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The only viable solution to end the crisis in Zimbabwe was through a process of serious and sincere dialogue, said Movement for Democratic Change president Morgan Tsvangirai at a recent meeting with G8 ambassadors. "Therefore, the urgency of international pressure being exerted to bring Mugabe to the negotiating table cannot be overemphasized. It is the only way to avert a catastrophe. A culture of democracy and political tolerance in Zimbabwe can only take root if all of us accept the principle of dialogue without preconditions, as a way out of political problems," he said.

MDC POLICY STATEMENT ON THE WAY FORWARD.

REMARKS BY THE MDC PRESIDENT, MR. MORGAN TSVANGIRAI AT A MEETING WITH THE G8
AMBASSADORS.

Harare, May 27 2003.

Your Excellencies, you are all aware of the new dimensions of the economic
crisis that has gripped the country over the last few weeks:

· There is virtually no fuel in the country;
· There supply of electricity has become even more erratic;
· Industry is now on its knees;
· In an attempt to stave off the crisis, the Mugabe regime has become
the largest dealer in foreign currency on the black market.
· The black market is obviously incapable of meeting the national
needs in terms of hard currency requirements.

It is common knowledge that the Mugabe regime has neither the imagination,
the capacity nor policy package to get out of the crisis.

Poverty, hunger, joblessness and disease are destroying the social fabric of
this nation. Urban poverty has reached dangerous levels. For obvious reasons
the regime does not publicize statistics on the specific impact of these
problems, but death from malnutrition, which in many parts of Africa signals
the arrival of a full-blown catastrophe is already occurring.

For instance the Bulawayo City Health Department in an MDC-run local
authority has now revealed that between January and February 2003 about 40
people have already died from malnutrition in that city. Statistics for
subsequent months are being compiled and are likely to reveal a
deteriorating situation.

The social anger born out of these economic hardships has reached levels
never seen in this country before. Nobody can foretell how and under what
circumstances this social anger is going to subside.
Even at this late hour we still believe that the only viable solution to
end this crisis and give the country a chance to recover must go through a
process of serious and sincere dialogue. Therefore, the urgency of
international pressure being exerted to bring Mugabe to the negotiating
table cannot be overemphasized. It is the only way to avert a catastrophe. A
culture of democracy and political tolerance in Zimbabwe can only take root
if all of us accept the principle of dialogue without preconditions, as a
way out of political problems.

Your Excellencies will recall that since the run up to the presidential
poll, several regional and international delegations have been to Harare in
an effort to broker dialogue, but Mugabe squandered those precious overtures
in an endeavour to buy time, wishing that somehow, the crisis will go away.
In particular, Mugabe and ZANU PF have never taken any initiative to resolve
the crisis. This is a clear demonstration that the regime has never been
sincere about dialogue to resolve the crisis.

The current African initiative by Malawi, South Africa and Nigeria is
welcome but it needs to be complimented by a broader international effort.
We certainly hope that this initiative is not yet again one of those
short-lived diplomatic efforts, such as what happened in 2002, ahead of the
G8 meeting and the marketing of NEPAD, and will soon lose momentum
afterwards.

It would be a tragedy if efforts to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis were
routinely linked to the calendar of multilateral summits and are then
allowed to wither after every such summit.

It is with these qualitative changes to the crisis in mind that I felt the
need to put you in the picture on where the MDC stands regarding the way
forward.

Our position is quite clear and consistent. We are ready to resume talks at
any time. As I said before, and contrary to what has been reported in
certain sections of the local and international media, we have never put any
preconditions on the resumption of dialogue between the MDC and ZANU PF. It
is the Mugabe regime, which introduced preconditions in April 2002 when
dialogue had already started and an agenda had already been set and agreed
to.

