The Nigerian government is investigating allegations that German telecoms and industrial conglomerate Siemens paid bribes to Nigerian officials in order to secure lucrative contracts for telecommunications equipment in the African country. Nigerian President Umaru Yar'Adua has ordered an investigation and has said that the government will not cover up for anyone found guilty of violating the law.

Ownership of the Cahora Bassa dam on the Zambezi river has finally been transferred from Portuguese control to Mozambican hands at a ceremony witnessed on 27 November by five southern African heads of state and government. The ceremony, which took place in the village of Songo, in the central Mozambican province of Tete, was preceded by last-minute negotiations on the terms of the deal which lasted well into the early hours of Tuesday.

The annual report from the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), released ahead of World AIDS Day on Saturday (December 1st), said that while HIV infection has stabilised worldwide, AIDS "remains the top cause of death in Africa." According to UN statistics disclosed in the November 20th report, the number of people in Morocco carrying the virus rose from 18,000 in 2006 to 20,000 this year.

When the number of people reported with diarrhoea began to increase alarmingly in the town of Delmas in Mpumalanga Province towards the end of October, residents had flashbacks to an outbreak of diarrhoea and typhoid that took place in August and September, 2005. They feared the worst as the number of cases grew in the community of about 45,000 people -- 60 kilometres east of South Africa's financial centre, Johannesburg.

Ecotourism has been heralded as a means to promote economic development while protecting wildlife regions. However, there has been minimal examination of its effect on indigenous people. This Minority Rights Group briefing argues that many indigenous communities who traditionally occupied current ecotourism destinations have been evicted in order to create these spaces, thus limiting their access to ancestral land and undermining their traditional livelihoods.

Owner of a guesthouse, Villa Vita Nouva, may soon face Equality Court for discriminating against gay guests. Marion Botha cancelled a gay couple’s booking a week ago after finding out that they were gay claiming that her guesthouse in Vredenburg, Cape Town, doesn’t accommodate homosexuals. In her refusal outlined in the email she sent one of the guests, Botha emphasised that her four star guesthouse is “certainly not gay friendly.” She further indicated that the guesthouse was a Christian household.

A group of deserters from Uganda's notorious Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) said on Friday the rebels' leader Joseph Kony had executed his deputy Vincent Otti, who has been instrumental in peace talks. "What you should know is that Kony ordered for Otti's execution on the 2nd of October," former LRA commander Sunday Otto told reporters, speaking on behalf of seven rebels flown to Kampala after handing themselves in to U.N. peacekeepers.

The European Union must abandon paternalism in Africa and strongly invest in the commodity-rich continent or risk being overtaken by China's "easy money", the bloc's development chief warned on Friday. "Forget it, Africa is not Europe's private hunting reserve. Europe is not alone in Africa, it will never be alone there anymore," Louis Michel said a week ahead of the Lisbon EU-Africa summit, the first in seven years, on Dec. 8-9.

A South African scholar was barred from the United States because of his criticism of US policy in Iraq and the Guantanamo Bay prisoner camp, a civil rights group said in a lawsuit filed on Tuesday. Accusing the Bush administration of stifling academic debate by routinely denying visas to critics, the American Civil Liberties Union filed the federal suit on behalf of four groups that invited Adam Habib, a Muslim, to speak in the United States.

After the website Somali Gay Community was launched earlier this month, the staff behind the site has received death threats. The news about the website, which major Somali media picked up from afrol News, caused a storm of debate that included threatening hate messages. But it also gave the new gay site very many hits and members, documenting needs in Somali society.

The UN special envoy for Darfur has again expressed concern over the security and humanitarian situation in the Sudanese region, where violence displaced at least 30,000 civilians in October alone, and led to the deaths of seven humanitarian workers. In a statement to the UN Security Council in New York on 27 November, Jan Eliasson said the killing of the seven Sudanese aid workers was the highest monthly casualty since July 2006 and the displacement in October brought the total this year to 280,000.

Sub-Saharan Africa is an ideal transit area in the international drug trafficking network. Increasing volumes of illicit drugs, particularly heroin and cocaine, are being shipped through the region en route to their final destination: the thriving markets of Europe and North America. With lax border controls, inadequate law enforcement, and growing international transport connections and trade links, it was only a matter of time before traffickers took notice

The head of Zambia's powerful drug-busting unit has been arrested and charged with stealing public funds and abuse of office for allegedly pocketing money confiscated from culprits, an official said on Thursday. Ryan Chitoba (53) was arrested on Wednesday by the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), which has been investigating him for the past six months, ACC spokesperson Timothy Moono said in a statement.

The Maasai Integral Resource Program [mirp] have two core programs - Education and Conservation. In education, mirp supports ten primary schools with a population of 4058 students by improving the infrastructure like classrooms, desks and teaching materials and also supports 86 vulnerable children [24 of them orpahns]. In Conservation mirp is involved in wildlfie security to stop poaching and bush meat trade as well as cultural tourism where guests stay with hosts
families at a fee.

Liberia is granting citizenship to 2,600 Sierra Leonean refugees who chose to stay in the country after the end of a 10-year civil war back home, a government official has said. The refugees, who will go through a process of naturalisation, started receiving portions of farmland this week being dished out at Bensonville, 60 kilometres (40 miles) northeast of the capital.

What gains and what challenges do we have two years after the entry into force of the protocol? This is the overall question that the various articles presented in this special issue of Pambazuka aim at addressing. And what is clearly coming out is that the challenges outweigh the gains made so far, says Faiza Mohamed.

What gains and what challenges do we have two years after the entry into force of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa?

This is the overall question that the various articles presented in this special issue of Pambazuka aim at addressing. And what is clearly coming out is that the challenges outweigh the gains made so far. The articles which are mostly written by members of the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) coalition, for the occasion of the second anniversary of the Protocol’s entry into force, bring out descriptive country situations with emphasis on the extent to which the Protocol is embraced or not embraced by the governments of Kenya, South Africa, the Sudan and Uganda; but there are also mention of regional/continental level perspectives looking at how far the Protocol has gained momentum as a recognized tools for action to protect the human rights of women.

The authors raise several key issues that beg closer attention if this Protocol is at all to make a meaningful difference in the lives of many African women.

