Back Issues

The Robben Island Guidelines

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/11303

* The Guidelines and Measures for the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture, Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Africa (The Robben Island Guidelines) were adopted at the 32nd Ordinary Session of The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights in Banjul, The Gambia, held between October 17-23.

Part I: Prohibition of Torture
A. Ratification of Regional and International Instruments
1. States should ensure that they are a party to relevant international and regional human rights instruments and ensure that these instruments are fully implemented in domestic legislation and accord individuals the maximum scope for accessing the human rights machinery that they establish. This would include:
a) Ratification of the Protocol to the African Charter of Human and Peoples' Rights establishing an African Court of Human and Peoples' Rights;
b) Ratification of or accession to the UN Convention against Torture, Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment without reservations, to make declarations accepting the jurisdiction of the Committee against Torture under Articles 21 and 22 and recognising the competency of the Committee to conduct inquiries pursuant to Article 20;
c) Ratification of or accession to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the First Optional Protocol thereto without reservations;
d) Ratification of or accession to the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court;
B. Promote and Support Co-operation with International Mechanisms
2. States should co-operate with the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights and promote and support the work of the Special Rapporteur on prisons and conditions of detention in Africa, the Special Rapporteur on arbitrary, summary and extra-judicial executions in Africa and the Special Rapporteur on the rights of women in Africa.
3. States should co-operate with the United Nations Human Rights Treaties Bodies, with the UN Commission on Human Rights' thematic and country specific special procedures, in particular, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, including the issuance of standing invitations for these and other relevant mechanisms.
C. Criminalisation of Torture
4. States should ensure that acts, which fall within the definition of torture, based on the UN Convention against Torture, are offences within their national legal systems.
5. States should pay particular attention to the prohibition and prevention of gender-related forms of torture and ill-treatment and the torture and ill-treatment of young persons.
6. National courts should have jurisdictional competence to hear cases of allegations of torture in accordance with Article 5 (2) of the UN Convention against Torture.
7. Torture should be made an extraditable offence.
8. The trial or extradition of those suspected of torture should take place expeditiously in conformity with relevant international standards.
9. Circumstances such as state of war, threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, shall not be invoked as a justification of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
10. Notions such as "necessity", "national emergency", "public order", and "ordre public" shall not be invoked as a justification of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
11. Superior orders shall never provide a justification or lawful excuse for acts of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
12. Those found guilty of having committed acts of torture shall be subject to appropriate sanctions that reflect the gravity of the offence, applied in accordance with relevant international standards.
13. No one shall be punished for disobeying an order that they commit acts amounting to torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
14. States should prohibit and prevent the use, production and trade of equipment or substances designed to inflict torture or ill-treatment and the abuse of any other equipment or substance to these ends.
D. Non-Refoulement
15. States should ensure no one is expelled or extradited to a country where he or she is at risk of being subjected to torture.
E. Combating Impunity
16. In order to combat impunity States should:
a) Ensure that those responsible for acts of torture or ill-treatment are subject to legal process.
b) Ensure that there is no immunity from prosecution for nationals suspected of torture, and that the scope of immunities for foreign nationals who are entitled to such immunities be as restrictive as is possible under international law.
c) Ensure expeditious consideration of extradition requests to third states, in accordance with international standards.
d) Ensure that rules of evidence properly reflect the difficulties of substantiating allegations of ill-treatment in custody.
e) Ensure that where criminal charges cannot be sustained because of the high standard of proof required, other forms of civil, disciplinary or administrative action are taken if it is appropriate to do so.
F. Complaints and Investigation Procedures
17. Ensure the establishment of readily accessible and fully independent mechanisms to which all persons can bring their allegations of torture and ill-treatment.
18. Ensure that whenever persons who claimed to have been or who appear to have been tortured or ill-treated are brought before competent authorities an investigation shall be initiated.
19. Investigations into all allegations of torture or ill-treatment, shall be conducted promptly, impartially and effectively, guided by the UN Manual on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (The Istanbul Protocol).
Part II: Prevention of Torture
A. Basic Procedural Safeguards for those deprived of their liberty
20. All persons who are deprived of their liberty by public order or authorities should have that detention controlled by properly and legally constructed regulations. Such regulations should provide a number of basic safeguards, all of which shall apply from the moment when they are first deprived of their liberty. These include:
a) The right that a relative or other appropriate third person is notified of the detention; b) The right to an independent medical examination; c) The right of access to a lawyer; d) Notification of the above rights in a language, which the person deprived of their liberty understands; B. Safeguards during the Pre-trial process States should:
21. Establish regulations for the treatment of all persons deprived of their liberty guided by the UN Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment .
22. Ensure that those subject to the relevant codes of criminal procedure conduct criminal investigations.
23. Prohibit the use of unauthorised places of detention and ensure that it is a punishable offence for any official to hold a person in a secret and/or unofficial place of detention.
24. Prohibit the use of incommunicado detention.
25. Ensure that all detained persons are informed immediately of the reasons for their detention.
26. Ensure that all persons arrested are promptly informed of any charges against them.
27. Ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty are brought promptly before a judicial authority, having the right to defend themselves or to be assisted by legal counsel, preferably of their own choice.
28. Ensure that comprehensive written records of all interrogations are kept, including the identity of all persons present during the interrogation and consider the feasibility of the use of video and/or audio taped recordings of interrogations.
29. Ensure that any statement obtained through the use of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment shall not be admissible as evidence in any proceedings except against persons accused of torture as evidence that the statement was made.
30. Ensure that comprehensive written records of those deprived of their liberty are kept at each place of detention, detailing, inter alia, the date, time, place and reason for the detention.
31. Ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty have access to legal and medical services and assistance and have the right to be visited by and correspond with family members.
32. Ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty can challenge the lawfulness of their detention.
C. Conditions of Detention States should:
33. Take steps to ensure that the treatment of all persons deprived of their liberty are in conformity with international standards guided by the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.
34. Take steps to improve conditions in places of detention, which do not conform to international standards.
35. Take steps to ensure that pre-trial detainees are held separately from convicted persons.
36. Take steps to ensure that juveniles, women, and other vulnerable groups are held in appropriate and separate detention facilities.
37. Take steps to reduce over-crowding in places of detention by inter alia, encouraging the use of non-custodial sentences for minor crimes.
D. Mechanisms of Oversight States should:
38. Ensure and support the independence and impartiality of the judiciary including by ensuring that there is no interference in the judiciary and judicial proceedings, guided by the UN Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary..
39. Encourage professional legal and medical bodies, to concern themselves with issues of the prohibition and prevention of torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment.
40. Establish and support effective and accessible complaint mechanisms which are independent from detention and enforcement authorities and which are empowered to receive, investigate and take appropriate action on allegations of torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
41. Establish, support and strengthen independent national institutions such as human rights commissions, ombudspersons and commissions of parliamentarians, with the mandate to conduct visits to all places of detention and to generally address the issue of the prevention of torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, guided by the UN Paris Principles Relating to the Status and Functioning of National Institutions for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights.
42. Encourage and facilitate visits by NGOs to places of detention.
43. Support the adoption of an Optional Protocol to the UNCAT to create an international visiting mechanism with the mandate to visit all places where people are deprived of their liberty by a State Party.
44. Examine the feasibility of developing regional mechanisms for the prevention of torture and ill-treatment.
D. Training and empowerment
45. Establish and support training and awareness-raising programmes which reflect human rights standards and emphasise the concerns of vulnerable groups.
46. Devise, promote and support codes of conduct and ethics and develop training tools for law enforcement and security personnel, and other relevant officials in contact with persons deprived of their liberty such as lawyers and medical personnel.
E. Civil Society Education and Empowerment
47. Public education initiatives, awareness-raising campaigns regarding the prohibition and prevention of torture and the rights of detained persons shall be encouraged and supported.
48. The work of NGOs and of the media in public education, the dissemination of information and awareness-raising concerning the prohibition and prevention of torture and other forms of ill-treatment shall be encouraged and supported.
Part III: Responding to the Needs of Victims
49. Ensure that alleged victims of torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment, witnesses, those conducting the investigation, other human rights defenders and families are protected from violence, threats of violence or any other form of intimidation or reprisal that may arise pursuant to the report or investigation.
50. The obligation upon the State to offer reparation to victims exists irrespective of whether a successful criminal prosecution can or has been brought. Thus all States should ensure that all victims of torture and their dependents are:
a) Offered appropriate medical care;
b) Have access to appropriate social and medical rehabilitation;
c) Provided with appropriate levels of compensation and support; In addition there should also be a recognition that families and communities which have also been affected by the torture and ill-treatment received by one of its members can also be considered as victims.

help save amina lawal

2002-11-07

http://www.medadvocates.org/news/main10818.html#Advocacy

A Nigerian Woman, Amina Lawal, has been sentenced to death by stoning because she had a baby out of wedlock. You can help save Amina Lawal's life by sending an email to the Nigerian Ambassador. Additional details are on the Medical Advocates' Advocacy News web site.

Save the dates - Africa and the Middle East Advocacy days

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/advocacy/11225

You are invited to participate in an ecumenical gathering in Washington, DC, that begins Sunday evening, February 23, and ends Wednesday afternoon, February 26. The gathering offers two distinct learning/advocacy tracks, one focused on Africa and the other on the Middle East. Both tracks will provide challenging speakers, issue briefings, and advocacy training workshops.
Save the dates!

Africa and the Middle East
ADVOCACY DAYS!

An Educational and Advocacy Event for People of Faith Committed to Working
for Just U.S. Policies toward Africa and the Middle East

February 23-26, 2003

You are invited to participate in an ecumenical gathering in Washington, DC,
that begins Sunday evening, February 23, and ends Wednesday afternoon,
February 26.

The gathering offers two distinct learning/advocacy tracks, one focused on
Africa and the other on the Middle East. Both tracks will provide
challenging speakers, issue briefings, and advocacy training workshops.
There will be opportunities to speak with your Senators and Representatives
in the U.S. Congress, or their key foreign policy staff, regarding Africa or
the Middle East. There will also be common times for fellowship and
networking, a keynote address and reception, and, on the second evening of
the gathering, a special ecumenical service of worship for participants and
the public.

Why Africa and the Middle East together? Recognizing that advocacy
approaches share much in common across regions, Africa and Middle East
advocates have joined together in planning this conference. The gathering
is cosponsored by several church-related organizations: Africa Faith and
Justice Network, Washington Office on Africa, Stand with Africa Campaign,
Churches for Middle East Peace, and Church World Service and Witness.

Save the dates now!

For registration and other information, check
www.loga.org/advocacy2003.htm
or contact: Anna Rhee at 301-384-3615 or anna@cmep.org

Larry J. Goodwin
Africa Faith & Justice Network
3035 Fourth Street, NE
Washington, DC 20017
ph. 202 832 3412
fx. 202 832 9051
http://afjn.cua.edu

stop torture campaign

2002-11-07

http://www.stoptorture.org/

Torture continues and is not confined to military dictatorships or authoritarian regimes; torture is inflicted in democratic states too. It is also clear that victims of torture are criminal suspects as well as political prisoners, the disadvantaged as well as the dissident, people targeted because of their identity as well as their beliefs. They are women as well as men, children as well as adults. Join Amnesty International's online campaign to stop torture.

appeal for help in combatting gender discrimination

Dr Patience Alfa, Le Societe Femmes Rurales Parakou

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/11154

Le Sociètè Femmes Rurales Parakou is a female rights activist group formed on the 5th of January 2001.We focus on the emancipation of rural women and girls in Bènin from traditional cultural practices which are discriminatory, hazardous to health and impedes the development of the female gender.

Based in Borgu department in Parakou prèfecturè, we are presently working in eight sous-prèfecturès, or local governments. We are made up of mostly women and girls - farmers, housewives and young unmarried girls. The executive of the group is made up of five women lead by Dr. Patience Alfa, a medical practitioner in private service. The only other professional in the group is Ms. Immacullatta Sovi, a legal practitioner and the secretary.

emancipations of discriminatory and hazardous cultural practices.

Dr (Mrs) Patience Alfa.
Executive Director General.
Le Societe Femmes Rurales Parakou, carre,120,rue de gondo,parakou, phone,00229 98 47 83.
parakou,Rep du Benin.

Le Sociètè Femmes Rurales Parakou is a female rights activist group formed on the 5th of January 2001.We focus on the emancipation of rural women and girls in Bènin from traditional cultural practices which are discriminatory, hazardous to health and impedes the development of the female gender.

Based in Borgu department in Parakou prèfecturè, we are presently working in eight sous-prèfecturès, or local governments. We are made up of mostly women and girls - farmers, housewives and young unmarried girls. The executive of the group is made up of five women lead by Dr. Patience Alfa, a medical practitioner in private service. The only other professional in the group is Ms. Immacullatta Sovi, a legal practitioner and the secretary.

Le Sociètè Femmes Rurales Parakou was formed because of women and girls who had bleed to death while undergoing circumcision and because of confirmed stories of marital assault which had caused some of our women to flee into urban centres. Our main focus is on Female Genital Mutilation, Forced Early Marriages, Purdah,(Islamic confinement of marriedwomen/young girls to domestication and life time isolation), and marital assault and rape.

Our aims are to: (1)Stop harmful traditional practices against our women/girls; (2) Enlighten our men/society about the evil in violence against their women; (3 )Improve our women's/girls access to information/education; (4) Improve our women/girls right in their homes; and (5) Empower our women economically.

We would like to know if your organisation could be of assistance financially to our cause. We would like to know if your organisation is providing small, flexible, timely grants for general support. A comprehensive detail of our work (progammes, activities, budgets, financial expenditures and structure of our group) will be sent if your organisation can assist us. In case you are unable to help please kindly introduce us to any organisation that gives grants and funding for work like ours. Alternatively, please furnish us with names, addresses (emails, phone, faxes)of organisations that would be of help to us.

The rural women of Parakou await your positive response to our requests.
Thanks.
Ms.Immacullatta Sovi.(sec)
For Director General.
paf113@hotmail.com

OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/letters/11148

OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA

HIS EXCELLENCY

MR. DANIEL T. ARAP MOI

Paris-Geneva, 1st November 2002

Your Excellency,

The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World
Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of their joint
programme, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights
Defenders, would like to express their deepest concern regarding the
break-in of the offices of the "HUREDICA Violence Victims
Organisation" NGO that occurred in Nakuru, on 26th of October 2002.

According to the information received from the Kenyan Human Rights
Commission, five Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officers
raided the offices of "HUREDICA Violence Victims Organisation,"
alleging that the premises were being used to print counterfeit
Kenyan currency. No evidence was later found related to this
allegation. The officers confiscated documents and files containing
crucial evidence on the ethnic violence reported by the organization.
Despite the fact that apparently the CID has committed itself to
returning the documents on 4th November, the Observatory is concerned
about the use that can be made of the material they contained.

Moreover, the CID officers arrested three officials of "HUREDICA":
the acting Chairman, Mr. Kinuthia, the organising secretary, Mr.
Joseph Kairo Mbugua and the Njoro area representative, Mr. John Ikuma
Kariuki. They were later released after being interrogated for over
six hours in a manner reportedly meant to intimidate them into
abandoning any claims that they have filed against the government and
individuals involved in violence acts.
The Observatory recalls that in the past, "HUREDICA" had already been
the target of harassment; the first chairman of the organisation was
forced into exile after persistent threats and intimidation.The break
in and subsequent arrest of the members of "HUREDICA" occurred seven
days after the release, on 18th October, of a report made by a
Commission of Inquiry called the "Akiwumi Commission" mandated by the
President of the Republic on 1st July 1998 to investigate on
politically instigated violence. The report heavily indicts the
government, the law enforcement officers and the militaries for being
responsible of numerous human rights violations that took place in
the country between 1991 and 1998.

The Observatory fears that this break in may be linked to the
cooperation of "HUREDICA" with the "Akiwumi Commission". Indeed,
"HUREDICA" documents property and lives lost by victims and
survivors, evidence on the responsible and instigators of human
rights violations and has filed claims against the government for
compensation and resettlement.
This attack constitutes a flagrant obstacle to the rights of human
rights defenders guaranteed by the UN Declaration on Human Rights
Defenders, according to which, in particular "every person has the
right, individually or collectively, to promote the protection and
fulfilment of human rights and fundamental liberties at the national
and international level." (article 1) and "everyone has the right,
individually and in association with others, to offer and provide
qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in
defending human rights and fundamental freedoms" (article 9.3.c).

The Observatory urges Kenyan's highest authorities to:

i. Condemn this illegal search of a registered organisation,
sanction those responsible and ask for the restitution of all
documents confiscated during the break-in.
ii. Put an end to all forms of harassment against "HUREDICA"
members, and more generally against Human Rights Defenders and
attempts to discredit those who legally fight against impunity in
Kenya;
iii. Ensure the implementation of the provisions of the Declaration
on Human Rights Defenders adopted by the UN general Assembly on
December 9, 1998 in particular under article 1, which stipulates that
"every person has the right, individually or collectively, to promote
the protection and fulfilment of human rights and fundamental
liberties at the national and international level", article 12: "The
State shall take all necessary measures to ensure the protection by
the competent authorities of everyone, individually and in
association with others, against any violence, threats, retaliation,
de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure or any other
arbitrary action as a consequence of his or her legitimate exercise
of the rights referred to in the present declaration." and 9.3.c as
mentioned above;
iv. Guarantee the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms in
accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and other
international instruments ratified by Kenya.

We thank you for your careful consideration in this matter.

Sincerely yours,

Sidiki KABA
President of the FIDH

Eric SOTTAS
Director of the OMCT



Organisation Mondiale
Contre la Torture (OMCT)
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
Organización Mundial Contra la Tortura (OMCT)
8 rue du Vieux-Billard
Case postale 21
CH-1211 Geneve 8
Suisse/Switzerland
Tel. : 0041 22 809 49 39
Fax : 0041 22 809 49 29
E-mail : omct@omct.org
http://www.omct.org

dEMOCRACY and Civil Society in Nigeria

Matthew Hassan Kukah

2002-11-07

http://www.africanbookscollective.com/acatalog/Online_Catalogue_New_Titles_59.html

A pioneering and challenging book, which has been highly acclaimed since first publication in Africa; and an important addition to the relatively sparse serious political literature on civil society in Africa. The author formerly received an honorary mention in the Noma Award for Publishing in Africa.

music is the weapon of the future

2002-11-07

http://tinyurl.com/2hka

“Music is the weapon of the future,” said Fela Kuti. Apt then that a new album, 'Red Hot + Riot' (www.redhotriot.com), released in October 2002, is not only a tribute to the songs and spirit of the Nigerian musician but also the latest use of popular culture in the fight against AIDS. Moreover, the release has added poignancy as Fela Kuti, perhaps the most influential African musician of the 20th century, died of AIDS-related illness in 1997.

Ousting monsters

2002-11-07

http://books.guardian.co.uk/review/story/0,12084,823995,00.html

When the Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka fled Nigeria in 1994, and was sentenced to death in absentia by the military regime of Sani Abacha in 1997, he likened the "liminal but dynamic" state of the writer in exile to a parachutist's free fall. His limbo was ostensibly ended by Abacha's sudden death from a heart attack in 1998 and Nigeria's steps towards democracy. Yet for Soyinka, whose 1970s prison memoir famously proclaimed that "the man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny", there can be no true home without justice.

Privacy & Human Rights 2002: An International Survey of Privacy Laws and Developments

2002-11-07

https://bookstore.epic.org/

This annual report by EPIC and Privacy International reviews the state of privacy in over fifty countries around the world.  It outlines legal protections for privacy, new challenges, and summarizes important issues and events relating to privacy and surveillance.  The
2002 edition of Privacy and Human Rights examines the impact of government proposals after September 11, 2001 on privacy and civil liberties. The report documents many new anti-terrorism and security measures and identifies key trends including increased communications surveillance, weakening of data protection regimes, and increased profiling and identification of individuals. 

Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity

Michael Maren

2002-11-07

http://www.dev-zone.org/cgi-bin/bookshop/jump.cgi?ID=747

Michael Maren shows that the international aid industry is a big business more concerned with winning its next big government contract than helping needy people. The problem isn't a lack of charity missions in the Third World, but that the best intentions of these idealists are often inadvertently destructive, thanks to a deadly combination of their naiveté and the willingness of native elites to exploit them. Maren spent many years in Africa living this life. This is a splendid, literate, muckraking memoir of his experiences.

using EDUCATION AND TRAINING to promote creativity

2002-11-07

http://www.africancolours.com/?content/artistsinschools.html

The Curriculum Development Project, a non governmental organisation working in the field of arts and culture education teacher training, and the Wits School of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand, have recently entered into a partnership to find ways of ensuring that arts and culture education programmes are implemented at school level in South Africa.

africa: Alarming Levels of Violence against Women in Armed Conflict and Post-conflict Situations

2002-11-07

http://www.unifem.undp.org/newsroom/press/pr_021031.html

If the plight of women in war is to be improved, the United Nations and governments must make a greater effort to include women in all aspects of peace operations, including crafting peace and reconciliation programs acording to the Independent Experts Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and the Role of Women in Peacebuilding, launched by UNIFEM this week.

africa: Feminist Africa (FA) - a new electronic journal

2002-11-07

http://www.feministafrica.org/

Feminist Africa is a publication which has grown out of the African Gender Institute's many years of commitment to capacity-building, research, networking and teaching in an environment in which market-oriented approaches now threaten to undermine progressive African gender initiatives. FA provides a platform for cutting-edge, informative and provocative gender work attuned to African agendas. As the first journal on gender with a continental focus, it provides a forum for the publication and dissemination of high quality feminist scholarship in African contexts.

africa: International trends in gender equality work

2002-11-07

http://www.dev-zone.org/cgi-bin/links2/jump.cgi?ID=4219

An end to poverty, access to a good education and healthcare, freedom from violence, protection of reproductive rights, and sustainable livelihoods are still basic objectives of gender equality work worldwide. This paper takes this historical gender equality work as a given, and instead highlights both the shifting backdrop for this work, as well as new considerations and work agendas that have emerged in our efforts towards gender equality. From militarization to globalization, a fast-changing global terrain is dictating new challenges and new ways of approaching the women's rights agenda. This discussion paper explores these trends as well as the convergence of work inside the fields of gender and development and women's rights. Also presented here, is an overview of the ways in which gender equality advocates are trying to improve how we understand and confront gender inequality.

africa: nepad pays 'lip service' to gender equality

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/wgender/11195

"NEPAD is better understood as being in the category of empty lip-service to principles of gender equality. In principle NEPAD is much in favour of equal rights for women, but in practice it proposes almost nothing in the form of action to realise these principles," according to a paper presented at an NGO Forum held between October 14-16 in Banjul, The Gambia. The paper, authored by Sara Hlupekile Longwe, a feminist consultant and chairperson of the African Women's Development and Communications Network (FEMNET), discusses how women's gender issues have been ignored in the framework for African development adopted by African countries under the acronym NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development). The paper was distributed by Africa Action.
Africa: Gender and NEPAD, 1
Date distributed (ymd): 021104
Document reposted by Africa Action

Africa Policy Electronic Distribution List: an information
service provided by AFRICA ACTION (incorporating the Africa
Policy Information Center, The Africa Fund, and the American
Committee on Africa). Find more information for action for
Africa at http://www.africaaction.org

+++++++++++++++++++++Document Profile+++++++++++++++++++++

Region: Continent-Wide
Issue Areas: +gender/women+ +political/rights+
+economy/development+

SUMMARY CONTENTS:

"NEPAD is better understood as being in the category of empty
lip-service to principles of gender equality. In principle NEPAD is
much in favour of equal rights for women, but in practice it
proposes almost nothing in the form of action to realise these
principles."

This is the bottom-line conclusion from this paper by Sara
Hlupekile Longwe (sararoy@zamnet.zm) on how women's gender issues
(i.e. women's human rights) have been ignored in the framework for
African development adopted by African countries under the acronym
NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa's Development). The author is a
feminist consultant and chairperson of the African Women's
Development and Communications Network (FEMNET)
(http://www.africaonline.co.ke/femnet).

The paper was presented at an NGO-Forum, 14-16 October 2002,
organised by the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights
Studies (ACDHRS), Banjul, The Gambia, in preparation for the 32nd
Session of the African Commission on African Human and Peoples'
Rights (ACAHPR), Banjul, 17-23 October 2002. The text was
distributed by the author on the NEPAD-Forum discussion organized
by FEMNET ( http://lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/nepad-forum ).

Because of the importance of this document, and the strong and
clear critique it presents, we are reposting the full text, in two
postings. The full text as a Word attachment is also available in
the archive of the nepad-forum mailing list at the web address
above.

+++++++++++++++++end profile++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

NEPAD Reluctance to Address Gender Issues

Sara Hlupekile Longwe Feminist Consultant

11 October 2002

Introduction

This paper assesses whether NEPAD (The New Partnership for African
Development) can provide the basis for action on issues of gender
inequality, and therefore whether the newly formed African Union
provides a new opportunity and mechanism for progress towards equal
rights for women in Africa.

The assessment of NEPAD's intention to address gender issues is
analysed by looking at NEPAD as a planning sequence, from
expression of principles and goals, through to the identification
of the specific actions proposed to achieve these goals. The
interest is to examine the attention to gender through the sequence
of planning steps, looking specifically at the consistency of the
logic in the treatment of gender issues as the planning sequence
unfolds.

From this analysis it is found that NEPAD begins with some fairly
strong statements of principle on the need for gender equality. But
this initial commitment fades away as the planning sequence
proceeds, leading to no adequate identification of specific gender
issues to be addressed, and no strategies and or proposed actions
to address gender issues. This is despite the many very serious
gender issues that are generally known to be important in the NEPAD
priority areas of democracy, good governance and human rights.

This lack of intention to act on women's rights is seen in the
context of the African Union, which is seen as a collection of
patriarchal states with a record in this area of high level
commitments and low level action. For action on gender issues, the
NEPAD document is not seen as a new turning point, but rather as a
continuation of the previous miserable record.

Given this evidence of lack of political will within the African
Union for action on women's rights, the paper concludes with some
strategic considerations on how feminists and other human rights
activists can better push the African Union in the direction of
their own formally declared principles and commitments, or
otherwise embark on their own independent strategies.

2 Gender Issues Which NEPAD Needs to Address

Before we begin our analysis of how NEPAD treats gender issues, we
should first consider the necessary importance of these issues to
the overall programme. This importance arises first and foremost in
NEPAD's own declared central interest in issues of good governance,
democracy and human rights, which are seen as the preconditions for
development. Gender issues are also important, although perhaps
secondarily, in the area of economic development. For the sake of
brevity, we shall here confine ourselves mainly to the first area,
of gender issues in democracy, good governance and human rights.

