warns that these gains have now been squandered. According to HURIFO, about 31 people have been arrested, 10 of whom have been charged with treason, while 20 are on police bond. The patchy record of the Director of Public Prosecutions in successfully pursuing treason charges should indicate just how difficult it is to prove treason cases. The suspicion in Acholi is that these charges are simply being brought in order to justify holding the suspects, with no prospect of successful prosecutions. But bringing inappropriate charges simply clogs up the justice system, bringing that system too into disrepute.
As the arrests have continued, so too have the allegations of renewed rebel activity. For a long time one LRA faction has remained in Uganda, operating in the Atiak area of Gulu under the command of one Kwoyelo. His band of LRA fighters has apparently been able to move around with remarkable freedom and ability to attack protected camps, burn villages and ambush traffic, escalating their activities in the wake of the UPDF incursion into Sudan. The army’s vows to crush the group have not brought about the expected results, raising questions about the effectiveness of the army’s internal counterinsurgency crackdown. Towards the end of April, President Museveni upped the political stakes when he linked Colonel Kiiza Besigye to the LRA; Besigye, a candidate for the presidential race last year, has since fled the country. According to Museveni, James Opoka, a member of the Reform Agenda (a political pressure group set up by Dr Besigye) was working with commander Kwoyelo in Acholi. More recently, security sources in Kampala briefed the press that a satellite phone has been supplied by unnamed sympathisers to the LRA through commander Kwoyelo. The Reform Agenda strenuously denies links to the LRA, but their arguments have not stemmed the flow of government accusations. In the meantime, one Patrick Okema, said to be a relative of James Opoka, has been arrested and is being held by the army in Gulu. The arrests and attempted prosecutions on flimsy grounds will only reinforce the sense of grievance among the Acholi during a time when ordinary people are greatly anxious about the government’s own tactics and strategies within Sudan.

Local Residents: Holding Back

Disregard for the views of local people is a major reason for the problems that have beset this initiative from the outset. In private conversations, a substantial number of northerners make it clear that they would welcome a decisive military victory by the government over Joseph Kony and the LRA, thereby bringing this seemingly endless war to an end. But they know only too well that military action will entail the loss of more Acholi lives, prolong insecurity and ensure that dislocation and displaced camps continue without respite.
The most widely-held view among the Acholi is that the current military operation should not have taken place at all. In the course of its research, African Rights came across this argument again and again from people of all backgrounds. Acholi traditional and religious leaders have already taken an unequivocal stand against the army’s activities. A statement released by the Acholi Religious Leaders’ Peace Initiative (ARLPI), and other non-government organizations on 9 April, states, in part:

We believe that there is a contradiction in pursuing peace through dialogue and peace through war - the military option - simultaneously. We are convinced that this conflict can be peacefully transformed, but it will require dedication, patience, and a willingness to take risks for peace and make sacrifices on all sides. We urge the governments of Uganda and Sudan and the LRA to step back from this dangerous situation and resume dialogue efforts.

