All over Cameroon, dark clouds are giving way to blue skies. But while the rains are ending, consumers are increasingly worried about their electricity supply and the anticipation of blackouts is a long way from becoming history. In the last three years, power supply has been very erratic. In this connection, the privatised utility, AES-SONEL, is talking-up prospects of investments that are afoot to turnaround the state of events. And amid the uncertainty, Sino-Cameroon relations are taking a twist towards dams. The head of state, Paul Biya, in September flew home with a baggage of dams ready for Chinese financing. These include the construction of three mini-hydropower plants by China International Water and Electrical Corporation (CWE) on the rivers Ntem, Nja, and Kadey. However, beyond government's interest in dams lies a minefield of equity and sustainability issues. Who are the actors and what are their true motives? Are their interests aligned with sustainable development?

The privatisation of electricity provides a background to comprehending some equity issues surrounding the proposed projects. The process, masterminded by the World Bank, was dispossessed of public scrutiny and participation. The recommendations of the International Finance Corporation's consultant - the private sector arm of the World Bank - blueprinted the privatisation of the National Electricity Co-operation (SONEL) in 2001. In the recommendations that were fleshed into a concession agreement, the construction of a big dam over the river Lom-Pangar was mandated to AES SIRROCO: a US based corporation. However, the Lom-Pangar issue predates privatisation. The French - enamoured by the project in 1990 - contracted the consultancy Coyne et Bellier, to carry out a feasibility study on the dam. The study was motivated by the relation between a quasi-owned French company, Alucam and SONEL. Alucam's intent to double its aluminium production capacity depended on cheap hydropower.

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According to Amnesty International and other credible human rights monitoring groups, the human rights situation in Western Sahara remains among the worst in the world. Any demonstration of support for independence is brutally suppressed. Even displays by the Sahrawis' of their distinct cultural identity is actively discouraged, says Stephen Zunes, an associate professor of Politics and chair of the Peace & Justice Studies Program at the University of San Francisco. Zunes was speaking about the crisis in Western Sahara to Jacob Mundy, a co- founder of Friends of the Western Sahara (www. friendsofthewesternsahara.org) in this interview reproduced on the pages of www.zmag.org.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) on Tuesday issued guidelines for ensuring the safety and efficacy of the multibillion-dollar herbal medicines market amid reports that some products are tainted with toxic substances. The guidelines, intended for national regulatory bodies, lay out the best techniques for growing and harvesting medicinal plants used for various ailments or weight loss, as well as the clear labelling of the contents of any product.

When a government of a country fails or neglects to curb spread of corruption, one may conclude that government also fails to fulfil its obligation to promote and protect the fundamental human rights of the people of the country. The same also applies when a powerful country misrepresents its publicly-stated policy towards another country for hidden reasons, thus grossly violating human rights. The fight for political, social, economic and cultural rights is often inextricably linked with the fight against corruption. The elimination of corruption and the protection of human rights are interdependent.

The persistence of human rights violations committed by the police makes a mockery of the government’s stated commitment “to retrain, equip and better remunerate police and other security services to ensure they are people-oriented and work efficiently, effectively and fairly,” says the Kenya Human Rights Network in a letter to Christopher Murungaru, Minister of State-National Security and Provincial Administration. "The prevailing culture in the rank and file encourages officers to commit human rights violations and expect no ramifications. This explains the persistence of numerous and serious human rights violations by police officers who enjoy impunity for their actions. To reverse this cycle, the K-HURINET recommends the establishment of a tribunal to hear about the violations committed by the police while demanding that the government heed the advise of the Task Force on Truth Justice and Reconciliation, which recommends the establishment of commission to deal with transitional justice."

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has given himself powers of detention that allow his police to hold opponents of his regime in prison for up a month without legal process on charges of "subversion," the opposition Movement for Democratic Change said. The law applies to a wide range of offences under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), including "attempting to coerce" the government through boycotts, strikes, civil disobedience or "resistance to the law," said MDC secretary for legal affairs David Coltart.

Finanace Minister Trevor Manuel's eighth Budget was greeted by opposing reactions from the labour movement, and tax experts and economists. While Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) secretary general Zwelinzima Vavi described the Budget as a "victory for the working class", independent economist Mohau Pheko said the Budget was "a mixture of unrealistic targets".

