In times of war and political crises women and girls, mostly civilians, become targets of violence. “A feature of these conflicts is that the civilian population is increasingly ‘caught up’ in the conflict or even deliberately targeted by parties to the conflict. In this context women and girls are exposed to acts of violence, often resulting in death and injury from indiscriminate military attacks. During armed conflict, women and children are more likely to be subjected to mysterious disappearances, hostage-taking, torture, imprisonment, sexual- and gender-based violence, forced recruitment into the armed forces and displacement” (Koen, 2006:1). As a consequence, many women are faced with a long term struggle with trauma and HIV/AIDS.

Violations of women's human rights are widespread in a number of countries on the African continent. A distressing example is Zimbabwe, where politically motivated wanton abuse has been more pronounced than in most hot spots on the continent. This violence surged in the aftermath of the 29 March 2008 elections, in which ZANU-PF lost its majority in parliament for the first time since independence in 1980 [1]. In the presidential race, Robert Mugabe came second to the opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), leader Morgan Tsvangirai [2]. A presidential run-off ballot was deemed necessary as neither candidate achieved the 50 percent plus one vote required for an outright win.

Despite being given free food, grain, farming implements and fertilizer by the incumbent regime before the March 2008 elections, Zimbabwe's rural areas, once viewed as strongholds of the ruling ZANU-PF party, backed the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). This move by the rural folk resulted in some senior government members losing their parliamentary seats in a number of provinces. As a result, the period prior to the run-off election was marked by extensive violence, torture and internal displacement of the electorate believed to be supporting the opposition. The aim was to target potential MDC activists and leaders at different levels. Massive human rights violations committed in the post election period include: unlawful killing of civilians, torture, rape, abductions, destruction of villages and property, looting of cattle, grain and property, the destruction of the means of livelihood of civilians and forced displacement.

Although many Zimbabweans became victims, this paper looks at women who suffered during the post-election violence. Women in Zimbabwe have been assaulted, tortured, and sexually harassed. In some instances, they were the direct victims of violence and in others, they bore the brunt of the impact of the violence as male opposition party supporters fled the rural areas; leaving women more vulnerable and with the burden of providing for families in the midst of the worsening economic and humanitarian crisis. In addition, in an attempt to force the men to return to the rural areas, the ruling party (ZANU PF) militia frequently abducted women and children and held their men folk to ransom. Women were harassed because their husbands, sons or male relatives were suspected of being supporters of the opposition party. Female candidates and activists were also victims of the violence. Leaders at local levels, social workers and health advisors who worked to support female MPs were also targeted.

INTRODUCTION

The link between election results and election violence can be found in Operation Makavhotera Papi [where did you put your vote?]- a program that saw war veterans, soldiers, militia, intelligence operative and ruling party youths inflicting retribution on suspected supporters of the opposition in both rural and urban areas (Zimbabwe Peace Project, 2008). Post election violence resulted in numerous instances of rape and other forms of sexual violence in Zimbabwe.

The primary focus of this paper is sexual abuse in the post election period in Zimbabwe and its impact on women’s lives. The paper includes personal testimonies and discussions of the impact of sexual abuse, the culture of impunity and the lack of institutional support. Having outlined different ideas about what motivates rapists in conflict situations, it discusses post-traumatic assistance needs and the social responses to rape. It highlights the need for both economic support and means to address psychological trauma for women who survive rape and further discusses some of the efforts made in this direction.

Primary data for this research was collected through a series of interviews with civil society organizations from Zimbabwe and eighteen Zimbabwean women and girls who were abused during the post election period [3]. The Zimbabwean women interviewed were very reluctant to talk about rape, for fear of being ostracized or increasing the security risk for their communities. Through the testimonies, this paper attempts to document, expose and call domestic and international attention to women’s experiences of sexual violence in the post election environment in Zimbabwe. Deeper insight into the various aspects of sexual violence in conflict and post conflict situations and its consequences for women’s health can contribute to the development of more appropriate legal instruments, policy formation and support for the affected women.