Far from ending the bloodshed, the military option, they argue, will only derail the chances of a lasting peace. Both groups have worked hard, often behind the scenes, to urge the members of the LRA to return home. They have sought to provide assurances that the amnesty extended to rebels is genuine and that even those who have committed serious offences have nothing to fear on return. For its part, the government has not vigorously explained its mission in Sudan, reinforcing the impression that on such fundamental questions as war and peace-which affect their lives and will determine their futures-the wishes and views of the people of the north are irrelevant.
A long time ago the people of northern Uganda concluded that the insurgency in Acholi could not be resolved militarily and have continuously called on the government to adopt peaceful means of ending the war. Their efforts led to the adoption of a comprehensive amnesty by the government in January 2000. The casualty toll from Operation Iron Fist will serve as further evidence that the military campaign is needlessly costly. Today, the call for peace has been renewed by community organizations and religious and traditional leaders of Acholi who are opposed to the military action in Sudan. For the Acholi, this war has not only been the source of untold suffering, but it has presented this community with impossible political choices and moral dilemmas. Because most members of the LRA were originally abducted as children, and continue to be regarded by their communities as the principal victims, rather than the villains, of this situation. Since African Rights began its research in northern Uganda in August 1999, it is clear to us that people see the LRA for what it is-a brutal and ruthless organisation which has no political programme or vision for the north and no qualms about using defenceless civilians for its own military and political gains, no matter what the cost. But the fact that the LRA is largely made up of Acholi, as are many of the soldiers who must fight them, makes the violence painfully intimate and the choices terribly awkward.
The northerners interviewed by African Rights place their analysis of the problem and their suggestions for potential solutions, in a local context. From their perspective, there does not appear to be a justification for this latest UPDF onslaught. They point out that in the last year, there had been no belligerent incursions of the LRA into Uganda. They were encouraged by the fact that different groups of the LRA had engaged with representatives of the government and of the community in dialogue. The first encounter took place in Pajule, Pader district, in March 2001 when a small group of the LRA initiated contact with church and community leaders; (The meetings were disrupted by the UPDF in an incident the army attributed to lack of coordination). Later in the year, LRA commanders held more public talks with the Gulu Local Council V Chairman, Lieutenant Colonel Walter Ochora, who represented the government. During the Gulu talks, the UPDF co-operated in creating a demilitarised zone at Awoo Nyim, just outside the town, from which the dialogue could be pursued. These talks did not lead to a peace process; the LRA left the demilitarised zone and returned to Sudan, reportedly under Joseph Kony’s orders. Nevertheless, given the history of this conflict, they were seen by many Acholi leaders as a modest but positive step in the right direction, to be built upon; a sign of flexibility in the LRA’s previous hard-line position.

A Missed Political Opportunity?

Given these tentative but genuine overtures from the LRA, it was vital that the government should not appear to shut the door to dialogue. The discussions in Gulu district showed that the LRA still had an incomplete understanding of the amnesty process, viewing it as a device for the government to exact admissions of wrongdoing without any concessions on its part. It became clear that the government needed to tread carefully, and with a great deal of sensitivity, if it was to convince a skeptical LRA and critics in the north, that it was serious about ending the war. Only through contacts with the community and government representatives will the LRA overcome the many years of mistrust, and begin to recognize the commitment of the community to look ahead and to work for a common future. As the Gulu talks highlighted, negotiating with the LRA is problematic, in part because it lacks a coherent political agenda which could serve as the basis for political give and take. However, in the last year, a significant number of LRA combatants who had escaped from the LRA in Sudan had returned home, many through Juba and Khartoum. Significantly one group, led by a major, had fought its way back into Uganda where it applied for amnesty and has been resettled in the community.
It seems likely that this trend would have continued as news of their success had evidently trickled back into the camps inside Sudan. With Sudanese support drying up, the incentive and opportunity to escape was greater and active Sudanese support for this process should have continued to be employed. But it would appear that the alluring prospect of a clinical end to the LRA problem drove both governments to short-circuiting the existing process.