1. Universal ratification of the Protocol – i.e. ratification by all the member states – is critical for all African women to equally have the benefit of its implementation. The majority of the countries (30) have not ratified and clearly this is a problem. If you consider women as representing 50% of the total population [1] (in some countries they are more than 50% but let us stick to 50% for now) of these 30 countries, then this would approximately translate to 260.7 million women and girls being denied the chance to claim their rights as provided in the Protocol. This is more than 50% of Africa’s female population and surely this should be of great concern to all of us!

2. Various stakeholders in any given country need to take ownership of the Protocol, chief among them being the state itself. Obviously, it has been left up to the civil society organizations and in particular women’s organizations to be the flag bearers and its nurturers. Where are the states that have adopted it and pledged to carry it through? Where are the Presidents who made a solemn declaration to deliver it to the women of Africa? What about mainstream human rights organizations? Should they too leave it to the women or should they also take responsibility to advocate for it and live up to it? What will it take to have these important stakeholders embrace the Protocol as their own? Ownership by all, and not just the women, is a critical factor for the success of the African women’s rights Protocol.

3. Reservations entered against any article of the Protocol are obstacles aimed at defeating the objectives for which it was created. Of the 23 countries that ratified the Protocol only two (The Gambia and South Africa) had put up some reservations. Recently Gambia removed its reservations leaving South Africa as the only country with reservations. On a closer look one could argue that South Africa’s reservations are not harmful ones. But the notion of a leading African state, whose standards are looked up to as a model in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) region, setting such a negative precedence (as reservations obviously carry that notion) is indeed worrying. Others would also argue that if a country, such as Kenya, Sudan and Uganda, want to ratify with reservations then let them do so because then their women will not be totally denied to benefit from the rest of the rights provided in the Protocol. And who knows, after some further advocacy work, they could come around as Gambia did to lift such reservations. These are important points to reflect on.

4. What is the added value of the African women’s rights Protocol? Clearly there is no doubt that it complements other international human rights instruments, such as the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against women (CEDAW), and many people would add that it also further provides rights that are well situated within the realities and needs of African women; but as the authors point out in their articles its value has not been exploited yet to reap the benefits it offers African women. As Delphine Serumaga states in her article on the situation in South Africa, “Women and the girl-child remain marginalized with regards to access to basic human rights such as justice, safety and security, housing and health.” If the situation is as such in one of the most developed countries in Africa what can we imagine would the case be in the less advantaged countries? For African women to reap the value of the women’s rights Protocol, countries must domesticate it, must invest resources into mass education, as obligated under article 26 (2) of the Protocol (on implementation and monitoring), must encourage women to seek help at designated places when their rights are violated, and must ensure that the justice system delivers free from its, often alleged, patriarchy’s biases. Many states can learn from countries like Djibouti which has, not long ago, set up a help Center for women whose rights are abused and equipped it with a hotline service for women to immediately report violations; and then it follows through their cases in the courts. In a short while the Center managed several hundred cases which had a good impact on the attitudes of the public in appreciating the rights of women. This is one example of how member states could turn the Protocol into real value for women.

These and more issues are deliberated in the several articles that follow; and the critiques and ideas that are discussed to re-energize the campaign could serve as food for thought. SOAWR members are definitely going to deliberate on them, during their upcoming meeting in January 2008, so that the African women’s rights Protocol is translated into, to borrow Pamela Mhlanga’s words, “substantive rights” and not allowed to remain as “paper rights”!

Keep on reading……….

Note
1 Source of population data: US Census Bureau

* Faiza Jama Mohamed is the Africa Regional Director of Equality Now and convener of the Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) coalition.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

It is two years since the protocol came into force. Time has come for it to become a reality at the level of the family argues Morissanda Kouyate.

It is two years since the Protocol came into force. Time has come for it to become a reality at the level of the family. On the 11th of July 2003, African Heads of state adopted the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. This historic event was a breath of fresh air for African women’s rights. As I have stressed in a previous article, these are rights, and not privileges due to women (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/22731). In the four years since its adoption, the Protocol has been ratified by the requisite 15 countries, and has come into force as per the statutes of the African Union.

A lot has come to pass during this time: Heads of state have participated in meetings of the AU, only to return home and “forget” to ratify agreements signed on behalf of their people; attempts to water down the Protocol by expressing reservation on certain fundamental articles; but we have also seen a number of resolute political leaders committed to advancing the cause of African women and overcoming the paradox: Nothing without women, but everything for men.

Faced with this incomprehensible slothfulness on the part African governments, the question arises: What is the price of ratification? It requires neither a detailed plan of action, nor foreign aid. All that is required is a strong political will and a commitment to the rights of women. It is unacceptable for politicians to spout pro-feminist rhetoric while the protocol document gathers dust in the parliamentary drawers and ministerial archives.

Forget for a moment the speeches, conferences and workshops, and introduce the protocol to African families (men, women and children). Rather than localization, we should be talking about appropriation, as SOAWR and it global partners have endeavoured to do.

We must continue to involve all sectors of African society: political, religious and traditional leadership, parents, and youth groups. But most of all, the women and girls whose rights have been suppressed in the name of supposed cultural and traditional values.

Catchy slogans will not suffice. What is required is a door-to-door campaign to inform women that their right to protection against female genital mutilation, child-marriage , HIV/AIDS, etc, is enshrined in a document called the Protocol, signed by their own leaders.

To those who argue that the illiteracy prevents women in African villages from enjoying the full protection of the Protocol, let us make it very clear: women’s rights are acquired at birth and not in the classroom.

The work of activists is thus one of restoring innate rights that have previously been alienated. Achieving this requires the kind of innovation and assertiveness that SOAWR displayed by ‘red-carding’ countries that had not yet ratified the Protocol, at regional and international conferences.

This strategy can be further fine-tuned. I would suggest, for instance, that local women in non-ratifying countries issue these red-cards to their own leaders at meetings and rallies. This would be a clear signal to them that until and unless they ratify the Protocol, they do not deserve to participate on the local political playing field.

That the Protocol has come into force, after the required 15 signatories, is thanks to the gargantuan efforts of SOAWR and its partners. Never before in the political history of the continent has a document been ratified so rapidly. The challenge, however, still lies in exposing leaders who are yet to ratify the protocol, perhaps in the hope that it will be overtaken by events. Of equal importance is the challenge of restoring women to their rightful place in the vanguard of the continent’s development.

Future efforts must focus on the beneficiaries of the Protocol. It is only through them that the Protocol will truly come into force.