NAIROBI DECLARATION

In May 2007, the Nairobi Declaration on Women’s and Girls’ Rights to Remedy and Reparation was drafted in the belief that justice for women and girl survivors of sexual violence will never be achieved if reparations programmes are not informed and directed by those they are meant to serve. The Declaration is founded on the experiences of women and girl survivors of sexual violence and the expertise of activists helping them to rebuild their lives (Chitsike, 2008). The Nairobi Declaration informs this study because it directs attention to:

* Empowering women and girls, support their efforts to rebuild trust and relations and foster their participation in social reconstruction.

* Decision-making about reparations must include victims as full participants;

* Addressing social inequalities and discrimination in existence prior to conflict, which lie at the root of violence against women and girls in times of conflict;

* Promoting social justice and encourage the transformation toward a fair and equal society;

* Emphasizing the importance of truth-telling in order to allow women and girls to move ahead and become true citizens. Abuses against women must be named and recognized in order to raise awareness about these crimes and violations, to positively influence a more holistic strategy for reparation and measures that support reparation, and to help build a shared memory and history.

It is recognition of these issues that underpins the fundamental principles of reparations for sexual crimes, truth and reconciliation. Through the testimonies, this paper raises awareness about the sexual violations and abuses that were perpetrated against women.

MOTIVATION OF PERPETRATORS

The sexual attacks studied were motivated by political factors. Youth militia and war veterans targeted, raped, abducted and enslaved women who were identified as members of the opposition group or whose families belonged to the opposition party. The perpetrators in these cases seemed to act with the tacit or explicit approval of their political or party leaders. The rebel factions used sexual violence to terrorize, humiliate, punish and ultimately force the MDC supporters and leaders at various levels into submission. Women and children paid the price for the political involvement with the opposition party of their husbands, brothers or siblings [4].

“Rape is used in armed conflict to intimidate, conquer and control women and their communities. It is used as a form of torture to extract information, punish and terrorize” (Koen, 2006:2). In several instances, women were raped and abused because they did not reveal their husband’s whereabouts. Rape included gang rape where up to eight men would rape a woman over a period of five days. Some militia indicated that they were doing it in order for the girls to bear them ZANU PF children.

In the MDC strongholds such as Manicaland and Mashonaland Central where the government had been trying to violently suppress the opposition, women and girls were raped and abused. In numerous examples, the youth militia and war veterans approached women and asked them to reveal the whereabouts of their husbands or brothers. Women were tortured and abused in order to force them to tell where their husbands were hiding. They raped them or physically assaulted them to force the males, whom they suspected to be opposition supporters, to return home.

Typically, random arrests were used to force male MDC supporters and activists to come out of hiding. This violence and lawlessness put many women and girls at risk. Youth militia who reportedly raped women in front of their families or children bragged about it in the community thereby stigmatizing and isolating the women and girls further.

In addition, acts of sexual violence were often marked by the systematic breaking of taboos and undermining of cultural values. For example, a girl of eighteen reported to have been raped by her cousin, a case of incest. Many other instances were reported where women and girls were abducted for the purposes of supplying youth militia at the bases with sexual services, cooking and cleaning. Several testimonies collected for this study contain clear cases of sexual slavery and torture.

Sexual violence was not only occurring as a by-product of the collapse of the rule of law, moral and social order in Zimbabwe brought on by the post-election conflicts. It was also used as a tool to settle scores among families and individuals and precipitate their expulsion from the communities in which they live. Most survivors did not get the care they needed following exposure to rape and other forms of sexual violence. A human rights activist explained that people had nowhere to report their immediate problems because the police were not in a position to help [5].

SEXUAL VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

GENERAL PHYSICAL ASSAULT

The ZANU PF militia had a list of names of villagers; most names were those of men who had run away. Most of the listed people were listed because they held positions or supported the opposition party. These people were listed in a ‘black book’. Absent men were represented by their wives, sisters, mothers or grandmothers. These were taken out of the crowd while the remaining citizens sang and chanted liberation war songs. Against the list of names was an asterisk. The number of asterisks against one’s name signaled his/her level of political activism and this would also determine the severity of the physical attack they would receive.