Focusing on Dialogue

The LRA has never responded well to ultimatums. In 1994, Museveni’s declaration giving the LRA 10 days within which to respond to the offer of an amnesty is widely seen as having contributed to the collapse of talks and to driving the LRA into the disastrous alliance with Sudan. What is needed now is a return to the more difficult and painstaking process of concerted non-military pressure on the LRA. Already, the return of many thousands of children and several former members of the LRA High Command to Uganda in January this year, would have provided signs of goodwill on the part of the government.
To the government’s credit, and in a policy that reflects the wishes of the Acholi community, no attempt has been made to exclude the LRA from the amnesty law, even in the wake of tough new anti-terrorism measures passed by Parliament in March this year. On the contrary; the government has expressly restated that a defeated LRA would benefit from the comprehensive pardon. It is unlikely that Joseph Kony himself, and his key lieutenants, will heed the call of reason. But experience shows that some commanders and the rank and file are susceptible to persuasion. Given the consequences of Operation Iron Fist, they need to be convinced now, more than ever, that their best hope for their security is back in Uganda. Delivering such a message, and re-creating the minimum conditions of trust, will not be easy in the current circumstances. But neither task is beyond the resources of the Governments of Uganda and Sudan, provided the political will exists.
Peaceful resolution of this long-standing conflict was never an easy option. This has always been understood by the people of northern Uganda who view dialogue and the amnesty as the only way to secure a sustainable peace. From their point of view, a crucial, but delicate and complicated exercise, has been needlessly jeopardised in the search for a short-term solution which now risks deepening and prolonging the conflict. All sides have a responsibility to show flexibility, courage and leadership in offering peaceful exit strategies to the LRA. The government of Uganda’s handling of past insurgents, including the Uganda National Rescue Front II (UNRF II), a splinter rebel faction from Brigadier Moses Ali’s original group, shows that it has the capacity to engage creatively and patiently with insurgent groups. Since 1998, the government, working with the Yumbe community, had been involved in dialogue with the Sudan-based group. This has now resulted in the return of the bulk of the UNRF II, under the command of Major General Ali Bamuze, to Uganda where they are currently engaged in talks with the government in Yumbe district. The government can, and must, draw upon this and other experiences to bring the war in the north to a peaceful conclusion.

SOMALIA: Bosaso back to normal

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7481

Bosaso, the commercial capital of the self-declared
autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, was reported to be calm
and returning to normal last Thursday, a day after it had fallen without a fight to forces of Col Abdullahi Yusuf, a local journalist told IRIN.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

SOMALIA: Bosaso back to normal

NAIROBI, 9 May (IRIN) - Bosaso, the commercial capital of the self-declared
autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, was reported to be calm
and returning to normal on Thursday, a day after it had fallen without a
fight to forces of Col Abdullahi Yusuf, a local journalist told IRIN.

Bosaso was captured on Wednesday from the forces of the recently elected
president of Puntland, Jama Ali Jama, by those of the region's former
leader, Abdullahi Yusuf. The journalist said the town was now quiet, with
"businesses reopening". "It is almost as if nothing has happened. It is back
to business as usual," he added.

Isma'il Warsame, Abdullahi Yusuf's chief of cabinet, told IRIN on Wednesday
that "the president is busy today in meetings with people from all walks of
life in Bosaso. He is talking about healing the wounds in a spirit of
reconciliation." According Isma'il, Abdullahi's message is: "No revenge,
let's work for the return of law and order in Puntland."

Isma'il said that after the consolidation of peace and stability in
Puntland, Abdullahi would "move on to national reconciliation in Somalia".
"We will talk to any entity in Somalia to establish an inclusive, federal
government for Somalia," he said.

Meanwhile, the Puntland authorities of Abdullahi Yusuf are warning the
staffs of UN agencies, EU and international NGOs "to stay away from Puntland
of Somalia until further notice", according to an official circular made
available to IRIN on Thursday. The document said the decision to issue the
warning had been reached because "the decision to evacuate the staff of
these organisations from Bosaso had neither been coordinated with nor
communicated to the legitimate authorities of the State".

The circular also said "some of these organisations have been engaged in
activities incompatible with their stated mission objectives".

Asked to comment on the warning, Sonya Green, the UN spokeswoman in Nairobi,
told IRIN on Thursday: "We are seeking further clarifications from the
authorities in Puntland and exploring implications. The UN is still present
in the area through national staff."