Dr. Morissanda Kouyate is Director of Operations, Inter-African Committee and Secretary-General, CPTAFE, Republic of Guinea

* Please send comments to or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

Today, as many across the continent celebrate the 2nd Anniversary of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, the women’s movement in Uganda is struggling to find the protocol, says Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe.

Today, as many across the continent celebrate the 2nd Anniversary of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, the women’s movement in Uganda is struggling to find the protocol; which seems to ‘have been lost’! Uganda, just like a number of other African States has to date signed but not yet ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.

Signature only is a presumption of serious interest but does not guarantee ratification, domestication and implementation. The Protocol in Uganda stalled since 2005 where, it is reported that instruments of ratification had been prepared by government but the protocol lost momentum as well as priority on the part of the government to ratify this protocol. The Protocol in Uganda seem to have got lost and many do not seem to know where it is or even the process to date.

‘We have not seen this protocol in Parliament. The Cabinet has also not ratified it. It has got lost somewhere and we do not know where it is.’ Rt. Hon Rebecca Kadaga, Deputy Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Uganda, 6th August 2007.

With the current realities, the lives of women in Uganda have been redefined by national, regional and international occurrences. For instance, globalization has impacted on women where more increasingly women are getting poorer due to unfair trade, weaker role of the state, the war on terror, SAPs, PRSPs, etc. In addition, women’s triple roles are being increased due to the global trends like: commercialization of food crops, privatization of water, etc.

There is also a waning political will at the national level which implies that women’s issues are taking back sea due to the increasing feeling that women have had had it all but are being ungrateful yet today government is committed to less vigorous roles a far as human rights are concerned. In addition, the rise of militarism is tending to redefine women’s rights and choices, as well as institutionalizing violence against women – this is especially so in Northern and Eastern Uganda which has been affected by civil strife, displacement and political instability for last 20 years.

For the human rights and women’s movement in Uganda, the protocol is important because: it gives impetus to national laws and policies like the Domestic Relations Bill (Uganda’s family law that has not been enacted since the 1960s - for over 40 years) Land Law ownership, Sexual Offences Law, Domestic Violence Law and law on trafficking in persons. The protocol is paramount as it will help African States to exercise gender justice.

‘If anything, this Protocol should facilitate African States to pass fairer legislation’ Stella Mukasa, Feminist, AMwA, July 2007.

Similarly, a survivor of 3 conflicts in Uganda laments that:

‘If there was law to be passed or treaty to be ratified, it should prevent soldiers from assaulting women as well as protecting women from local / community instigated forms of violence. How do we even ensure that that law applies to the rebelling forces?’ Loy Adepuit Owani, Soroti District, Eastern Uganda.

The Protocol also provides a legal framework at continental level (standardized) and the monitoring of these at continental level.

‘If we can have the protocol, it gives us similar standards, frameworks against impunity across Africa’. Eva Luswata Kawuma- Advocate of the High Court of Uganda, 18/10/07

The Protocol also consolidates and protects the gains so far registered in Uganda such as: women’s education, political participation, Affirmative Action especially in political and governance sector as well as bringing to bear the regional expectations in as far as protection and promotion of women’s rights is concerned.

The Backdrop: Challenges of the Protocol

One of the biggest challenges has been the rise of fundamentalism, re-negotiation of women’s basic rights as well as the waning state commitment to women’s rights. More generally globally, there are fundamentalist forces that are re-defining women’s space ands positions in the form of economic, religious, political, ethnic and cultural fundamentalism.

In Uganda, this has not been helped by the fundamentalist forces taking hostage of the state and using it to roll back on the achievements so far registered. The most vivid backlash of fundamentalism has been experienced with work on the Protocol in Uganda as well as on work with the family law (The Domestic Relations Bill). The state has been held hostage by strong religious groups especially Christian fundamentalists (the Catholic Church and Pentecostals) who are opposed to certain articles in the Protocol especially Article 14 that deliberates on Health and Reproductive Rights. In 2005, the Catholic Church came up with a 2 page centre spread press release in the two of the leading newspaper dailies strongly opposing the Protocol, describing it as one that opens up un-African behaviour and rights especially abortion and use of contraceptives that are contrary to the doctrines of Christianity, morality, and African culture. In a similar move, in 2006/2007, the Pentecostal Churches also signed nationwide petitions opposing the Protocol. In their contestation, these groups have either openly opposed the whole protocol or even calling upon government if its to ratify, it does so with reservations on certain areas such as Article 14, which has been contested within the women’s movement as seen below.

‘We do not want government to ratify with reservations… this brings about impunity where there may have reservations on many articles … Also the process removing reservations is very tedious’. Marren Akatsa-Bukachi, EASSI Executive Director, Interview in the Protocol Video – As Time Ticks, AMwA / SOAWR 2007.

There is also waning political will and outright hostility to women’s issues and the notion of we gave you which implies that rights are granted and can be withheld at leisure by the powers that be. Due to the weak political will and half hearted reforms, gender mainstreaming has been reduced to one sentence usually appended onto policy statements. Gender distributive policies challenge peoples cherished belief, they are often addressed as technical aspects of programming but not real commitment and action is undertaken.

Most countries shy away from economic and social rights progressively because they have to allocate budgets yet, gender budgeting is still a challenge to many developing countries, Uganda inclusive. While the women’s movement managed to register a lot of achievements in the period 1986-2000, after that period, there has been waning political support to women’s emancipation and increasing fatigue. Besides, the failure to consolidate the gains so far registered as well as become independent , free of patronage from the ruling party’s has affected the leverage and power to negotiate on a number of issues.

The problem of convincing policy makers is that; social and economic rights to be understood in terms of development and wellbeing of women. This coupled with the increasing complacence and fatigue in as far as women’s rights imply that advocacy on the protocol is an uphill task.

Many actors (state and non state actors) do not understand the protocol and its provisions, hence, a lot of work has to be done to popularize and raise awareness on the protocol. For example, on 6th August 2007, Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA) as part of SOAWR commissioned and launched a documentary on the Protocol entitled ‘As Time Ticks’. The current Minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development – Hon. Syda Bbumba was interviewed by the press on 7th August 2007 and was reported to have confessed that she was not aware or heard about any such a Protocol. She is reported to have responded as: ‘I do not know anything about such a protocol. I would be telling a lie if I commented about it’ Hon. Syda Bbumba, Interview in August 2007

Yet, it is the same ministry that prepared a Cabinet Paper to be discussed by Cabinet in 2004/2005!