General intimidation and physical assault was a common form of violence against women. Women were beaten on the back, bottom, palms and breasts using huge sticks, logs or electric cords.

In some instances, in an operation in Chiweshe, a communal area in the Mashonaland Central Province of Zimbabwe, the beating sticks would be marinated in paraquat for the two days [6]. This was dubbed Operation Paraquat. Use of sticks laced with paraquat led to the development of infection and pus underneath the skin on the bottom. This resulted in loss of all the flesh on the buttocks. Skin grafting of such wounds is not possible because of the tenderness of the skin.

SEXUAL VIOLENCE AS PHYSICAL ASSAULT

One woman reported that the youth militia raped her. They ejaculated into her mouth and urinated all over her face. Other abuses include inserting sticks into women’s vaginas. Testimonies of sexual violence indicate that rape was politically driven. The attackers tried to humiliate their "enemies". In many instances, using abusive language (opposition supporters wanting to sell the land back to the whites, reference to Britain) with anti imperialist connotations was also common.

BASES AND RAPE

It is estimated that as many as 20000 militia bases were established during the post election period, many of them at schools, community halls and farm houses. Youth militia and war veterans stayed at the bases for the duration of the presidential run off campaign period. All ZANU PF rallies were held at the bases during this time, and women were asked to cook and clean. The bases were also used to keep assaulted and tortured people who had been abducted. The women who had been abducted were also raped at the bases.

Women’s Coalition [7] estimates that at least ten women were abused at each base. It is however important to note that under reporting of rape is typical even in times of peace; worse still in times of conflict and its aftermath, when constraints such as stigma and shame are compounded by political instability and threats to personal safety. Exposing violence in the context of active conflict can represent a security risk for all involved.

MURDER

Abigail Chiroto, the wife of the newly elected mayor of Harare, Emmanuel Chiroto, was abducted from her home in Hatcliffe, Harare, and later found dead at a farm on the outskirts of the capital. Mrs. Gumura of the MDC Womens Assembly in Rusape was murdered together with her husband in Rusape, in Manicaland province. The wives of MDC officials were also victims of the violence. Dadirai Chiripo had both her hands and legs chopped off before being burnt to ashes in her hut and Pamela Pasvani died of her wounds, with her six year-old son perishing in a fire [8].

EFFECTS OF THE VIOLENCE

SILENCE

Rape is a horrendous crime that brings with it a lot of trauma, shame, ostracism and loss of dignity. As such, most women prefer not to speak about it. Many fear losing their marriages [9]. Women’s Coalition reported that most women prefer not to have their cases recorded. All they want is to be treated [10].

It is well documented that the survivors of rape and other forms of sexual violence often do not speak out. They may be at risk of harsh punishment or even death for bringing ‘dishonour’ on the family. The African cultural setup has stood against women who have been abused and tormented, they are treated as outcasts. Others may be infected with HIV/AIDS and face social rejection (Koen, 2006:2).

TRAUMA

The women interviewed for this study were very traumatized and would cry easily upon recounting their stories. Some women would also shiver as they recounted their stories, and a number indicated that they would rather not tell their story. Sexual violence against women in war and its aftermath can have almost inestimable short and long-term negative mental-health consequences.

Some rape victims are rejected by their families and communities for having “lost their value.” In the case of one young girl raped by eight youth militia for five days, the girl lost her virginity in the assault. In the interviews, the women who had been raped indicated that they had been mocked, humiliated and rejected by women relatives, classmates, friends and neighbours because of the abuse they had suffered. Some marriages are breaking down as husbands fear contracting HIV, or simply cannot tolerate the fact that their wives had been raped.

Ironically, and sadly, women and girls who experience sexual violence during conflict are probably the most vulnerable of all to further exploitation in post-conflict settings.