The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 1998 has been widely heralded as a breakthrough in the fight against impunity in reference to the most serious crimes of concern to the international community. Indeed, it has triggered overwhelming numbers of communications detailing situations that may merit investigations. At first sight, observers feel that the first cases the ICC is going to handle are likely to come from Africa. Sure enough, the ICC Prosecutor has received and accepted a referral of the situation concerning the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda. This referral, made by Uganda in December 2003, is the first from any of the ICC's 92 States Parties. Instructively, however, the Prosecutor is closely monitoring the situation in Ituri in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and has indicated on several occasions that that is his priority.

It is appropriate for the ICC to focus on Africa. There is, however, one matter of concern, which relates to the continent's preparedness. While the ICC aroused relatively strong support from Africa, the Ugandan referral appears to engender considerable disenchantment amongst some interests in the continent. These developments necessitate a newer focus on the role of the ICC, largely because the manner of confronting impunity in Africa may not only have major implications for justice (and hence, peace) in the region, it could determine the future of the ICC. Several concerns are discernible in this emerging debate on the contribution that the ICC can make.

First, there is the broad question of the appropriateness of the Ugandan referral. Some argue that it is politically motivated. During the negotiations for the ICC there was scepticism that the Court might in fact be turned into a forum for politically-motivated international justice. This has brought to the fore problems relating to the political context in which the alleged crimes in the Ugandan referral were committed. Critics point out that there is an armed conflict involving various parties. They assert that the alleged crimes of the LRA have obscured equally serious crimes by the government. Besides, there are reports that the Sudanese government might have played a role in the conflict, say in supplying the LRA with weapons and bases. If these claims carry great weight, the Prosecutor might probe the Ugandan government. He might also have to indict political leadership in the Sudan. However, there are fears that the referral might be limited to crimes committed by one party to the conflict, namely the LRA. Although the Prosecutor has reiterated his impartiality and independence, he says he is unable to make the referral public because it contains confidential information.

In the circumstances, it is helpful to ponder the principle of complementarity. According to this principle, such as it is in the ICC, it is the duty of each state to investigate and try individuals for gross crimes. The ICC will only intervene if the state is unwilling or unable genuinely to perform that duty. Given that most African countries lack relatively developed legal systems, should they be encouraged to prosecute cases themselves (rather than letting the ICC intervene)?

For several reasons, it makes a lot of sense for a state to leverage the complementarity provisions. First, it forestalls an ICC investigation. This would help ease the risks of the ICC becoming the default jurisdiction for African countries, thereby increasing its credibility and legitimacy. Second, it would enhance the national judicial systems in countries that do not meet the high international fair trial standards, thereby improving access to justice generally. To be sure, the ICC envisages states will make extra efforts to improve domestic administration of criminal justice. Third, investigations and trials at the national level might be preferable to referrals to the ICC for policy and strategic reasons. For instance, they could prevent backlogging the ICC. Moreover, the interests of justice, victims and defendants might be better served when investigations and related activities are conducted close to the place where most of the particulars pertaining to the crime are located.

At all events, complementarity provisions were enshrined in the ICC to create a presumption in favour of national jurisdiction. In reality, during the ICC negotiations, the possibility that a state might voluntarily decide to relinquish its jurisdiction in favour of the ICC was considered as being inconsistent with some delegations' understanding of the principle of complementarity. In so 'relinquishing' its national jurisdiction, a state might be seen as being cooperative. But the agreement was that the ICC should not undermine the effectiveness of national justice systems and should only be resorted to in exceptional cases. One would reasonably expect this to mean that, while not being under obligation to do so, in practice states would only resort to the ICC as a matter of necessity rather than choice.

So, why would Uganda resort to the ICC? Unquestionably, there is enormous pressure being exerted on states to make referrals. The Prosecutor has suggested that states parties should make referrals to the ICC regarding certain situations in Africa. Although some would go along with the Prosecutor, others take the view that the ICC should be fully operationalized and efforts made toward universal support for the ICC before investigations can begin. The major issue would then be whether or not a state is willing or able to perform its obligations. For many, Uganda has the judicial capacity and political will to carry out prosecutions itself. On the face of it, there is no reason to believe that Ugandan authorities have decided to shield anyone from criminal responsibility for the crimes foreseen in the ICC statute. However, Uganda passed an amnesty law in order to protect those involved in the conflict from prosecution. Now the Ugandan President says he intends to amend the amnesty law to exclude the LRA leadership from its protection. This raises more questions.