In a similar development, a number of Members of the 8th Parliament in Uganda indicated that they were not aware whether this particular Protocol is supposed to be ratified by Parliament or Cabinet and what their role should be! This is an indicator that the Protocol is not known, information is still lacking among policy makers, legislators, and foreign ministry relevant departments and if known, its not prioritized on the part of government.

De-politicizing of the women’s agenda has also implied that the women’s movement in Uganda has in the last few years tended to address issues that are that are less controversial and leave out those that redefine women’s total liberation. Issues such as: women’s bodily integrity, sexuality and sexual orientation, private lives of women, gender based violence, abortion rights, sexual, reproductive health and rights, etc have tended to be left unattended or minimally addressed. In addition, sexual and reproductive rights still remain elusive and, the failure to understand that even provisions of the protocol makes it under restricted circumstances. There is also increased bureaucracy and reduced activism among human rights stakeholders, which has led to even failure to consolidate past gains. This makes them unable to seriously and consistently engage in the human rights issues such as the Protocol.

In relation to the above, one of the biggest challenges of the Protocol in Uganda has been the inconsistency in the advocacy generally within the women’s movement and mainstream human rights and the fact that many human rights actors look at as women struggles not as human rights struggles. Hence with such a situation, advocacy on the Protocol faces stiff resistance as it pushes women’s rights to address these fundamental rights.

There are also discussions about whose struggle is it anyway? Issues about social mobilization, linkages and supporting each others work on the Protocol have been very loose and mainly left to the SOAWR Members in Uganda (Akina Mama wa Afrika and Eastern African Support Initiative for the Advancement of Women) both of which are international women’s NGOs. Hence, implying that most national women’s organizations are not actively engaged with the protocol advocacy or even relate to their mandates that they are dealing with on day to day basis. As observed by renowned feminist, ‘Activists identify with an issue as long as there is no struggle’ (Marjorie Mbilinyi, Tanzania)

Work on the protocol has been an uphill struggle, some of which pit with the core of patriarchy which seem as an added controversial burden to many in the women’s movement in Uganda who are already battling with a lot of agenda. Major issued to dialogue internally are: What kind of issues do we address and how far are we willing to go? Arent we operating within the same patriarchal framework that redefines what is good for women and what is bad? How far are we willing to address specific rights that have hitherto been labeled no go areas? Do we take on women in their diversity and orientation or are we still ‘playing safe’? How do we handle the controversy and difference within the movement as far as the Protocol is concerned?

The Lack of the Protocol Impacting on Women’s Lives in Uganda

Many should be asking why we need to ratify the Protocol in Uganda given all the various initiatives undertaken at national level to uplifting the status of women. One of the glaring impacts of the lack of ratification of the protocol is that laws, administrative, social and economic indicators that states are obliged to provide are not in place. Women’s rights in Uganda have still remained rhetoric mainly as rights enshrined in the 1995 Constitution. This explains why to date there is reluctance in enacting laws, setting up policies and programmes that operationalise women’s rights like the family law, laws on GBV, trafficking in persons, etc. To date, Uganda has failed to protect women from injustice at family and community levels in the private spaces as women are still abused in the name of cultural practices that are highly discriminatory and patriarchal.

Uganda will not be in a position to meet its PRSP (Poverty Eradication Action Plan – PEAP) & MDG targets. Failure to ratify the protocol implies that there are no measures to reach those targets. Failure to ratify also impacts on Uganda’s commitments at international level as far as protection and enforcement of women’s rights are concerned will not be met yet women are among the poorest who have very low social indicators.

A number of reviews like the Poverty Eradication Action Plan, African Peer Review Mechanism process indicated that poverty in Uganda is highly structures along gender lines and specific interventions in terms of the legislation, policy, administrative and programmes have to be undertaken to address inherent challenges that impact on women. It’s therefore no wonder that irrespective of all these, women are poorer. A number of women’s rights have still not attained like affected by conflict, poorest, sexual and reproductive rights,. MDG 3, Constitutional rights of women as provided for in Chapter 4 of the Ugandan Constitution, Pillars within the PEAP especially since gender is across cutting issue. And in terms of Uganda’s long term vision and missions of becoming a middle income country, there is also need to address the role of women in as far as attainment of economic independence as well as stimulating economic growth.

Consolidation of gains in as far as women’s rights is questionable with the failure to ratify, domesticate and implement the protocol. For instance, there are a number of national legislative and policy concerns like: the 1995 Constitution, labour laws, criminal law, National Gender Policy, National Action Plan for Women and PEAP. In addition, if we borrow some of the progressive provisions in the Protocol, it gives impetus to national level advocacy for better laws and policies.

Women’s discrimination is varied but it has at times been in the form of the absence and even existence of gender neutral / gender blind retrogressive laws and policies that are premised on patriarchal notions like citizenship rights, definition of adultery and other sexual offences, definition of a family and head of family. Access to justice continues to elude women and the administration of the law and policy has been sighted as a major hindrance to enjoyment of women’s rights. Generally in Uganda, the court system is characterized by patriarchal values upheld by legal practitioners and the institutions, generally giving more privilege to men and disadvantaging women; difficulty in physical access to magistrate courts; inability of the poor, especially women to pay court expenses; and the degree of technicalities involved, including the legal jargon. As noted,

‘Women’s rights continue to be trampled on because the current laws are inadequate’. Rt. Hon Rebecca Kadaga, Deputy Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Uganda, 6th August 2007.

Therefore, without the ratification, domestication and implementation of the protocol, we cant quote using International and regional instruments in court cases.

The existing laws, policies and programmes in Uganda today have all failed to genuinely promote and protect the rights of women at personal level and in private spaces. This failure has down rolled the achievements made in the public lives as far as human rights are concerned. Statistics of the Uganda Demographic and Health Survey Report of 2006 indicate that, women’s bodies and sexuality is still controlled by men as such impacts on the realization of many of the fundamental human rights by women.

Its therefore no wonder that statistics indicate that the quality of life of women is reducing and the social indicators are grim like: high fertility rates of 6.9 children on average, increase in physical and sexual violence (to at least 60% experienced violence by partners or husband and at lest 2 in 5 women have been sexually abused by age 15); early marriages ( on average at 17.8 years for women aged 20-49, 55% of women aged 22-49 married by 18 years and 74% married by 20 years of age); age of first sexual intercourse at 16.6 years; polygamy at 28%, rape is on the increases and that 51% of women prefer to use injectibles as preferred method of contraception as it does not require them to negotiate with their partners. The case below justifies this by:

‘I stated from zero level after the death of my husband. My in-laws they took all my things, even my clothing… And when I refused to be inherited by my in-laws, they lit a broken jerry can and burn me all over my body’ Nancy Oluka, Widow, Lira District, Northern Uganda’.