For good governance, it is axiomatic that all citizens should have
equal rights in law and before the law. All publicly available
opportunities and resources must be equally available to all,
without discrimination. As far as women's rights are concerned,
this means that there must be no discrimination against women.
Specifically, this means women should not be subjected to different
treatment on the basis of sex. And yet, contrary to such principles
of democracy and good governance, women throughout the continent of
Africa live in extremely patriarchal societies, where men control
the decision making process in the government and in the home. Male
domination of the decision making process serves to ensure that
women get most of the work, and men collect most of the rewards
arising from this work.

The huge gender gaps in literacy, education, wealth and access to
power are the result of discriminatory practices. These practices
do not exist only at the social and traditional level. To different
degrees, in all African countries, these discriminatory practices
are entrenched in law, in the administration of the law, and in the
general regulations governing government and corporate bureaucratic
practice. It is governments who are the principle perpetrators of
discrimination against women, and the enforcers of their continued
oppression.

In my own country of Zambia, an article in the Constitution
purports to protect women from discrimination in any law or public
provision, and yet one of the qualifying clauses in this same
article exludes women from this protection in the areas of personal
law, marriage law and customary law. These, of course, are
precisely the areas of law where women are most discriminated
against, and the areas which, by extension, legitimise
discrimination in other areas. In other words the article which
purports to protect women from discrimination in effect does the
opposite, and legalises it.

This example illustrates a pattern which is common all over Africa,
where statutory law apparently gives equality of status, but where
customary law (or the local version of Sharia law) maintains and
enforces women's subordination.Typically the overall pattern is
that women are treated as legal minors, cannot inherit property,
and cannot own land. Rather than own property, they are part of the
property which is owned by men, often in polygamous marriage. Under
some interpretations of Sharia law, as with the recent sentencing
to death of a woman in Northern Nigeria, the legal system may
enforce ownership and control by a dead husband.

This brief overview of the situation of women's oppression in
Africa is presented here to remind the reader of the enormous
gender issues which the African Union has to face up to if it is to
claim any serious interest in democracy and human rights. Since the
African Union's activities will be mostly concerned with the
co-ordination and harmonisation of national policies, it is the
developmental programme of the Union NEPAD which provides the
vehicle for political and socio-economic development, and therefore
for action on women's rights.

3 A Framework for Analysing Internal Planning Coherence

Although NEPAD describes itself as a 'programme', it is better
understood as a large scale regional strategic development plan. In
this section we identify the essential elements of a development
strategy, so that in the next section we can use these elements to
assess the internal coherence of NEPAD in its treatment of the
gender element within the plan.

Of course it is often the case that development plans do not
measure up very well to the sequence of planning logic which is
suggested below. If so, this is because the planning was not
adequate. To the extent that a plan reveals internal contradictions
or lack of logical connections, the justification for the
development interventions are suspect.

A strategic development plan should typically present itself as a
rational argument, pursued by logical connections along the
following sequence:

Elements of a Strategic Development Plan

1. Situation Analysis
2. Policy Imperatives
3. Problem Identification
4. Formulation of Goals
5. Identification of Appropriate Intervention Strategies
6. Implementation Strategies and
7. Objectives Management System

Situation Analysis refers to the initial review of the situation in
the area that is of interest to the plan, particularly to mention
the various problem situations which might need to be addressed by
the plan. Here, with NEPAD, we find mention of quite different
types of problems: firstly to do with globalisation, and Africa's
need to get a fair share of the benefits from the process; secondly
partnership with the West, and the need to escape from the
prevailing pattern of Western domination of a 'rider and horse'
type of partnership; thirdly, the catalogue of developmental
problems of African poverty and underdevelopment.

Policy Imperatives refer to those aspects of the policy environment
which are relevant when deciding what to do about the given
Situation. In terms of formal planning logic, no Situation can be
said to present a Problem unless there are Policy Principles that
dictate that aspects of the situation are unacceptable, and
therefore present a Problem on which action must be taken to
eliminate or alleviate the Problem. However, the relevant policy
environment is commonly omitted from plans, presumably on the
assumption that everybody knows what the policy principles are, or
otherwise because some aspects or the situation are 'obviously'
unacceptable, and are 'obviously' adopted as a problem. In the case
of gender, the reader would like to know what principles of gender
equality guide NEPAD.

Problem Identification. As already mentioned, in planning logic a
problem only formally comes to light when Policy Principles are set
against the Situation Analysis. Despite this formal logic, many
problems are identified as 'obvious', and may indeed be so. But the
'obvious' aspects of problem identification tend to be notably
missing in the area of gender. Whereas many ordinary problems are
'obvious' without recourse to looking at the policy, gender issues
tend to get overlooked, along with the gender policy itself. Gender
issues may be overlooked as being 'political' in plans that take a
technical or purely economic perspective. They may be overlooked
where the vocabulary is gender neutral, in terms of 'people',
'farmers', 'target group', 'beneficiaries', and so on, which
provide an easy formula for gender blind treatment of development
issues. Most of all, gender issues are likely to be overlooked by
male planners who are definitely not interested in recognizing or
addressing issues of gender inequality. With gender issues, it may
be necessary to wave the gender policy in planners' faces before
the existence of gender issues can be admitted. Despite the common
lack of identification of gender issues, it is usually very easy to
give gender issues a specific and precise identification in terms
of the size of gender gaps, and the existence of discriminatory
practices. In the case of NEPAD, the reader would like to know
which gender issues, such as identified gender gaps or forms of
gender discrimination, are of particular interest to NEPAD.

Formulation of Goals should follow naturally from problem
identification, where a goal may be summarized as an expressed
intention to address a problem, perhaps with a statement of
intended quantified outcomes, to be achieved in a specified time.
However, it is not uncommon for the transition from Problem to Goal
to show a complete disappearance of a gender issue. Or it may be
that a broad principle to address gender issues does not lead into
any goal to actually address a gender issue. For example, since
NEPAD claims to be interested in both democracy and gender
inequality, the reader might expect of find a definite goal to
close (the presently huge) gender gaps in parliamentary membership,
and a statement of the time period for this target to be achieved.

Identification of Appropriate Intervention Strategies. The logic in
moving from Goal to Intervention Strategy is that the chosen
intervention, in order to be effective, must tackle one or more of
the underlying causes of the given problem. But with poor planning,
the intervention is merely considered to be a 'good thing to do',
without any established causal connection with the original
problem. Very often intervention strategies are not made clear or
explicit within a strategic plan, but remain implicit within the
statement of goals. Where a plan's gender orientation proceeds as
far as gender oriented strategies, it is often found that there is
no clear logical, experiential or empirical connection between the
gender issues and the proposed intervention to address it. Very
often the systemic or structural aspects of gender discrimination
are forgotten, and interventions are aimed at increasing women's
confidence, skills, literacy, and so on, i.e. limited to increasing
women's access to resources.

Implementation Strategies are the methods that are chosen to
actually implement the intervention strategy. They are therefore
the lower level strategies. For example, the goal of increasing
women's representation in parliament may be achieved by the broad
intervention strategy of affirmative action. This may be achieved
by various implementation strategies, such as reserved seats for
women, or mandatory rules for political parties on proportion of
females amongst candidates, or providing special material support
for female candidates. A Strategic Plan should normally end, at
least in its substantive content, at the level of Implementation
Strategies. The remainder of planning, from Implementation
Strategies onwards, is concerned with the lower levels of action
planning, programme and project planning.

Objectives are the expression of the more specific and more
detailed intention of implementation purpose, especially in terms
of activities and intended outcomes. Very often an implementation
strategy is not properly identified or even justified, but may be
deduced by its being implicit within a list of objectives.

The Management System sets out the system of organization and
management for implementation and supervision. From a gender
perspective, it is particularly important that there is a
management system capable of understanding and implementing gender
oriented objectives, and for monitoring progress on gender
objectives. It is also important that women are represented in
management, and that women amongst the target group, beneficiaries
and affected community are involved in the planning and management
of implementation projects. However, there is often a mistaken
belief that representation of women in management can substitute
for the gender objectives which are missing from a development
plan. A programme manager may claim that, although there may be no
gender objectives, the programme will nonetheless be implemented in
a gender sensitive way. Such an argument, in terms of the above
analytical framework, is self-evident nonsense. A management team
can only enter the difficult project of addressing gender issues if
there is a clear mandate in the programme plan to address
particular gender issues, by means of specified intervention
strategies. In the case of NEPAD, we should expect that the plan
should not only state clear goals and objectives to address
specific gender issues, but also that the NEPAD management system
is gender balanced, and includes people who are trained in gender
planning and implementation, and experienced in recognising the
obstacles and difficulties arising from patriarchal opposition to
policies of gender equality.

4 Analysing NEPAD: Gender Fade Away

Having now set out the desirable planning logic which NEPAD ought
to follow, how well does NEPAD follow this logic in the area of
gender issues? Let us look at the above seven headings again, now
to look at main aspects of the adequacy of the treatment of gender
issues within NEPAD. This present section will look at the first
six headings (i.e. from Situation Analysis through to Objectives),
and the following Section 5 will look at the adequacy of the
proposed NEPAD Management System.

Situation Analysis.

(This is to be found in the NEPAD sections on Africa in Today's
World, The Historical Impoverishment of a Continent, and Africa and
the Global Revolution.) Here there is no mention of a single gender
issue. In terms of logical coherence, how can NEPAD be proposing to
address gender issues when none were even mentioned in the
situation analysis set out in the introductory sections?

Policy Imperatives.

The main NEPAD document has a very weak and unsatisfactory policy
statement concerned with 'promoting the role of women in
development', but this has now been bolstered with the
supplementary NEPAD Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic
and Corporate Governance. This is more in line with the similar
text of the Constitutive Act of the African Union. This Declaration
includes the principle that it is a binding obligation to ensure
that women have every opportunity to contribute in terms of full
equality to political and socio-economic development in all our
countries. (Article 11).

This same Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and
Corporate Governance also reaffirms (at Articles 3 and 4) its
allegiance to the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women, the Beijing Declaration, and the OAU
African Charter on Human and People's Rights. This latter document
includes the following principles:

Every individual shall be entitled of the rights and freedoms
recognised and guaranteed in the present Charter without
distinction on any kind such as sex (Article 2)

Every individual shall be equal before the law. Every individual
shall be entitled to equal protection of the law. (Article 3)

The state shall ensure the elimination of every discrimination
against women and ensure the protection of the rights of the women
and the child as stipulated in international declarations and
conventions. (Article 18.3)

Problem Identification.

Given the very serious situation of women's oppression and
marginalisation summarised in Section 2 of this paper, then clearly
the above principles should have comprehensive and serious
implication for the recognition of priority gender issues which
ought to be a primary focus for NEPAD action. Given NEPAD's own
declared interest in good governance, democracy and human rights,
one might be entitled to expect a priority interest in identifying
and removing instances of legalised discrimination in law (both
statutory and customary). However, NEPAD does not identify any
specific gender issues that need to be addressed.After the
Situation Analysis, which does not mention gender issues,
NEPAD moves straight from Policy Principles to Goals. There is no
identification of the focus of problems to be addressed, except
insofar as these are implicit within the Situation Analysis or the
Goals.

[continued in part 2]

************************************************************
This material is being reposted for wider distribution by
Africa Action (incorporating the Africa Policy Information
Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa).
Africa Action's information services provide accessible
information and analysis in order to promote U.S. and
international policies toward Africa that advance economic,
political and social justice and the full spectrum of human rights.

Documents previously distributed, as well as a wide range of
additional information, are also available on the Web at:
http://www.africaaction.org

To be added to or dropped from the distribution list write to
apic@igc.org For more information about reposted material,
please contact directly the source mentioned in the posting.

Africa Action
110 Maryland Ave. NE, #508, Washington, DC 20002.
Phone: 202-546-7961. Fax: 202-546-1545.
E-mail: africaaction@igc.org
************************************************************

[continued from part 1]

Goals (under the NEPAD heading of Sustainable Development in the
21st Century).

Despite the fine expression of gender principles, NEPAD's
expression of gender goals is very vague and lacking. There is an
overall 'long term objective' to 'promote the role of women
in all activities' , which is vague to the point of
meaninglessness. There is a 'goal' to 'make progress towards gender
equality and empowering women by eliminating gender disparities in
the enrolment in primary and secondary education by 2005'.

This latter goal of 'gender equality and empowering women' is not
merely a goal, but also includes the intervention strategy of more
schooling for women. There is no explanation of how the
intervention relates to the goal, let alone the relevance of this
strategy in societies where women are up against barriers of
legalized discrimination.

From the earlier expression of fine principles, the goals have
faded away to almost nothing, with no observable logical
connection. Completely missing from the goals is any intention to
increase women's representation in parliament, government and top
decision making positions. This is despite clear commitments both
in the African Platform (para. 105f) and in the Beijing Platform
(para.182) which endorses the UN Economic and Social Council
guideline of 30% women in top decision making positions

Intervention Strategies (to be found in the NEPAD sections on
Conditions for Sustainable Development and Sectoral Priorities).

Here there is absolutely no gender element suggested in any of the
three 'initiatives' on Peace and Security, Democracy and Political
Governance or Economic and Corporate Governance. But since NEPAD
identified no gender issues or goals in these areas, perhaps it is
not surprising that NEPAD can now find no strategies since there
are no issues to address, and no goals to pursue!

Obviously the authors of NEPAD have not referred to the Beijing
Platform for Action, which at para 190 and 191 lists no less than
nineteen alternative strategies that can be used to increase the
proportion of women in decision making positions in politics and
economic governance. One of these suggested strategies asks
governments to 'Take positive action to build a critical mass of
women leaders, executives and managers in strategic decision making
positions.' Another strategy is concerned with 'Taking measures,
including in electoral systems, that encourage political parties
to integrate women in elective and non-elective positions in the
same proportion and at the same levels as men'.

The only NEPAD Goal which is gender oriented (para 68) provided an
intervention strategy for closing gender gaps in school enrolment.
But when we look under the Education strategies (para 120-125) we
find that this intervention strategy has gone missing there are
no objectives nor activities with which to implement the strategy.

Without going further with this analysis, it is clear that the
NEPAD interest in gender issues has now entirely evaporated. What
started out with fine statements of principles of gender equality
has now faded away to nothing.

NEPAD is better understood as being in the category of empty
lip-service to principles of gender equality. In principle NEPAD is
much in favour of equal rights for women, but in practice it
proposes almost nothing in the form of action to realise these
principles. Absolutely nothing is proposed in the areas of
democracy, good governance and human rights, which are not only
crucial for women's advancement, but which are supposed to be
NEPAD's priority area of interest! NEPAD's introductory statements
on gender equality therefore prove to be nothing more than window
dressing, lip service and hot air. They are not followed by any
identification of the gender issues in these areas, let alone the
formulation of goals and objectives to address gender issues in
these areas.

5 Male Dominated Management of NEPAD and the African Union

Since NEPAD is lacking in gender oriented objectives, there is
obviously very limited relevance in any discussion on whether the
management system has the necessary skills or organisation to
pursue gender oriented objectives (see also the discussion of
Management System in Section 4, above).

The discussion of gender oriented management would become relevant
only if NEPAD could be radically revised to include gender oriented
objectives related to the main goals focused on democracy and human
rights. In this case, appropriate gender oriented management would
become relevant.

Probably because NEPAD was formulated before the agreement on the
Constitutive Act of the African Union, NEPAD says nothing definite
about the management system for its implementation, and no
management system or institutional structure is proposed. It is
merely stated that 'the heads of state promoting NEPAD will advise
the AU on an appropriate mechanism for its implementation' (para.
198). In the meantime, there is to be a 'Heads of State
Implementation Committee' to identify strategic issues and review
progress (para. 200-201). Obviously this Implementation Committee,
of five heads of state, would be a formula for male domination of
management.

However, now that the African Union has been formed, we may presume
that NEPAD would be managed by some distribution of
responsibilities, as yet to be set out, within the organs of the
Union. Therefore we now look at the main organs of the Union, which
are as follows:

1 The Assembly, composed of Heads of States and Governments

2 The Executive Council, composed of Ministers of Foreign Affairs
or other ministers or officials designated by their governments

3 Seven Specialised Technical Committees, reporting to the
Executive Council, and composed of government ministers or senior
officials

4 The Pan-African Parliament, whose functions and membership are
as yet undetermined

5 The Commission, acting as the Secretariat of the Union

Obviously, by present definition of its membership, the Assembly,
Executive Council and Specialised Technical Committees, will all
will be extremely male dominated, reflecting the male domination of
the national institutions from which these organs draw their
membership.

Despite this structural male domination of the Union management,
there has been a strange claim that there was agreement on 50%
female participation at the AU Heads of State meeting in Durban in
July 2002. A newsletter of the Femmes Africa Solidarite claims
that: "It is thanks to the Senegalese delegation to the AU, headed
by President Abdulaye, that upon his intervention advocating for
the African Women, the President did not face any opposition from
his peers on the gender parity proposal recommending 50%
participation of women in all AU organs."

If this 'lack of opposition' is to be interpreted as consent (which
would seem to be a big IF), then perhaps the agreement was for
membership of the Commission and other purely adminstrative organs
whose functions are yet to be determined, and whose members are yet
to be appointed. If so, the usefulness of such gender parity in
membership faces two obstacles. Firstly, gender parity does not in
itself necessarily bring an understanding of feminist principles
and policies. Secondly, an administrative body by definition -
does not make policy, but merely implements policy determined at
the political level, which in this case seems well set to remain
patriarchal and male dominated for the foreseeable future.

The areas of policy for the Executive Council and its Technical
Committees are divided along purely along traditional sectoral
lines:

Rural economy and agriculture; Monetary and financial affairs;
Trade, customs and immigration; Industry, science, technology,
energy, natural resources and environment; Transport, communication
and tourism; Health, labour and social affairs; Education, culture
and human resources;

In other words, there is no designation for the policy area of
democracy, human rights and good governance, which is supposed to
be a main area of interest of NEPAD. By the same token there is no
place to put the management of implementation of policy on women's
rights.

As with NEPAD itself, the Constitutive Act of the Union shows
ambivalence and contradiction on the subject of gender equality.
Whereas one of its 'principles' (in Article 4) is 'the promotion of
gender equality', another principle is 'non-interference by any
member state in the internal affairs of another'. And for
patriarchal men, the question of 'how we treat our women' is
definitely an internal matter, even at the domestic level, never
mind the national level!

Given this principle of non-interference in internal affairs, it is
difficult to see how the representative of any one state could
bring up the question of discrimination against women in another
state, or indeed bring up any human rights issue obtaining in
another state. And perhaps we may presume that a state
representative is not likely to raise an issue of a transgression
against human rights in their own state!

Given the above considerations, we may conclude that if NEPAD were
to include objectives to address gender issues, then the African
Union would not be the right organisation to implement it. However,
since NEPAD does not include any significant gender oriented
objectives, and none in the area of democracy and human rights, it
would seem that both NEPAD and the African Union are well matched
patriarchal bedfellows.

6 Governmental Reluctance to Address Gender Issues

The pattern of gender fade-away exhibited by NEPAD is nothing new.
In fact it is very typical and representative of what may commonly
be found in development plans in Africa, of both governments and
development agencies. There is a pervasive problem that development
agencies and national governments exhibit a lack of political will
in addressing gender policies. Instead there tends to be much vague
lip-service, involving ill-defined phrases such as
'gender-sensitive' and 'gender-aware implementation' of development
programmes, when in practice these programmes neither identify nor
intend to address the important gender issues which affect all
women in Africa. Instead their programmes employ 'watering down'
strategies that serve to overlook, sideline or compartmentalize
gender policy imperatives.

Underlying this failure to properly implement gender policies is a
quiet but determined patriarchal opposition to policies of gender
equality that is pervasive within development agencies, and amongst
the government bureaucracies of 'developing' countries. Only when
we are able to recognize and analyse the obstructive strategies of
patriarchal opposition, shall we be able to devise the alternative
and counter strategie1s to deal with this sort of opposition.

7 The Patriarchal Paradigm

All of the countries of the African Union, to varying degrees, are
patriarchal societies, with male dominated governments that adhere
faithfully to patriarchal values of male supremacy.

Clearly the authors of NEPAD are severely gender blind. We may
explain this blindness as being of a particular and well defined
form, which we may term as paradigmic patriarchal blindness. It is
evident that the authors do not see, and do not want to see, any
form of gender discrimination. Their whole interpretation of gender
issues, such as it is, seems to have no societal or structural
dimension. They do not seem to live in the same world of legalized,
traditional and institutionalised gender discrimination that is
actually the world inhabited by women in Africa. In all of NEPAD's
preliminary description of the problem situations to be addressed
by NEPAD, there is no mention of any gender issue. Even where the
document presents a weakly gender oriented goal, we find that this
objective is directed at a problem which has not been previously
mentioned.

It is this patriarchal paradigm which can nicely explain the
absence of any mention of gender issues in the discussion of
democracy and human rights. Of course it could be that the authors
deliberately removed the connection between gender and democracy,
or deliberately avoided it. But more likely they simply could not
see the connection. The clue to this interpretation may be found in
the phrase 'promoting the role of women by reinforcing their
capacity ' (NEPAD para 49, emphasis added). The vocabulary is very
revealing of the mind set of the authors. 'Promoting the role of
women' is a well worn phrase which insultingly suggests that women
are not sufficiently 'playing their part' in the development
process! Women need to be 'integrated in development'!

More revealing, however, is the phrase 'reinforcing their
capacity'. Here is the main clue to the patriarchal paradigmic
mind-set. Women's lesser role and subordinate position arise from
their lesser capacity! Therefore they need more education and
training! It is no accident that the only significant gender
oriented objective in all of NEPAD is concerned with gender
equality in access to schooling. Not a word about the unequal
gender division of labour, or that women are already doing most of
the developmental work, or that women come up against barriers of
gender discrimination which give the lion's share of the rewards to
men, and the lion's share of unpaid work to women! How is more
schooling going to alter that? Where schools teach female
submission, it will make things worse!

NEPAD is a statement written by male heads of governments who are,
in varying degrees, staunchly patriarchal. In their home countries
these governments tend to represent male interests, and defend the
patriarchal status quo. Should we then be surprised if NEPAD has
little recognition of gender issues, and even smaller intention to
address them? More important, what are the strategies if indeed
they can be found - by which these representatives of patriarchy
may be persuaded to adopt feminist policies?

This present assessment serves to draw attention to the large gap
between the situation of institutionalised gender injustice in
Africa, and governments' intention to do anything much about it.
This lack of intention stands in stark contradiction to their own
declared interest in democracy and human rights.

8 Conclusion: Towards Strategies of Action

The commitment to 'ensure the elimination of every discrimination
against women' (African Charter, Article 18.3) has been with us
since it was adopted by OAU member states in 1981 twenty-one
years ago. This commitment has awesome implications, and implies a
massive reform of statutory law, customary law and administrative
practice in every African country. It also implies the introduction
of anti-discrimination legislation, to outlaw all practices that
discriminate against women. What has been our progress since then?
What have African governments done to end the discriminatory laws
enacted and administered by themselves?

And does the formation of the African Union indicate a sudden
seriousness to implement this principle of gender equality?
Unfortunately, the analysis of this paper indicates that NEPAD and
the African Union both clearly exhibit a continuation of exactly
the same pattern, of expressing fine sounding principles which do
not lead to any subsequent action. Nor do they lead to proposals
for action, or the prospect of action, or even an administrative
framework which might enable action.

It is hoped that the analysis of this paper will serve to dispel
any foolish illusion that African governments, as presently
constituted, are likely to pursue policies concerned with equal
rights for women irrespective of how much they claim to commit
themselves to the principles of democracy, good governance and
human rights, especially for the purpose of collecting donor
funding.

If strategies of action for women's rights are based on the
benevolence and generosity of males, to voluntarily give away their
present domination and privilege, then it is based on complete
folly. Equal rights of oppressed peoples are never given; they
always have to be taken.

Strategies of action have to be based on a proper and realistic
assessment of the present situation, and the obstacles. It also has
to be based on an assessment of the weakness in the position of
those who hold power. This paper itself exposes one such weakness,
in the ideological contradiction and hypocrisy of governments which
claim to adhere to a particular set of democratic principles
applicable to all, but actually do the opposite when their
sectional interests are threatened.

Such understanding is the beginning of strategising. How does the
women's movement get together and challenge patriarchal government
on particular issues? How can patriarchal government be pushed to
international embarrassment by exposure of ideological
contradiction between word and deed on women's rights. Where are
the more general issues, which lend themselves to a general African
women's coalition for action? Which are the issues where women,
despite their socialisation into patriarchal belief, can
nonetheless readily see that they are being discriminated against
and oppressed? Where are the possibilities of North-South alliances
within the sisterhood, for support from others who have already won
some of these battles? Which are the development agencies, whether
bilateral or NGO, which can be conscripted to the side of the
battle for women's rights? Can progress on women's advancement be
made a conditionality in granting development aid to patriarchal
governments?

We need to discuss these strategic issues of patriarchal
opposition, instead of basing our discussion on some starry eyed
belief that men will voluntarily relinquish their privileges.

************************************************************
This material is being reposted for wider distribution by
Africa Action (incorporating the Africa Policy Information
Center, The Africa Fund, and the American Committee on Africa).
Africa Action's information services provide accessible
information and analysis in order to promote U.S. and
international policies toward Africa that advance economic,
political and social justice and the full spectrum of human rights.

Documents previously distributed, as well as a wide range of
additional information, are also available on the Web at:
http://www.africaaction.org

To be added to or dropped from the distribution list write to
apic@igc.org For more information about reposted material,
please contact directly the source mentioned in the posting.

Africa Action
110 Maryland Ave. NE, #508, Washington, DC 20002.
Phone: 202-546-7961. Fax: 202-546-1545.
E-mail: africaaction@igc.org
************************************************************

africa: THE WTO AGREEMENT ON AGRICULTURE AND FOOD SECURITY FOR SMALL SCALE AFRICAN FARMERS FROM A GENDER PERSPECTIVE

GERA Programme/Third World Network-Africa

2002-11-07

http://twnafrica.org/newsdetail.asp?twnID=267

This paper starts from the position that trade liberalisation is not an end itself, and that for trade to be meaningful, it has to deliver some growth not just to a country, but also to all its citizens, especially the most disadvantaged. Trade policies should both protect and strengthen the capacity of nations and their citizens to address issues of poverty and social exclusion. Growth should be socially equitable and environmentally sustainable. Therefore, the central question for an analysis of the impact of trade policies from a gender perspective is whether trade liberalisation perpetuates, accentuates or erodes existing gender inequalities, and whether it promotes or hinders the eradication of poverty among women who are the poorest of poor.

africa: Women, Peace and Security: Two Years On

2002-11-07

http://www.peacewomen.org/resources/NGO%20reports/pwomen/NGO2YearsOnRes1325.html

On October 31st, the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security released their report 'Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security: Two Years On', an annotated compilation of activities and initiatives by governments and inter-governmental bodies outside the UN system in the past year. The report does not focus on activities and initiatives within the UN system because these are the subject of the Secretary-General's Report that was submitted to the Security Council this past week.