Firstly, might amnesties rather than prosecutions be the better option for Africa, and secondly, what is the effect under the ICC of amnesties? Even if they are not better, the momentous political reality is that amnesties are likely to be granted in Africa especially in transitions. Negotiations on a national amnesty or official pardon are ongoing in Liberia (re Charles Taylor) and Uganda (re LRA rebel leader Joseph Kony and his deputies). Moreover, there are suggestions that amnesties might be indispensable in Sudan (talks are ongoing in Kenya to end the civil conflict in the south) and Somalia (where the Ugandan President, as current chair of IGAD, is leading peace talks).

While Uganda's intended amnesty amendment to exclude LRA leadership is aimed at ensuring that those bearing the greatest responsibility are brought to justice, it concerns some that the ICC's credibility could be questioned regarding its determination to subject only a select few to its justice. However, there is little prospect of such arrangements. Generally speaking, under international law amnesties may not be a bar to prosecution for such serious crimes as those that fall within the jurisdiction of the ICC. Having said that, there remains concern about impunity gap - one of the idiosyncrasies of ICC - that relates to the capacity of justice institutions to prosecute only a small number of perpetrators who are deemed to bear the greatest responsibility. This concept is one that in international law is controversial and unsettled. Perhaps more importantly, it is a curious paradox that this might be left to the Prosecutor's discretion in line with the ICC statute (Article 53). After taking into account all the pertinent circumstances, the Prosecutor may conclude that prosecution is not in the interests of justice.

In that context, the Ugandan referral has broached the subject of the role of advocating peace in Africa by means of dialogue. There could be cases in Africa where it might genuinely be 'expedient or a requirement of justice' that amnesties rather than prosecutions are pursued. Whilst it is arguable that no one has immunity for the most serious crimes under international law, there are cases where amnesties or pardon have been given jurisprudential recognition. Examples include South Africa and East Timor. Forget about the hair-splitting legal arguments about the clear definitions of the relevant technical terms as they applied in those specific cases. Nobody ever got to the bottom of those definitions. The imperative is whether or not in the context of the ICC it is cogent to argue that ending impunity in Africa does not necessarily mean that prosecutions will have to be pursued in every case.

An additional reason why the Ugandan referral calls for a cautious approach relates to the appropriateness of making the referral at a time when peace talks appear to be bearing fruit. In light of that, the Ugandan Amnesty Commission argues for the pursuit of amnesties rather than prosecutions. No one wants impunity in Africa to continue. Equally, nobody wants peace talks to fail. But probing LRA leaders could jeopardize a peaceful solution to the conflict.

I grant that Africa has a poor record of adjudication of crimes of the ICC type. But the key to successful national prosecutions seems to be judicial capacity and political will. There are fears that this could be a trump card in reference to Africa. Take ability to prosecute in the Ituri situation, for instance. The prevailing argument is that the Congolese judicial system would be unable to prosecute those crimes because the conflict is taking part in the extreme northeast of DRC and the central government has little control over that region. Yet, according to the Prosecutor, plans are underway for 'a consensual division of labour', whereby the ICC would target the leaders while the DRC deals with other accused persons. If one were to accept that the DRC is indeed unable to prosecute because its judicial system is fractured, it would be difficult to see why the ICC is proposing the said scenario. In any event, were African countries under the ICC's spotlight to actually initiate their own investigations and trials, it would still be open to the Prosecutor to prove that any fraudulent investigations and trials were not 'genuine'. As regards the political will of the DRC to prosecute, a major concern lies in the fact that a UN investigation points fingers at the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC). MLC's leader is now in the government as part of a peace deal. Naturally, this makes it politically tricky for the DRC government to see the cases to trial.