So what next?

As a way of conclusion, there is need to re-strategize and re-launch the campaign as there is need to explore why the process that appeared to be very progressive all of a sudden lost steam and went off the radar of governments priorities. This will enable for strategizing and action on advocacy not only for the protocol but other process on women’s rights that seem to have stalled to date. In addition, there is need to raise awareness about the Protocol as well as enroll allies and human rights actors to join advocacy.

Lastly, ratifying the Protocol, domestication and implementation is actually what the operationalisation of women’s rights in Africa. The task of eliminating gender based discrimination is beyond the purview of protocols, law and human rights but not beyond the people who have experienced multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination over long periods of time. We as Africans need to change our communities so that individually and collectively we are all able to enjoy living lives grounded on equality, equity, freedom, dignity, peace, mutual respect, gender justice, non discrimination and above all respect that African women are equal in rights and dignity!

* Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe is the executive director of Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA)

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

On the second anniversary of the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa, Marren Akatsa-Bukachi reflects on the challenges faced in the past year.

It was an appealing sunny day in mid November 2005, Sarah Mukasa then of Akina Mama wa Afrika and I were geared for a higher and more important level of gender activism. I represented the Eastern African Sub Regional Support Initiative for Women (EASSI), and Sarah Akina Mama both members of the Coalition on Solidarity on African Women’s Rights (SOAWR) and were conducting a workshop in Grand Imperial Hotel in Kampala Uganda.

We had co-organized the workshop to unpack the outcome of a previous workshop that was organized by SOAWR in conjunction with the African Union in September 2005 in Addis Ababa. The workshop was called to discuss domestication and implementation strategies of the Protocol. Sarah and I both energized, were eager to share the good news with a large constituency of Uganda civil society.

The Protocol was about to come into force on November 25th following the 15th ratification by Togo. The Protocol’s significance lies in the fact that it is the only regionally generated document specifically on the rights of African women and that relates to the context specific violations of African Women’s Human Rights. Coincidentally this date would coincide with the beginning of 16th Days of Activism Against Gender Violence. I felt elated. This was prophetic. To add to the “high,” Uganda was on the verge of ratification. This confidence was buoyed by the revelation by the government representative that the Protocol had passed through all the necessary stages and was only awaiting Cabinet approval. We were assured this would take place speedily before the matter of the General Elections, scheduled to take place in February 2006 would get in the way.

With reenergized spirits, we discussed strategies for domestication and ratification as if we already had won the prize. Little did we know that dark forces were lingering in the shadows. Even as we spoke, there was a double page spread in the local dailies vilifying the Protocol. The article was sponsored by the Catholic Bishops and was specifically speaking to Article 14 on Health and Reproductive Rights. The Article states inter alia, that “Protect the rights of reproductive rights of women by authorizing medical abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest, and where the continued pregnancy endangers the mental and physical health of the mother or the life of the mother or the foetus”.

‘The Protocol for Women’s Rights in Africa supports Abortion,” screamed one headline. “Catholic Bishops decry abortion”, shrieked another. It seemed our celebration was turning into battle. We had already identified the ratification platform as a basis for deeper advocacy for the passing of the stalled Domestic Relations Bill whose content was more or less reinforced by the Articles in the Protocol, when the Bishops came up with their bombshell. In an election year everyone with power to influence a significant voting constituency becomes a darling and the Bishops had stirred a hornet’s nest. In Uganda where almost 50% of the populations (read voters) are Catholics, this constituency cannot be ignored. The Protocol was placed into cold storage and stayed there to date.

Two years after coming into force, seven more countries have ratified the Protocol, bringing the total to twenty two, twenty four countries have signed but not ratified while seven have not signed at all.

Advocacy by SOAWR

SOAWR can be credited with contributing to the respectable level of achievement of almost 50 percent ratification by the fifty three African Union Member States.

Its strategy of using the African Union Summits of Heads of States as a lobby platform has elicited tremendous levels of success.

Since January 2005 members of the SOAWR Coalition have attended the African Union (AU) Summits to ensure that the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women in Africa remains on the agenda of policy makers and to urge all African leaders to safeguard the rights of women through ratification and implementation of the Protocol. Members have consistently produced policy-briefs, launched books and held press conferences during the Summits to keep the Protocol at the forefront of policy-makers’ concerns. Members have also directly met with at least 10-15 Ministers over the last six Summits. Since January 2005, SOAWR has used the opportunity of the Summits taking place in different countries to press on the host to either ratify or move to implementation.

The latest addition to the countries that have ratified the Protocol is Ghana, host of the last AU Summit that deposited its instruments of ratification in July 2007 almost two weeks after hosting the Summit. This is a testimony to SOAWR’s. tenacity and lobbying skills. This brings ratification countries to 22.

During the Summit, a team drawn from national coalitions and the steering committee met and committed to the following:-

1. Prepared and circulated to Ministers a short policy brief on the status of the Protocol and the implications of Continental Government proposal for women’s rights and gender equality
2. Participated in CSO pre-Summit activities planned with a view to raising visibility for women’s rights and gender equality issues and participating in the Grand Debate
3. Maintained relationships with key Government delegations
4. Co-convened with Ghanaian women’s coalition, a university based seminar on the Protocol.

Amongst other pre-summit activities carried out by SOAWR was the Public Forum which was titled “Is it possible to have a United States of Africa without Women?” and What form would be meaningful for African Women? The forum provided an opportunity for governments as well as African civil society to deliberate on the Grande debate on Continental Unity and also on issues of harmful traditional practices with special focus on the Trokozi practice in relation to the Protocol. Other activities included a Press Conference, SOAWR Planning and Evaluation Meeting and Direct Advocacy with the Permanent Representatives Council of the different African Countries in the African Union (see Appendixes 1- 5).

I was among those privileged to lobby the foreign Ministers and their representatives at the Summit venue. We gave out red cards to those countries that had not signed the Protocol, yellow cards to those that had signed and not yet ratified and green cards to those that had signed and ratified. We lobbied actively amongst the delegates during tea time and any time they stepped outside the conference hall. We congratulated those that had ratified and exhorted those that needed to ratify or deposit instruments of ratification to do so. We were elated to hear that Liberia only needed to deposit the instruments and expected to see it amongst the group of green cards within two weeks of leaving Accra. To date we are still waiting. It is sad but true, what is on paper is not necessarily put in practice!