We have not set any preconditions for the resumption of dialogue. What we
have simply done is to remind the Mugabe regime of its governance
responsibilities in restoring the rule of law; respecting human rights;
putting a stop to state-sponsored violence; disband and disarm the militia
and in general ensuring that peace and tranquillity returns to the country
so that meaningful dialogue can take place. The agreed agenda had made
provisions for the discussion of all these issues.

These issues were never set out as preconditions because dialogue had
already started when the agenda was agreed to. They are routine matters of
administration. They are obligations by any de facto authority that claims
to be the government of the day.

The issue of Mugabe's legitimacy was an agreed item for discussion on the
agenda. It is therefore insincere and dishonest for Mugabe or anybody else
for that matter, to demand that the MDC recognizes him as head of state as a
precondition for dialogue.

The legitimacy of the present regime is the root cause of the crisis and the
demand that Mugabe be recognized as legitimate ahead of any dialogue is
therefore incomprehensible. Pronouncing Mugabe as legitimate will not
resolve the crisis because the MDC does not confer legitimacy; it is the
people of Zimbabwe who do through the mechanism of a free and fair poll.

The MDC will never accept the illegitimate responsibility to usurp the role
of conferring a mandate or governmental legitimacy from the people.

There are historical precedents in our country and in the region. For
instance, when the patriotic front went to Lancaster House the issue of
recognising the illegal and illegitimate Smith regime was never the issue.
The illegitimacy of that regime and the mechanisms for the restoration of
legitimacy were the thorny issues for discussion.

Similarly in South Africa, when the ANC engaged the illegitimate apartheid
regime in dialogue, the recognition of the minority regime was out of the
question. The dismantling of the racist regime and the movement towards
democracy and legitimacy were the core issues of the dialogue.

In Zimbabwe today we find ourselves confronted by a similar set of
circumstances. The Mugabe regime is irretrievably illegitimate and can never
be salvaged. Recognising the illegitimate regime is out of the question. It
is precisely the illegitimacy of the Mugabe regime and the strategies to
return to democracy and legitimacy that constitute the agenda for dialogue.
The agenda prepared and agreed to by both the MDC and ZANU PF during the
aborted April 2002 dialogue recognised this.

In our view, the starting point in the resolution of the crisis of
legitimacy and governance in Zimbabwe must be Robert Mugabe's immediate and
unconditional exit from the office of the President. This will pave the way
for interim arrangements to be put in place for the holding of presidential
polls that will result in the installation of a legitimate government and
usher in a new political dispensation that will restore democracy, peace,
stability and prosperity to Zimbabwe.

We understand that Mugabe is only prepared to relinquish his illegitimate
power if he is guaranteed what he calls a safe and dignified exit. The
position of the MDC on that issue is quite clear.

First, the MDC has never preached or practiced the politics of vengeance and
retribution. On several occasions, the leadership of the MDC have stated,
quite unequivocally to local and international audiences that we are
determined never to allow the horrors of the past to haunt and influence the
future of our country. That position has not changed.

Second, we recognize Mugabe's role in the politics of the liberation of this
country from the yoke of colonial rule and we do not wish to ignore or
minimize the significance of that contribution.

Third, in Zimbabwe there is already a precedent for handling the outgoing
political leadership in a post-conflict situation. That precedent has served
the country well in the past and the lessons learnt will guide the future to
ensure peace and stability in the country. The only guaranteed safe exit for
Mugabe and his cronies is through a restoration of the rights of the people,
the restoration of the legitimacy of government and the opening up of
democratic space.

Fourth, the manner and circumstance of Mugabe's immediate exit from power
should not be a precondition for engaging in dialogue towards a restoration
of legitimacy. Mugabe is now a clear liability to the country, the region
and internationally.

Fifth, we shall never accept the linkage of the dialogue towards the
restoration of legitimacy to Mugabe's succession plans within his own
political party ZANU PF. The MDC cannot reasonably be expected to be part to
the reorganisation, renewal and or restructuring of the ZANU PF leadership.