DRC: Women call on all actors to work for peace

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=530

A consortium of women's development and human rights groups of South Kivu Province has made an impassioned plea to all stakeholders in the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to resolve their differences and to channel their efforts into establishing a peaceful and stable nation.

southern africa: human rights and leadership development

2002-11-07

http://www.learningpartnership.org/events/enews/02octissue1/subsaharawkshps

In May and July this year, nearly 200 women from six countries in sub-Saharan Africa participated in human rights and leadership development workshops organized by WLP and its partners. The workshops took place in Zimbabwe and Tanzania as part of the regularly scheduled programming for the Women's Self-Promotion Movement (WSPM) and Umoja wa Akina Mama Fizi (UWAFI). The response from participants and facilitators to WLP's empowering, cooperative leadership strategies was very positive. The workshops' success was largely due to the excellent planning and organization of the NGOs, whose commitment to new models of leadership and consensus-building provided the workshops with real-life context and problem-focused content.

SWAZILAND: Postponement of lawsuit a setback, say rights groups

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30770

Gender activists in Swaziland said a decision to halt a lawsuit challenging the absolute power of the monarchy was a serious setback for women's rights in the country. Lindiwe Dlamini, the mother of 18-year-old Zena Mahlangu went to court last month to demand that her daughter be returned after palace aides allegedly abducted the girl from school to become King Mswati III's 10th wife.

uganda: no positive change for women in northern uganda

2002-11-07

http://www.peacewomen.org/resources/voices/speech/Angelina.html

Angelina Atyam, from Northern Uganda, was the only woman who officially addressed the Security Council at the Arria Formula on Women, Peace and Security on October 23. Atyam spoke about the conditions facing women in Northern Uganda, where civilians bear the brunt of fighting between the Ugandan government and the rebel Lord's Resistance Army.

abuja: African leaders take first step towards peer review

2002-11-07

http://www.mg.co.za/Content/l3.jsp?a=37

African leaders on Sunday took the first step towards setting up a mechanism to monitor each other's progress towards good government, a key plank in a widely-praised new development strategy.

Africa: Article 19 welcomes adoption of declaration of principles

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=554

The Article 19 has welcomed the adoption of the declaration of principles of the freedom of expression in Africa, by The African Commission, on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The Article 19 expressed that the declaration symbolised the commitment and determination of the African Commission, to tackle the increasing violations of the right to freedom of expression and information in many African countries.

africa: REALISING HUMAN RIGHTS FOR POOR PEOPLE

2002-11-07

http://62.189.42.51/DFIDstage/Pubs/files/tsp_human.pdf

This paper, produced by the UK Department for International Development (DFID) presents DFID's strategy for the achievement of human rights and fundamental freedoms of poor people. The central message is that the International Development Targets can only be achieved through the engagement of poor people in the development processes, which affect their lives. The human rights approach to development means empowering people to take their own decisions, rather than being the passive objects of choices made on their behalf.

DRC: UN documents report continuing rights abuses

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30692

Massive violations of human rights are still continuing in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), especially in areas controlled by the country's two main rebel groups - the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie and the Mouvement pour la liberation du Congo - says the United Nations. A new report by the UN Special Rapporteur probing conditions in the DRC, Iulia Motoc, said that in rebel-held areas, especially in eastern DRC, "no human, civil, political, economic or social rights are observed".

kenya: east africa strategically important for us

2002-11-07

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/nov2002/keny-n05.shtml

President Daniel arap Moi's maneuverings ahead of December 27 elections could be taking place with the tacit approval of the Bush administration. A Washington Post report emphasised the importance of Kenya within the Horn of Africa region and its strategic importance in the US government’s planned war against Iraq. “The future of this East African nation has become increasingly important to the United States because Kenya is a relatively stable American ally in a neighbourhood that includes the warring nations of Sudan, Somalia, Rwanda and Congo. It may also be crucial if the United States decides to attack Iraq. Under agreements with the United States, Kenya could lend its Indian ocean bases,” the Post states.

kenya: Kanu Won't Rig Elections, Says Moi

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211060447.html

President Moi has denied charges that Kanu planned to rig the coming General Election. The President said that the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK), which organises and conducts the polls, was not under the control of the governing party.

Liberia: Leading human rights activist charged with treason

2002-11-07

http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/recent/AFR340272002!Open

Amnesty International is calling on the Liberian government to immediately release Aloysius Toe, a leading human rights activist who was arrested on 4 November 2002 and charged with treason. "Aloysius Toe has done nothing but work legitimately for the defence of fundamental human rights in Liberia," Amnesty International said. "There is no basis to the charge against him and he must be immediately and unconditionally released."

MALAWI: Protests against third term turn violent

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30715

What started out as a peaceful demonstration against a proposed third term for President Bakili Muluzi turned violent last Friday when police clashed with protestors in Blantyre, the country's commercial centre. Shops remained closed as armed paramilitary police fought running street battles with demonstrators, barring them from continuing with a protest against a proposed third term for Muluzi.

Mozambique: election commissioners will be proposed by civil society

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/11144

The presidents of the national and lower level election commissions are to be "proposed by civil society" and the other members of the election commission are to choose their president from those proposals by secret ballot. It is remarkable and, for Mozambique, unprecedented to give such a role to civil society. This posting from the Mozambique Political Process Bulletin also contains information on local and national election processes in Mozambique.
MOZAMBIQUE POLITICAL PROCESS BULLETIN

Issue 28

Formerly Mozambique Peace Process Bulletin

Editor: Joseph Hanlon, j.hanlon@open.ac.uk

Published by AWEPA, the
European Parliamentarians for Southern Africa

Material may be freely reprinted. Please cite the Bulletin.

Prins Hendrikkade 48, 1012 AC Amsterdam
Tel: +31 (20) 524 56 78 ; Fax: +31 (20) 622 01 30
e-mail: awepa@antenna.nl

Rua Licenciado Coutinho 77 (CP 2648) Maputo
Tel: +258 (1) 41 86 03, 41 86 08, 41 86 26 Fax: +258 (1) 41 86 04
e-mail: awepamz@zebra.uem.mz

The presidents of the national and lower level election commissions are to
be "proposed by civil society" and the other members of the election
commission are to choose their president from those proposals by secret
ballot. It is remarkable and, for Mozambique, unprecedented to give such a
role to civil society. The idea comes from civil society and was taken up
last year by Renamo as a way of making the CNE more independent.

But the law gives few guidelines on procedure. The election commission is
to advertise for proposals, which must be submitted "by legally
constituted civil society organisations" within 10 days for the CNE and 7
days for other election commissions.

There is no umbrella organisation for civil society, and no system exists
yet to do this an organised way.

The Movement for Peace and Citizenship (MPC, Movimento pela Paz e
Cidadania) is one of the more broadly based civil society bodies, and it
is moving to collect nominations. Although, like most national
organisations, it is Maputo-based, MPC has begun a broad search for
someone who reflects civil society outside Maputo. Meetings are being held
in each provincial capital with representatives of six sectors of local
civil society: religious, labour, mass organisations such as women and
youth, advocacy, information, and professional. Each province will try to
choose a single candidate for CNE president, and a national meeting will
try to whittle down this list to three people, who will be submitted to
the CNE. MPC hopes to be able to do this by the end of November.

In mid-2002 MPC ran four regional seminars on the election law and
produced several suggestions for revisions in the law, which were
presented to the ad hoc commission during the special session of
parliament. Suggestions include:
+ Lowering the barrier in national elections from 5% to 2% or 3%. (In
national, but not local, elections, a party must gain at least 5% of the
national vote to become eligible for parliamentary seats.)
+ Election dates should be fixed by law.
+ Voting should take place on only 1 day.

In addition, the conferences proposed that there should be established a
National Council of Civil Society, as exists in South Africa and
elsewhere, to allow civil society to take more coordinated actions.

CNE NOMINEES

The new National Election Commission (CNE) will be quite experienced;
eight of the 18 members have been on CNEs for previous elections.

The 10 Frelimo nominess to the CNE are: Antonio Muacorica (CNE member in
1999), Antonio Chipanga, Filipe Mandlate, Jose Grachane, Maria Angelica
Salomao (member of all previous CNEs: 94,98,99), Paulus Gerdes, Percina
Sitoe (CNE 99), Rogerio Utui, Rufino Nombora (CNE 94,98,99) and Isador
Faztudo.

The eight Renamo nominees are: Francisco Marcelino (formerly Jose de
Castro, and the only Renamo nominee to have been on all three previous
CNEs), Tome Fernando (CNE 99), Maria Joaquina Julio Inacio (CNE 99),
Antonio Timoteo Mthini (CNE 99), Maria Joaquina Macuacua (CNE 99),
Isequiel Molde Gusse, Guimaraes Mendes Lucas Junior, and Joao Jose Cazonda.

CHANGES TO THE LOCAL ELECTION LAW

The 2003 local election procedure will be almost identical to that of
1994, 1998 and 1999, but with these changes:
+ As well as being posted on the door of the polling station, copies of
results at each polling station are to be given to party delegates
(previously delegates had to make their own copies, which caused problems
for illiterate party monitors).
+ At city, district and provincial level, copies of the results are to be
given to parties, observers and press. During the adding up the results
from individual polling stations, partial results should be posted at
city, district and provincial levels.
+ Partial results of municipal elections will be announced at municipal
level within 72 hours of the polls closing. (Final results and assignment
of assembly seats is done by the CNE.)
+ Polling station staff as well as all of those involved in civic
education and registration must be chosen via an open, public competition.
+ Every polling station is to be supplied with a calculator, in an attempt
to reduce the large number of errors in reports of the results.
+ No electoral document can contain an alteration or correction (rasura).
+ International as well as national non-party observation will be
permitted. (In the past, national elections allowed both national and
international independent observers, but local elections allowed only
national observers.)

But two things which caused trouble in 1998 and 1999 are again not changed:
+ All spoiled ballot papers (votos nulos) are reconsidered by the CNE.
(More than 500,000 ballot papers were sent to Maputo in 1999, and it was
suggested this rechecking could be done a provincial level.)
+ Many polling station staff and other election workers, journalists,
police, observers and even party agents will again be unable to vote,
because people can only vote at the polling station where they are
registered, even if they are assigned to work at a different polling
station.

-------------------------------------------------------
BACKGROUND ON MOZAMBICAN
LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND ELECTION PROCEDURES
-------------------------------------------------------

LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN MOZAMBIQUE

The 33 largest cities and towns, with one quarter of Mozambique's
population, have elected local governments. These municipalities have
substantial devolved powers and their elected governments should play a
major role in local development. The remaining population is rural and
lives in districts with appointed administrators.

The mayor (presidente) is directly elected. Parties propose candidates and
independents can stand. The local assembly is elected by proportional
representation on a party list basis. In local elections (but not in
national elections), local non-party citizens' groups can also put forward
lists.

In most respects, municipal government reflects the structure and
procedures of national government. The mayor picks a cabinet, whose
members are known as vereadores and are responsible for sectors such as
youth or street cleaning. As at national level, the President and cabinet
hold the most power. Like the national parliament, local assemblies pass
laws, approve the plan and budget, and monitor the work of the president
and cabinet.

The municipal assembly elects is own president (speaker), and in several
municipalities there have been conflicts between the president of the
municipality (the mayor) and the president of the assembly (the speaker),
even though both have been Frelimo.

The first municipal elections were held in 1998. Renamo and most small
parties boycotted the elections, but citizens' lists and two small parties
stood and won assembly seats in six municipalities: Maputo, Matola, Beira,
Manhica, Xai-Xai and Nacala.

ELECTION PROCEDURES IN MOZAMBIQUE

+ Voting in local elections takes place on one day.
+ Each polling station (assembleia de voto) serves up to 1000 voters who
are in one or two registration books. Where possible, a polling station is
in a school classroom, and one school normally has several polling
stations.
+ Each polling station functions independently, with its own staff of five
(known as the "mesa", meaning "table").
+ Only those who are already registered and are over 18 can vote. Each
voter must show their voter's card or another identity document, and must
be on the voters' roll.
+ There are two ballot papers, one for municipal president (mayor) and one
with a list of parties standing for the local assembly. In a voting booth,
the voter puts a cross or fingerprint in one box on each ballot paper,
folds the papers, and deposits them in ballot boxs.
+ After voting, each voter dips their right index finger in indelible ink.
Before voting, each voter shows their index finger to prove they have not
already voted.
+ Party monitors (delegados de candidatura), independent observers and
press are permitted to be in polling stations, but must be registered in
advance by the CNE.
+ At the close of voting, each polling station immediately does its own
count. Copies of the results are posted on the door of the polling station
and given to each party monitor, which allows press and parties to do an
independent count. (In many countries, ballot boxes are transported to
central counting stations, which sometimes creates an opportunity for
tampering with the ballot boxes. An immediate count in the polling station
in the presence of party monitors and press sharply reduces the
possibilities of fraud.)
+ Preliminary results are announced in each individual municipality.
+ Spoiled ballot papers (votos nulos) account for 5% to 10% of all votes.
Every one of the tens of thousands of spoiled ballot paper is reconsidered
by the National Election Commission (CNE), which in the past has accepted
a significant portion as being valid. These are added to the preliminary
results announced in each municipality, to give the final result, and
assembly seats are then assigned.

(National election procedures for 2004 have not been defined, but will be
very similar to this.)

GOVERNMENT REJECTS INCREASED LOCAL POWER

Plans for increased decentralisation and democratisation at local level,
which were being widely discussed last year (see Bulletin 26), have been
rejected by government. There will be no increase in the number of
municipalities, and the proposed new law on "local state bodies" (orgaos
locais do estado) largely maintains the present system of rigid
hierarchies and tight central control. "Local state bodies" are
provincial, district and lower level governments. The proposed law was
approved by the Council of Ministers on 8 October and will go to
parliament shortly.

The draft law makes clear that all officials respond upwards and there is
virtually no requirement that officials pay any attention to the views of
the people. An earlier draft of the law included a proposal for a
consultative district council to include community leaders and
representatives of local organisations, but this has been dropped.

This would have built on the experience of a UNDP project which created
district consultative councils in Nampula. Various agencies are proposing
similar councils in neighbouring provinces. But these will now remain aid
agency linked, rather than becoming part of local empowerment.

An earlier draft would have made district administrators part of the
formal provincial government, which would have encouraged contact with
lower levels, but this, too, has been dropped.

The draft law makes few mentions of local people. Links are to be
maintained with traditional authorities. The "chefe" of an administrative
post (chefe do posto administrativo) is expected to "assure the link
between the administrative authorities of the state and local
communities", to "analyse complaints and suggestions of citizens" and to
"have public meetings to give information [and to] listen to local
communities about their life."

At all levels, officials are expected to "promote the participation" of
local communities and traditional authorities in development activities
and in the solution of their problems. But in sharp contrast to the
municipalities law, there is no suggestion that local people should have
any power or any formal say in these activities.

This reflects a change in both donor and government thinking.
Decentralisation was the fashion of the early 1990s. Donors pushed it and
were an important support for those in government who wanted to
decentralise. Donors have now shifted back to wanting central control of
funds, through national budget support and SWAPs (Sector-Wide Approaches
where donors join together at central level to set policy for health,
agriculture, etc.). This, in turn, reinforced the view of those in Frelimo
and government who oppose decentralisation.

This is also reflected in changes to the constitution. The 1990
constitution (art 185) said "local sate bodies have the objective of
organising participation of citizens in the solutions of their own
problems and promoting local development". The 1996 amendment to the
constitution replaced this with "local state bodies have the function of
representing the state at local level for administration and development."

The proposed law does not, however, encroach on the municipalities. It
does formalise the legal responsibility of the governor for inspection,
which is already in the municipalities law, but gives the governor no
right to interfere except where there are violations of law. Indeed, the
draft law says local state bodies must respect the autonomy of the
municipalities and must coordinate their plans and programmes with the
municipalities.

The proposed law will give local officials important powers over
international NGOs and aid agencies working in their areas. Governors are
to be given authority "to orient and accompany the conception and
implementation of activities by agents of international cooperation in
their province." District administrators will have the right to orient and
accompany the implementation, but not the conception, of aid activities.

Following the experience of the 2001 and 2002 floods, governors and
district administrators are to be given emergency powers in the event of
disasters, including the power both to direct locally based military
forces and to force the use of private resources for "civil defence".

NIGERIA: First Shari'ah flogging in the south

2002-11-07

http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30722

A 29 year-old man became the first person in southern Nigeria to be punished under Islamic law when he was given 100 lashes on Thursday for indulging in pre-marital sex. Suleiman Shittu was flogged before a crowd of hundreds in front of the main mosque in the southwestern town of Ibadan, Oyo State, which has a large Muslim population.

NIGERIA: Lobby groups urge Obasanjo to forgo re-election

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30800

Two main lobby groups in northern and southeastern Nigeria said on Tuesday President Olusegun Obasanjo should give up his bid for re-election in 2003 in the interest of national unity. The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), which represents northern interests, and Ohaneze Ndigbo, which groups the political and business elite of the southeastern Igbo, in a joint statement said Obasanjo’s ambition for re-election was unpopular and raising political tension to dangerous levels.

Southern Africa: concern over human rights situation

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/11228

The Inter African Network for Human Rights and Development (AFRONET) in its observer status with the African Commission on Human and People's Rights and coordinator of the Southern African Human Rights NGO Network (SAHRINGON) has noted with "deep and great concern" the increase in human rights abuses in the Southern African region. In a submission to the 32nd Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, the network pointed to HIV/AIDS, land struggles, the situation in the DRC and Angola, famine and election irregularities as cause for concern in the region.
The Inter African Network for Human Rights and Development (AFRONET) having observer status with the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, and currently coordinating and managing the Southern African Human Rights NGO Network (SAHRINGON) and participating in the 32nd Ordinary Session of the ACHPR, wish to bring to the attention of the Commission the Human Rights situation in the Southern African region.

The SAHRINGON through Afronet and representing human rights NGOs of the network and of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and;

Appreciating, the rich normative human rights protection system and framework that exist and the commendable role and efforts of the ACHPR in the promotion and protection human rights in Africa,

Note with deep and great concern the increase in human rights abuses in violation of the provisions of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, which all states in the sub region have ratified.

SAHRINGON, through Afronet note not only the slow pace of democratic governance methods and institutions but also call on the African Commission to note the effect of those constraints on the human rights situation, manifesting themselves in the following rights violations:

Ø One, there is an alarming increase in HIV/AIDS infections and deaths as a result of the continuous inability of governments to ensure access to treatment and the un-affordability of drugs that will alleviate and ensure a healthy and longer life span for people living with HIV/AIDS. However, as a consequence most PWAs are left destitute and vulnerable to a hastened death. Botswana, South Africa, Namibia and Swaziland are considered amongst the countries in the world, with the highest rates of infections.

Ø Two, the prolonged struggle for acquisition of land, as it has manifest itself in Zimbabwe and the unsuccessful land distribution policies as is the case with the willing –buyer- willing seller principle in Namibia where it has not yield the desired results and the majority of the disadvantaged people in Namibia still do not have access to land and therefore still remain largely vulnerable and poor, remain utterly wanting of our attention.

Ø Three, despite the prospects for peace, and the efforts by the government to secure lasting peace, we remain utterly concerned about the debilitating human rights situation left by the protracted and violent conflicts in Angola and the Democratic Republic Congo. The deplorable socio economic conditions therefore remain wanting and call for a humanitarian intervention from other member states, civil society and the governments of these two countries to restore these rights.

Ø Four, the ecological limitations and the dependence on agriculture has been the consequence of the continued increase in the problems of starvation in the region. Malawi, Zambia, Swaziland, Angola and Mozambique have all been hit hard by poor rains and as a result of the drought situation prevailing in those countries people have been without basic foods to sustain themselves since this crisis started.

Ø Finally, the continued hype around election irregularities, illegitimate governments and corruption are all symptomatic of the breakdown on the democratic governance processes in the region and Zambia, Zimbabwe, the third term issue in Malawi are some examples of these realities.

Within the framework of the African human rights protection system and the realization for an increase need to continuously set the agenda for African democracy as a network we request the African Commission and its Special Rapporteurs:

Ø To commend and urge the Heads of State and Governments to be more pro- active in dealing with issues relating to agricultural development and sustenance.

Ø To share and express our concerns to the governments of Southern Africa to delineate an increase commitment to human rights issues particularly within the spirit of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and the aspirations of the NEPAD document.

Ø To call on all governments in Southern Africa to ratify and domesticate the Protocol on the Establishment of the African Court on Human and People’s Rights, the Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child and the AU convention governing the specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa.

Ø To call on all the SADC governments to submit all it’s pending initial and periodic reports to the ACPHR.

Ø To submit and raise our human rights concerns at the next session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government.

Thank you Mr Chairman for this opportunity and the attention.
18/10/02

southern africa: EU-SADC Summit Must Focus on Human Rights

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/11219

Safeguarding rights and responding robustly to the looming humanitarian disaster in southern Africa should top the agenda of a high level ministerial meeting between members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the European Union (EU), Human Rights Watch says. Human Rights Watch highlighted crises in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe, Angola and Swaziland that should be addressed at the meeting, which will take place in Maputo, Mozambique. "It is vital that the SADC take unambiguous and decisive actions on human rights issues," said Bronwen Manby, deputy director of the Africa Division. "Only then will the organization's stated commitments to human rights be taken seriously."
For Immediate Release:


EU-SADC Summit Must Focus on Human Rights
Angola, Congo, Swaziland, Zimbabwe Should Top Agenda

(New York, November 6, 2002) - Safeguarding rights and responding
robustly to the looming humanitarian disaster in southern Africa should
top the agenda at this week's high level ministerial meeting between
members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the
European Union (EU), Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch
highlighted crises in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Zimbabwe, Angola
and Swaziland that should be addressed at the meeting, which will take
place in Maputo, Mozambique.

"It is vital that the SADC take unambiguous and decisive actions on
human rights issues," said Bronwen Manby, deputy director of the Africa
Division. "Only then will the organization's stated commitments to human
rights be taken seriously."

In Angola, despite the ceasefire implemented this year and ongoing peace
efforts, 1.7 million internally displaced people remain at substantial
risk of abuse by government officials as well as demobilized soldiers.
Humanitarian agencies have repeatedly stressed the need for greater
support for Angola's displaced but both the United Nations and the EU
have done little to ameliorate the situation. "Human Rights Watch is
especially concerned by reports that some people have been forced to
return to their areas of origin despite the ongoing danger in those
regions," said Manby. The dire conditions faced by Angola's displaced
have been deteriorating steadily and are only further compromised by the
substantial challenge of rehabilitating and reintegrating demobilized
combatants into Angolan society. The EU has specifically pledged support
for rehabilitation and reintegration efforts. Human Rights Watch called
on the EU to renew this commitment at the meeting in Maputo.

Human Rights Watch also called on meeting participants to address the
crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The DRC is
SADC's newest member and the site of the worst human rights violations.
Although Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe have withdrawn government troops,
they continue to support warring Congolese rebel factions in the power
struggles that have followed the withdrawal of foreign troops. Hundreds
of civilians have died because of fighting in the provinces of South
Kivu, Ituri and Orientale during the last few weeks alone. Some two
million people in the region have been displaced and most do not have
access to humanitarian assistance.

Human Rights Watch further pressed that the EU-SADC meeting should
pursue actions against Swaziland's highly oppressive monarchy. "Civil
liberties are basically non-existent and civil society is severely
restricted in Swaziland. The monarchy also maintains tight control over
the media," said Manby. A constitution has been in development since
1996 but it is widely believed that the monarchy will use it to
permanently enshrine its absolute power and to prevent future political
opposition. Chief Justices of the SADC region recently issued a
statement concerning threats to the independence of the judiciary after
senior officials of the Swaziland government (including members of the
security forces) attempted to interfere with court proceedings on the
alleged abduction of a young woman by emissaries of the Royal Household.

Rights abuse has also continued in Zimbabwe. Human Rights Watch urged
SADC and the EU to speak out publicly and privately against the violence
and harassment that have characterized Zimbabwean elections. In recent
weeks, a parliamentary by-election in Matabeleland South was marred by
allegations of intimidation of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) candidate and supporters. There have also been reports of
government forces harassing non-governmental organizations and the
media. In October, Zimbabwean police allegedly tortured and "seriously
injured" the leader of a teachers' trade union who called a strike,
according to his lawyer. The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO forum has
reported 58 murders in political violence during 2002.

Humanitarian crises have been threatening for several months in southern
Africa. Human Rights Watch urged the EU and SADC to use this meeting to
coordinate and redouble efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to
alleviate the critical food shortage in southern Africa.

"Those present at the Maputo meeting should work towards a quick
intervention before the situation gets even worse," said Manby.


For more information, please contact:

In London, Bronwen Manby: +44-207-713-2789
In New York, Peter Takirambudde: +1-212-216-1834
In Brussels, Jean-Paul Marthoz: +322-732-2009

--
Jeff Scott
Africa Division
Human Rights Watch
Phone: +1-212-216-1834
Fax: +1-212-736-1300
http://www.hrw.org/africa/index.php
en français, http://www.hrw.org/french/africa/

Tanzania: Anti-Human Rights Law in the offing!

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=536

NGOs in the country call for the support and pressure from you, to bear on our government to stop passing the bill into law this November. This should happen as we need more time as NGOs and Tanzanian citizens to fully participate in the making of the law, which is going to govern our sector. Any law that does not respect basic human rights, as enshrined in the country’s constitution is bound to be barbaric and a deterrent to development, rather than an enabling tool for social prosperity of the people of Tanzania.

zimbabwe: Goals not achieved in fast-track land reform

2002-11-07

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=5470

Among the initial goals of the land reform programme in Zimbabwe was the resettlement of people from densely populated communal rural areas to newly acquired farm land. However, in the rush to implement the government's fast-track land reform programme, this has not happened, say analysts and the would-be beneficiaries of land reform. They also point to signs that cronyism has affected land redistribution.

zimbabwe: release of november farm invasions report

2002-11-07

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=5457

A November report summarising the status of farm invasions in various regions of Zimbabwe details ongoing theft from farms, harassment of farmers, and provides details of farmers still remaining on their farms.