In reference to Uganda, its national judicial system is intact and readily available, and the state is able to obtain the necessary evidence and testimony. However, to the extent that Uganda has not enacted implementing legislation, one could argue that it might be incapable of effectively discharging its ICC obligations. This is because, for instance, Ugandan national criminal legislation might not foresee the crimes in the ICC statute, thereby making it difficult to sustain adjudication. In that regard, it is noteworthy that Uganda has requested technical assistance in drafting the relevant legislation. Moreover, Uganda might be unable to carry out investigations and trial of the suspected individuals because government forces have failed to arrest them. This particularly weighs against the critics because the LRA leadership is reportedly based in a neighbouring country. While it is arguable that Uganda has been allowed to access suspected rebel bases in the Sudan, it is apparent that Ugandan forces may not have adequate and effective control in that region. Therefore, the most plausible determining factor of Uganda's inability to carry out its national proceedings regarding the LRA situation is the fact that it has not obtained the accused persons. But it is also probable that Uganda genuinely felt it needed the impartiality and/or expertise of ICC.

It is not intended here to suggest that Uganda's referral is an abuse of the ICC process, nor that it should not be supported. My modest opinion, however, is that it might be unwise for African states to either squander the complementarity provisions or use the ICC system for a purpose or in a manner that might threaten the effective execution of the object and purpose of the ICC statute as a whole. One hopes that cooperation will be extended to investigation into crimes allegedly committed by government forces, especially now that some states seem willing to either 'relinquish' their jurisdiction in favour of the ICC or consent to division of labour. Considering the intrinsic nature and the beneficiaries of the ICC, we should all work together to protect the integrity of the ICC. To state that the success of the ICC largely depends on the political will of states is one thing, to politicize the use of the ICC system, quite another. Political will is the very stuff of international law. But politicization of the ICC system will only serve to weaken universal support for the Court and erode its credibility and legitimacy.

*Josphat Ayamunda, a Kenyan lawyer, is a Rhodes Scholar at the University of Oxford and a researcher at Fahamu.

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The back cover of Re-examining Liberation in Namibia: Political Culture Since Independence, edited by Henning Melber, asks the question of what Namibian children can expect from their future in ‘the land of the brave’ (as the national anthem proclaims)? This question frames the taking stock of emerging trends in the country’s political culture since independence in 1990 as the contributors critically explore the achievements and shortcomings that have been part of liberation in Namibia.

Dealing with a wide array of subjects relevant to recent history in Namibia, the collection weaves together a rich tapestry of diverse subjects. It succeeds in pulling together a picture of the sometimes schizophrenic liberation movement SWAPO, which led resistance to colonial rule from 1960, in terms of its worthy values and ambitions compared to the reality of a liberation movement in power.

The themes of this collection illuminate not only the challenges facing present-day Namibia but also resonate throughout the Southern African region. Issues related to land and indigenous people crop up frequently, as does that of truth and reconciliation, memory and forgetting.

Perhaps the contrast between liberation in action and the present day reality is best captured in the fascinating deconstruction of President Sam Nujoma’s personality in an essay by Christopher Saunders entitled ‘Liberation and Democracy: A critical reading of Sam Nujoma’s Autobiography’. This paints a picture of a heroic and committed Sam Nujoma as he travelled through the airports of the world gathering support for his just cause as a young man with little experience of politics. But this contrasts with Nujoma’s highly selective and sometimes inaccurate version of events in relation to the liberation struggle, so that Saunders concludes that “Nujoma’s work is more a work of propaganda than of history”. “It conforms that the liberation struggle was fought for national liberation, and that this meant, for Nujoma and others, the accession of Swapo to power.”

The attempt by Swapo and Nujoma to remember the past in a certain way, to construct it and stamp it on the nation’s consciousness, is also raised in an excellent essay by John Saul and Colin Leys entitled ‘Truth, Reconciliation, Amnesia: The “ex-detainees” fight for Justice’. Here the issue of missing Swapo activists allegedly killed at the hands of their own organisation is carefully examined in the context of the liberation movement’s inclination to bury historical record with the excuse that opening up old wounds would be harmful to national reconciliation efforts. This is contrasted strongly with efforts by those in Namibian society who believe that actively remembering the past will open up the path to a more meaningful reconciliation.

How is the past remembered and who has the right to remember it? Who has control over the nation’s consciousness? What is national interest and in whose interest does it operate? How do we go about understanding the sometimes contradictory and authoritarian nature of liberation movements? How do these liberation movements understand democracy? These are just some of the questions that Re-examining Liberation in Namibia touches on, and together with many others, the collection provides a critical understanding of Namibian politics and its current day state of health.
(ISBN 91-7106-516-4)

Reviewed by Patrick Burnett, Fahamu

Mothers in some parts of rural Mali are being given free mosquito nets impregnated with insecticide if they take their children for full series of vaccinations against preventable diseases such as measles and polio. Health workers told IRIN that this programme had significantly reduced infant mortality and malnutrition in a region where child deaths amongst the highest in the world.