Sixth, the essential goal of the negotiations therefore must be to put in
place irrevocable measures leading to and facilitating the holding of free
and fair presidential polls, ushering in a legitimate government expressing
the will of the people of Zimbabwe.

Seventh, MDC will not be part to any negotiation process, which simply seeks
to incorporate us, as junior partners, into the structures of illegitimate
power dominated by Mugabe and his cronies. This will only serve to expand
that illegitimacy and ultimately to sanitize the Mugabe regime.

We will neither be part to a dubious process that seeks to expand and
sanitize ZANU PF's illegitimate rule nor will we accept a secondary role in
any so-called transitional arrangement. We do not crave and will not accept
executive responsibilities in partnership with what is clearly an
illegitimate regime.

THE SO-CALLED TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Those within ZANU PF and outside of it who talk about the need for a
transitional government clearly recognise the need to transit from the
violent illegitimacy of the Mugabe regime to a legitimate and democratic
political dispensation and we agree with their diagnosis of the regime
entirely.

However we do not believe that the transition should go through a so-called
transitional government. Under the prevailing circumstances, a transitional
government will be an illegitimate arrangement, which does not carry the
mandate of the people.

Such a transitional administration would lack the legitimate authority and
the mandate of the people to put in place and steer viable programmes
necessary for national revival, renewal and healing. In short it would be
merely a face serving formula for the Mugabe regime and therefore a
dangerous, cruel and cynical waste of time for Zimbabweans.

Our position and that of the majority of Zimbabweans is that the political
arrangements that are necessary after Mugabe's announced departure must
religiously adhere to and be guided by the provisions of the Constitution of
Zimbabwe.

INTERIM ARRANGEMENTS.

In accordance with the Constitution of Zimbabwe, interim arrangements in the
event of a sitting President vacating office are clearly articulated and
well provided for. An interim/acting President, logically from the ruling
party, would take over the Office of the President and the presidential
polls shall be held within a period of 90 days to choose a new and
substantive President.

This is a cast iron constitutional provision and there are no compelling
reasons to deviate from it.

The issue of a constitutional amendment to enable the formation of a
so-called transitional government therefore does not arise. Certainly, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) will not be part to any process that
seeks to modify or tamper with the constitutionally defined route to
presidential succession. In a parliamentary system such as that in Zimbabwe,
this provision is a self-triggering constitutional mechanism, which
generates its own momentum. It should not be a subject for a constitutional
amendment, debate or negotiation among political parties.

"Accommodating" the MDC.

This is a myth that has to be dispelled once and for all. We have not sought
and will never seek to be accommodated by anybody outside our democratic
entitlement, the rule of law and indeed the constitution.

The negotiations must not be used as a strategy to diffuse ZANU PF's
responsibility for the national ills confronting the nation. Dialogue must
focus specifically on the implementation of agreed measures necessary to
return the country to legitimacy, democracy, peace and stability.

We in the MDC fervently believe in the unfettered free and fair expression
of the people's sovereign will. We are ready and comfortable to live with
any result of the people's electoral judgement. If we lose in a free and
fair presidential electoral contest we will eagerly play our role as a
loyal, patriotic and constructive political opposition party in a democratic
society. Similarly if the electorate confers its mandate on us, we are ready
to take up the challenge of governance.

Democracy in Zimbabwe would be in mortal peril if, each time when the ruling
party is confronted with a legitimate electoral challenge, it refuses to
provide for and recognize the genuine expression of the people's sovereign
wish. This has happened in the past and it must never be allowed to happen
again by deliberate design.

Governments of national unity, coalitions and such other administrative
formulae must not be used as antidotes to vaccinate against and forestall
the emergence of a democratic government that expresses the free will of the
people.

We therefore envisage no prospect and totally reject any form of
"accommodation" during the interim period apart from what must be a common
endeavour, by all well-meaning and patriotic Zimbabweans, to put in place
irrevocable measures to guarantee a free and fair presidential poll in
conditions of peace and general political stability.