ZIMBABWE: tense atmosphere, low voter numbers in by-election

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/rights/11294

The polling period during the recent Insiza by-election was generally peaceful with few irregularities, according to a preliminary report by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN). However, ZESN said the atmosphere had been tense due to the presence of militia, marauding war veterans and pre-election violence. On the second day of polling the MDC candidate had been told by the police not to enter the constituency because he was told his safety could not be guaranteed. "The issue of food shortage and hunger coupled with underdevelopment in the constituency was exploited so as to gain political mileage by the ruling party," said the report.
Zimbabwe Election Support Network(ZESN)
1082 Western Close
Greendale P.O. Box BE 630
Belvedere,
Harare,
Zimbabwe
Telefax: 263-4-480148-9
e-mail : zesn@africaonline.co.zw
website: www.zesn.org.zw


Preliminary Summary of Insiza By-Election

Background

The election was as a result of the death of the MDC Member of Parliament, Andrew Ndhlovu, who complained of abdominal pains and died after having eaten an apple during a reception at the close of a parliamentary workshop in Masvingo. The election was on the 26th and 27th of October 2002.The nomination court was held on the 4th of October 2002 at the Filabusi District Council offices. The registered candidates for the poll were Andrew Langa for Zanu PF and Siyabonga Ncube for the MDC.

Pre-election Period

The pre-election period was marred by violence which was mainly perpetrated by Zanu PF against the opposition. During the run up to the poll there were shooting incidents which occasioned the death of one MDC supporter, Kadengu who was allegedly shot by either the Zanu PF candidate or one Patrick Hove in a skirmish. There were systematic and selective arrests of MDC youths on allegations of violence by the police as they embarked on a selective process of application of the law.

By Elections are always associated with violence which is sponsored by Zanu PF and the Insiza by - election is no exception. A run down of some of the highlights of the violent cases that have been noted are outlined hereunder.

1. 15 October 2002.

At around 11pm MDC are robbed of campaign material at gunpoint by suspected CIO operatives. In the same evening when the MDC officials go to report this matter to Filabusi Police Station and MDC Youth member Darlington Kadengu is shot in the presence of the police and the police yard by Andrew Langa the Zanu PF candidate.

- 2 MDC cars are deflected in the presence of the police by Zanu PF supporters
- 15 of MDC supporters who had gone to make a report are arrested and detained including the injured Kadengu who is denied access to medical attention.

2. 16 October 2002

A rally, which is booked at Filabusi Hall for the MDC Vice President, invaded by Zanu PF supporters who come to the venue and start giving out maize to the residents. As a results of this the MDC rally is cancelled.
- The 15 of MDC supporters who were arrested on the previous day are advised that they would appear at the magistrate court in Gwanda on the 17th of October 2002.

3. The 15 MDC supporters appear at Gwanda Magistrate court where they are released on a $5 000.00 bail each but are barred from entering Insiza Constituency until after the election.

4. 18 October 2002.

A number of MDC supporters are brutally attacked by Zanu PF supporters

a) The MDC candidate Siyabonga Malandu escapes an attack in Filabusi when a group of Zanu PF supportes attacked his convoy of 3 trucks. He survived by dashing into the police station where he seeks protection
b) Thomson Sibanda who was in one of the trucks is hit and fell from one of the trucks and is captured by Zanu PF militia and the youths.
c) In Avoca a shadow councillor for ward 6 Mark Mahewu Dube is brutally attacked by Zanu PF militia when they tried to force him to attend a Zanu PF rally in Avoca.
d) In the same area a house belonging to a Patricia Moyo a known MDC supporter is attacked and all the windows are smashed.
e) Aglon Matibone Dube is also brutally attacked by the same group of Zanu PF supporters.
f) Kembo Mohadi the Minster of Home Affairs and a Shoko who is the Officer in Charge of Filabusi call at MDC Command Centre in Silalatshanio where they make demands that the MDC flag which was on one of the campaign vehicles be removed and the Minister stated that he would not leave until the flag is removed. The Officer in Charge forcibly removes the flag.
g) Evening of the same day a truck of Zanu PF militia and youths attacks MDC command centre but they are repulsed by MDC youths.
h) Soon after the repulsion of the Zanu PF invaders riot squad comes in and attacks MDC supporters using tear gas.

5. 19 October 2002.

The police calls at the MDC command centre and demands that the District Chairman Mr Joel Mzwalili Ndlovu reveals the names of people who were present at the time Zanu PF invaded the command centre.

a) He refused and in the afternoon of the same he is arrested with 6 youths
b) Police carry out search on MDC command centre and confisticate our campaign material.

6. The MDC Vice President Gibson Sibanda addresses a successful rally at Avoca in the various parts of the constituency. In Inyozani Zanu PF supporters invade homestead belonging to MDC supporters resulting in one of the Zanu PF supporters getting injured. Mafios Ndhlovu an MDC supporter is accused of having axed the Zanu PF supporter and is thus arrested and detained at Fort Rixon police station.

7. 20th October 2002.

A rally which is scheduled for Inyozani is aborted because police refuse to grant MDC convoy right to turn to the rally venue by claiming that they have seen some Zanu PF officials going in the direction of rally venue and are thus trying to avoid political clashes. This is despite the fact that the MDC rally had been applied for a permission was granted.


8. 21 October 2002.

There is massive intimidation in the whole constituency and a lot of MDC supporters are assaulted in Ntute 5 of MDC supporters are arrested after having been accused by the police for having had a hand in the making of the so called arms of war that are purported to have been discovered at the command centre.

22 October .

Siyabonga Malandu survives an assassination attempt at Sidzive when he is attacked by Zanu PF thugs.

- He is initially denied the right to enter Insiza Constituency and is forced to go and get pass at West Nicholson Police Station.
- When he is in the constituency his convoy of two trucks is trailed by Zanu PF militia and CIO operatives who after Sidzive fire five shots in the direction of the MDC candidate with the intention of killing him.

23 October 2002.

ZANU PF Ministers who among other include Goche, Charumbira, Made, Chombo and Jonathan Moyo invade a rally, which is scheduled for Mahole and is supposed to be addressed by the MDC Vice President Gibson Sibanda.

- They get to the venue for the rally and start giving out fertiliser and maize handouts. In the same day our supporters within the area are assaulted. In the same day 7 MDC supporters who were arrested in Silatshani are denied bail.
- In the Fort Rixon area 5 MDC supporters at a road block and one of them by the name Roderick Mtyida is severely assaulted by the police and is forced to give in to demand that he should give a lot of inside information on MDC. He refused and as such he is severely beaten and he later escapes from the police. He is currently receiving medication at a local hospital in Bulawayo.


Polling Days

The network submitted 50 names of observers for the Insiza election observation programme. The number was drastically reduced to 20 by the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs without any reason being proffered. Eventually only 8 managed to be accredited due to logistical problems which the network encountered with ferrying observers who had been invited for accreditation from Insiza to Harare. In this respect communication links with the observers were not readily available. The accredited observers were from Zimbabwe Christian Students Movement, the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation and Fellowship for Reconciliation in Zimbabwe.

To enable the network to observe the election with a limited number of observers the accredited observers conducted a mobile observation programme as against the customary static one. The observers were teamed up and deployed in zones representing particular areas. There were five teams which covered the Avoca, Filabusi, Gwatemba, Lubuze and Shangani areas. Each team would observe their particular zone or area and cover all the polling stations (which were an aggregate of 8) in an area.

In some areas MDC party agents were refused entry into polling stations but at least the party had one party agent in every polling station. The numbers of voters who was turned away was significant with 37 voters being turned away by 10:34 on the first day of polling at Umzingwane Primary School. 10 of them had no Identification cards and 27 did not have their names appearing on the voters’ roll. At Mleja Hall 47 voters had been turned away by 12:15 hrs on the first day whilst 55 experienced the same at Chief Sibasa Hall by 12:50 on the same day.
The network is not in possession of the voters’ roll which would have enabled verification of some of the reasons for turning away such a significant number of people. A very conspicuous feature of the election was low voter turnout.

Conclusion

The polling period was generally peaceful and few irregularities were recorded. However, the atmosphere was tense due to the presence of militia, marauding war veterans and the pre-election violence which was still vivid in peoples' subconscious. However, the MDC candidate was told not to enter the constituency on the second day of polling by the police under the pretext that his safety was not guaranteed.
Accessibility of polling was a problem to voters some of whom had to travel for a distance of 10km for them to be able to exercise their rights. A number of MDC youths were arrested for sloganeering near a polling station.

The issue of food shortage and hunger coupled with underdevelopment in the constituency was exploited so as to gain political mileage by the ruling party. This was regardless of the fact that food distribution is a humanitarian process which should be free from political sensitisation. People in the constituency voted for the availability of food as against governance issues.

Recommendations

It is recommended that an Independent Electoral Commission appointed by a select committee of Parliament should be set up which would conduct the electoral process and divorce elections from government machinery which reduces the element of partisanship as far as the conducting of electoral processes is concerned.

Accreditation of observers should be processed timeously so as to enable them to plan logically and observer the pre - election period.

The voters’ roll should be accessible to all stakeholders.

Polling stations have to be easily accessible to people intending to vote to enable them to exercise their rights and reduce low voter turnout.

Food distribution and rural development, as a humanitarian processes should be accorded the respect they deserve and not be used as a cheap campaign and electioneering gimmick. NGOs, in governance sector should link with development sector- civic issues.

africa/global: International Migration: A Global Challenge for the 21st Century

2002-11-07

http://www.developmentgateway.org/node/146526/?

About 175 million people currently reside in a country other than where they were born; the equivalent of about 3 percent of the world's population. Since 1975, the number of migrants in the world has more than doubled, with 60 percent now living in the more developed regions. It is estimated that 56 million migrants live in Europe, 50 million in Asia and 41 million in Northern America. This is according to a new feature highlight in the Development Gateway Population and Reproductive Health (POP/RH) Portal which contains links to publications and web sites on migration issues.

africa: UNHCR at 50: What future for refugee protection?

2002-11-07

http://www.portoalegre2003.org/publique/cgi/public/cgilua.exe/web/templates/htm/2I1OO/view.htm?editionsectionid=92&infoid=628&user=reader

How countries treat those who have been forced to flee persecution and human rights abuse elsewhere is a litmus test of their commitment to defending human rights and upholding humanitarian values. Yet, fifty years after its inception, the states that first established a formal refugee protection system are abandoning this principle, and the future of the international refugee regime is under serious threat.

DRC-RWANDA: Expulsion of eight Rwandan refugees

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30717

Eight members of the political wing of a Rwandan Hutu rebel group, who were refugees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), were expelled from the country on Wednesday.

DRC: Access "impossible" to 900,000 IDPs in the east

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/11245

Access to at least 900,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remains "impossible", according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

DRC: Access ''impossible'' to 900,000 IDPs in the east

NAIROBI, 6 November (IRIN) - Access to at least 900,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remains "impossible", according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Of this total, some 500,000 IDPs are in the Ituri District, fleeing ongoing fighting between the Lendu and Hema communities.

The number of IDPs was expected to rise as instability was continuing in the region, the international relief NGO, World Vision, reported on Wednesday. The group reported that many of these IDPs were leading "wretched lives" in camps, churches, warehouses and with relatives in a string of towns along a 200-km stretch between Bunia and Beni.

Most of the IDPs are living in Eringeti, 50 km north of Beni, with others in Mayi-Moya, Mbau, Mavivi, Ngadi, Mutwanga and Beni, according to World Vision. They need food, clean water, shelter, medicine, clothing, blankets, kitchenware and utensils.

Meanwhile, another 400,000 IDPs are scattered throughout South Kivu Province, many as a result of recent fighting between Congolese Mayi-Mayi militias and the Rwandan-backed Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie rebel movement, in the wake of a large-scale withdrawal of Rwandan forces as agreed under the 30 July peace accord signed in the South African administrative capital, Pretoria.

Negotiations are said to be "ongoing" by humanitarian organisations with authorities of Mayi-Mayi factions and RCD-Goma, for access to the patchwork of areas under their respective control.

[ENDS]

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DRC: Ethnic violence ceases, refugees ''trickling back''

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/11204

The 17,000 Sudanese refugees who fled ethnic violence two weeks ago in a refugee settlement, about 80 km west of the town of Aru on the border between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, are "trickling back" to their settlements, Kitty McKinsey, regional public information officer with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, told IRIN on Tuesday.
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

DRC: Ethnic violence ceases, refugees ''trickling back''

NAIROBI, 5 November (IRIN) - The 17,000 Sudanese refugees who fled ethnic violence two weeks ago in a refugee settlement, about 80 km west of the town of Aru on the border between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, are "trickling back" to their settlements, Kitty McKinsey, regional public information officer with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, told IRIN on Tuesday.

Since 31 October, fighting between the Congolese Patriotic Union/Popular Rally (UPC-RP) rebels and the Lendu community around the refugee settlement in Biringi and Kandoi, 45 km west of Biringi, had ceased, she said. The refugees were returning, but remained cautious, she added.

The UPC force commander in the area was encouraging them to return to their settlements, and had encouraged local authorities to reassure both them and the local Congolese to resume their daily activities, she added. Local authorities had also been instructed to mount an information campaign next week to encourage their return.

The UN agency remained concerned, however, about the overall security situation in the region, and said there was need to assure the refugees' safety.


[ENDS]

[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: Irin@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

ERITREA-SUDAN: Refugee agency unaware of forced repatriations

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30708

The UN refugee agency UNHCR has said it is not aware of plans for the forced repatriation of Eritrean refugees from Sudan following assertions by Asmara that Eritreans are being "relocated" by the Sudanese authorities. According to the Eritrean Relief and Refugee Commission (ERREC), the Sudanese authorities have "started deviating" from agreed procedures on the repatriation of Eritrean refugees.

ETHIOPIA: Migrant children starving to death in Bale

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/refugees/11199

At least 10 children have starved to death among drought-stricken families who fled to one of Ethiopia's most important national parks seeking refuge. The children were among some 20,000 people who have descended on Bale National Park in search of food, according to the UN's Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia (EUE).
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN)

ETHIOPIA: Migrant children starving to death in Bale

ADDIS ABABA, 5 November (IRIN) - At least 10 children have starved to death among drought-stricken families who fled to one of Ethiopia's most important national parks seeking refuge.

The children were among some 20,000 people who have descended on Bale National Park in search of food, according to the UN's Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia (EUE).

It said the region, in southeastern Ethiopia, is facing a looming social and environmental crisis unless urgent action is taken.

"The migrants left their homes due to persistent and cumulative drawbacks in their livelihoods," the EUE said. "Farmland shortages and recurrent failure of rains and periodic drought conditions and hence harvest failures forced them to leave."

It said the crisis had been exacerbated by a severe drought in the east of Ethiopia which has hit more than two million people. The EUE said that figure is expected to increase.

Bale is home to the highly endangered Ethiopian Wolf and is vital for the ecological system of the surrounding area, including large parts of the arid Somali region.

"The migrants do not have food, shelter, clothes, cooking utensils and access to medical services," the EUE said.

"Coughing and malnutrition was visible in the population, particularly in children, older people and nursing mothers. Lack of sanitation is aggravating the problems," it added.

"The food situation in the lowlands of Bale Zone is generally bleak and currently 144,800 people are under humanitarian assistance," it noted.

[ENDS]

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[This Item is Delivered to the "Africa-English" Service of the UN's IRIN
humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or
to change your keywords, contact e-mail: IRIN@ocha.unon.org or Web:
http://www.irinnews.org . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post
this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial
sites requires written IRIN permission.]

Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2002

ghana: Over three hundred displaced

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30796

At least 336 people were displaced by last week's communal clashes between the Konkomba and Nawuri ethnic groups at Kitare in Nkwanta district in the eastern Volta region of Ghana, the district coordinator of the National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO), Bernard Mensah said.

uganda: UNHCR for Refugees Move

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211060165.html

The UN refugee agency UNHCR has said it was not opposed to the plan by the Government to resettle in Yumbe thousands of Sudanese refugees displaced by the Kony rebels attack on their camp on August 5. The UNHCR spokeswoman, Bushra Malik, was reacting to a New Vision story, which said the agency was not convinced about the safety of Ikafe, in Yumbe district where the 15,000 Sudanese refugees, who survived the LRA attack on Acholi-Pii camp in Pader district are to be moved.

ZAMBIA: Danish government aids refugee communities

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30716

The Danish government has given the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) US $2.6 million for refugees and their host communities in Zambia's Western Province. "The money will be spent on health, schools, community projects and social services in refugee hosting communities," UNHCR spokesman Kelvin Shimo told IRIN.

africa/global: THE CORRUPTION FIGHTERS' TOOL KIT

2002-11-07

http://www.transparency.org/toolkits/

The Corruption Fighter's Tool Kit was created to share the experiences of Transparency International's country chapter programmes, best practices, and lessons learned. The aim is to foster discussion, spark ideas, and inspire those fighting corruption around the world. The tool kit presents cases of anti-corruption activities to be replicated or adapted by civil society groups in other countries. Emphasis is on empowering civil society with the wherewithal to engage both the public and private sectors.

angola: Corruption undermines relief to Angola

2002-11-07

http://www.alertnet.org/thefacts/reliefresources/544536?version=1

Gavin Hayman, campaigner with Global Witness, considers some of the lessons from the organisation's report on the exploitation of the Angolan civil war to loot state revenues from the oil industry. The missing money appears to be more than the entire international humanitarian relief effort and he argues that in countries such as Angola, transparency is necessary if international relief efforts are not to be endlessly undermined.

angola: millions paid into Jersey accounts

2002-11-07

http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,825269,00.html

Hundreds of millions of pounds supposedly being paid by western oil companies to the government of Angola have been discovered going into secret offshore accounts in Jersey. The Lloyds TSB offshore accounts in the name of the Angolan state oil company, Sonangol, include cash payments by the companies to the government in return for exploration permits in the booming Angolan deep water oil fields.

drc: Congo's fight against graft needs outside scrutiny-IMF

2002-11-07

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/545072

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) requires closer international financial supervision if the war-damaged nation is to fight official corruption, an International Monetary Fund (IMF) expert said last Friday. As the vast nation extracts itself from a four-year regional war, it must create a transparent government and banking system, said Jean Clement, assistant director of the IMF Africa Department, who is in Kinshasa to conduct an economic review.

mozambique: Assistant Attorney-General Speaks On Corruption

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200210280774.html

Mozambique's Assistant Attorney-General, Isabel Rupia, has urged that any future anti-corruption law should criminalise the trafficking of influence, as well as the undue appropriation of public goods, by civil servants. Speaking at a hearing organised by the Legal Affairs Commission of the Mozambican parliament Rupia said that trafficking in influence was a "very subtle" form of corruption practiced by high ranking public servants.

NIGERIA: Country accuses international community of harbouring looted funds

2002-11-07

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=50496

Nigeria has put the blame for the endemic corruption in the country at the doorsteps of the international community which it accused of accepting looted fund from public officers. The attorney-general and minister of justice, Chief Godwin Kanu Agabi said that Nigeria's classification as the second most corrupt country in the world is untrue and a design to humiliate the citizens.

Nigeria: Court Restrains ICPC From Investigating Na'abba

2002-11-07

http://www.u4.no/news/news.cfm?id=117

A Federal High Court sitting in Abuja has restrained the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), from investigating the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Alhaji Ghali Umar Na'Abba, his aides and officers over alleged fraudulent withdrawal of N160 million from the reserves of the House.

nigeria: Obasanjo urges nation to join government's crusade against corruption

2002-11-07

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=50497

President Olusegun Obasanjo has again appealed to Nigerians to join the government in its crusade against corruption in the country. He said bribery and corruption were continued problems for the country.

South Africa: Poverty funds spent on a pyramid scheme

2002-11-07

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=122

Last week the Mail & Guardian reported that the Gauteng Department of Social Services and Welfare had shut almost all its poverty relief projects, citing corruption, fraud and mismanagement of funds. The Gauteng Department of Social Services and Welfare is blamed in the report, compiled by Mulalo Nemavhandu, manager of the provincial poverty programme, for not having monitoring and management mechanisms.

south africa: government officials arrested on corruption charges

2002-11-07

http://www.sabcnews.com/south_africa/crime1justice/0,1009,46071,00.html

The Scorpions have arrested six senior Eastern Cape government officials at their offices in King Williamstown. This was apparently linked to government transport subsidies to bus owners.

south africa: Mixed signals from parties on funding

2002-11-07

http://www.mg.co.za/Content/l3.jsp?a=11&o=11480

Political parties gave mixed signals last Friday on their willingness to reveal their sources of private funding. Their views, voiced at a seminar in Centurion, ranged from conditional support for disclosure to calls for a proper inquiry into the matter. The Institute for Democracy in SA (Idasa) is currently conducting a campaign to obtain details of private funding for political parties by using the Promotion of Access to Information Act.

sudan: Talisman's move won't help Sudan

2002-11-07

http://www.transparency.org/cgi-bin/dcn-read.pl?citID=50505

Talisman Energy Inc. has finally bitten the bullet and shed its controversial oil investment in Sudan, making a determined bunch of human rights activists and church groups extremely happy. "We have here an extraordinary example of grassroots activism forcing a Fortune 500 company to withdraw from an extremely lucrative venture, because that venture is immoral," Eric Reeves, an English professor at Smith College in Northampton, Mass., and a tireless opponent of Talisman's Sudanese activities, told The Globe and Mail last week.

africa/global: PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT: PRO-POOR, OR MERELY POOR, SERVICE DELIVERY?

2002-11-07

http://www.eurodad.org/uploadstore/cms/docs/eurodad_privatesectordevelopment.pdf

This paper from Eurodad looks at whether the private sector development addresses the challenges faced within pro-poor development, and draws on past experience of privatisation, especially within the context of privatisation. It emphasises that the sequencing of private sector development policies is crucial and that there are variables that need to be thoroughly considered before embarking on any pro-poor development strategies adapted to the particular country context. These variables include: institutional capacity in the country; the design and efficiency of the country's regulatory framework; distributional mechanisms and safety nets in position to mitigate and minimise negative impacts of reform.

africa: "Hipc not delivering", declare debt campaigners

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/development/11141

Meeting recently in Lusaka, Zambia, south and east African debt campaign networks, together with partners from the North, declared that Highly Indebted Poor Countries initiative was failing to meet the needs of the poor. The African campaigners called for debt cancellation under HIPC to be refocussed on meeting the UN's 2015 Millennium Development Goals, rather than meeting so-called "sustainable" debt service.
From:

JDC NEWS ROUNDUP, FRIDAY 1 NOVEMBER 2002

www.jubileedebtcampaign.org.uk
assistant@jubileedebtcampaign.org.uk

"HIPC is Not Delivering", Declare African Debt Campaigns

Meeting recently in Lusaka, Zambia, south and east African debt campaign networks, together with partners from the North (including JDC), declared that HIPC is failing to meet the needs of the poor. The African campaigns called for debt cancellation under HIPC to refocussed on meeting the UN's 2015 Millennium Development Goals, rather than meeting so-called "sustainable" debt service.

The conference, which took place from 7-8 October made the following specific calls:

"To the International Financial Institutions and Creditor Countries:

* Be responsible and honest enough to admit that HIPC in its present form is not meeting the objectives for which it was established, namely, to achieve "a robust exit from unsustainable debt."
* Be ready to move to alternative approaches that tie the sustainability of debt to the ability of governments to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) endorsed by the international community.
* Recognise that debt cancellation is in fact the fastest and most effective way of financing poverty eradication programmes.

"To Debt Campaigns in the North:

*Do not let your governments and your citizenry get distracted from the goal of debt cancellation, since the debt problem has not been solved and is still the major block to sustainable development that enables poverty eradication.
*Push your governments to push the World Bank and IMF on whose Boards they sit to deliver debt cancellation that focuses on debt sustainability based on the achievement of the MDGs.
*Advocate for an independent, fair and transparent arbitration system that ensures just debt solutions that must be accepted by all creditors and debtors.
*Keep close contact with Jubilee partners in the South so that our concerns and issues are effectively represented in your campaigns.

"To African Governments:

*Acknowledge that the current HIPC initiative is not only not sustainable but also is not working to promote the well being of the majority of our people.
*Improve your negotiating capacities in order to move away from reacting to foreign proposals toward setting initiatives to protect our national priorities.
*Put in place transparent, accountable and participative mechanisms to assure that any available debt relief goes to poverty eradication programmes and safeguards against future irresponsible borrowing patterns.
*Be readily open to listen to civil society's experience and analysis so that our national programmes will have true ownership.

"To African Jubilee Partners:

*Renew our motivations to be involved in this debt cancellation campaign on the basis of our commitment to the poor in our midst.
*Recommit ourselves to a debt cancellation campaign that mobilizes people in the widest sense to demand the justice of debt cancellation.
*Cooperate with each other more effectively with information and resource sharing.
*Demand that our governments put in place transparent, accountable and participative mechanisms to assure that any available debt relief does go to our PRSPs or other poverty eradication programmes.
*Commit ourselves to the hard analysis that demonstrates that the current HIPC arrangements are not adequately working in our countries.
*Pledge ourselves to monitor our fulfillment of our plans, with specific evaluation in six months."

[Countries represented: Kenya, Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Angola, South Africa, Uganda, South Africa, Belgium, United Kingdom, Brazil.]

Visit the Jubilee Zambia website to read the full press release: http://www.jctr.org.zm/jubilee-zambia.htm

africa: African censure for World Bank over drive to reduce poverty

2002-11-07

http://www.jubilee2000uk.org/worldnews/africa/africa221002.htm

African finance ministers have criticised the World Bank's debt relief programme for failing to keep step with goals to reduce poverty in some of the poorest African countries. At the end of a three-day UN-hosted meeting, the finance ministers called for the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative to be brought in line with the UN's Millennium Development Goals, which seek to halve poverty levels by 2015. African governments want the World Bank and donor countries to move beyond HIPC to offer greater debt relief and to extend relief to non-HIPC countries.

africa: cHASING SHADOWS: RE-IMAGINING FINANCE FOR development

2002-11-07

http://www.jubileeresearch.org/analysis/reports/chasingshadows.pdf

Starting from the premise that finance is not about money, but about the relationships among people, states, markets and natural environment, this report from Jubilee Research provides three key features so that finance can become a tool for development. The paper warns that: In order to achieve the objectives of global security and meeting basic human development needs, the imbalance between free markets and human and environmental relations should be addressed; FDI scarcely contributes to local economic development, therefore a more democratic control over national and international financial institutions and encouragement of economic self-reliance is required; Since the South is paying the North three times over: in debt repayments, via the flow of mineral, agricultural and biological resources, and through the costs it is bearing from the impact of environmental degradation and climate change, contraction and convergence mechanisms to account for the ecological debt should be implemented.