[ENDS]

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Western Sahara: Letter to U.S. Department of State

Africa Action and TransAfrica

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7506

We strongly support the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination. We are shocked to learn that the United States circulated a draft resolution to members of the United Nations Security Council supporting a "framework agreement" that legitimizes Morocco's occupation and annexation of Western Sahara. The U.S. should strongly support the legal right of self-determination for non-self-governing territories and use its prestige and influence to support the holding of a referendum in Western Sahara. The U.S. should make clear to the government of Morocco our support for the referendum and our opposition to its continued obstruction of the settlement process.
Western Sahara: New Threat to Self-Determination
Date distributed (ymd): 020512
Document reposted by Africa Action

Africa Policy Electronic Distribution List: an information
service provided by AFRICA ACTION (incorporating the Africa
Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American
Committee on Africa). Find more information for action for
Africa at http://www.africaaction.org

+++++++++++++++++++++Document Profile+++++++++++++++++++++

Region: North Africa
Issue Areas: +political/rights+ +security/peace+
+US policy focus+

SUMMARY CONTENTS:

This posting contains several short documents on Africa's last
unresolved colonial conflict, namely the occupation of Western
Sahara by Morocco. By the end of July, the UN Security Council is
scheduled to take a decision on how to proceed on this issue, and
there are strong reasons to fear that, at U.S. urging, it may
abandon its residual support for the principle of self-
determination in that territory.

Included below are a joint letter from Africa Action and
TransAfrica to the U.S. State Department, a letter from the
Saharawi Association of Madrid to special envoy James Baker, a
press release from the Western Saharan independence movement
Polisario, and a brief update from the UN's Integrated Regional
Information Network.

Extensive additional news and links on Western Sahara, in English,
French, Spanish, and other languages, are available at
http://www.arso.org

The April report by the UN Secretary-General is available at:
http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/reports/2002/467e.pdf
http://www.arso.org/S-2002-467.htm

For earlier Africa policy postings with background information on
Western Sahara, see:
http://www.africaaction.org/docs01/wsah0106.htm and
http://www.africaaction.org/docs99/wsah9901.htm

Additional background on the involvement of U.S. oil company Kerr-
McGee in Western Sahara is available at:
http://richardknight.homestead.com/files/ws-kerr-mcgee.htm

+++++++++++++++++end profile++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Joint Letter to U.S. Department of State on Western Sahara
Africa Action and TransAfrica, May 2, 2002

Africa Action (http://www.africaaction.org)
TransAfrica (http://www.transafricaforum.org)

The Honorable William Joseph Burns
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs
Department of State
2201 C Street N.W.
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Assistant Secretary Burns,

We strongly support the right of the people of Western Sahara to
self-determination. We are shocked to learn that the United States
circulated a draft resolution to members of the United Nations
Security Council supporting a "framework agreement" that
legitimizes Morocco's occupation and annexation of Western Sahara.
The U.S. should strongly support the legal right of
self-determination for non-self-governing territories and use its
prestige and influence to support the holding of a referendum in
Western Sahara. The U.S. should make clear to the government of
Morocco our support for the referendum and our opposition to its
continued obstruction of the settlement process.

The Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony, was occupied by Spain
in 1884 as a result of the Berlin Conference that divided Africa
among the European powers. As in the rest of Africa, colonization
was met with resistance, including armed resistance. On May 10,
1973 the Frente pro la Liberacion de Segiut El Hamra y de Rio de
Oro (POLISARIO) was formed. Ten days later, POLISARIO launched
its first armed attack on a Spanish garrison. By early 1975, a
large area of the territory had been liberated from the Spanish,
who kept solid control of only the larger towns and the phosphate
mines.

By 1975, Spain was ready to withdraw from Western Sahara, but both
Morocco and Mauritania were laying claim to the territory. In May
1975, the United Nations sent a mission to Western Sahara that
concluded: "Within the territory, the mission noted that the
population, or at least almost all those persons encountered by
the mission, were categorically for independence and against the
territorial claims of Morocco and Mauritania. The populations
expressed the wish that the United Nations, Organization of
African Unity, and the League of Arab States should help it to
attain and preserve its independence..." The Frente POLISARIO,
although considered a clandestine movement before the mission's
arrival, appeared as a dominant political force in the Territory.
The mission witnessed mass demonstrations in support of the
movement in all parts of the Territory. The Mission proposed a
referendum to determine the will of the people of Western Sahara.