The cholera epidemic in Zambia has forced the World Food Programme (WFP) to suspend 107 of its 179 school feeding programmes. WFP spokeswoman Lena Savelli told IRIN on Monday that the decision to "suspend the feeding in these schools follows reports from government and local media that these areas are affected by cholera".

Two Swedish businessmen have been convicted on bribery charges related to a roads project in Kenya funded by the World Bank. Claes Fjellner and Ejie Karlsson were jailed by a court in Huddinge, Sweden, for their role in a corruption syndicate which grounded a $115 million plan to improve 26 urban roads. The two were involved in the bribery of World Bank officials overseeing the Kenya Urban Transportation Improvement Project (Kutip).

South African President Thabo Mbeki's attitude towards HIV and Aids is once again under scrutiny. He claims: "I don't know anyone who has died of Aids." So why does it continue to dominate the problems facing the South African people? People don't actually die of Aids. What kills them tends to be the so-called "opportunist" diseases that thrive because of the damage that the Aids virus, HIV, causes to the body's defence system; infections like TB, pneumonia, and even influenza. So President Mbeki's statement that he does not know anyone who has died of Aids is technically correct. But it is a bit disingenuous, and Aids campaigners say such remarks are profoundly unhelpful.

As the world observes the first International Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) Day, Amnesty International has appealed to all governments to ensure effective protection of girls from female genital mutilation (FGM). "Governments are responsible for protecting women and girls' physical and mental integrity. Moving against FGM should be part of a comprehensive approach to protect women from violence and assert their equal status in society," Amnesty International said. During its last meeting in February 2003, the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) adopted a "Declaration of Zero Tolerance to FGM on the African Continent".

The New York Times last Thursday profiled Zimbabwe's health care system, which "like the rest of [the country's] economic and social fabric ... is dissolving." With the economy in "free fall," Zimbabwe is "desperately short of even basic drugs and medical equipment," which is forcing a "once robust" health care system "close to ruin" and is taking a "human toll," according to the Times.

Just the item security of the World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos cost nearly 18 million dollars. 2,000 people attended, among which CEOs of the largest global corporations and politicians of more than 100 countries, plus international journalists. In Mumbai, one member of the Swiss delegation interviewed the Chief of Police and learned that, in order to guarantee the safety of more than 100,000 people 700 policemen were on the streets. In Davos, 7,000 policemen, soldiers and agents, including the Swiss Air Forces, armed to their teeth, were mobilize to protect the world’s 2,000 richest and most powerful persons.

A member of the national anti-corruption observatory at the prime minister's office has recommended the creation of a ministry of governance as the only way to arrest corruption which has eaten deep into the fabric of Cameron's society. Ngalah Edward who made the recommendation in a memo dated 23 January to the head of state, Paul Biya, a copy of which The Herald procured, noted that his observation was based on the fact that "the fight against corruption had failed as anti-corruption structures seem to be beating around the bush."

The Angolan government is seeking a mediator to resolve the separatist crisis in the enclave of Cabinda, according to news reports. Interior Minister Osvaldo Serra van Dunem announced on Wednesday that the government wanted a "real and suitable mediator to commence a transparent dialogue" about the future of the oil-rich province.

Ten days after calling for Gyude’s Bryant’s removal as head of the transitional government, Sekou Conneh, leader of the LURD rebel movement, has changed his mind. Conneh, whose own leadership of LURD is challenged by a faction supporting his estranged wife, told IRIN in an interview that he did not have any "personal problem" with Bryant as leader of Liberia's broad-based transitional government.

Sudan's peace process will collapse if Khartoum and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army refuse to involve others in the talks that are underway in Kenya, political commentators have warned. "There are 36 militia and political groups in the south. If they are not handled well, there will be trouble,” said John Yor, a political science lecturer at the University of South Africa (UNISA). He told a meeting held in Pretoria, last Thursday, that the four major political parties in northern Sudan had also taken something of a back seat in the peace process.