ETHIOPIA: Economic growth still beset by obstacles

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30780

A tatty poster peeling off a wall at the Ministry of Trade and Industry depicts Ethiopia as enjoying 13 months of sunshine – a land of golden opportunity. With economic growth rates outstripping almost every other country in Africa, and a vast population, the potential, according to trade officials, clearly exists. However, within the country itself, massive obstacles remain. Businessmen assert that many opportunities are strangled before birth. Economists say despite growth rates in excess of 5 percent, desperately low incomes stand in the way of real long-term economic gains.

kenya: Nepad is dead, long live Agoa

2002-11-07

http://www.debtchannel.org/front.shtml

What the New Partnership for African Development (Nepad) and the African Growth and Opportunities Act (Agoa) have in common is that they both seem to hold a promise of prosperity for the world's poorest continent. At the same time, they are fundamentally different. Most significantly, Agoa has started bearing fruit while Nepad seems doomed to fail.

kenya: watering down development barriers

2002-11-07

http://www.careusa.org/newsroom/featurestories/2001/mar/030201_kenya.asp

What are the fundamental needs for development fieldwork? Of course there are technical skills, experience and organisation. But to surpass the status quo of fieldwork, to achieve real impact, it is also crucial to be innovative, flexible, interactive and collaborative. To be willing to break some of the old conventions and think "out of the box." This is according to the organisation CARE, who are showcasing their community based water and sanitation projects in Western Kenya.

Malawi: Bank plans to provide urgent drought recovery credit

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=553

The World Bank has been planning to provide 50 million US dollars for Malawi in emergency drought recovery credit, primarily to enable the government to maintain commitments to key economic priorities while averting a famine.

south africa: Empowerment is working down on the farm

2002-11-07

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=13&art_id=qw1036137960165F651&set_id=1

Neighbouring farmers looked down at them as they were farmworkers who knew nothing about "running a viable, sustainable commercial farm". Lenders refused to give them a loan as they believed they would lose on the deal. Besides, they were ordinary farmworkers and had no experience in running a business. Today they are the envy of their neighbours in Ceres, their farm is a success and they have a Christmas contract worth millions of rands with a leading chain store.

africa: Aids in Africa

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=528

At the end of 2001, there were 28.1 million sub-Saharan Africans living with HIV/Aids. The overall prevalence of HIV among sub-Saharan African adults, ages 15 to 49 years, is estimated to be an astounding 8.4 percent.

africa: Ethics of research dossier

2002-11-07

http://www.scidev.net/dossiers/ethics/

Recent years have seen growing international debate about the ethics of conducting medical research in developing countries. Although many of the issues at stake do not differ in kind from those in more developed countries, the limited resources available within developing countries may exacerbate the problems faced. In addition, imbalances in power between the stakeholders in research - which can include multinational pharmaceutical companies, publicly funded researchers, national governments, and participants - can increase the risk of exploitation of the more vulnerable parties.

africa: HIV/AIDS Programs 'Drain' Funds From Programs Aimed at Preventing Malaria

2002-11-07

http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?DR_ID=14415

Goals set two years ago by African leaders to reduce the incidence of malaria have not been met, according to a report presented by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to the U.N. General Assembly, the Washington Times reports. According to malaria activists, the resources of programs aimed at fighting malaria - which is preventable and curable yet kills approximately 2.7 million people each year -- are being "drain[ed]" by efforts to fight HIV/AIDS in Africa.

africa: U.N., NGOs Seek $10 Million For Next African meningitis Outbreak

2002-11-07

http://www.unfoundation.org/unwire/current.asp#30123

With the next African meningitis outbreak possibly less than two months away and amid the threat of an uncommon strain that could undermine vaccination efforts, the International Federation of the Red Cross, Medecins Sans Frontieres, UNICEF and the World Health Organization have asked donors for $10 million to stockpile vaccines and other drugs.

DRC: Cholera outbreak in Kasai Oriental continues to worsen

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30789

The cholera outbreak in Kasai Oriental Province in the south of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) continues to worsen, with a total of 672 people affected by the epidemic, which broke out on 19 September, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.

ETHIOPIA: Anti-AIDS taskforce criticised

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30779

Ethiopia’s anti-AIDS taskforce came under fire on Wednesday for failing to fund projects aimed at tackling the virus – despite a three-year US $59 million loan from the World Bank. The National HIV/AIDS Secretariat has spent just one fifth of the funds in the last two years despite the pandemic sweeping the Horn of Africa country.

gambia: Malaria in pregnancy - still high-risk after 20 years of research

2002-11-07

http://www.id21.org/health/h8bo1g1.html

Research two decades ago showed that malaria infection in pregnant Gambian women increased the health risks for mother and baby. A new study by the Medical Research Council Laboratories in Fajara shows that the situation has not improved. Why have policy-makers failed to implement strategies to protect pregnant women?

gambia: Maternal mortality in rural Gambia: levels, causes and contributing

2002-11-07

http://www.id21.org/health/h8cr1g6.html

Women are 75 times more likely to die as a result of pregnancy in sub-Saharan Africa than in developed regions. Reducing maternal mortality is therefore high on the international health agenda. But how effective are current efforts to improve maternal health in developing countries?

kenya: Casting the net - free bednets for pregnant Kenyan women

2002-11-07

http://www.id21.org/health/h4hg1g2.html

Malaria prevention using insecticide-treated bednets (ITNs) can increase child survival, reduce illness among pregnant women and improve birth outcomes. But what is the best way to deliver ITNs to those at risk? Researchers from the Kenya Medical Research Institute, UNICEF and the Kenyan Ministry of Health assessed the success of a scheme to distribute free ITNs to pregnant women.

MALAWI: UNFPA Stresses Reproductive Health Care Needs Amid Food Crisis

2002-11-07

http://www.unfoundation.org/unwire/current.asp#30071

Slowing the spread of HIV/AIDS in Malawi and preventing the nation's already high maternal mortality rate from climbing must be addressed as an integral part of the humanitarian response to Southern Africa's famine, the U.N. Population Fund has warned. Widespread hunger and a related cholera epidemic have caused maternal death rates to rise sharply this year.

NIGERIA: Fresh polio cases raise doubts about eradication

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30746

Cases of polio reported in Nigeria this year have raised doubts about the country's ability to meet its target of eradicating the disease by the end of the year, a UNICEF official said on Saturday. A total of 124 cases were recorded in 14 states between January and July 2002, UNICEF's Caroline Atosile told a sensitisation workshop at Ota, near Lagos.

nigeria: Unsafe Abortions Cause 20,000 Deaths a Year in Nigeria

2002-11-07

http://bmj.com/cgi/content/full/325/7371/988/d?etoc

The Society of Gynaecologists and Obstetricians of Nigeria estimates that about 20 000 Nigerian women die from unsafe abortions each year. The figure comes from studies carried out by the society and Nigeria's Ministry of Health. The estimate also tallies with the result of a nationwide survey conducted by Friday Okonofua, dean of the School of Medicine at the University of Benin and executive director of the Women's Health and Action Research Centre in Nigeria. This survey showed that an estimated 610,000 unsafe abortions a year are carried out in Nigeria, and that about half of the 20,000 women who die from the complications of unsafe abortion are adolescents. The death rate from unsafe abortions is thought to be one of the highest in Africa.

South Africa: Fight Against TB Gets a Boost

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211060602.html

The Medical Research Council (MRC) is expected to sign a multi-million Rand agreement with the US Centre for Disease Control (CDC) in Pretoria to carry out collaborative tuberculosis research activities in South Africa over the next five years.

south africa: The personal is political – new thinking about HIV and AIDS

2002-11-07

http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/default.asp?2,40,5,97

Langa was 26 when he died a few weeks ago. He was a young black guy who was completely open about his homosexuality. Robert Mugabe's worst nightmare. Although he was fearless as a gay activist, he never came to terms with his HIV status. He died quickly once his immune system became depleted. He lost weight and in the end he could not walk. His friends had to visit him at his bedside in a hospice. It is time, Ralph Berold of the WITS HIV/AIDS Campaign and the TAC argues, for each of us to take an active stand against denial and for life.

south africa: THE WAY FORWARD TO AN HIV/AIDS TREATMENT PLAN

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/hivaids/11251

The Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) will start a campaign of non-violent civil disobedience if Government has not adopted an HIV/AIDS treatment plan, that includes antiretroviral therapy in the public sector, by the end of February 2003. In a document circulated on the Internet, the TAC said it had initially planned the campaign for December, but had been told that government needed until February to implement a national treatment plan, leading to the decision to postpone the disobedience campaign until February.
FOR WIDEST DISTRIBUTION - 6 NOVEMBER 2002

THE WAY FORWARD TO AN HIV/AIDS TREATMENT PLAN

* TAC will start a campaign of non-violent civil Disobedience if Government
has not adopted an HIV/AIDS treatment plan, that includes antiretroviral
therapy in the public sector, by the end of February 2003.

* We call on all our supporters and all of civil society to participate in a
march to support the implementation of an HIV/AIDS treatment plan at the
opening of Parliament in Cape Town on 14 February 2003.

Our members have begun discussing the document copied below. Initially the
TAC was planning to begin a campaign of civil disobedience commencing in
December, if Government had not agreed to an HIV/AIDS treatment plan. In our
meeting with Deputy-President Zuma, he stated that Government needs until
February to adopt a treatment plan.

We believe that it is feasible to reach an agreement on a treatment plan by
1 December, via the current negotiations at Nedlac. However, the TAC
National Executive Committee has taken a decision to postpone civil
disobedience until the end of February, 2003. This is in response to the
Deputy-President's request for time until February to develop a plan.

In the meanwhile, the TAC will increase mobilisation efforts for a treatment
plan.

We call on all our supporters to take part in a march on the 14th of
February at the opening of Parliament in Cape Town.

Below is the document being discussed among our members.

--------------------

TAC REPORT-BACK ON MEETING WITH DEPUTY-PRESIDENT AND DISCUSSION ON THE ROAD
FORWARD OCTOBER/NOVEMBER 2002

The Treatment Action Campaign's (TAC) actions over the next few weeks and
months will have a direct impact on the government's final commitment to a
national treatment plan. We face very difficult obstacles and choices in
dealing with government in this period. TAC has always aimed to secure
government provision of the prevention and treatment of opportunistic
infections and antiretroviral therapy when clinically indicated. We have
also maintained that treatment cannot happen overnight and immediately
everywhere. Therefore, we have campaigned for a national treatment plan. In
order to reach the millions of people who will need treatment, government
resources and leadership are essential. But, government cannot be successful
without organizations such as TAC, the unions, the faith-based organizations
and all of civil society. Government also needs to secure active private
sector participation in a treatment plan. The seriousness and scale of the
epidemic ties all of us t!
ogether to prevent infections and to save lives. Every TAC activist is
urged to discuss this document in branches, PEC meetings and meetings with
our partners over the next few days and to recommend what action to take.
This discussion document is the product of dialogue across the organization.
Members of TAC NEC (Zackie Achmat, Mark Heywood, Nonkosi Khumalo, Mandla
Majola and Sipho Mthathi) met with Deputy-President Jacob Zuma, his legal
advisor Ms Linda Makhatini, the director-general of health Dr Ayanda
Ntsaluba, his spokesperson Ms Lakela Kaunda and his special advisor on
HIV/AIDS, Mr Siyatonga Mcetywa on 15 October 2002 at Tuynhuys.
The meeting was in direct response to several letters addressed to the
President and Deputy-President over the last two months. The memorandum
handed over at the Langa Partnership Against HIV/AIDS meeting on 05 October
2002 sets out the background to the meeting.
"Since our inception in December 1998 we have addressed calls and memoranda
to government on the treatment of HIV/AIDS. Only after enormous frustration
and innumerable calls from civil society and specifically the TAC did we
proceed with legal action against government on the prevention of
mother-to-child transmission. In the last two years for instance, we have
written letters and handed over the following memoranda to call for a
treatment plan:
· in January 2001, Dr. Abe Nkomo MP received a memorandum calling for
a treatment plan at Parliament in Cape Town;
· on 11 June 2001 two months after the joint historic victory over the
drug companies in the Pretoria High Court, we again handed over a memorandum
to government at a meeting with the Minister of Health;
· in May 2002, we handed over a memorandum to the Gauteng Provincial
Health Department for the attention of the Deputy-President;
· in May 2002, we addressed several invitations to the
Deputy-President, the Health Minister and others to participate in the
National Treatment Congress. In fact, we moved the date of the Congress from
16 June to the end of the month after a request from the ANC
secretary-general Mr. Kgalema Motlanthe to ensure effective participation
from the ANC and government;
· the resolutions of the Congress have been forwarded to the Health
Ministry, the Deputy-President, the Director-general of Health and others;
· in August 2002, we again addressed a memorandum to the national
government to commit to a treatment plan and to immediately begin pilot
programmes using anti-retroviral therapy.

These are a few examples of the countless calls for a treatment plan, pilot
anti-retroviral programmes, the issuing of compulsory licences and the
restructuring of SANAC. We have never had the courtesy of a considered
response to any of our memoranda or letters.

To date, our protests have been models of civic restraint and we have never
stepped outside the law in mass demonstrations or meetings. Millions of
lives depend on our co-operation and joint work between government and civil
society. Failure by government to commit to a treatment plan using
anti-retroviral therapy and commitment to pilot two community
anti-retroviral programmes in every province by the 01 December 2002 will
continue to jeopardise the lives of our people. We urge the government to
steer away from confrontation and to accept the challenge of the
Constitutional Court: "The magnitude of the HIV/AIDS challenge facing the
country calls for a concerted, co-ordinated and co-operative national effort
in which government in each of its three spheres and the panoply of
resources and skills of civil society are marshalled, inspired and led."
The TAC will use all its resources to support Government and SANAC with
meeting these objectives. We will also act to save live!
Let us work together in a genuine partnership against HIV/AIDS.

We urge a meeting with the Deputy-President at the earliest possible
opportunity."

All comrades will know that every word in the memorandum was carefully
chosen. It reflects the anger and anguish of all our members, families,
health care workers and friends over the daily illness and deaths caused by
HIV. Most of these deaths are unnecessary and avoidable. Our concerns at
government neglect and lack of urgency are also reflected in the unanimous
National Executive Committee decision taken on 22 September 2002 regarding
civil disobedience. Then, the TAC Executive agreed to prepare a rolling
campaign of non-violent civil disobedience, if the government fails to
commit to a national treatment plan before or on 1 December 2002. The TAC
Executive also agreed that a new legal challenge to the drug companies
through the Competition Commission would be supplemented by possible legal
action on a treatment plan against government, if government fails to
deliver before March 2003.

Simultaneously, TAC allies in the labour movement (Cosatu, Fedusa and Nactu)
began a process of good faith negotiations with government at NEDLAC. TAC
is part of the community sector negotiations. This was the mandate of the
Treatment Congress held at the end of June 2002. A special committee has
been set up at NEDLAC to draft a framework agreement by 01 December 2002.
Government is actively participating in the work of that committee. This is
a significant breakthrough for TAC and all our allies.

There is also a social process in which organizations such as the Nelson
Mandela Foundation, the South African Medical Association, Médecins Sans
Frontières (Doctors Without Borders), University of Natal and others will
combine to improve existing ARV community treatment sites and develop new
ones. TAC fully supports these initiatives.

These actions and proposed actions need careful consideration in the light
of the meeting with the Deputy-President and the NEDLAC process.

In the meeting with the Deputy-President, a number of questions were
discussed: SANAC; the KZN Global Fund application; the MTCT rollout and the
implementation of the Court order. But, the most serious discussion centred
on the treatment plan. It is clear that government understands the
necessity of a treatment plan in the context of expanding the principle of
the Five-Year Strategic Plan and other instruments. Deputy-President Dr
Jacob Zuma and Director-General of Health Dr Ayanda Ntsaluba both agreed
that the NEDLAC process is important and that they committed to negotiating
in that forum. We agreed that the outcome of that process would be
presented to government through SANAC.


The Deputy-President asked us to consider delaying the deadline of 01
December 2002 by three months. This is what TAC members and allies must
discuss. What can we do in good faith to ensure that the government fulfils
its obligations and still maintain our freedom to act when we are convinced
that government does not fulfil its commitments to us?

First, we cannot agree to give our social power away. Social mobilisation,
increased public awareness and pressure are the only guarantees of agreement
and implementation of a treatment plan. In the absence of trust, continued
social mobilisation is our only guarantee to save lives. What TAC and our
allies can discuss is the form of our mobilisation: do we change from legal
protest to civil disobedience?

Legal protest and mobilisation has been central to our work until now
(pickets, demonstrations, marches, meetings, inter-faith services). Many
sectors of civil society have endorsed our campaigns of legal protest. In
nearly four years of work, TAC has had two actions of civil disobedience.
The first was the importation of generic fluconazole from Thailand and the
second with MSF and Cosatu to import generic ARVs from Brazil for the
Khayelitsha programme. These were both successful and recently, the Director
of Public Prosecutions dropped all the charges relating to the fluconazole
importation.

Civil disobedience is not new to the tradition of politics in South Africa.
But a sustained national programme of civil disobedience hunger strikes;
occupations; disruptions of traffic, meetings and events that may lead to
arrest and criminal penalties against participants; as well as, ensuring
that groups of people are treated in defiance of government policy will be
a new departure for TAC and broader civil society. Such action would be
based on the principle of the right to life, dignity, equality and equitable
access to health care services. We have the capacity to begin, escalate and
sustain a campaign of civil disobedience because of the urgency of our
epidemic and the history of engagement between TAC, government and the drug
companies.

The National Executive recommends that we continue social mobilisation for
a treatment plan but that TAC postpones civil disobedience against
government. But, we continue training all those who volunteer in the
methods of non-violent civil disobedience in the event that no agreement is
reached on a treatment plan. This recommendation is dependent on what we aim
to achieve. Why, should we postpone civil disobedience?

TAC and our allies are agreed that the right to life is not only
constitutionally guaranteed but a fundamental principle of all social
organization. We aim to save millions of lives through our work and the
implementation of a treatment plan. A treatment plan will not fall from the
sky. Resources for such a treatment plan will start with the need for about
R300 million per year and increase over ten years to about R14 billion per
year at current prices. Such financial resources can only come from
government (initially) and later government with the private sector and
international community. The best efforts of civil society alone will treat
only a fraction of people who need medicines and care.

Aside from the tremendous resources required of the State, government cannot
do this on its own. Civil society will have to assist in every possible way
to train doctors, nurses, pharmacists, lab technicians and counsellors. We
will have to mobilise our resources to prepare communities to understand
treatment. We will have to fight stigma, encourage voluntary counselling
and testing, promote safer sex and support many other aspects of a treatment
programme to ensure that government resources are spent to save lives and
not wasted. This requires a sustained partnership between government, civil
society, business and international agencies. We will also have to mobilise
to ensure appropriate resources are committed from government, the private
sector and the international community. This is a significant element of
social mobilisation.

Social mobilisation can be used to bring people together. It can also be
used to change irrational policy of governments, the private sector,
international agencies and other bodies. And, it can be used to replace
existing government. TAC and our allies have used social mobilisation to
bring people together against irrational policies. Despite paranoia in some
quarters, TAC has no aim to replace the democratically elected government.
Even if we used civil disobedience as a tactic, it would be aimed at
changing government policy not changing government. We agree to delay civil
disobedience without giving up social mobilisation and legal protest. But,
we must ensure that government does not delay unnecessarily. We have lost
too much time between the Cabinet Statement of 17 April 2002 and the Cabinet
Statement on 09 October 2002 and far too many lives.

Therefore, we recommend the following for discussion:

a.TAC national executive unanimously recommends that we postpone our plan
for civil disobedience against government until 28 February 2003. This is
an important concession to show government our good faith;
b.TAC asks for a Framework Agreement on a National Treatment Plan to be
reached at NEDLAC by 01 December 2002 with governments full support;
c.TAC and our allies organise provincial and local interfaith services,
marches, activities to support the demand for a treatment plan on 01
December 2002;
d.We invite government to endorse the complaint to the Competition
Commission against the drug companies. Specifically, we demand that the
Ministry of Trade and Industry puts its weight behind the complaint;
e.TAC and our allies organise a national mass demonstration people at the
opening of Parliament on14 February 2003 in support of a national treatment
plan;
f.TAC an our allies immediately organise a petition campaign for a treatment
plan across the country for presentation to Parliament on 14 February 2003;
g.We maintain our monitoring of the MTCT sites and clinics for OI treatment.
Postponing civil disobedience does not preclude us from taking any legal
action or social action should the Constitutional Court order on MTCT not be
implemented by health authorities such as Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape, Limpopo
and Free State Provinces;
h.We continue to mobilise for community treatment programmes, the NEDLAC
process, the KZN Global Fund application and additional resources for the
Global Fund; and
i.We call on all TAC activists to participate in SANAC sector meetings to
ensure that the body becomes an open, democratic, responsive and accountable
agency.


CONCLUSION
An exciting period opens up before all of us. There is a serious chance to
win a treatment plan and to tackle the real barriers to treatment: drug and
diagnostic prices; human resource constraints; equitable allocations for
health; under-spending by provinces and community treatment preparedness.
The dangers of public relations spin by government are also very real. But,
we can give government its last chance to prove that it will allow every
person with HIV/AIDS the right to life. This is necessary because both
civil society and government are central to the effective implementation of
a treatment plan that uses anti-retroviral therapy in the public sector.
TAC will not rest until we have achieved a treatment plan as a monument to
all our people who have died of AIDS-related illnesses and we have given
hope to all people living with HIV/AIDS that their right to life and dignity
will be equally valued, respected and protected.

TAC NATIONAL EXECUTIVE 24 OCTOBER 2002

Zackie Achmat, Sharon Ekambaram, Nathan Geffen, Sindiswa Godwana, Mark
Heywood, Verie Johnson, Teboho Kekana, Nonkosi Khumalo, Sipho Mthathi,
Makhosini Mpofu, Buyi Ndhlovu, Ncumisa Nongogo, Dr Grace Ramadi, Pholokgolo
Ramothwala, Theo Steele, Cati Vawda, Portia Vimbayi bayi

africa/global: HIV/AIDS AND EDUCATION: A STRATEGIC APPROACH

2002-11-07

http://www.unesco.org/education/just_published_en/pdf/hiv_approach_english.pdf

This paper, written for policy makers, considers the role education has to play in both preventing and mitigating the impact of HIV/AIDS. The strategy outlined in the document identifies key priorities for a scaled up response to the epidemic on the part of schools and the education system more generally. The report focuses on formal educational institutions as important in the delivery of prevention and mitigation measures, but also recognises that many of the young people affected by the epidemic are not attending school and that the epidemic has an impact on schools' ability to deliver effective education.

africa: Pledges to fight malaria not kept

2002-11-07

http://www.mg.co.za/Content/l3.jsp?a=13&o=11546

Millions of children's lives are being lost or blighted because pledges to take action to curb the spread of malaria have not been kept, either by heads of state in poor countries or by wealthy donor states, a leading economist says. Jeffrey Sachs, special adviser to the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, launched a hard-hitting attack on leaders in both the affluent north and the poor south on the eve of a UN general assembly session on malaria which will assess progress since the pledges two years ago at an African summit on malaria.

BURKINA FASO: At least 165,000 child migrant labourers - study

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30725

Burkina Faso has at least 165,000 migrant labourers aged six to 17 years and half of them work abroad - mainly in Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Benin - a study on child labour migration shows. Most of the young migrant labourers were boys, according to the study by the NGO Terre des Hommes and the World Bank.

NIGERIA: UNICEF concerned over rejection of children's bill

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30726

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) has expressed concern at the rejection of Nigeria's first Children's Bill by the country's House of Representatives. A news release on Friday quoted the officer-in-charge of UNICEF Nigeria, Roger Wright, as saying the decision was a blow to efforts to ensure that all children in the country fully enjoyed their rights.

south africa: An untapped reserve of goodwill

2002-11-07

http://www.health-e.org.za/view.php3?id=20021101

Although the majority of South Africans have never directly helped a child affected by HIV/AIDS most would if they knew how. This vast untapped reserve of goodwill will hopefully prompt South Africans to open their hearts and pockets and make a donation to the Pick 'n Pay, Khomanani, Caring Together initiative to collect as much as possible for children affected by HIV/AIDS before November 24, 2002.

tanzania: External debt eating into Tanzanian children's future

2002-11-07

http://www.learningchannel.org/front.shtml

Tanzania's payments to developed countries and the IMF ensures that Tanzanians pay heavily in terms of food shortages, poor health and education infrastructure. The result is that children are forced to live on streets or end up in prostitution.

uganda: HIV-Infected Kids Now Adults

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211050441.html

The Ministry of Health has warned that babies who contracted HIV/AIDS through mother-to-child transmission in the mid-1980s are now adolescents and could be innocently passing on the virus to their sexual partners.

zimbabwe: Food crisis: Infants at risk

2002-11-07

http://www.zwnews.com/issuefull.cfm?ArticleID=5477

Chronic food shortages in Zimbabwe were worsening and growing numbers of infants were at risk of serious malnourishment, the United Nations warned on Monday. At least 6.7 million Zimbabweans, more than half the population, face hunger in the coming months because of a sharp drop in agricultural production blamed on a drought and the government's seizure of thousands of white-owned commercial farms.

south africa: Bombs linked to racist cabal

2002-11-07

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/chronicle/a/2002/11/02/MN162576.DTL

A shadowy cell of white right-wing military officers and apartheid-era forces are suspected of trying to incite a race war in South Africa, beginning with a series of bombings that rocked black settlements around Johannesburg last Wednesday.

africa/global: assessing the ecological footprint

2002-11-07

http://www.imv.dk/dk/index.asp?catid={03476B22-DDD2-4703-8AC1-91DFF49CF9C5}&doc_guid={C9A2A9B2-7065-4B9C-A78B-CB368EA8081C}

This report sets out to assess the scientific validity of what it calls the WWF's 'doomsday prophecy', as outlined in the NGO's Living Planet Report 2002. The Danish authors argue that WWF has produced one in a long line of articles, stretching back to Malthus' essay on the principle of population, that predict disaster as a result of human demand on natural resources outstripping supply. For a reply to the criticism from the WWF, visit the link http://www.eldis.org/biodiversity/footprintfeature.htm

africa/global: Delhi climate negotiations lack urgency

2002-11-07

http://www.panda.org/news_facts/newsroom/press_releases/news.cfm?uNewsID=4249

As the 8th Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) comes to a close, WWF, the conservation organization, is disappointed by the lack of urgency in addressing dangerous climate change impacts such as increased intensity of extreme weather events, coral bleaching and sea level rise.

africa/global: Poor pickings: the dangers of waste collection in developing countries

2002-11-07

http://www.id21.org/urban/h10ch1g1.html

Many thousands of children, adolescents and women in developing countries collect and sort recyclable solid waste from roadsides, bins and dumpsites. This waste comes from household, commercial, institutional and industrial sources. The profits of this sector usually benefit the wholesale buyers of recyclable materials and those involved in their recycling. Meanwhile workers live in poverty and have a limited choice of alternative employment. A report from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine argues that waste-pickers should be recognised for the positive environmental work they do and protected from the risks they face from hazardous waste.

africa/global: Researchers estimate that as many as one-half of Earth's plants are threatened

2002-11-07

http://enn.com/news/wire-stories/2002/11/11012002/ap_48864.asp

Human activities are threatening to wipe out as many as one-half of the Earth's plant species, a new study suggests, with the demand for new farm land to feed a growing population in tropical countries being the biggest cause of global plant species extinction. "The natural forest is being cut down and burned and the land converted into pastures and fields for crops," said Peter M. Jorgensen of the Missouri Botanical Garden in St. Louis.

africa: ivory war to dominate CITES meeting

2002-11-07

http://enn.com/news/wire-stories/2002/11/11012002/reu_48854.asp

The next battle in Africa's ivory war will be far from the sun-baked savannah where it is usually waged against heavily armed poachers. It will be fought on a diplomatic level in Santiago, Chile, where the 12th conference of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) will consider proposals by five southern African countries to loosen the 12-year-old ban on trading ivory. Kenya, which fears its elephants will be targeted by poachers seeking to "launder" dirty ivory with legal supplies, is leading the charge to keep the ban firmly in place at the meeting, which is due to run until November 15.

africa: Mounting price to pay for climate change

2002-11-07

http://www.scidev.net/frame3.asp?id=301020021734053&authors=Katie%20Mantell&posted=30%20Oct%202002&c=1&r=1&t=NB

The financial cost of climate change is already huge and is likely to increase in future years, according to a new report, Natural Catastrophes 2002. Klaus Toepfer, executive director of the United Nations Environment Programme, has called on industrialised nations to "take action to help the poorer parts of the world adapt, to help them cope with the more unstable and more extreme environments likely in the coming decade".