THE WAY FORWARD.

This is the greatest challenge that confronts all patriotic Zimbabweans
during the interim period. The only way to resolve the current crisis and
salvage what remains of the nation is through a process of serious and
sincere dialogue between the MDC and ZANU PF. Such a process can only start
in earnest if the Mugabe regime commits itself to the creation of a peaceful
environment in the context of which a meaningful political engagement can be
undertaken.

Serious negotiations towards the restoration of legitimacy, national
reconciliation and national healing cannot be meaningfully held in the
context of lawlessness, violence and civil strife. The irreversible
restoration of law and order, stability and peace is therefore a
non-negotiable issue for progress on substantive issues in the negotiation
process. There is therefore an absolute imperative for the immediate
implementation of concrete measures designed to guarantee a free and fair
presidential poll.

As a demonstration of its sincerity and commitment to a peaceful and
negotiated end to the current crisis of governance, the Mugabe regime must
immediately implement the following fifteen (15) measures:

1. Put a stop to all forms of state-sponsored violence that has engulfed
the nation over the past three years.
2. End all political persecutions and prosecutions.
3. All ZANU PF militias must be disbanded; their training must stop
immediately.
4. The so-called war veterans must be disarmed. There must be guarantees
that they will not be rearmed and that they will not engage in political
activities as an armed group operating above the law, but only as ordinary
Zimbabweans.
5. Repressive and anti-democratic laws such as the Public Order and
Security Act (POSA) and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA) must be immediately repealed.
6. An undertaking not to grant amnesty for perpetrators of murder, rape,
torture, political violence and other serious crimes.
7. An immediate stop to on-going human rights abuses of all kinds.
8. An end to selective and biased law enforcement. The Zimbabwe Republic
Police (ZRP) should be non-partisan in the execution of their duties.
9. An end to the use of the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) for
partisan political activities.
10. A stop to the use of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) in civilian
policing duties and political activities of any kind.
11. Respect and impartial enforcement of the rule of law.
12. An end to the use of the state controlled print and electronic media as
partisan media instruments.
13. A commitment to stop the legislative use of Presidential powers in all
the above areas.
14. A commitment to humanitarian ethics in food relief distribution on the
grounds of need, without partisan or adverse distinction of any kind
whatsoever.
15. Depoliticise the distribution of food relief.

All the above fifteen (15) stipulated confidence building measures must be
met and expeditiously implemented before any progress on negotiations on
substantive issues can be made.

Again as I said before, these are not preconditions. Instead, they are
simply the administrative responsibilities of any de facto authority and the
Mugabe regime has deliberately reneged on them, thereby creating the chaotic
and dangerous situation in which the nation finds itself.

These are the minimum conditions that would create a peaceful political
environment that would enable serious dialogue to take place.
It is only in the context of such an environment that negotiations towards a
transition to legitimacy and democratic governance can take place.

The constitutionally mandated interim period must not be varied or tampered
with in any way and there must be guarantees for an unimpeded progress
towards democratic legitimacy. There must be a deliberate effort to
harmonize the state structures and personnel with the reality of the people'
s sovereign wishes and this can only be achieved through the creation of
institutions that recognize and guarantee democracy and multi-party
electoral politics.

Adequate security guarantees would have to be agreed to and corresponding
arrangements would have to be implemented to guard against the possible
regression to the use of state institutions for partisan political purposes.

Negotiations must be sincere and in good faith. It will be foolhardy for
Mugabe or anybody else in ZANU PF to delude themselves and think that the
interim period will present an excellent opportunity for them to dissolve
the unity of purpose of the MDC or force us to become secondary players in
the whole scenario. We are unshakeable in our conviction that the interim
period must be used to break the mould of tyrannical politics in Zimbabwe
and create a new democratic culture with underpinning political institutions
in the country.

I thank you.