Niger’s Minister for Social Development and Women's Affairs has called for a government crackdown of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), widely known as female circumcision. The practice was made illegal in this poor West African country three years ago, but it remains widespread and no-one has ever been prosecuted for performing the crude operation.

When Namibian internet users access Google, they are automatically redirected to www.google.com.na. The new site gives users the option of using an Afrikaans version of the Google site.

Nigerian authorities have failed to secure a court order stopping unions from holding a strike in protest over a new fuel tax. Nigeria's trade unions postponed a general strike over the tax last month following a court order. The trade union leader Adams Oshiomhole has said they will now meet to decide whether they will resume the strike.

A new report released this week by Amnesty International reveals UK Home Office asylum decisions based on inaccurate and out-of-date country information, unreasoned decisions about people's credibility and a failure to properly consider complex torture cases. Government figures show that the Home Office gets the initial decision wrong on nearly 14,000 asylum cases in the last reported calendar year (2002), meaning around 1 in 5 cases are overturned after costly appeals. This figure rises to nearly 4 in 10 cases from Somalia, and more than 1 in 3 Sudanese and Eritrean asylum applications.

With pointed jabs at the United States, a U.N. special envoy told a gathering of leading AIDS scientists that wealthy nations must make up for a "decade of financial abstinence'' to battle the global epidemic. Stephen Lewis, a Canadian diplomat who has been the United Nations' special representative for AIDS in Africa, made his case on Sunday for a dramatic increase in spending to fight the disease at the opening session of the 11th Conference on Retroviruses and Opportunistic Infections, held in San Francisco.

Doudou Diene, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, is on a 12-day visit to Côte d'Ivoire to examine the role of ethnicity in the context of the country's conflict. He will visit Abidjan, the country's political centre, and its capital, Yamoussoukro, as well as other towns to gather information on the socio-political dynamics in Côte d'Ivoire.

The collapse in commodity prices over the last few decades threatens farmer livelihoods and development prospects, according to a paper that studies the cases of cocoa and coffee to assess whether their systems of production and trade meet the needs and aspirations of poor rural populations in the developing world, and minimize environmental damage. The paper, from the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, said the collapse in prices also had a significant impact on the environment. The biodiversity effects of changing prices were highly site-specific, but it was clear that the market was not delivering environmentally or socially sound outcomes.

A report released last month, ‘The Security Demographic: Population and Civil Conflict after the Cold War’, argues that much of sub-Saharan Africa, as well as parts of the Middle East and Asia, are at high-risk for future civil conflict. The report, which found a high correlation between demographics and conflict in the 1990s, also identifies the increasing toll of HIV/AIDS as a factor that will likely make some states more vulnerable to civil conflict in the future. Researchers at Population Action International argue that the best way to mitigate these factors is to improve women's access to education, family planning and economic opportunities.

National Black HIV/AIDS Awareness Day on February 7 emphasized the disproportionate impact of the pandemic among Black people in the U.S. and globally. Africa Action's Executive Director, Salih Booker said: "National Black HIV/AIDS Awareness Day is so important because it forces us to confront the system of global apartheid that has shaped the course of the AIDS pandemic in the U.S. and globally."

Major global computer companies are now embracing Linux. IBM, for one, is currently running a series of television and online ads proclaiming that the future is open, as in open source computing.

The Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP) supported by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) calls for summary proposals for pilot projects or from new and ongoing small-scale initiatives. The grants offered to projects are between US$10 000 and US$15 000 with the focus on developing countries. The projects proposed should contribute to the innovative use of information and communication technology (ICT) for civil society strengthening and participation in the Information Society; and/or promote partnerships to support and develop small-scale and community-based initiatives.

The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) invites proposals for the constitution of Comparative Research Networks (CRNs) in Africa. The primary objectives of the CRNs are to carry out comparative studies on various themes, and develop and consolidate a comparative analytic perspective in the work of African social researchers.

Almost four years after the government of Zimbabwe adopted the fast-track land redistribution programme, thousands of ex-commercial farm workers find themselves displaced and without employment. In 2000 the government embarked on the controversial initiative that drove thousands of white farmers off their estates, saying it intended to resettle land-hungry black Zimbabweans. More than 300,000 farm workers who had been employed by the former commercial farmers were also displaced in the process.