MALAWI: Project aims to 'drought-proof' villages

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30712

Efforts to mitigate the impact of erratic rainfall on agricultural production in drought-prone southern Malawi have begun to bear fruit. Through the provision of 80 simple treadle pumps, which cost about US $27 each, World Vision has been able to use the donations of 3,000 Australian families to lessen the impact of drought on the southern Mlolo area.

NAMIBIA: commercial farmers urged to change their ways

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=533

Prime Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab made an impassioned plea to commercial farmers to "change their hearts and minds" to avoid Zimbabwe-style land grabs. Speaking to members of the Namibia Agricultural Union (NAU) - which represents commercial farmers' interests - Gurirab said last week's eviction of six families who had lived for several decades on a farm near Gobabis should not be seen in isolation.

Namibia: workers at Skorpion cry foul

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=544&PHPSESSID=d976b13b149800c934da18d0ccd77e31

Namibian workers at the N,2 billion Skorpion zinc mine in the Karas Region, are accusing construction companies of laying them off and replacing them with South Africans. They allege they are being punished for taking part in a strike two months ago.

nigeria: Niger Delta and Environmental Issues

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211040025.html

As far as oil and gas are concerned, agitators for revenue from their proceeds forget to discuss environmental problems emanating from exploration. Some of these problems involve the control of chemical substances capable of causing illness, intensive heat due to gas flaring, air and water pollution. These would possibly lead to extinction of animals in our bushes and all kinds of species in our rivers, streams or ponds. Worse, is the loss of human lives, states this editorial in Nigeria's Vanguard newspaper.

South Africa: 10 million water cuts after the country's water privatisation

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=546&PHPSESSID=89d8ca2b4609e13b0a722ba35b2614e4

South African scientists have documented what organisations have warned about for years; water privatisation in African countries, which means denying access to safe drinking water to the poor. In South Africa alone, there have been 10 million water cuts since commercialisation started in 1994.

southern africa: GM Food Aid and the crisis in Southern Africa

Eldis Feature (www.eldis.org)

2002-11-07

http://www.eldis.org/food/gm/index.htm

As the food crisis deepens in Southern Africa the rhetoric over the issue of GM food aid continues to dominate the headlines. Eldis has prepared a special feature on GM Food Aid and the crisis in Southern Africa which looks beyond those headlines to the issues which lie at the heart of this complex subject. The guide contains: A guide to the issues; Summaries of the key research with links to the full text documents; The latest news; Current situation reports; Summaries and links to over 100 background papers; Links to other useful sources of information.
Related Links:
* The Impact of GMOs on Sustainable Agriculture
http://www.jctr.org.zm/gmos.htm
* The Impact of GMOs on Sustainable Agriculture (a rebuttal)
http://www.agbioworld.org/pdf/To_Die_or_not_to_Die.pdf
* WFP Policy on GM Donations
http://www.wfp.org/eb/docs/2002/wfp011823~2.pdf

Tanzanian Conservationist Sebastian Chuwa wins Rolex Associate Laureate Award

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=540

Sebastian Chuwa, Tanzanian botanist and conservationist, was honoured as recipient of an Associate Laureate award by the Rolex Awards for Enterprise committee at The Royal Institution of Great Britain in London, England. The award was given to support his conservation work for the African blackwood, the national tree of Tanzania. The Blackwood, or mpingo, is used internationally to manufacture woodwind instruments and is becoming threatened due to overharvestin.

zambia: Zambia saves lions by making baskets from snares

2002-11-07

http://enn.com/news/wire-stories/2002/11/11072002/reu_48892.asp

Under a mango tree, three men squatted in the dust with pliers, twisting thick wire from poachers' snares into decorative baskets. Trimmed in gold, red, and blue, they sell them to tourists for $6 each. "We help save the animals and people find another way to make money," said Kelvin Phiri, a craftsman and founder of Mango Tree Crafts, a cooperative formed four months ago in this eastern Zambian valley.

africa: new african media web site

2002-11-07

http://www.mediachannel.org/africa

Journalists are investigating the links between Angolan oil and foreign war profits. Hip-hop projects are youth resistance to AIDS. Peace workers and human-rights activists go online to connect across the continent. Elections loom in Kenya and Nigeria; a U.S. "anti-terrorism" base is built in the Horn of Africa; Internet access, GMO foods and multinational businesses are arriving in regions confronting war, disease and famine. Africa needs free, well-supported and responsive media to hold powerful interests to account, to inform the public on vital issues, to connect communities. The world's media need to understand Africa and report on the global connections. MediaChannel:Africa will become the home for articles, reports, commentary and resources for a global community concerned about journalism, cultural diversity, access to technology and freedom of expression across Africa.

mozambique: First lady denies intimidating journalists

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11158

First Lady Marcelina Chissano has denied intimidating any of the country's journalists, and has demanded that her "good name and right to privacy be respected." A letter sent by her lawyer, Augusto Macedo Pinto, to the independent weekly "Mediafax", and published on 1 November 2002, also stressed that the first lady wanted to see the case of the murder of Carlos Cardoso, the newspaper's founding editor, "resolved as rapidly as possible, and the guilty parties tried and sentenced." The letter, which made no explicit threat of legal action, was clearly in response to claims made a month ago that the first lady had sent mysterious gifts of live chickens to "Mediafax" editor Marcelo Mosse, Fernando Lima, chairman of the board of Mediacoop (the company that owns the newspaper), and Kok Nam, director of the Mediacoop weekly "Savana".
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT UPDATE - MOZAMBIQUE

4 November 2002

First lady denies intimidating journalists

SOURCE: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Windhoek

**Updates IFEX alerts of 8 October, 3 September and 22 May 2002, 20 July, 22
May, 15, 12 and 5 March, 22 February and 22 January 2001, 20 December, 28,
24 and 23 November 2000**

(MISA/IFEX) - First Lady Marcelina Chissano has denied intimidating any of
the country's journalists, and has demanded that her "good name and right to
privacy be respected."

A letter sent by her lawyer, Augusto Macedo Pinto, to the independent weekly
"Mediafax", and published on 1 November 2002, also stressed that the first
lady wanted to see the case of the murder of Carlos Cardoso, the newspaper's
founding editor, "resolved as rapidly as possible, and the guilty parties
tried and sentenced."

The letter, which made no explicit threat of legal action, was clearly in
response to claims made a month ago that the first lady had sent mysterious
gifts of live chickens to "Mediafax" editor Marcelo Mosse, Fernando Lima,
chairman of the board of Mediacoop (the company that owns the newspaper),
and Kok Nam, director of the Mediacoop weekly "Savana".

The delivery of the chickens followed "Mediafax"'s publication of articles
concerning "o filho do galo" ("the son of the cockerel"). The newspaper had
revealed that a new witness, named only as "Opa", had been heard by the
magistrate investigating the Cardoso murder. Opa had just been released from
Maputo's top security prison after serving half of a 10-year sentence for
illegal possession of firearms. While in jail, he had come to know Momade
Assife Abdul Satar (alias "Nini"), one of the businessmen accused of
ordering Cardoso's assassination. According to "Mediafax", Opa testified
that Nini had told him he was merely a go-between, acting on behalf of "o
filho do galo." The following day, an article by Lima, entitled "A chicken
called Nyimpine", identified "o filho do galo" as Nyimpine Chissano,
President Joaquim Chissano's son. Lima said that when asked the identity of
"o filho do galo", Opa had given Nyimpine Chissano's name, and the president
son's name had been entered in the minutes of the hearing.

The men who delivered the live chickens to the three journalists claimed
they were a gift from the first lady, and journalists believe they came from
a poultry farm owned by Marcelina Chissano in the city of Matola. However, a
spokesperson for the first lady's office denied any knowledge of the
chickens. "Mediafax" interpreted the delivery of the chickens as a peculiar
type of veiled threat.

Pinto's letter neither confirmed or denied that Marcelina Chissano had sent
the chickens. The letter insisted that "no journalist was, or ever will be,
intimidated or threatened." Pinto claimed that the first lady's "most
elementary individual rights [had] been violated," notably through "lack of
rigour and objectivity" in the press. "Facts are invented, rumours are used,
the privacy and intimate sphere of her family relations are invaded, with
the intent to create tension within her family, and seriously damage the
good image and reputation of all her relatives," Pinto claimed. The honour
and consideration due to the first lady "have been deeply and seriously
affected, with grave social repercussions," the letter continued, while
calling for an end to "public trials" in the pages of the press, and
stressing that "it is universally recognised that all citizens have the
right to honour, good name, reputation, the defence of their public image,
and to their privacy."

BACKGROUND:
Cardoso, a veteran independent journalist and editor of the daily fax
newspaper "Metical", was shot dead on 22 November 2000 as he left his
newspaper's offices in the Maputo suburb of Polana. After two vehicles cut
off Cardoso's car, two unidentified assassins opened fire with AK-47 assault
rifles, killing him instantly and seriously wounding his driver.

In 2000, Nymphine Chissano filed a criminal defamation suit against Mosse,
then editor of "Metical", having assumed the position after Cardoso's
murder. Facing mounting legal pressure, "Metical" ceased publication earlier
in 2002. Mosse subsequently became editor of "MediaFax".

The recent incident also came only weeks after one of the alleged gunmen in
the Cardoso killing escaped from prison in Maputo. Anibal Antonio dos Santos
Junior, known as Anibalzhino, escaped from prison in early September.

Shortly before Cardoso's death, "Metical" had been reporting aggressively on
alleged wrongdoing at the Mozambique Commercial Bank.

For further information, contact Zoe Titus or Kaitira Kandjii, Regional
Information Coordinator, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street,
Mailing Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, tel: +264 61 232975,
fax: +264 61 248016, e-mail: research@misa.org.na or kkandjii@misa.org.na,
Internet: http://www.misa.org/

The information contained in this alert update is the sole responsibility of
MISA. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit
MISA.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
alerts e-mail: alerts@ifex.org general e-mail: ifex@ifex.org
Internet site: http://www.ifex.org/
_________________________________________________________________

namibia: CPJ says Namibia's media environment is getting worse

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=531

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), an international media watchdog, says the environment for media freedom in Namibia has changed for the worse since President Sam Nujoma took over the Information and Broadcasting Ministry portfolio.

nigeria: OBASANJO FAULTS MEDIA TOUR AWARDS

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11214

Echoes of the controversial 2001 national media tour, sponsored by the Nigerian government reverberated in Ogun State, South-West Nigeria, as President Olusegun Obasanjo described the award of marks to states by the tour organizers as "misleading". The president who was speaking during his three-day visit to his home state said the result of the tour created the impression that a lot was being done in the new states because new infrastructure had to be provided while neglecting the challenges of the older states where the rehabilitation of existing infrastructure will command more attention.
MEDIA IN NIGERIA #01 - 35(04 NOVEMBER 2002)

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
= = = = =

MEDIA IN NIGERIA is a weekly publication on developments within and
affecting the media/communication/freedom of expression sector in Nigeria.

It is an initiative of the Institute for Media and Society (IMS), a
non-profit,
non-governmental organization based in Lagos, Nigeria.
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = ==================================

NEWS


MEDIA-GENERAL
-OBASANJO FAULTS MEDIA TOUR AWARDS
-GOV TASKS JOURNALISTS ON DEMOCRACY

PRINT MEDIA
-DAILY TIMES' PRIVATISATION BEGINS

BROADCAST MEDIA
-NTA AT 43, ROLLS OUT NEW PROGRAMMES
-STUDENTS ATTACK ANAMBRA RADIO
-TV AFRICA IN DEAL WITH NIGERIAN PRODUCERS


INFOTECH
-INTERCONNECTIVITY: PTOS GIVE MTN, ECONET ULTIMATUM
-MD FAULTS NITEL'S PRIVATISATION

THE ARTS
-COPYRIGHT COMMISSION MOVES TO REGULATE VIDEO CLUBS



MEDIA-GENERAL

OBASANJO FAULTS MEDIA TOUR AWARDS

Echoes of the controversial 2001 national media tour, sponsored by the
Nigerian government reverberated in Ogun State, South-West Nigeria, as
President Olusegun Obasanjo described the award of marks to states by the
tour organizers as "misleading".

The president who was speaking during his three-day visit to his home state
said the result of the tour created the impression that a lot was being done
in the new states because new infrastructure had to be provided while
neglecting the challenges of the older states where the rehabilitation of
existing infrastructure will command more attention.

He said that what was paramount was not the score but, the fact that money
received was prudently utilized based on the priorities of each state.


GOV TASKS JOURNALISTS ON DEMOCRACY

Nigerian journalists have been called upon to help sustain the country's
nascent democracy.

The governor of Lagos State, South-West Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the
appeal while declaring open the Lagos State Correspondents Association
(LASCA) press week.

The governor said that the media had a pivotal role to play in enthroning
democracy and struggle for sustainable development.

He charged journalists to refrain from sensationalism and focus on issues
that would benefit the populace.

Delivering a paper at the week, Ademola Afolabi, Deputy Director (news) of
Radio Nigeria, Ibadan urged Journalists to resist any attempt by the
political class to turn them into milling tools.

According to him, journalists must not be part of any design to stiffle the
voice of the opposition, adding that democracy allows all shades of opinions
to be heard.

PRINT MEDIA

DAILY TIMES' PRIVATISATION BEGINS

The privatization of Daily Times, Nigeria's oldest newspaper has entered its
final stage with the commencement of a public offer for subscription of a
total of 944 million shares of 50k each, representing 93.8 percent of
Nigerian government's stake in the company.

The public offer packaged on behalf of the National Council on Privatization
(NCP) by First Interstate Bank Plc opened last Monday.

Proceed of the offer is expected to be invested in the purchase of
state-of-the-art printing and communication equipment as well as meeting
some of the company's working capital requirements.

According to the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), Daily Times shares are
to be offered to the public at a premium of N1.25k per share on the basis of
equity of Federal constituencies to ensure even spread across the country.

The BPE explained that the privatization of DTN is not just to divert
government interest, but to focus the company and make it viable.

Daily Times was incorporated as a private printing company in 1926. But the
federal government had acquired a 60% stake in the company in 1975 to turn
it into a state-owned enterprise.

BROADCAST MEDIA

NTA AT 43, ROLLS OUT NEW PROGRAMMES

To mark its 43rd anniversary, the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA),
Ibadan, South-West Nigeria, the first in Sub-Sahara in Africa is rolling out
twenty new programmes.

According to its General Manager, Grace Alomoge, the programmes on the
station's menu list is to further set the pace and satisfy the yearnings of
the station's viewers. She also dropped hints of 24 -hour operations.

NTA, Ibadan was 43 on October 31,2002.



STUDENTS ATTACK ANAMBRA RADIO

Angry students of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Akwa, South-East Nigeria
have raided the Anambra State Broadcasting Service (ABS).

The students who stormed the ABS with dangerous weapons destroyed office
equipment and assaulted some staff of the broadcasting outfit.

The action of the students was reportedly triggered by an alleged misleading
report by the station that the institution's Students' Union Government
(SUG) President had been impeached and an interim President appointed by the
union.

In another development, the Gombe State government in North-Eastern Nigeria
has signed a contract for the procurement and installation of television and
radio studio accessories at a cost of N492 million.

The state's FM Radio and Television, currently under construction are
expected to commence test transmissions in few months time.



TV AFRICA IN DEAL WITH NIGERIAN PRODUCERS

As part of efforts in improving local contents of its programming,
continental free to air television broadcaster, TV Africa is working out a
programme that will add Nigerian productions to the list of programmes on
the channel.

The South Africa based outfit's channel's Director, Simon Camerer was
recently in Nigeria to discuss with acclaimed Nigerian producers.

Some of the Nigerian producers that are said to be enjoying priority
attention in TV Africa's plan are Tunde Kelani, Albert Egbe, Wale Adenuga,
Tajudeen Adepetu and Charles Igwe.

Camerer who described these producers as "prolific", said the new initiative
is designed to build relationship across different countries where the
channel's programmes are being broadcast.

TV Africa operates a 24-hour broadcast of programmes in 28 countries on the
continent, with viewership oscillating between 100 to 120 million.



INFOTECH

INTERCONNECTIVITY: PTOS GIVE MTN, ECONET ULTIMATUM

The lingering interconnection problem between operators of
telecommunications services is not about to be over. Last week, a new
dimension was introduced into the disagreement with a group of fixed
wireless operators threatening to aggravate what is already a national
nightmare, if Econet wireless Nigeria and MTN Nigeria fail to address their
problems.

The group, acting under the platform of Association of Local
Telecommunications Operators of Nigeria (ALTON), had on October 29, given
the two GSM operators a seven-day ultimatum to enter into negotiation with
their members or risk being dragged before an arbitration group.

An interconnection meeting earlier scheduled by ALTON was ignored by both
MTN and Econet, claiming ignorance of the meeting.

Members of ALTON which include Intercellular Nigeria Limited, Multilinks
Wireless Technologies Limited, Reliance Telecommunications Limited, Cellcom
and others believe that their recent interconnection price deal with NITEL
makes a complete review of existing interconnection price imperative.

Currently, fixed wireless telephone traffic is terminated on GSM networks at
N18 per minute. On the other hand, GSM calls terminate on fixed wireless
telephone networks at N12 per minute. PTOs pay N12 per minute to terminate
calls initiated on their network on NITEL GSM network.

Ezekiel Fatoye, ALTON's spokesman said the new rate approved by NITEL should
be the benchmark for the industry, and should be adopted by MTN and Econet.


MD FAULTS NITEL'S PRIVATISATION

Even as Nigerians await the re-opening of the botched attempt at privatizing
the Nigerian Telecommunication's Limited (NITEL), its Managing Director,
Ganiyu Adegbuji has expressed misgivings about the on-going plan to
privatize the company.

In a paper presented at the Nigerian Economic Development Forum in Geneva,
Switzerland, Adegbuji said the plan to sell 51 per cent government held
equity in NITEL was fraught with dangers.

"Predicated on the strategic influence and position, NITEL occupies in our
telecommunications landscape today, the idea of selling a majority share
(51%) to a group/individual-foreign or indigene-is fraught with a lot of
economic slavery and totalitarian dangers," he argued.

Instead of allowing NITEL to be acquired by a group or a privileged
individual, the MD suggested that NITEL fragmented into directorate units
would be well positioned to facilitate the required pace of infrastructural
development.

He said the states, local governments, individuals and NITEL staff should be
encouraged to acquire shares from the fragmented NITEL units that are
invariably going to be located close to them.


THE ARTS

COPYRIGHT COMMISSION MOVES TO REGULATE VIDEO CLUBS

Complaints by home video producers about the activities of video rental
outlets whom they accuse of sundry copyright violations may soon become a
thing of the past.

The Nigerian Copyright Commission (NCC) is reviewing copyright (Video
Rentals) regulations " to discourage the proliferation of illegal rental
activities by establishing guidelines for the operation of rental outlets in
a manner that will guarantee compensation of right owners for commercial use
of their works."

According to the Commission's Director-General, Eyinna Nwauche, the areas of
the copyright regulation that will be reviewed are rental prescription,
renewal fees and accreditation processes.

He disclosed that henceforth, films intended for rental should be produced
in regular paper jackets but both the cassettes and the jackets shall carry
NCC logo as well as a rental code number.

Also, all rental copies of films should be affixed with hologram supplied by
the NCC.

Nwauche said the measure is to guard against illegal duplication of films.


-----ENDS----


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swaziland: Journalists assaulted, equipment seized

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11155

On 12 October 2002, security forces barred five journalists from the "Times of Swaziland" and the "Swazi Observer" and a foreign freelance reporter from covering the proceedings of a prayer meeting organised by different political and social groups in Swaziland. The prayer meeting, termed Justice for Peace, was organised in memory of families that were evicted from the Macetjeni (south-eastern Swaziland) and KaMkhweli areas in October 2000.
IFEX - News from the international freedom of expression community
_________________________________________________________________

ALERT - SWAZILAND

31 October 2002

Journalists assaulted, equipment seized

SOURCE: Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Windhoek

(MISA/IFEX) - On 12 October 2002, security forces barred five journalists
from the "Times of Swaziland" and the "Swazi Observer" and a foreign
freelance reporter from covering the proceedings of a prayer meeting
organised by different political and social groups in Swaziland.

The prayer meeting, termed Justice for Peace, was organised in memory of
families that were evicted from the Macetjeni (south-eastern Swaziland) and
KaMkhweli areas in October 2000.

One of the barred journalists, Phinda Sihlongonyane of "The Observer", told
MISA-Swaziland that the law enforcement unit was comprised of the Royal
Swaziland Police (RSP), the Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force (USDF) and the
Correctional Service Operational Support Service Unit (OSSU), and was led by
Station Commander Agrippa Khumalo, of the Lubombo region.

Sihlongonyane reported that the security officers had mounted roadblocks on
all roads leading to Macetjeni and KaMkhweli. Upon recognising her and her
colleagues as journalists, the commander instructed junior officers to
search the journalists and turn them away. The journalists were searched and
escorted by the security officer to a certain point, after which they took
some photographs. Upon seeing this, one of the security officers turned back
and forcefully took a digital camera from one of the journalists, removing
the memory card in the process. The camera was finally returned after a long
exchange.

The five journalists and driver involved in the incident were Sihlongonyane,
Ackel Zwane, formerly a "Times of Swaziland" reporter, now working for "The
Observer", "Observer" reporter Thabile Mdluli, "Observer" photographer Simon
Jele, foreign press reporter Bheki Matsebula and "Observer" driver Jethro
Jele.

In a related incident, Zwane was severely beaten by police. According to the
newspaper, his camera and notebook were also taken from him. He was forced
into a security vehicle and driven to a junction towards the Swazi capital,
Manzini, where he was dropped off and his belongings were returned to him.

MISA-Swaziland condemns the harassment and intimidation practiced by the
security forces against journalists who were merely carrying out their
duties. MISA-Swaziland holds the opinion that this action is a clear
indication that journalists in the country do not have the liberty to freely
gather and disseminate information in the public interest.

BACKGROUND:
In October 2000, some 200 villagers in Macetjeni and KaMkhweli were evicted
from their homes at gunpoint by soldiers, apparently because they refused to
accept King Mswati III's brother, Prince Maguga, as chief. They were left in
the countryside without shelter or other basic necessities. The families are
now staying in a refugee camp in Amsterdam, in the Mpumalanga province.

The families have since taken their matter to the High Court, where they won
their case, but the government continues to harass them. The mere fact that
the security forces continue to ignore the court order makes it clear that
respect for the rule of law does not exist in Swaziland.

For further information, contact Zoe Titus or Kaitira Kandjii, Regional
Information Coordinator, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street,
Mailing Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, tel: +264 61 232975,
fax: +264 61 248016, e-mail: research@misa.org.na or kkandjii@misa.org.na,
Internet: http://www.misa.org/

The information contained in this alert is the sole responsibility of MISA.
In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit MISA.
_________________________________________________________________
DISTRIBUTED BY THE INTERNATIONAL FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
EXCHANGE (IFEX) CLEARING HOUSE
489 College Street, Suite 403, Toronto (ON) M6G 1A5 CANADA
tel: +1 416 515 9622 fax: +1 416 515 7879
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_________________________________________________________________

zimbabwe: DATE TO CHALLENGE MEDIA LAW SET

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11160

Independent Journalists Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ) lawyers have told the Zimbabwe Independent that a Supreme Court hearing of the case in which journalists are challenging the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) would open on 21 November.

MEDIA ALERT

1 NOVEMBER 2002

DATE TO CHALLENGE THE MEDIA LAW SET

INDEPENDENT Journalists Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ) lawyers told the
Zimbabwe Independent that a Supreme Court hearing of the case in which
journalists are challenging the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA) would open on 21 November.

On the same date, all journalists are expected to have lodged their
applications for them to be accredited by the statutory Media and
Information Commission.

IJAZ took the Minister of State for Information and Publicity Jonathan Moyo
to court in August to challenge sections of AIPPA that the journalists say
are unconstitutional, including the powers of the Media and Information
Commission to compel journalists to register on a yearly basis.

Zimbabwean media practitioners are also challenging Section 80 under which
about 11 journalists from the private media have been arrested.

The challenge to the media law covers key sections such as the abuse of
journalistic privilege, publishing falsehoods and the registration of
journalists by the government-run commission.

The government last month gazetted a Bill to amend some sections of the
media legislation, which the journalists' union is challenging. To date, it
is not clear whether or not the case will be heard if Parliament passes the
Bill.

On 12 November, Parliament will resume sitting, two days before the national
budget is tabled. Moyo's move to amend AIPPA has been widely seen as an
attempt to pre-empt the journalists' constitutional challenge to his
fundamentally flawed law. Moyo intends to clarify vague terms such as "abuse
of journalistic privilege", writing of falsehoods, the powers of the Media
and Information Commission and that media houses should be registered.

The amended Bill now seeks to deal with journalists who "intentionally or
recklessly falsify information and (who) maliciously or fraudulently
fabricate information."