In October 1975, the World Court upheld the right of the people of
Western Sahara to self- determination "through the free and genuine
expression of the will of the peoples of the territory." But when
Spain pulled out in 1976 it divided the territory between Morocco
and Mauritania. In a recent legal opinion, UN Legal Counsel Hans
Corell noted the agreement signed by the three countries "did not
transfer sovereignty over the territory, nor did it confer upon
any of the signatories the status of an administrative power," and
that it "did not affect the international status of Western Sahara
as a Non-Self-Governing Territory."

Polisario, which had led the struggle for independence against
Spain, rejected the partition and turned its military efforts
against Morocco and Mauritania. POLSIARIO declared the Saharawi
Arab Democratic Republic, which is now a member of the
Organization of African Unity. Much of the population of Western
Sahara fled the territory to Polisario run refugee camps in
Algeria. In July 1978 there was a coup in Mauritania. Two days
later Polisario declared a unilateral cease-fire with Mauritania.
In 1979 Mauritania formally abandoned its claim to Western Sahara.
Morocco immediately asserted a claim for the portion of Western
Sahara previously claimed by Mauritania.

The United Nations General Assembly has consistently considered the
issue of Western Sahara as one of decolonization and self-
determination. In 1980, it adopted a resolution that reaffirmed
"the inalienable right of the people of Western Sahara to
self-determination and independence," and expressed "deep concern.
at the aggravation of the situation prevailing in Western Sahara
because of the continued occupation of that Territory by Morocco."

The holding of a referendum is the best possible way for the people
of Western Sahara to exercise their right to self-determination
and is at the center of the 1991 UN settlement plan. We
understand the frustration of the Secretary-General and the
Security Council that over ten years have passed and it has not
been possible to hold the referendum. But the reason a referendum
has not been held is because of obstacles created by Morocco,
which has sought to pack the voter roll. During the past
twenty-six years, the government of Morocco, which exercises de
facto control over much of the territory, moved many of its own
citizens into the territory in the hope that, should a referendum
eventually be held, they would vote for an outcome favorable to
the government in Rabat.

The proposed framework agreement, drafted by the
Secretary-General's personal envoy James Baker as an alternative
to the current settlement plan, essentially gives sovereignty of
Western Sahara to Morocco without a proper test of the will of the
people of the territory. For five years the territory would have
limited local autonomy at which time a referendum would be held to
determine the final status of the territory. However, anyone who
has been resident in territory for one year will be able to vote
in this referendum, thus allowing Morocco to add all the settlers
it has brought into Western Sahara since 1975 to the voter roll.
This rewards Morocco for it years of intransigence. Moreover,
under the U.S. draft resolution this solution would be imposed on
the people of Western Sahara by the Security Council without any
test of their opinion.

Mr. Secretary, Western Sahara remains an issue of decolonization
and the people of Western Sahara have a legal right to
self-determination. After the U.S. regained its seat on the UN
Human Rights Commission, Sichan Siv, the U.S. Representative to
the Economic and Social Council, said "Human rights is the
cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy." The U.S. should support the
right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination and
the holding of a referendum. The proposed framework agreement
would deny that right.

Sincerely,

Salih Booker, Africa Action
Bill Fletcher, TransAfrica

cc: His Excellency Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United
Nations

Zimbabwe: Govt threatens to clamp down on NGOs

2002-05-16

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=4295

The Zimbabwean government has warned it will crack down on non-governmental organisations, churches and opposition officials involved in "subversive" activities, the Sunday News reported. Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo told the state-run newspaper that the government was aware of "churches, NGOs and human rights groups that are actively involved in undermining the nation's internal security". Foreigners "masterminding such acts" will be deported, Nkomo told the paper.

ZIMBABWE: Land Bill passed as farm violence increases

2002-05-16

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/conflict/7484

Zimbabwe's parliament has passed a controversial law aimed at speeding up redistribution of land, as a local human rights group warned that illegal farm invasions had increased. With the Land Acquisition and Amendment Bill being passed on Wednesday a constitutional lawyer, Greg Linnington of the University of Zimbabwe, said the ramifications for farmers were "pretty grim". The passing of the Bill made permanent temporary amendments to the land law by President Robert Mugabe.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ZIMBABWE: Land Bill passed as farm violence increases

JOHANNESBURG, 9 May (IRIN) - Zimbabwe's parliament has passed a
controversial law aimed at speeding up redistribution of land, as a local
human rights group warned that illegal farm invasions had increased.