Our lobbying strategies were very interesting but also revealed at times that those sent to represent their governments at these meetings are not always up to par with regard to issues such as the Protocol. Many a time we were informed that the person dealing with this matter was left behind in the capital city and there was nothing they could do about it. I remember on one of the days when we stood outside the meeting hall, our body language must have given us away as one of the delegates asked pointedly, “whom are you waiting to pounce on next?” It elicited laughter but at the same time showed that our seriousness was visible to all. Our strategy was to demand that none “signatory countries sign up, signed up countries move to ratification as speedily as possible, the “ratifiers” domesticate and implement. We found to our surprise that there was a gap in information with quite a large number of delegates not quite aware of the Protocol but also a good number supportive and willing to take some action back in their own countries. I realized that there is an information gap here that needs to be plugged if SOAWR is to achieve 100 per cent ratification. Government officials in key ministries such as foreign affairs need to be sensitized on the Protocol.

In some countries it is considered a gender issue and embedded in the ministry of Gender or Women’s Affairs. The Coalition may need to design a program specifically targeting policy makers to make them aware of the Protocol and its benefits to the country and to women’s rights. It should not be seen as threatening existing rights but as scaling up these rights, particularly social and cultural rights. I say this because when I was on a visit to Ethiopia and enquired from one of our partners why Ethiopia has not ratified the Protocol, the response was that the Ethiopian Constitution is very gender sensitive and already touched on the very issues propounded in the Articles in the Protocol. None the less, women’s organizations are fighting patriarchy and gender based violence, amongst them female genital mutilation that would benefit from ratification, domestication and implementation of the Protocol. As for Eritrea, it is still at the red card stage and has not signed the Protocol. However, after years of lobbying by the National Union of Eritrean Women, the government outlawed FGM in May 2007.

Even as SOAWR Coalition continues to lobby for total and unreserved ratification, it does not miss an opportunity to make demands on the member states. Using the opportunity afforded by the AU Summit in Accra and the discourse around an African Union Government, SOAWR came up with the following demands:

Specifically, the African Heads of States and Government meeting in Accra should show commitment to continental unity by embracing the following:

• Incorporation of gender equality in the values underpinning the Proposal of United States of Africa
• Instituting and making public during the next Summit a performance audit of the Directorates of the African Union Commission in terms of the incorporation of gender concerns (2004-2007)
• Prioritization of the rights and entitlements of refugees and displaced populations, particularly women and girls.
• Prioritization of full citizenship status for women in terms of rights, particularly women who marry across nationalities and lose their rights.
• Guarantee to women the freedom to trade and work across states’ borders. Women small traders manage a high degree of non-formal cross border trade
• Conduct analysis into the gendered implications of macroeconomic policy with respect to the ‘convergence criteria’.
• Enable total factor mobility—the free movement of all factors of production (labour as well as capital)—by addressing questions of African citizenship, including African women’s equal citizenship rights and freedom of movement at the continental level.
• Embedding the principle of gender parity in the election and appointment of persons to the continental institutions.
• Ensuring that the principle of appointing 50% women commissioners at the African Union Commission continues to be honoured.
• Increasing the minimum threshold for women MPs elected to the African parliament to at least two per country
• Review all recommendations (in the continental government proposal) in light of deficiencies already noted by the African women’s movement with respect to ensuring the equal representation of African women at the Abu’s highest decision-making organs—for instance, the Commission’s Chair could also have a Deputy responsible for gender mainstreaming across her/his ‘Cabinet’ and all Commissioners responsible for programs and projects under the strategic focus areas should ensure that gender implications are taken into account in their elaboration and implementation;
• Publicly censuring countries that have yet to ratify the Protocol on the Rights of African Women.
• Honor their commitment to deliver on the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa.
• Demonstrate greater commitment to the normative framework already established by the AU—particularly with respect to the promotion and protection of human rights (including women’s human rights), peace and security.

The debate on the Union Government is timely, but it will only be relevant in as far as it will recognize that the majority of the African people are women and girls; and that to win their confidence African Leaders need to seriously take up their concerns head on.

We came back full circle in Uganda on October 18th 2007; we were back in the same venue where we were in November 2005 once again with Akina Mama wa Afrika to again discuss the stalled ratification process in Uganda. This time the aim was to put in place a steering committee that over see different strategies to ensure ratification and implementation of the Protocol. The committee’s first task is to find out exactly where the protocol is stalled. Is it in the Attorney General’s Office or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? A video documentary made by Akina Mama to popularize the Protocol had one of the Christian Bishops proposing that the Protocol should be signed with reservations on Article 14 otherwise it will be a tough battle ahead..

Is this Uganda’s desire for her future?

* Marren Akatsa-Bukachi is the executive director of the Eastern African sub Regional Support Initiative for Advancement of Women (EASSI)

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Delphine Serumaga writes that despite the impressive policy framework that state has set in place for the protection of the women's rights, South African women and the girl-child remain marginalized with regards to access to basic human rights such as justice, safety and security, housing and health.

South Africa signed, ratified, and deposited the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the African protocol) by 14th January 2005 The commitment is with reservations on article 4, specifically referring to the protection of pregnant women from execution until their child is born, and a provision that exists in South African law.

This commitment adds to numerous agreements, protocols, and legislation for the protection of human rights in South Africa. The policy framework labyrinth that exists within South Africa can be perceived as laudable.

Looking from the outside, one would assume that with numerous considerations for human rights by the State, the social environment is ideal for the enjoyment of at least one’s fundamental human rights, making South Africa’s response to human rights a model to follow.

In fact, within the SADC region, on occasion, civil society organisations look at the South African framework and advocacy approaches for law reform as possible best practices to adopt.

The general trend of South Africa’s role on the continent is that this nation can play a significant role as an arbitrator or a peace negotiator. Thus implying, to an extent, that the national situation is well cared for and managed.

It is true that South Africa has a good and comprehensive constitution, well-planned legislative framework and impressive record of regional and international commitments.

Since the State participates greatly on a wide scale in human rights discourse and commits to the protection of human rights in various arenas such as the United Nations Security Council and the DRC peace agreements, one must look closer to see if what looks good on paper or on record is a true reflection of the internal state of affairs.