MEDICAL IMPLICATIONS

Women and girls who have suffered sexual violence have a full range of health needs that need to be addressed. These include treatment of injuries that may have occurred in the course of the sexual violence, information and preventative treatment for sexually transmitted diseases, information and access to services to prevent or terminate unwanted pregnancies, and counseling services to address the emotional and psychological impact of rape.

Rape can result in numerous medical consequences, including internal bleeding, and infection with sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS [11]. The majority of the women did not receive treatment for exposure to HIV in the form of Post-Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP) [12].

DISPLACEMENT

During the attacks, hundreds of homes were burnt to the ground by ZANU PF militia. Property destruction and looting led to internal displacement. This led to psychological trauma, feelings of anxiety, fear, terror and hopelessness. Women lost grain, goats, cows and chickens. Houses were burnt while women had escaped to hide in the mountains.

The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) estimated that as many as 200 000 people were displaced countrywide. Many of the displaced people fled to Harvest House (the MDC Headquarters) with the majority being women and children. Women’s Coalition reports that internally displaced persons (IDPs) started coming into the cities about four weeks after the violence started. Most women had escaped to the mountains and upon realization that their houses had been destroyed, they left for the city.

ASSISTANCE

Zimbabwe Doctors for Human Rights, The Counseling Services Unit and other private medical centers provided help and continue to provide help to victims. Some Mission hospitals also played a major role in providing medical assistance to victims. State hospitals did not provide medication and most of them were not willing to attend to victims of political violence.

Several women’s organizations have assisted by housing women in safe boarding facilities. They appealed to different stakeholders to provide food, clothes and money. These organizations were also responsible for taking women who had sought refuge at Harvest House. In addition, they liaised with UN agencies to help fundraise and provide shelter for female victims of political violence.

JUSTICE

During the pre-run off election period, youth militia sanctioned by the ruling party temporarily replaced law and order enforcement agencies. Effective justice ensures due process, engenders a sense of fairness, and forms a basis for public law and order. The breakdown of these can be a major source of conflict. The attainment of justice and reconciliation only exists in a situation where rule of law prevails, all of which are absent in Zimbabwe. Women and girls have been victims of war crimes in “… all major African conflicts from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, Burundi, Northern Uganda, and Southern Sudan to Somalia” (Koen, 2006: 2). As Koen notes, justice systems and structures are usually among the first institutions to collapse in war and conflict situations. Thus, while conflict is raging, members of conflict-ridden societies do not have access and recourse to legal systems for crimes committed against them.

Most if not all rape survivors who reported their cases had no recourse to justice in Zimbabwe. The police were under instruction not to attend to any case. Furthermore, the majority of women who were raped only managed to get medical treatment more than a week after they had been raped. One woman mentioned that the police had indicated that “only assault could be reported and not rape. Reporting cases of rape means going against the government.” [13] With no police report, it was difficult to get assistance from the hospitals as they would require a document from the police.

INSTITUTIONAL CHALLENGES

The police are expected to be apolitical and impartial at all times. However, the Police Force has been brought into disrepute as it serves the interest of the government and not of the people. The Commissioner- General of the Zimbabwe Republic Police went public about his political affiliation to ZANU PF. He was further linked to the Joint Operation Command (JOC), the group that spear headed the militia attacks. Such actions exposed the police department to institutional breakdown and they were not in a position to assist people. Some police officers confessed that they themselves belonged to the opposition party and their hands were tied since the police high command operates on behalf of ZANU PF and hence they could not open dockets for cases of political violence.

CONCLUSIONS

The 2008 election period was characterized by systematic torture of voters inclined towards the MDC. The period between March 30 and June 27 2008 marks a watershed in Zimbabwe’s post-independence history. A time when the government turned against its citizens, instituting systematic torture reminiscent of Gukurahundi [15], sanctioning abuse designed to coerce people into voting for ZANU PF. In particular, women have been victimised as a means of political suppression and securing state control, suffering the additional abuse of physical violence and rape. The reasons for such abuse range from being spouses of MDC activists to not coming to ZANU PF rallies or coming late to such gatherings. The psychological effects have been compounded by the fact that systems of redress have broken down.