END

Rashweat Mukundu
Research and Information Officer
MISA-Zimbabwe
221 Fife Ave
Box HR 8113
Harare
Zimbabwe

Phone: 00 263 4 721 841, 735 441-2
Cell : 00 263 4 011 602 685
E mail: misa@mweb.co.zw

zimbabwe: EDITOR'S AWARD A MAJOR BOOST FOR PRESS FREEDOM

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11161

The Chairperson, the National Governing Council and the Secretariat of the Media Institute of Southern Africa-Zimbabwe Chapter would like to congratulate Mr. Iden Wetherell, the editor of the Zimbabwe Independent, on being honoured by the World Press Review as the Editor of the Year. We believe that such an award is a confirmation of the hard work and commitment to the highest ideals of journalism by the staff at the Zimbabwe Independent and hope that they will continue excelling despite the difficult media environment.
MISA COMMUNIQUÉ

4 NOVEMBER 2002

EDITOR'S AWARD A MAJOR BOOST FOR PRESS FREEDOM

THE Chairperson, the National Governing Council and the Secretariat of the
Media Institute of Southern Africa-Zimbabwe Chapter would like to
congratulate Mr. Iden Wetherell, the editor of the Zimbabwe Independent, on
being honoured by the World Press Review as the Editor of the Year.

We believe that such an award is a confirmation of the hard work and
commitment to the highest ideals of journalism by the staff at the Zimbabwe
Independent and hope that they will continue excelling despite the difficult
media environment.

The independent media has worked under very difficult conditions to give a
correct reflection of the events in Zimbabwe, a feat that has earned most
journalists from the private media international recognition.

Mr. Wetherell was honoured at a luncheon at the United Nations headquarters
in New York last week for his enterprise, courage and leadership in
advancing the freedom and responsibility of the Press.

END

zimbabwe: Media law changes broaden state control

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/media/11293

Nothing smacks of hypocrisy more than a law that purports to afford a profession some protection but which is, in fact, replete with clauses that restrict its practice. It is more serious still if that law attacks one of the most fundamental human rights guaranteed under our constitution– that of freedom of expression and our right to be fully informed. But Zimbabwe's Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) does precisely this by creating a fictitious privilege out of the practice of free expression and then criminalizing those who violate the provisions of this repressive legislation. Such a law has no place in any democracy.
Media law changes broaden state control
By Sizani Weza

Nothing smacks of hypocrisy more than a law that purports to afford a profession some protection but which is, in fact, replete with clauses that restrict its practice.
It is more serious still if that law attacks one of the most fundamental human rights guaranteed under our constitution– that of freedom of expression and our right to be fully informed.
But Zimbabwe’s Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) does precisely this by creating a fictitious privilege out of the practice of free expression and then criminalizing those who violate the provisions of this repressive legislation. Such a law has no place in any democracy.

If the proposed amendments to AIPPA form the bulk of this article, readers should be under no illusion that any serious discussion about regulating the media and promoting access to information in Zimbabwe must now start with how this law in all its forms (amended or not) affects each and everyone of us.
AIPPA is a bad document. Its intentions are calculated to buttress government’s present campaign to dismantle the instruments of democratic practice by silencing the voices of those criticize it excesses.
Despite the fact that dozens of changes were made to the original Bill, which the Parliamentary Legal Committee (PLC) described as “the most calculated and determined assault on our liberties guaranteed by the Constitution ”, AIPPA remains an extraordinarily repressive piece of legislation. Indeed, some amendments proposed by Parliament were discarded on the basis that they would erode “the policy thrust” of a law that intended to give the Minister of Information and the Media and Information Commission that it created unprecedented authority, comparable only to those of the police force and the Supreme Court. In its original form, the Bill even granted the Commission immunity from legal proceedings, a right only enjoyed by the President in the current Constitution.
While these extreme authoritarian provisions did not survive in the Bill’s passage through Parliament, they provided a clear indication of the “policy thrust” that motivated government’s thinking when it introduced the legislation.
And further, a glimpse at some of the statements made in the past by the law’s chief proponent, Minister of Information and Publicity in the President’s Office, Jonathan Moyo, reaffirms these intentions. Just hours before the bombing of The Daily News printing press in the early hours of January 28th 2001 Moyo was quoted on national radio and television (27/01/2001: main news) saying: “… because of its anti-Zimbabwean stance the pro-MDC Daily News poses the greatest threat to the national security and freedom of the press and government will not hesitate to take corrective and legal measures against the wayward publication.”
It is small consolation that Moyo condemned the bombing soon after it happened - albeit blaming the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) without providing any evidence to support his claim. The state’s utter failure to bring the culprits to justice for this exceptional act of blatant terrorism nearly two years ago can only be measured by its subsequent silence on such a grave matter.
More recently, in April this year, the minister warned government parastatals against advertising in The Daily News. This came immediately after the private daily published an inaccurate report alleging that two young girls had witnessed the decapitation of their mother by alleged ZANU PF party supporters. Moyo said that the government could not allow advertisers to “subsidize” the “destruction” of Zimbabwe. He added that if the parastatals “did not stop the rot on their own” the government would ensure the law assists them.
From these and numerous other threats the minister and other government officials have made against the private press, the “policy thrust” of AIPPA becomes abundantly clear: It is nothing more than a government attempt to silence public dissent and its messengers in an effort to promote the selfish interests of the Mugabe regime - which is to extend its stay in power by as many hours as the Zimbabwean public can tolerate.
To do this effectively, the government has to suffocate all the alternative sources of information that reports on government excess and the voices of its victims through economic, legal and all other means at its disposal.

And AIPPA is the instrument with which it plans to achieve this.
The Act intends to “licence” journalists and “mass media services” and imposes fines and jail terms for breaking the provisions of a law that turns the practice of receiving and disseminating news and opinion into a privilege.
No longer is the telling of stories and the dissemination of opinion a right that is constitutionally protected. Under AIPPA the practice of journalism and indeed, the dissemination of any information to an unlimited audience will be severely regulated and enforced.
Already, at least 15 journalists have been charged under AIPPA since it was promulgated on March 15th this year. Others have been threatened, harassed and arbitrarily detained. Beyond this, an increasingly violent and widespread campaign has been launched to prevent private newspapers from being circulated freely around the country. Little effort has been made to curb this entirely illegal activity, and even civic education material has been confiscated - a situation that denies Zimbabweans their right to crucial civic information.

AIPPA’s many evidently unconstitutional clauses and pending legal challenges have exposed the Act’s weaknesses and have convinced the government of the need to gazette amendments to the law.
These reduce its exposure to constitutional challenge and broaden the powers of the Commission and government’s control over the dissemination of all electronic and printed matter to unlimited audiences.

The amendments seek to expand definitions of terms to media related activities that were previously not covered in the original Act. For example, “mass media service” will mean “any service that produces mass media products, whether or not it also disseminates them”. In addition the amendments also redefine a “mass media product” as “an advertisement, the total print or part of the total print of a separate issue of a periodically printed publication, a separate issue of a teletext programme, the total data or part of the data of any electronically transmitted material or audio or video recorded programme”.
The amendments broaden the organizations obliged to conform to the provisions of this law, subjecting virtually every individual and organization involved in the collection and dissemination of information in any form to direct government control and scrutiny.
A “mass media service”, according to the proposed amendments means “any service that produces mass media products, whether or not it also disseminates them”. And it ensures compliance under section 66 of the Act which requires that a ”mass media owner” carry out the activities of a “mass media service” “only after registering and receiving a certificate of registration in terms of this Act”.
The free flow of information in Zimbabwe will thus depend heavily on the decisions of the Media and Information Commission, which has the authority to decide the fate of those who gather and disseminate information for public consumption.
In the original Act, three of the seven members of the Commission were to be nominated by an association of journalists and an association of media houses. The proposed amendments seek to repeal this provision and give the Minister sole discretion to appoint all commissioners who he can suspend or dismiss for “conduct that renders him/her unsuitable”. What constitutes such conduct is not defined, leaving it open to abuse.
That the media fraternity will have no say in the whole process as given in the proposed amendments is significant. This will have the effect of eroding professional independence and thereby undermining the integrity of information reaching the Zimbabwean public.
The Commission’s powers have also been expanded. It can “hold inquiries and issue orders…where it considers that no substantial disputes of law or fact are required to be determined”. This means that the Commission can decide whether or not a dispute involves a matter of fact or law, and will decide all questions of fact and law that arise in the course of an inquiry, thereby usurping the function of the courts. This paves the way for further abuse of the system.

In the past stringent defamation laws have more than adequately served to protect the reputations of individuals from unscrupulous journalism. AIPPA suddenly broadened this limitation on freedom of expression to include the dissemination of any falsehood without qualification. Such a crude “blunderbuss” approach to silencing alternative sources of information is so plainly at odds with section 20 of the Constitution guaranteeing the nation’s rights to free expression and to the public’s unimpeded access to information that amendments providing some qualification for this “offence” were necessary to avoid a successful challenge to the law on constitutional grounds.
As a result, the definition of criminal offences under the amendments has been narrowed in some cases. But they still criminalize the “reckless” publication of any statement without providing some definition for what this is. The same applies to those who publish a statement “without having reasonable grounds for believing it to be true”. Once again, there is no definition for what the word “reasonable” might mean.

The document introducing the amendments that more narrowly define criminal offences under the Act states that they have been made so as to “frame the offence of abuse of freedom of expression in a manner that avoids any apparent conflict with the constitutional freedom of expression.”
Clearly then, these amendments have been made to evade any legal constitutional challenge to the Act while retaining its punitive clauses that undermine Zimbabweans’ constitutionally guaranteed rights to freedom of expression.

While there is nothing objectionable in providing broad legal boundaries to information dissemination, these should not impinge on the constitutionally guaranteed rights to receive and impart information freely because this is the foundation upon which all participatory democracies are built and sustained. Government’s present campaign to craft laws that curtail this free flow of information grossly erodes these rights.

Ideally, any attempt to legislate for access to information should have started with a purge on the Department of Information and Publicity. Normally, such ministries are supposed to facilitate public access to government-held information. But experience, especially in Zimbabwe and elsewhere, shows that they work against this principle. Information ministries work to deny the public certain information the government does not want known. Further, curtailing the operations of the media does not solve the problem of access to information, but rather, exacerbates it.

Indeed, the proposed amendments reinforce the repressive tendencies of AIPPA. Serious and meaningful debate on media regulation should not start with AIPPA since it is a bad document. Its inadequacies as a democratic tool for promoting the free flow of information in the public interest are not helped by the proposed amendments. And its selective application solely against the private Press, as past experience has shown, clearly demonstrates that the “policy thrust” of its promulgation was to silence dissent and starve the nation of important and impartial information.
Ends

Sizani Weza is an Advocacy Programme Officer with the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, 15 Duthie Avenue, Alexandra Park, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 703702, Cell: 263 11 7116645, E-mail: monitors@mweb.co.zw or sizaweza@yahoo.com

africa: Diamond states bar war zone stones

2002-11-07

http://www.mg.co.za/Content/l3.jsp?a=13&o=11596

Forty-five countries engaged in the diamond trade finally signed a new scheme to stem the flow of "conflict" diamonds this week. The certification scheme, which will take effect on January 1, is the result of 30 months of negotiations. Alex Yearsley, a representative for Global Witness, which led the campaign against "conflict" diamonds, expressed reservations about the monitoring scheme. But overall, he said,"we are happy with the agreement. It is great that the governments signed up to it." He added: "Hopefully, it will stop a good 80-90% of conflict diamonds."

africa: stamping out fires is no way to end conflicts

2002-11-07

http://www.dwcw.org/cgi/wwwbbs.cgi?Africa&2

Dialogue Webpage for Conflicts Worldwide say, in a paper on their website on Africa and conflict prevention, that adequate capacity for an Early Warning System that provides advance information on the root causes of crises should be engineered. They say that democratic governance should be institutionalisedand concerted efforts made to deal with the problem of poverty.

BURUNDI: Rebels step up war despite progress at ceasefire talks

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30739

Burundian rebels have launched several fresh attacks against government forces despite progress at ceasefire talks between the two sides, being held in the Tanzanian city of Dar es Salaam.

BURUNDI: Thousands need urgent humanitarian aid

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30755

At least 10,000 people in central and southwestern Burundi, who fled recent fighting between government and rebel forces, need urgent humanitarian aid, local officials said.

car: Regional peacekeeping force to arrive

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30743

The first soldiers of a 350-man regional peacekeeping force are due to arrive "early this week" in Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic (CAR), Gen Lamine Cisse, the Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in the CAR, told IRIN on Sunday. The regional force is to replace a Libyan contingent of some 200 men that has been stationed in CAR since the failed 28 May 2001 coup by former President Andre Kolingba. It will be responsible for protecting President Ange-Felix Patasse, restructuring the CAR's armed forces, and monitoring the CAR-Chad border zones.

car: the capital is Bangui, just by the way

2002-11-07

http://www.dwcw.org/cgi/wwwbbs.cgi?Africa&4

I wonder how many people could name the capital of the Central African Republic? Or even locate it on a map. At the moment there is intense fighting going on there. This is the fifth day of fighting in the capital city of the CAR. The conflict centres on insurgents trying to oust the President, Ange Felix Patasse. These insurgents supposedly comprise the supporters of a former army chief, General Francois Bozize, who has just returned to France, says this commentary on the Dialogue Webpage for Conflicts Worldwide.

DRC-RWANDA: Extra 90 days to implement peace accord

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30737

During talks held on 1 November in the South African administrative capital, Pretoria, Presidents Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Paul Kagame of Rwanda agreed to an extra 90 days to implement the Pretoria peace accord. The accord, signed on 30 July, committed Rwanda to withdrawing its troops from DRC territory in return for the demobilisation and repatriation of Rwandan Hutu Interahamwe militias and former armed forces, who had sought refuge in the DRC following the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

horn of africa: US plans anti-terror HQ in Horn

2002-11-07

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/2392831.stm

US defence officials have confirmed that they are planning to establish a military headquarters in the Horn of Africa to help in the hunt for suspected terrorists. The Horn of Africa has become a main focus of the Americans global war on terrorism and their hunt for suspected al-Qaeda members and their sympathisers.

ivory coast: Talks between rebels and government resume in Lome

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30801

Closed-door talks between the government of Cote d'Ivoire and the rebels resumed in the Togolese capital, Lome, on Wednesday, a source in Lome told IRIN. The talks which were to begin on Monday were delayed when the rebel delegation failed to show up in Lome and threatened to pull out of the talks if their political demands such as the resignation of President Laurent Gbagbo and fresh elections were not included in this round of talks.

liberia: taylor accused of violating UN arms embargo

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211040705.html

A panel of UN experts has accused the government of Liberian President Charles Taylor of violating an arms embargo imposed on the west African nation more than two years ago, the UN information agency IRIN said Thursday. The country received an air delivery of "six cargo aircraft in June, July and August 2002 containing weapons and ammunition supplies totalling over 200 tons", the experts said in the report, delivered to the UN Security Council on October 24.

NIGERIA: Tension mounts in Delta over troop deployment

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30773

Tension is mounting in Nigeria’s oil region Delta state over recent deployment of troops amid allegations by residents that they were subjecting several ethnic Ijaw communities to harassment. Residents of villages including Diebiri, Batan, Ajuju, Ewerigbene and Kumusi said scores of heavily armed naval personnel have been deployed in their riverine communities since an oil spill last month, which affected their farmlands and fishing areas.

SOMALIA: Peace talks deadlocked

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30757

The Somali peace talks, underway in the Kenyan town of Eldoret, are deadlocked over representation in the various committees which are being set up to discuss the establishment of an all-inclusive government, sources close to the talks told IRIN on Tuesday. Members of the leaders' committee (comprising representatives of faction leaders, the Transitional National Government and five members from civil society), which met on Monday, failed to agree on the number of participants each group would be allocated in the various committees, the sources said.

South Africa donates 1 Million for food crisis in Lesotho

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=552

The High Commission of the Republic of South Africa in Lesotho donated 1 million to the Lesotho government for the poverty reduction process.

South Africa: Durban Unicity withdraws illegal levy in shame!

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=549&PHPSESSID=89d8ca2b4609e13b0a722ba35b2614e4

The Tenants Association of Sydenham Heights has won a major victory, with the ANC Durban Unicity being forced to pay back in cash all unlawful levies they collected illegally from poor tenants for several months.

South Africa: Rental Tribunal confirms electricity disconnections illegal

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=538

Residents of Sydenham Heights have been under attack from the City Council since Wednesday, with mass electricity disconnections taking place. The illegitimacy of these disconnections has been confirmed. In terms of the Rental and Housing Act, Section 13 (7) no action should have been taken by Council from the date a complaint was lodged with the Rental Tribunal, until resolution, or for a period of three months.

south africa: Unions, Government at odds over Farm Kalkpan

2002-11-07

http://www.africapulse.org/index.php?action=viewarticle&articleid=545&PHPSESSID=de22c754f7a91ca64eddb7dc7a7867eb

A rift appears to be developing between the country's largest union federation and the government over the fate of Farm Kalkpan, which hit the headlines after the farm manager, sought the eviction of six families.

SWAZILAND: On the brink of starvation

2002-11-07

http://www.peacelink.it/afrinews/79_issue/p2.html

An outmoded land tenure system, poor farming methods and adverse weather patterns have subjected more than a quarter of the population to imminent starvation. The solution, the government says, is the formation of agricultural co-operatives.

UGANDA: President sets up team for talks with rebels

2002-11-07

http://irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=30777

A move by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to establish a six-member team for talks with the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has been hailed as a positive step towards resolving the 16-year insurgency in northern Uganda.

zimbabwe: country Rushing Towards Total Economic Collapse, Warns IMF

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211040485.html

The International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s top expert on Zimbabwe says the country is on the brink of an economic crisis that will make the current hardships seem like child's play. Gerry Johnson, the IMF's resident representative to Zimbabwe, said government mismanagement could soon plunge the nation into a hyperinflationary spiral that would bring the economy to its knees - possibly before year's end.

101 Reasons to use Mozilla as your web browser

2002-11-07

http://www.xulplanet.com/ndeakin/arts/reasons.html

'101 things that the Mozilla browser can do that IE cannot' - a list of the wonderful features of this under-utilised web browser. I use Mozilla all the time, on Windows and Linux, and I suggest you read Neil Deakin's article and then go to www.mozilla.org to download your free copy!

africa: Changing information flows in agriculture in developing countries

2002-11-07

http://www.wougnet.org/Links/agriculture.html#LEISA

LEISA, the biggest international magazine for the exchange of experiences on low external input, sustainable agriculture, has published a special issue on ICTs and the changing information flows in agriculture in developing countries. The articles describe how ICTs play an increasingly prominent role in agricultural communities in developing countries. Included also are several examples illustrating the importance of "old" technologies, such as newsletters and radio, and calling on the development community to use all available means to ensure that farmers have the information they need in order to continue to farm sustainably.

africa: using open source to strengthen civil society

2002-11-07

http://africa.rights.apc.org/

Open source is rapidly gaining ground in Africa as governments, civil society and the private sector begin to recognise the benefits and relevance of the movement to African Information and Communication Technology (ICT)
development.

pda's boost rural research capacity

2002-11-07

http://www.healthnet.org/index2.php

"SATELLIFE Health Information Project" from the United States was one of the two winning projects at the 2002 Stockholm Challenge Award in the "Health" category. SATELLIFE uses multiple technologies - from satellites to modems - to connect health professionals to critical information in under-resourced areas. In rural Africa, manual health surveys are expensive, inadequate, inaccurate and slow. The project uses PDAs to collect timely public health data, return it to policy-makers and explore appropriate affordable technology for the environment. In a Ghanaian trial programme, 30 volunteers trained on the PDAs and completed over 2,400 surveys within five days. The data were analysed and the report delivered in six days instead of the usual four to six months.

SchoolNet Namibia says 'No thanks' to Microsoft

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211040406.html

"Shafted [by Microsoft] for a paltry US$2 000? Not in your ... wildest dreams," writes SchoolNet Namibia founding executive director Joris Komen in an open letter to Microsoft regional manager George Ferreira. In the strongly worded letter, Komen claims Microsoft's offer of free software and a terminal services project to rival SchoolNet's existing Linux system will set SchoolNet Namibia back more than $24 000; a price the organisation is not able or willing to pay.

SENEGAL: Healing and technology

2002-11-07

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/technology/2296893.stm

Healers who brew medicines from indigenous plants are using computers to help preserve their knowledge and to provide them with an income.

South africa: Laser Manufacturer to Produce Cutting-Edge Technology for Nasa

2002-11-07

http://allafrica.com/stories/200211050501.html

South African company Scientific Development and Integration produces laser systems bought by the US's National Aeronautics and Space Administration (Nasa), which discovered the SA company on the internet. Nasa will use the system for trace gas detection in the upper atmosphere.

South Africa: OPERATION STREAMED LIVE OVER THE NET

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/internet/11238

In a South African first, ten orthopedic surgeons watched a live operation in Australia via the Internet from Johannesburg last week. It was made possible by using fibre optic connectivity and streaming technology provided by Internet Solutions (IS) and The Antfarm.
The surgeons were undergoing training and had instant access to some of the top brains in the field as they worked.

The live video streaming, along with a chat facility, allowed the surgeons to ask questions and make comments from Johannesburg as the operation in Australia progressed. At the same time a similar Internet connection was made so doctors in London could witness the operation.

It took some sophisticated technology to link Johannesburg with Australia via Chicago and a fibre optic connection was used which meant the visual signal was at near VHS video quality.

Dion Fowles, Infrastructure Manager , says IS, in partnership with The Antfarm, is the first in South Africa to offer the service on a fibre optic link.

"In the past, signals had to be carried by satellite and this results in transmission breakup as images are relayed between earth stations.

"The South African doctors watched the operation on big screens and were so impressed that they are coming back for more training using this technology," he says.

The link to Australia via Chicago was set up at very short notice - IS and The Antfarm technicians had just two days to make sure everything was in place for the high-speed Internet transmission.

Saki Missaikos, Business Solutions Director at IS, says fibre-based interactive streaming will be offered as a service to the broader business community in future.

"There are huge cost savings that can be achieved," he says.

"For example, it would cost thousands of rands to send ten doctors to Australia. By doing their training over the Internet, they saved on airfares, accommodation, food and other transport costs. At the same time, they spent just a few hours out of the office away from their patients.

"We expect to see tremendous growth in the use of live video streaming as it allows skills to be transferred from wherever experts are in the world," says Missaikos.

[Source: Internet Solutions via TAD Consortium November 2002 Information Update No. 1]

zimbabwe: ICT sector buffeted by Forex shortages and skill losses

2002-11-07

http://www.balancingact-africa.com/news/current1.html#head

The current political crisis and its economic consequences dominate all discussions of Zimbabwe’s connectivity markets. The official US$ to Z$ rate is 1:55. The "parallel market" rate is 27 times as high at 1:1500 and steadily falling. Inflation is currently around 200% and the IMF predicts that it will go as high as 520% by next year. Stripping out the impact of inflation, most ICT businesses are actually shrinking in money terms.

ARISE Email Discussions

2002-11-07

http://www.ariseafrica.org/english/disc.html

During the months of October, November, and December, ARISE will be holding a series of email based discussions on various ICT topics. These discussions will be held with the goal of utilizing our network of African professionals to discuss the key issues in building the Information Society in Africa and to produce an African Research Agenda for the Information Society.

human rights mailing lists

2002-11-07

http://www.derechos.org/human-rights/lists/

Derechos Human Rights is committed to creating and providing channels of communications between human rights organizations, activists and the public. Our goal is to encourage the dissemination of trustworthy information and news about human rights all over the world, to help create quick response mechanisms for violations to human rights, and to facilitate the discussion of human rights issues. To this purpose we have created several mailing lists that we think are can be useful tools for everyone interested in human rights.

Women's Rights Watch Nigeria

2002-11-07

http://lists.kabissa.org/mailman/listinfo/womensrightswatch-nigeria

The Women's Rights Watch Nigeria mailing list networks over 1000 national and international organisations. You will receive alerts on women's rights in Nigeria, updates on legislative reforms and landmark judicial decisions. Join us in campaigning against violations of women's rights in Nigeria.

South Africa: Kinnear's cut raises R23000

2002-11-07

http://www.dispatch.co.za/2002/11/07/easterncape/HAIR.HTM

Tributes and pledges of money continued to pour in for Cancer Association of South Africa (Cansa) fundraiser Jacque Kinnear after she raised about R23000 for the organisation.

South Africa: Manuel urged to untangle the red tape tying up Lotto cash

2002-11-07

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=121

The Democratic Alliance has urged Minister of Finance Trevor Manuel to create a fund for the distribution of Lotto money allocated to the RDP and other miscellaneous projects. Non-governmental organisations are also worried by unallocated funds as many of them are faced with dire financial constraints.

South Africa: Nelson Mandela and the late Princess Diana’s Funds join forces

2002-11-07

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=123

The Nelson Mandela Children's Fund and the Diana, The Princess of Wales Memorial Fund will join forces to help reduce the suffering of Aids orphans, those dying of Aids and the bereaved they leave behind. The joint initiative aims to build on the existing work of both charities.

South Africa: Transnet Foundation injects R150, 000 for a sport development project

2002-11-07

http://www.thusanang.org.za/index.php?option=news&task=viewarticle&sid=124

In a move to develop sport in rural areas, Transnet has announced a R150,000 development project.Transnet Foundation’s senior sport development manager Sepedi Moloto said at the launch at the University of the North (Qwaqwa Branch) that the project, which was aligned to the Government’s Integrated Sustainable Rural Development Strategy, sought to create sporting opportunities for youths aged between 17 and 21 in the province’s rural areas.

Democracy & Diversity Graduate Summer Institute

Cape Town, South Africa, January 08-26, 2003

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/11156

Following upon the success of our region-based institute in South Africa during the past four years, we are pleased to announce the fifth Democracy & Diversity Graduate Summer Institute in Cape Town, South Africa. In an intensive two-week program, an international body of junior scholars and activists engaged in questions of civil society will examine critical issues of democracy and democratization as they manifest themselves in this region and beyond.

From the mailing list of http://www.wougnet.org

Democracy & Diversity Graduate Summer Institute
Cape Town, South Africa, January 08-26, 2003
________________________________________________________________________


Following upon the success of our region-based institute in South Africa
during the past four years, we are pleased to announce the fifth
Democracy & Diversity Graduate Summer Institute in Cape Town, South
Africa. In an intensive two-week program, an international body of
junior scholars and activists engaged in questions of civil society will
examine critical issues of democracy and democratization as they
manifest themselves in this region and beyond.

Eight years after launching its imaginative program for the creation of
a post-apartheid society, economy, and state, South Africa provides an
exceptionally stimulating setting for study and debate on democratic
transitions and consolidation. The Institute, designed and organized
jointly by the Transregional Center for Democratic Studies of New School
University, New York, and The EDGE Institute in Johannesburg, will again
bring together 40 young scholars and civic leaders, primarily from
Sub-Saharan Africa but also from the United States, Latin America, and
Central & Eastern Europe.


Faculty and Program
The highly intensive program, offering the equivalent of a full semester
of graduate study, includes four core seminars, each co-taught by
faculty from Africa and the United States.

The curriculum will be complemented by evening guest lectures, panel
discussions, field trips, and a day-long concluding conference.