From a women’s rights organisation perspective, it is clear that despite the expansive human rights acknowledgements the State makes, the condition for women’s rights remain wanting. Women and the girl-child remain marginalised with regards to access to basic human rights such as justice, safety and security, housing and health. All social aspects that impact on a woman’s vulnerability to violence, a core matter of the African Protocol

The State’s commitments and engagements in human rights promotion are widely acknowledged therefore, the inevitable questions are, why sign another protocol? What internal value does the protocol bring to the people? Is the State or even civil society taking the full opportunity of the protocol that they have ratified?

The African Protocol has limited popularity as a human rights instrument in South Africa; currently there are only 8 civil society organisations that have observer status in South Africa. Out of the 8 organisations, only 2 actively participate in the deliberations of the African Commission. One could safely deduce that the African Protocol is not widely engaged with at the civil society level and possibly within the judicial system at this juncture.

The articulation and domestication of the African Protocol has not been fully realised as with other regional and international policies due to civil society and the judicial system only working with a 13 year old progressive legislation and judicial framework that has been and is still in development since the birth of the new dispensation.

Reference to the provisions of the African Protocol in court judgements is not common place, advocacy campaigns focusing on benefits of the protocol by both government or civil society are non-existent, rights education does not include reference to the African protocol at this stage.

The irony therefore, would be that government could hold civil society accountable for not engaging with a tool they have provided in order to actively pursue the rights for our target groups

The responsibility of drawing down the relevant aspects of the African Protocol to local levels is twofold. The State should make budgetary considerations for the domestication of the protocol. Equally important, the state should ensure that the judicial framework is aware of the commitments and state responsibilities that exist within the protocol.

The second aspect of promoting the protocol is the responsibility of civil society. Mobilisation through joint ventures of interest groups to campaign and advocate for the accountability of government is an untapped priority.

The current climate civil society is operating under is the provision of community-strengthening initiatives that include rights education based on the South African constitution and legislation responding to the reduction of poverty and vulnerability to violence.

At the continental level, we as civil society should take the responsibility of promoting a collective African human rights response to the violations that are rampant in countries such as Sudan and the DRC as a parallel process to South Africa’s role in the deliberations. This would promote the utilisation of the African Protocol in substantive ways.

South African civil society has to critically challenge itself on the current levels of engagement and lack of mobilisation in the national and regional arenas.

We rightfully sight lack of sufficient funding or human capacity to participate fully. However, the true irony is that South African civil society’s failure to effectively engage with the African Protocol highlights that the State has played it’s role in setting up the arena for the fight for human rights and we can be accused of letting ourselves down in our fight for human rights.

* Delphine Serumaga is the executive director of People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA), South Africa

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The European Association of Environmental and Resource Economists (EAERE), the Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM) and the Venice International University (VIU) are pleased to announce their annual European Summer School in Resource and Environmental Economics for postgraduate students. The 2008 Summer School will take place from the 6th to the 12th of July, at the VIU campus on the Island of San Servolo, in Venice, located just in front of St. Mark’s Square. The theme of this Summer School is Space in Unified Models of Economy and Ecology. Deadline for application: February 1st, 2008.

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) has condemned the move by management at the Guardian newspaper to end a 12-day strike by shutting down the newspaper and dismissing all its employees. The journalists and the other workers at the paper have been on strike since November 8 after negotiations with managers over a pay raise and better working conditions stalled. The Guardian online and print editions have not been published since then.

With your participation, WOUGNET in collaboration with Womensnet, South Africa and APC-Africa-Women (AAW), will be conducting an SMS-based campaign. The idea is to send out an SMS on each of the 16 Days of Activism that will allow individuals and organisations to Speak Out, Stand Out, and Commit to preventing Violence against Women. We would like you to send your slogan/message which highlights your resistance to violence against women.

New data show global HIV prevalence—the percentage of people living with HIV—has levelled off and that the number of new infections has fallen, in part as a result of the impact of HIV programmes. However, in 2007 33.2 million [30.6 – 36.1 million] people were estimated to be living with HIV, 2.5 million [1.8 – 4.1 million] people became newly infected and 2.1 million [1.9 – 2.4 million] people died of AIDS.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/broadcasts/Usu-Mallya.jpgUsu Mallya, the Executive Director of the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), talks to George Njogopa about Tanzania and the Protocol of the Rights of Women in Africa, which the country ratified in March this year. She applauds the political commitment shown by the government but says it now needs to make sure that Tanzania’s laws comply with the protocol and that women are made aware of their rights.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_01_crossedcrocodiles.... of the leading topics on the African blogosphere this week is AFRICOM, the United States Africa Command. reflects the general mood among African bloggers with his argument that AFRICOM has no place in Africa:

“I don't think the greatest immediate danger posed by AFRICOM is from US soldiers and sailors. One of the things that worries me is that I suspect the mercenaries and mercenary corporations are what the US plans to use in Africa, in addition to training African military as US surrogates. These mercenaries may be employees of the US State Department, or some other US government department, as they are in Iraq. Or they may be the employees of giant corporations, such as oil companies. Whatever US objectives, arms and mercenaries can only destabilize. The presence of actual US military personnel may just be window dressing. The dirty work will be done by private armies and private CIAs. Already in the US these are taking over the functions of the military and intelligence. I am hoping a change in US administration may change the direction of this trend, but there are no guarantees.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_02_africa-speaks.gifThis view is shared by Africa Speaks who argues that:

“What Africa needs least is U.S. military expansion on the continent (and elsewhere in the world). What Africa needs most is its own mechanism to respond to peacemaking priorities. Fifty years ago, Kwame Nkrumah sounded the clarion call for a “United States of Africa.” One central feature of his call was for an Africa Military High Command. Today, as the African Union deliberates continental governance, there couldn’t be a better time to reject U.S. military expansion and push forward African responses to Africa’s priorities.

Long suffering the effects of militaristic "assistance" from the United States, Liberia would be the worst possible base for AFRICOM. But there are no good locations for such a poorly conceived project. Africa does not need AFRICOM.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_03_liberiaandfriends.gifLiberia and Friends blog however, takes a diametrically opposed view and insists that AFRICOM is good not only for Africa but specifically for Liberia:

“Why is it that so many African powers are against the United States setting up its African command on African soil? The answer is simple, African nations, at least those run by dictators, like Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, don't want more Americans, and their democratic ideas, upsetting the status quo…”

It then goes on to make the case for AFRICOM setting up its headquarters in Liberia:

“… coming out of almost two decades of civil war, and with our infrastructure, and economy in shambles… several hundred, or even thousands, of well paid American soldiers and civilians, would work wonders for the economy. And not to mention the huge financial incentive and the creation of thousands of jobs that would come with Africom requests for basing rights.