Fifty years after the adoption of the UN Convention on Refugees, the decade we live in has seen more of the world's people than ever before seeking refuge from war, persecution or disaster. This special report tells the stories behind the statistics, using first-person testimonies and in-depth interviews to trace the journey from home into exile. It asks why refugees are still fleeing, where they go, and examines how we treat them.

The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels who killed scores of internally displaced persons in a camp near the northern town of Lira on 5 February gained access to the camp by pretending to be government soldiers and militias. Suspicions were aroused when the rebels started deploying throughout the camp and ordering people not to move. A full-scale attack on the largely defenceless population in the camp was then launched. Contrary to government reports, victims said the rebels had deliberately opened fire on civilians inside the camp, and then, brandishing machetes and clubs, chased those who tried to run away.

This is a collection of poems and a short story of wide thematic scope. The poet portrays, without bitterness, some of the grave injustices of the colonial system and their consequences as well as the problems, frustrations and joys of living in independent Namibia.

100 Ways of Seeing an Unequal World actually offers 123 perspectives on world inequality, each consisting of a two-page presentation with a graph or graphs on the left and explanation and interpretation on the right. The topics covered range across production, income and trade, demographics and health, agriculture, environment, refugees and repression. Sutcliffe pays special attention to regional (rather than just international) and gender inequalities, and attempts to set comparisons in a historical perspective.

The Municipal Services Project (MSP) is looking for an experienced Project Coordinator to manage research and administrative activities in the project. This is a two-year contract position from March 2004 to March 2006 with the possibility of a one-year extension. The Coordinator will be based in Cape Town at the International Labour Research and Information Group Trust (ILRIG) offices, affiliated with the University of Cape Town.

This course is intended for professionals, researchers, activists, defenders and trainers from Southern Africa to broaden their knowledge and further develop their human rights expertise on the substantive and institutional aspects of the promotion and protection of civil and political rights at national, regional and international levels.

Women'sNet is hosting a regional workshop to be held in Johannesburg on the 23rd of February until the 25th of February 2004. The workshop is held with the support of the Food and Agricultural Organisation's (FAO) Dimitra Project. The workshop will bring together women's organisations, government officials, and gender and development practitioners and researchers, involved in gender and Information and Communication (ICT) projects and initiatives.

'Community Informatics' is an e-newsletter packed with information for parties interested in community ICTs. Every month, it provides ICT news, important ICT announcements and the latest information added to the CINSA portal (www.cinsa.info). This includes research, advocacy articles and resources.

You can help encourage the President of Burundi to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court without delay. Please send appeals by mail or fax, preferably in French, to President Domitien Ndayizeye at the address available by clicking on the web link below.

The death penalty as applied in Nigeria violates fundamental human rights and is sometimes used in a discriminatory way against women, Amnesty International says in a new and its first report on women and the death penalty entitled: "Nigeria: The death penalty and women under the Nigerian penal systems". "The Nigerian government should abolish the death penalty and place an immediate moratorium on any pending executions," the organisation said.

The Angolan Government and the UNHCR this month started discussions meant to outline the repatriation program of Angolan refugees in 2004, particularly those living in sheltering camps. The UNHCR official, Matthew Brook said there might soon occur a meeting gathering all interveners of the repatriation process, which will analyse the program in an open way.

In the first case heard since the Equality Court was set up last year, the owners of the club Sliver in Green Point acknowledged that racial discrimination lay behind the assault on a coloured man and his white partner after being refused entry to the gay club. After being refused an apology from the club or a change in its policy, the couple, from Bantry Bay, approached the South African Human Rights Commission last month and a complaint, one of the first, was lodged with the Equality Court.

The Nigerian government on Friday announced that it is sending state and religious representatives to South Africa, Indonesia and India this week to observe testing of the polio vaccine and "bring back proof" that it is not contaminated with HIV, according to reports. In October 2003, health workers in Nigeria launched a project to immunize 15 million African children at immediate risk of contracting polio. However, the vaccinations were hampered when some Muslim leaders in the northern part of the country said the immunization effort is part of a U.S. plan to decimate the Muslim population by spreading HIV/AIDS and infertility.

The Media and Information Commission (MIC) has announced that no journalists from the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of the Daily News and Daily News on Sunday will be accredited. The Commission, headed by Tafataona Mahoso, said that the journalists would not be accredited since the Daily News and the Daily News on Sunday are not registered.