Curriculum

* Economic Development and Democracy - Seminar
Stephen Gelb, Director, The EDGE Institute, Johannesburg; and
William Milberg, Department of Economics, Graduate Faculty, New School
University
The transition from an authoritarian system to democracy creates
enormous political pressure for economic change. Economic policy must
respond to the needs of a wider base of citizens. Coinciding with the
wave of democratization over the past decade is a marked "globalization"
of production and finance, involving greater international capital
mobility and trade openness. This heightened interconnectedness of
markets across countries has narrowed the scope for effective economic
policy in any given country and contributed to new forms of cultural and
political response, including global activism, international crime, and
even terrorism. Many governments have relied more heavily on market
mechanisms and adopted policies favoring business investors. What are
the prospects for economic democracy in such an environment? Can the
apparent conflict between globalization and democratization be resolved?
What development strategy options are available? This course will
explore these questions, relying heavily on experiences in Africa, Latin
America and Asia.


* Nationalism, Gender, Globalization - Seminar
Shireen Hassim, Department of Political Studies, University of the
Witwatersrand, Johannesburg; and
Elzbieta Matynia, Committee on Liberal Studies, Graduate Faculty, New
School University
This course will investigate three factors (and their accompanying
movements) that have influenced both political discourse and action in
the new democracies over the last decade. Whether defined as
philosophical concept, ideology, attitude, or group state of mind,
nationalism continues to be a major idee force, leading to successive
reconfigurations of the world map. In Europe, as in Africa, nationalism
has been both a force for progressive and revolutionary change, and a
mobilizing factor in authoritarian politics. Recognizing that the
principle of gender equity is still rarely reflected in actual social
practices in the new democracies, we will discuss the challenging
intersections of gender and nation in postcolonial and post-Communist
societies. We will examine the relationships between women and
nationalist projects, between nationhood and identity, between ethnicity
and politics. Finally we will look at globalization, and consider how
the political goals of nationalist movements (self-determination and
state sovereignty) are challenged by the emergence of a supraterritorial
system of growing interdependence involving the movement of goods,
people, and knowledge across borders.


* The Public Sphere: Problems of Democratic Culture and its
Enemies - Seminar
Xolela Mangcu, Executive Director, Steve Biko Foundation, Johannesburg;
and
Jeffrey C. Goldfarb, Department of Sociology, Graduate Faculty, New
School University
Democracy as a set of political and cultural practices proved to be
significant alternative to 20th Century totalitarian and authoritarian
regimes. In Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, Africa, Latin
America and Asia, potent democratic oppositions initiated a wide variety
of democratic transitions, with greater and lesser successes. The wave
of new democracies led some to celebrate the end of history, while
others struggled with the very difficult tasks of democratic
constitution. On September 11, 2001, the profound character of the
opposition to democracy was revealed to New Yorkers, Americans and the
rest of the world. In this course, starting with a close reading of
September 11 and its aftermath, the political cultures of
authoritarianism, totalitarianism and terrorism will be compared and
contrasted with each other and with democratic culture.
Among the issues to be considered are: the relationships between
democracy and nationalism, and democracy and social injustice; the
legacies of dogmatic and democratic resistance; the problems of civil
society; the dilemmas of multiculturalism; and the sociological
spectacle of media politics (with special focus on terrorism as media
performance).


* Sustaining Democracy? The Problem of Boundaries - Seminar
David Plotke, Department of Political Science, Graduate Faculty, New
School University;
Emmanuel Gyimah-Boadi, Department of Political Science, University of
Ghana, and Centre for Democracy and Development in Accra
What do people have to agree on for democracy to persist? If we can
agree on a basic view of the institutions and commitments required for
democratic politics, hard questions arise at the boundaries of this
polity. Analyzing these questions is valuable not only for their own
importance but also because boundaries help to define and sustain what
they distinguish.
We will look at the problem of boundaries from a number of angles,
primarily through the lens of ongoing major arguments about such matters
as: immigration; the nature of democratic education; whether to limit
political speech to rule out hostile messages; cultural diversity and
its limits; and whether (or when) illegal means are legitimate forms of
political action. This course, then, is about how membership,
toleration, and conflict are related to democratic practices. While the
argument of the course is theoretical, sessions will focus on important
examples and cases from Africa, Europe, North America, and elsewhere.


* Concluding Conference - The State of Democracy in Sub-Saharan
Africa
Guest speakers will include scholars, political commentators, and public
figures from South and Southern Africa.

Guest speakers at past institutes have included:
* Frederick Van Zyl Slabbert (former leader of parliamentary
opposition and co-founder, IDASA),
* Amina Mama (Director, African Gender Institute),
* Njabulo Ndebele (Vice Chancellor, University of Cape Town),
* Zackie Achmat (Director, Treatment Action Campaign),
* Prof. Claus Offe (Humboldt University, Germany), and
* Pallo Jordan (SA African National Congress, Member of
Parliament).


Why Cape Town?
Cape Town, the capital of the Western Cape Province, is simultaneously
an historic and picturesque city of 17th-century origins, and the
dynamic legislative capital of South Africa, the site of its Parliament
and other important political and educational institutions. It is
situated on the Cape of Good Hope peninsula, whose southernmost point is
the richly symbolic tip of Africa. With its mild climate, extraordinary
setting featuring the spectacular Table Mountain and Lion's Head as
backdrops, and its vivid mix of historic sites amid the signs of
energizing social and political change, the Cape Town area is an ideal
location for the Democracy & Diversity Institute.

The main site of the Institute will be Breakwater Lodge, a waterfront
campus of the University of Cape Town and a residential complex whose
history in many ways is intertwined with that of apartheid. It was used
briefly in the early part of this century as a prison, and later, until
1989, as a men's hostel for migrant workers from the rural areas working
in Cape Town harbor. Here one is further confronted by a sobering view
of Robben Island with its massive prison, now a museum, where
anti-apartheid leaders of the African National Congress, including
former President Nelson Mandela, were held.


Who Should Apply?
Candidates invited to apply may have academic backgrounds in the areas
of political science, sociology, social psychology, gender studies,
social work, economics, history, political philosophy, and anthropology.
Applicants will fall into two groups:
* Junior faculty or advanced graduate students (preferably
working toward their Ph.D.) in the fields mentioned above. We are
interested both in theory-oriented students and in those who are engaged
in applied social sciences (e.g., policy design and analysis).
* University graduates who are currently working in leadership
positions in public sector, non-governmental or community-based
organizations.

The Institute offers four intensive seminars, each of which is
equivalent to a one-semester graduate course (complemented by an evening
program and a concluding conference). Participants will select two of
the four seminars and, upon completion of the Institute requirements,
will receive certificates. U.S. graduate students will receive
appropriate credits (3 credits per course for New School University
students).

Institute seminars are conducted in English. All candidates must have
an excellent command of the English language. Participants from
non-English speaking countries must provide evidence of English language
skills.

Preference will be given to those young scholars who, while pursuing
their academic goals, can demonstrate a commitment to the strengthening
of civil society and an active interest in building bridges among
universities, NGOs, and the communities in which they live.


Applications
* Applications from Africa:
Applications are welcome from all countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. A
limited number of scholarships will be available to selected candidates.
The following information is required for the processing of
applications:
* Full name;
* Reliable/preferred mailing address, telephone/fax numbers,
e-mail address;
* Educational background, degrees received, and current
institutional affiliation;
* Applicants affiliated with an NGO or a civic organization should
include a brief description of the nature of the work undertaken by
their organization;
* One letter of recommendation; and
* A 1,500 word essay in English on a key current issue or problem
facing your country, and your views on possible policy measures which
government and/or social organizations, and/or international action
could pursue to address the problem.


Interested candidates should send applications to the attention of
Jonathan Faull at The EDGE Institute. Applications should preferably be
sent via email, but can also be submitted via fax, regular, or courier
mail:
Email: jfaull@the-edge.org.za

South African applications: tel. (011) 339-1757(office); 082-415-0197
(mobile - evenings); fax (011) 4032794

Other African applications: tel. +27-11-339-1757 (office);
+27-82-415-0197 (mobile - evenings); fax +27-11-403-2794

Postal Address: The EDGE Institute, P.O. Box 30896, Braamfontein 2017,
South Africa;

Physical Address (for couriered documents): The EDGE Institute, 11th
Floor Braamfontein Centre, 23 Jorissen St., Braamfontein, Johannesburg,
South Africa

The deadline for applications is November 25, 2002. Applications
received after this date will be considered only if space allows.



* Candidates from North America, Latin America, and Central &
Eastern Europe should contact Timo Lyyra, Transregional Center for
Democratic Studies, New School University, New York, USA; (tel.)
+1-212-229-5580; (fax) +1-212-229-5894; (e-mail) lyyra@newschool.edu
The deadline for applications from these regions is November 18, 2002.


Disclaimer: The organizers reserve the right to cancel the Institute for
reasons involving a force majeur condition or loss of funding.

INTRAC THREE-DAY NON-RESIDENTIAL COURSE IN LONDON, UK

IMPACT ASSESSMENT: How do we know we are making a difference? March 24 – 26 2003

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/11230

NGOs and other civil society groups are now accepted by governments and official agencies, as significant contributors to the development process. But, as the profile of NGOs has increased, so too has the need for them to assess the long-term impact of their work. This course will explore the current state of the debate about impact assessment and review current practice and methodologies.
INTRAC Open Training Programme 2002-2003

Three-Day Non-Residential Courses in London, UK


POWER & PARTNERSHIPS
Dec 10 – 12 2002
Partnerships between NGOs based in the ‘North’ and the ‘South’ have become a key part of international development processes. Whilst NGOs are drawn to the concept of partnership as an expression of solidarity that goes beyond financial aid, in practice the power relations of donor-recipient often skew this potential.

· Different models and typologies of partnership
· Partnerships in practice: findings from INTRAC's research
· Contrasting approaches to partnerships at organisational level
· Where does your organisation fit?
· Managing individual partnerships (including case study examples)
· Towards good practice


SUPPORTING SOUTHERN ADVOCACY
January 29 – 31 2003
Advocacy is an important part of development programming, and NGOs in the South and East are increasingly looking to develop their advocacy strategies and capacity.

· Understanding the context for advocacy in the South and in transitional countries
· Defining core advocacy skills and approaches
· Integration of advocacy into programmes
· Advocacy support and capacity building
· The roles for Northern NGOs in advocacy, and relationships with partners

This course is designed for the staff of Northern NGOs working in programme management and support (desk or field) and in policy departments.


CIVIL SOCIETY STRENGTHENING
February 24 – 26 2003
There are many programmes that purport to support civil society, but it is less clear whether they actually do so. Drawing on our recent International Conference on this theme, this course will:

· Review the link between theoretical approaches to civil society and their practical programme outcomes;
· Review models of civil society strengthening;
· Explore the nature of capacity building in the context of civil society;
· Reflect upon the challenges of monitoring and evaluating such work.


IMPACT ASSESSMENT: How do we know we are making a difference?
March 24 – 26 2003
NGOs and other civil society groups are now accepted by governments and official agencies, as significant contributors to the development process. But, as the profile of NGOs has increased, so too has the need for them to assess the long-term impact of their work. This course will explore the current state of the debate about impact assessment and review current practice and methodologies.

· What do we mean by impact?
· Methodological issues in measuring social change
· Alternative models for impact assessment
· The role of baseline studies
· Using qualitative data
· Case studies

Five-Day Residential Courses in Oxford, UK


EFFECTIVE MANAGEMENT FOR DEVELOPMENT
9 – 13 Dec 2002
This course aims to develop and improve the management capabilities of NGO staff and development workers. Such staff have considerable technical skills and extensive experience of working on a range of projects with local partners, yet often lack the necessary management skills to handle difficult organisational problems or facilitate effective change. The course will not only help participants improve their management capabilities, but will also help them gain an awareness of the impact of their management style, develop greater insight into their leadership role, and increase their confidence in being able to facilitate organisational change.

· Current management thinking and strategic trends
· Management and capacity building
· Managing effective change
· Cross cultural management
· Development leaders and leadership
· Managing people and teams
· Identifying and strengthening personal management competencies


MANAGING A PARTICIPATIVE MONITORING AND EVALUATION PROCESS
13 – 17 Jan 2003
Donors’ demands for greater accountability, together with our own need to learn from and build on our own experiences have led to rapid developments within the field of monitoring and evaluation. Participatory methods are growing in importance as the development community recognises the necessity for involving all stakeholders in the process of development, in order that learning takes place which can contribute to sustainable development processes. At the same time, there has been the realisation that the more traditional monitoring and evaluation methods, based on linear, cause effect interpretations of social development, are limited and need to be enriched by contributions of other perceptions and realities. This course will examine:

· The purposes of monitoring and evaluation
· Stakeholder perspectives and an overview of participatory methods
· Monitoring and evaluation of outcomes and impact at project, programme and organisational level
· Managing the process
· Ensuring institutional learning


ORGANISATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
10 – 14 Feb 2003
A current concern and priority for managers and senior practitioners in the NGO sector is how to build the capacity of their organisations and that of their partner organisations. This course builds on the introductory course (An Organisational Development Approach to Capacity Building) and is designed for people engaged in capacity building programmes with some experience of OD, and who wish to explore issues around different types of intervention.

· The process of OD
· Organisational assessment tools
· The nature of developing relationships
· Pragmatic approaches – short sharp interventions or longer-term processes?
· Individual responses to change and how to plan for these
· Monitoring and evaluation of OD work
· Formation of local practitioners


To apply please contact Rebecca Blackshaw at r.blackshaw@intrac.org
Postal address: PO Box 563, Oxford, OX2 6RZ, UK
Tel: + 44 (0) 1865 201 851
Fax: + 44 (0) 1865 201 852
Website: www.intrac.org

Leadership for Sustainability Course

Stellenbosch, South Africa, Jan 27 - Feb 1 2003

2002-11-07

http://www.comminit.com/events_cal/2003/1571-event.html

This course, applicable to anyone working for private, public or non-profit organisations anywhere in the world, provides participants with an overview of the most significant global environmental, social and economic challenges that face humankind, and an insight into the solutions suggested by the universal commitment to sustainable development.

South African AIDS Conference 2003

Durban, 4 - 8 August 2003

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/11248

Chairperson of the first South African AIDS Conference 2003, Prof Jerry Coovadia, says, "There is a complaint, probably justifiable, that there are too many meetings and conferences on HIV/Aids. While this may seem to be so, we in South Africa are exposed to a catastrophe of massive proportions. This conference aims at nothing less than providing a comprehensive, holistic and precisely relevant programme for all stakeholders, including community representatives, business and the media. There is no equivalent meeting serving such a purpose. This conference leads directly from the hugely successful and landmark AIDS 2000; and one has the organisers promise of a worthy successor to the 2000 conference."
Prof Jerry Coovadia, Chairperson of the 13th International
AIDS Conference held in Durban July 2000 announces the
launch of the South African AIDS Conference 2003. The
Conference will be held at the ICC Durban from 4 - 8
August 2003.

Now Chairperson of the first South African AIDS Conference
2003, Prof Jerry Coovadia, says, "There is a complaint,
probably justifiable, that there are too many meetings and
conferences on HIV/Aids. While this may seem to be so,
we in South Africa are exposed to a catastrophe of massive
proportions.

"This conference aims at nothing less than providing a
comprehensive, holistic and precisely relevant programme
for all stakeholders, including community
representatives, business and the media. There is no
equivalent meeting serving such a purpose. This conference
leads directly from the hugely successful and landmark AIDS
2000; and one has the organisers promise of a worthy
successor to the 2000 conference."

The South African Aids Conference 2003 is unique in that it
combines science and the community to get a broader African
perspective. Attendants can expect to hear both sides of
the story from those in the know, as well as solutions to
this worrying epidemic. Scientists in the research of
HIV/Aids, medical professionals, government departments,
NGO's, industry specialists, international organisations,
businesses and media will all be present for this unique
opportunity at sharing ideas.

The South African AIDS Conference 2003 is organised by the
same non-profit organisation that planned and managed the
successful 13th International AIDS Conference in Durban in
2000. For more information contact Tilda Reyneke at the
South African AIDS Conference 2003 office on (012) 4812059
or tildar@samedical.org

The South African AIDS Conference 2003
PO Box 74789
Lynnwood Ridge 0040
Tel: (012) 4812059
Fax: (012) 4812083
Email: info@aids-sa.com

Margaret Blabey
Email: mblabey@prb.org

Forwarded from The PRB Africa Media listserv

The Right to dissent: Workshop on Freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration in South Africa - Lessons from the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD)

14 November , Johannesburg, South Africa

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/courses/11129

Since the advent of constitutional democracy in South Africa eight years ago, the crucial rights of freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration were, for the first time perhaps, brought into sharp focus during the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg in August 2002. This much was borne out by the nature of the relationship that existed between the state and individuals regarding how these essential rights could be exercised during the summit. At best that relationship was steeped in confrontation. It is against this simmering background that the "right to dissent" workshop has been planned. By and large, the workshop aims to explore the tension between the right of individuals to express themselves freely through the medium of assemblies and demonstrations as guaranteed by the constitution, and the state's authority to regulate such right in terms of national legislation.
The Freedom of Expression Institute invites you to a
Workshop on

The Right to dissent:
Freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration in South Africa; Lessons
from the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD)

Since the advent of constitutional democracy in South Africa eight years
ago, the crucial rights of freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration
were, for the first time perhaps, brought into sharp focus during the World
Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg in August 2002. This much
was borne out by the nature of the relationship that existed between the
state and individuals regarding how these essential rights could be
exercised during the summit. At best that relationship was steeped in
confrontation.

On the one hand individuals expressed their readiness to assemble and
demonstrate with or without the state's sanction, while on the other, the
state indicated, and indeed demonstrated its strong determination to employ
force and stop all gatherings that did not conform to the law. In the run up
to and during the summit itself, many people were arrested while others
suffered injuries when police used force to disperse what they considered to
be 'illegal gatherings'.

It is against this simmering background that the "right to dissent" workshop
has been planned. By and large, the workshop aims to explore the tension
between the right of individuals to express themselves freely through the
medium of assemblies and demonstrations as guaranteed by the constitution,
and the state's authority to regulate such right in terms of national
legislation.

Speakers have been drawn from a wide range of backgrounds including
constitutional law experts, academics, civil society activists, the local
authority and the South African Police Service.

Details: -

Date: Thursday 14 November 2002

Venue: City Lights Room
Johannesburg Civic Theatre
Entrance parking: Cnr Simmonds/Stiemens Str
Braamfontein
(Free parking available)

Time: 9:00 for 9:30am- 16:30

Please confirm your attendance with Ms. Pinky Magau at 011-403 8403, or
e-mail, pinky@fxi.org.za by Friday November 8 2002. Kindly contact Pinky too
if you need more details about the workshop or directions to the venue..

We look forward to engaging with you.



***

The Right to dissent:
Freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration in South Africa; Lessons
from the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD)

Date: Thursday, 14 November 2002

Venue: City Lights Room
Johannesburg Civic Theatre
Entrance parking: Cnr Simmonds/Stiemens Str
Braamfontein


Workshop programme

9:00-9:30am Registration and Tea

Session 1:

Chair: Simon Kimani Ndung'u, Coordinator, Anti-censorship Programme, Freedom
of Expression Institute.

9:30-9:45am Opening address
Kate Skinner, Deputy Chairperson, Freedom of Expression Institute

9:45-10:15 Defining the constitutional right to freedom of expression,
assembly and demonstration
Yasmin Sooka, Director, Foundation for Human Rights

10:15-10:30 Questions/comments

10:30-10:45 Tea break

Session 2:

Chair Mamashoabathe Noko, National Coordinator,
South African Climate Action Network.

10:45-11:15 Theory and practice of the right to freedom of expression,
assembly and demonstration: A critical examination of the Regulation of
Gatherings Act (205 of 1993)
Mandla Seloane, Human Sciences Research Council

11:15-11:45 The role of the local authority in regulating assemblies and
demonstrations: The WSSD as a case study
Chris Ngcobo, Chief of Police, Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department.

11:45- 12:15 The role of the SAPS in regulating assemblies and
demonstrations: How should police respond to 'unauthorized' gatherings? The
WSSD as a case study.
J. Meyer, Director SAPS, Area Johannesburg

12:15-12:45 Questions/comments

12:45- 13:45 Lunch

Session 3:

Chair Jody Kollapen, Chairperson, South African Human Rights Commission

14:00- 15:00 Experiences of social movements during the WSSD
Dale T McKinley, Anti-Privatisation Forum
Ann Eveleth, National Land Committee

15:00- 15:15 Questions/comments

15:15- 15:30 Tea break

Way forward

15:30- 16:00 The political economy of repression and the state's need to
criminalise dissent
Salim Vally, Director, Education Policy Unit, Wits University

16:00-16:25 Comments/questions

16:25-16:30 Closure and word of thanks
Jane Duncan, Executive Director, FXI

africa: Project Manager, Open Knowledge Network

OneWorld International

2002-11-07

http://jobs.oneworld.net/ads/index.cfm?job_id=1804

The Open Knowledge Network is an initiative of the G8 Digital Opportunity Taskforce (DOTForce) linking together existing grassroots information and knowledge-sharing initiatives to promote both the creation and the exchange of local content as widely as possible across the South, supported by a range of different information and communication technologies. The programme is coordinated by OneWorld International and its network of southern offices. See www.openknowledge.net for more information. The Project Manager, located in Africa, will be responsible for planning, coordinating and delivering OKN activities in the region, based on building solid relationships with a range of stakeholders (especially at grassroots level) in a pan-African context.

burundi/east africa: country director

CARE USA

2002-11-07

http://www.fpa.org/jobs_contact2423/jobs_contact_show.htm?doc_id=129318

The Country Director (CD), based in Bujumbura, Burundi, is responsible for providing overall leadership to the country office's program, financial, human resources, and administrative management. This includes oversight of the development, implementation and evaluation of high quality country office strategic annual plans for programs that are in support of CARE's worldwide purpose and strategic directions.

drc: Statistics Expert

COOPI - Cooperazione Internazionale

2002-11-07

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/res.nsf/wDocs/AE7E217F377C2AC8C1256C5D0033CB9D

The Statistics Expert will be in charge to take a census of Zongo and Libenge population. The researches and studies must be completed not later than December 2002.

liberia: country representative

The International Foundation for Education and Self-Help

2002-11-07

http://www.fpa.org/jobs_contact2423/jobs_contact_show.htm?doc_id=129352

IFESH is initiating a new project in Liberia, beginning in January 2003. Funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Liberia Integrated Civil Society Development Initiative is to assist in the country's transition from a state of conflict to one of rehabilitation and development by helping local communities become more actively engaged in the country's social, economic and political development.

Sierra Leone: Psycho-social Support Consultant

Special Court for Sierra Leone

2002-11-07

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/res.nsf/wDocs/4C6FEF06BAFA356AC1256C6300403D31

Under the supervision Registrar of the Special Court, the expert consultant will undertake a 1 month in-depth assessment, producing a report recommending specific measures and training needs for the court.

South africa: executive director

Centre for Conflict Resolution

2002-11-07

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/jobs/11191

The Centre seeks to appoint a dynamic and visionary Executive Director. He/she will ensure that the Centre fulfils its mission and goals; has a high level of expertise in relation to these goals; retains its national and international reputation for excellence; adapts to significant political and other changes in the external environment; conducts its business in a professional manner; is financially viable and sustainable; and has strict financial controls.
CENTRE FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION
The Centre for Conflict Resolution is an independent, non-governmental organisation with close links to the University of Cape Town. Based in Cape Town, it works nationally and in other African countries to promote constructive, creative and co-operative approaches to the resolution of conflict and the reduction of violence. The Centre engages in peacemaking, skills training and research, runs conflict management capacity-building programmes in South Africa and the region; and has partnerships with many United Nations agencies and government departments in South and Southern Africa. It has forty full-time staff and an annual budget of ZAR15 million.

The current Executive Director is stepping down in order to pursue his research interests as a Centre Associate. The organisation therefore seeks to appoint a dynamic and visionary EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR He/she will ensure that the Centre fulfils its mission and goals; has a high level of expertise in relation to these goals; retains its national and international reputation for excellence; adapts to significant political and other changes in the external environment; conducts its business in a professional manner; is financially viable and sustainable; and has strict financial controls.

· The ideal candidate must have the following competencies:
· Demonstrated ability to lead and run a complex and diverse organisation, evidenced by substantial experience in a senior management position A national reputation as an expert in a particular area of peacemaking or peacebuilding A tertiary degree in international politics, conflict resolution or related field Extensive experience and proven ability in raising funds Good networks in the conflict resolution, political, NGO and funder sectors Excellent working knowledge of South African and African politics Sound political and organisational judgement and foresight; integrity; maturity; creativity; vision; flexibility; self-confidence; inspires trust and confidence Commitment to the values of the Centre, including political non-partisanship and democratic decision-making Preference will be given to a candidate with the following:
An international profile as an expert in a particular area of peacemaking or peacebuilding A tertiary degree in management with a post-graduate degree in international politics, conflict resolution or related field Proficiency in an African language used in Southern Africa An ability to provide academic leadership and support to staff Good relations with political actors in Southern Africa In terms of CCR's employment equity plan, preference will be given to a suitably qualified black applicant.

The commencement date for this post is June 2003. Interviews will be held in January / February 2003.

Further information about CCR can be obtained from its website: http://ccrweb.ccr.uct.ac.za

Ndotshi Consulting has been retained to manage the recruitment and selection process for the position. Please fax a covering letter, a comprehensive, updated CV with a clear outline of key achievements and distinctive competencies relevant for the position, plus the names and contact details of at least three referees (of which one must be a recent employer) to +2711 463 0294, or e-mail to ndotshi@pixie.co.za, Tel: +2711 706 1121. Any enquiries can be directed to Ms Jongi Ndlovu. Please do not contact the Centre for Conflict Resolution directly. Applications close on the 15th November 2002.

sudan: country director

GOAL

2002-11-07

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/res.nsf/wDocs/58382A5136D97F1BC1256C5D0058A903

The GOAL Country Director is responsible for the management and ongoing development/expansion of GOAL's work in the Sudan. He/She will be responsible for ensuring that GOAL's work contributes effectively and efficiently towards meeting the short, medium and long term needs of the poorest of the poor, within the framework of the organisation's objectives.

uganda: Program Consultant

Christian Reformed Church in North America

2002-11-07

http://www.reliefweb.int/w/res.nsf/wDocs/505EF6B10CE80DC7C1256C60007314BF

The Christian Reformed Church in North America has an immediate opening for a Program Consultant with the Christian Reformed World Relief Committee. Based in Arua, Uganda, the posting will include consultation and training of church partner organizations to implement and improve community development programs that ensure positive results and organizational capacity building. One year cross-cultural experience and two years community development or organizational development consultation is required.

Fahamu