Violence against women is a form of discrimination and a violation of human rights. It causes untold misery, cutting short lives and leaving countless women living in pain and fear. It harms families across the generations, impoverishing communities and reinforcing other forms of violence throughout societies. Violence against women stops them from fulfilling their potential, restricts economic growth and undermines development.

* States in Transition Observatory. IDASA - An African Democracy Institute

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

BIBLIOGRAPHY

K. Chitsike The Nairobi Declaration, Research and Advocacy Unit, Zimbabwe, Harare, August 2008.

Karin Koen Occasional Paper 121- Claiming space reconfiguring women’s roles in post-conflict situations, February 2006.

Richard Smith, Fear, Terror and the spoils of power youth militias in Zimbabwe. Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation.

Zimbabwe Peace Project report, March 29 Harmonized Election Post Mortem, An analysis of Trends, patterns and predictions for Electoral Run-Off., July 2008.

Centre for Human Rights, Gender- based violence in Africa, Perspective from the continent , University Of Pretoria Centre for Human Rights

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR54/076/2004/en.html

http://pmep.cce.cornell.edu/profiles/extoxnet/metiram-propoxur/paraquat-ext.html

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=424

INTERVIEWS

Interview with Beatrice Mtetwa, 28 August 2008

Interview with the Coordinator of Women’s Coalition, 6 Sept. 2008

Interview with a rape survivors, 9 September 2008

[1] The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) is led by Robert Mugabe, first as Prime Minister with the party simply known as ZANU, and then as President from 1988 after taking over ZAPU and renaming the party ZANU-PF.

[2] The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was founded in 1999 in opposition to ZANU-PF. The MDC was formed from a broad coalition of civic society groups and individuals that campaigned for a "No" vote in the 2000 constitutional referendum, in particular the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.

[3] Most of these persons were only willing to be interviewed on the condition that they remain anonymous.

[4] Personal Interview with Beatrice Mtetwa, 28 August 2008

[5] Interview with Beatrice Mtetwa, 28 August 2008

[6] Paraquat is a quartenary nitrogen herbicide widely used for broadleaf weed control. It is a quick acting, non-selective compound, that destroys green plant tissue on contact and by translocation within the plant. . Paraquat is highly toxic to animals by all routes of exposure, and is labeled with a DANGER-POISON signal word. A single large dose, administered orally or by injection to animals, can cause excitability and lung congestion, which in some cases leads to convulsions, incoordination, and death by respiratory failure. Paraquat is exceedingly toxic to humans. http://pmep.cce.cornell.edu/profiles/extoxnet/metiram-propoxur/paraquat-ext.html

[7] Interview with the Coordinator of Women’s Coalition, 6 Sept. 2008

[8] http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=424

[9] The stigma attached to women who have been raped has far-reaching social and economic consequences for the victims. Married women can be "disowned" by their husbands, although this is not always the case. As for unmarried survivors of rape, they may never be able to marry because they are stigmatized or considered to be "spoiled" by their communities. Sudan: Darfur: rape as a weapon of war: Sexual violence and its consequences.http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR54/076/2004/en/dom-AFR5407620...

[10] Interview with the Coordinator of Women’s Coalition, 6 Sept. 2008

[11] PEP reduces the likelihood of HIV infection after potential exposure. It is only effective if provided within 72 hours of the exposure, which poses a significant challenge in conflict situations.

[12] ibid.

[13] Personal interview with a rape survivor, 9 September 2008.

[14] Gukurahundi is a traditional Shona word which means ‘the early rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rains.’ It is the word chosen by the Mugabe regime to describe a military operation against a civilian population during the 1980s. In 1980, a few months after independence day, Robert Mugabe signed an agreement with the North Korean President Kim II Sung to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. The objective of the 5th brigade was to crush the people of Matebeleland, force them to submit to Mugabe’s ZANU PF and relinquish their loyalty to Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African people’s Union (ZAPU)

[15] Study of the Secretary- General of the United Nations ‘Ending violence against women: from words to action’ 9 October 2006