With the Land Acquisition and Amendment Bill being passed on Wednesday a
constitutional lawyer, Greg Linnington of the University of Zimbabwe, said
the ramifications for farmers were "pretty grim". The passing of the Bill
made permanent temporary amendments to the land law by President Robert
Mugabe.

"Various restrictions that were once temporary will now be made permanent.
Restrictions that were imposed on farmers included regulating how they could
utilise their land and providing for the seizure by the state of farm
equipment and the like.

"It's designed to accelerate land acquisition by the state. The whole thing
is generally bad news for the agricultural community," said Linnington.

He explained that Zimbabwe's constitution was amended before the last
parliamentary election in 2000. A new section was added "that explicitly
states that in the absence of the British government providing funding for
land reform, the government no longer had a duty to pay compensation for
land acquired" in the land reform programme. He said it was unlikely any
legal challenge to the law would be upheld in court.

"There are certainly some good arguments that can be raised but the way the
Supreme Court is now [with many independent judges having resigned], one can
only feel pessimistic. There may also be various international pressures
that could be brought to bear. The food situation is drastic, any sane
government would not do what this government is doing. [Government's]
policies are taking a bad situation and making it worse," he said.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's Human Rights NGO Forum (Human Rights Forum) warned
that: "The attacks on commercial farmers and their workers have intensified
with incidents of violence and evictions on the increase countrywide.

"These evictions are illegal and are not being carried out by any government
officials, which would perhaps lend the processes some level of legitimacy,
but are instead being enforced by [ruling party] ZANU-PF militia and war
veterans."

Farmers and farm workers were sometimes given as little as one hour's
notice. "The process has involved high levels of intimidation, property
damage and looting. The police have taken no positive action to curb the
evictions and have been reported to merely observe evictions as they took
place," the Human Rights Forum alleged.

Having been evicted from farms, workers faced a desperate situation. "Most
have worked at their respective farms all their lives and have no
alternative rural homes to go to. They are essentially internal refugees
with no access to any essential resources, that is, food, water and
shelter," the organisation said.

The controversial ad hoc land redistribution programme has plunged Zimbabwe
into a political and economic crisis. President Mugabe has declared a state
of disaster due to critical food shortages brought about by exceptionally
low agricultural production due to drought and other factors. Many claim the
food crisis was exacerbated by the disruption of commercial farming by land
invasions and illegal evictions.

Agence France Presse reported on Tuesday that Finance Minister Simba Makoni
told parliament that the economy had shrunk by 7.3 percent last year. He
also reportedly urged the government to "enable all farmers to farm without
disruption".

The European Commission announced on Wednesday that it had approved food aid
worth (Euro) €6.5 million (about US $5.8 million) for Zimbabwe.

The European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) said: "This decision
is designed to ensure that some of those in need have access to minimum food
supplies in the coming months. This assistance will fund the purchase of
8,070 mt of maize, 1,500 mt of pulses (beans) if possible at the regional
level and 600 mt of vegetable oil."

The food aid would be distributed among the poorest families in 19 districts
of the country severely affected by food shortages "due to climatic problems
faced in 2001 as well as the worst economic crisis Zimbabwe has ever faced".

Said ECHO: "This initiative constitutes the contribution of the EC to the
emergency programme launched by the World Food Programme (WFP) in late 2001,
as a consequence of the deterioration of the food security situation in the
country.

"With an estimated initial target population of 558,000 people for the
overall programme, this contribution will provide relief to those households
that have become even more exposed to the risk of food insecurity."

The food is scheduled to reach the struggling Zimbabwean population within
the next few weeks.

[ENDS]

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Email: IRIN-SA@irin.org.za

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