Another reason we Liberians should welcome Africom is because it would give pause to any future rebel group, or military commanders contemplating a coup.”
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_04_pickinjava.gifStill on the issue of security and western involvement in Africa, Pickin Java explains how western business and political interests use two myths to control oil in the Gulf of Guinea:
1. Business myth: "We are not involved in politics. We just make profits for our shareholders through managing the oil." Reality: Shell and other companies have been intimately involved with Nigerian state figures in creating the type of instability amenable to Shell's control of petroleum production, in order to suck the region dry and thus enrich elite political/economic/military 'shareholders'.

2. Military myth: ". . . in general, U.S. policymakers tend to be extremely well educated and dedicated professionals, earnestly working to advance U.S. interests. . . political and economic freedom, peaceful relations with other states, and respect for human dignity. . ."
Matthew V. Sousa and James J. F. Forest, Oil and Terrorism in the New Gulf: Framing U.S. Energy and Security Policies (Lexington Books, 2006), p. 148-149.

Because the Gulf is filled with dangerous terrorists and criminals that are against everything earnest U.S. policymakers believe in, it is important to prop up strong states with strong militaries to fight this menace. Reality: Provide the steel hand on which the velvet glove of business and politics can be worn. "Terrorists" are those who oppose Shell's, BPs and others' corporate interests.”
Pickin Java concludes by asking “How long until the U.S. finds the right kind of Musharraf for Nigeria?

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_05_africaflak.gifAfrikaflak tackles another contentious issue, China’s growing economic influence in Africa:
What the Chinese seem to have done [is to] directly cultivate the people – you know, regular Africans. They’re building roads, bridges, buildings, railroads… The Chinese have most likely banked a lot of goodwill this way: ameliorating the standard of living for run-of-the-mill Africans, those people who never feel the direct benefits of debt relief or well catered Friendship Summits or satellites in orbit.
…
The Chinese offer Africans something real and concrete while American (and to a lesser extent, European) promises are abstract, remote even: democracy, participatory government, rule of law – whatever you want to call it. The U.S. says, if you follow through on the first goals, the good stuff will follow. Later. Maybe much later.
The Chinese appeal to Africans’ base needs. This translates simply: If you have enough plastic crap, you won’t care about what junk the Americans peddle. In the end, everyone is happy: the stalwarts who get to remain in power; the family with their new tools to make their lives a little easier; and, the guy at the end of the street schlepping this stuff.”
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/329/blogs_06_thiswayplease.gifwww.dibussi.com

An anti-deportation campaign has been launched in aid of Amdani Juma, a Burundian refugee who has been refused indefinite leave to remain in the UK. Amdani, a torture survivor, came to the UK in March 2003 as a UN - sponsored asylum seeker and was granted humanitarian protection. Many of his family and friends were tortured and some were murdered. Many others like him were forced into exile. Amdani settled in Nottingham and worked at the Nottingham and Notts Refugee Forum (NNRF) for two years.

Thabo Mbeki, the president of South Africa, put his weight behind efforts to reform the IMF and the World Bank substantially. Addressing the G20 finance ministers and central bankers, Mbeki said the world's financial system, laid out in the Breton Woods arrangements after the war, have only served the minority interests of the world's leading economic powers. 'For a very long period we have had a multilateral system which in reality has been dominated of the many by the few,' he said.

The right to live free of violence and discrimination is the right of every human being. Yet, as we commemorate the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, this right is being violated on a massive and systematic scale. Violence against women continues in every part of the world and it limits social and economic progress and harms families and communities.

Welcoming the nomination of Nur Hassan Hussein as the new Prime Minister of Somalia, the senior United Nations envoy to the country has voiced hope that this move would pave the way for unity. In a statement, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah praised the concerted efforts of members of the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) that led to the decision and said he was pleased that the process was carried out in a peaceful manner.

President John Agyekum Kufuor of Ghana has challenged auditors to fashion out multifaceted approaches to combat the nature of the threat posed by fraud and economic crime, which had the ability to erase gains made by government at improving public sector financial management.

Zimbabwe and China have relations dating back to the southern African country’s 1970s liberation struggle when Beijing provided arms and training to the black nationalist movement fighting the white minority government of Ian Smith. The friendship was rekindled when President Robert Mugabe, shunned by former friends in the West over the political crisis in his country, adopted a "Look East" policy forging stronger ties with countries like China, Malaysia, Indonesia and India.

Zimbabwe has launched the first commercial biodiesel processing plant in southern Africa, underlining the region’s resolve to move to cleaner and renewable sources of energy. This comes amid concerns about the impact of fossil fuels (coal, petroleum and natural gas) on global warming as well as depletion of the world’s petroleum reserves.

Widespread apathy exhibited by Algerian voters during campaigning for local elections has led the Ministry of the Interior and 23 participating political parties to trade accusations of corruption and blame for a potential boycott.

The UN refugee agency and the government of Malawi are conducting a registration of all the residents in Dzaleka refugee camp to improve the protection, management and assistance to refugees and asylum seekers in the country. "This registration is a vital part of helping refugees," said Matewos Beraki, acting head of the UNHCR office in Malawi.

Africa’s largest nations are trying to block the signing of the economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with the European Union (EU), Peter Mandelson, EU trade commissioner, has claimed. Speaking to members of the European Parliament, Mandelson strongly criticised the positions taken by Nigeria and South Africa in the EPA negotiations between the EU and nearly 80 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries.

The news that the ministers of the East African Community (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi) are on the verge of signing an economic partnership agreement with the European Union (EU) has been received with mixed reactions by government officials from these very same countries. The East African Community (EAC) ministers had agreed with their EU counterparts last week that they would sign a framework agreement on trade in goods, market access, development cooperation and fisheries by no later than November 23 this year.

Across south-eastern Africa, organisations are developing and implementing projects specifically designed to support adaptation to climate change, many at the community level. This paper published by Climate Change and the International Institute for Sustainable Development reports on a workshop that brought together representatives of a number of these organisations to share experiences and encourage the establishment of a more strongly linked community of practice in south-eastern Africa.