Pambazuka News 361: AGRA - green revolution or philanthro-capitalism?
Pambazuka News 361: AGRA - green revolution or philanthro-capitalism?
Women are discriminated against in almost every country around the world, a UN-commissioned report says. It says that this is despite the fact that 185 UN member states pledged to outlaw laws favouring men by 2005. It adds that 70% of the world's poor are women and they own just 1% of the world's titled land. The report, which was prepared for UN Human Right Commissioner Louise Arbour, says rape within marriage has still not been made a crime in 53 nations.
Journalists who covered and were psychologically affected by last year’s post election violence are now going to benefit from a trauma counseling programme that was launched last week. Organized by the Kenya Association of Photographers, Illustrators and Designers (KAPIDE) and Kenya Correspondents’ Association (KCA) and funded by International Media Support (IMS), the programme will provide trauma counseling to a total of 150 journalists.
Following its interim statement of 31 March on the 2008 Harmonised Elections in Zimbabwe, EISA has continued to monitor the unfolding events in Zimbabwe in anticipation of the announcement of the final and complete election results. This statement is a follow-up which highlights issues in the post-election phase that deserve urgent attention.
In mid-March hundreds of Congolese women, men and girls raised banners that read, Together, let us say No to the silence, for the dignity of the Congolese and Enough sexual violence!. With faces of determination, the women, men and girls waved these slogans high above their heads. More than 1,000 Congolese authorities and civilians, UN leaders, NGOs and civil society groups’ were gathered in Kinkole, a suburb of Kinshasa, to kick off a nationwide public awareness campaign aimed to eradicate an epidemic of sexual violence.
The new Country Assistance Strategy for the Democratic Republic of Congo, which the Bank has kept secret, suggests a continued emphasis on the natural resource sectors as sources of growth going forward and predicts at least $1.4 billion in new lending over the next three years.
President Bingu wa Mutharika returned from his weeklong state visit to Mainland China and brought home a K40 billion aid package for Malawi. Mutharika briefed the press on his visit at the New State House in Lilongwe. Reading the President’s communique, Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Henri Mumba said the K40 billion includes a K12.2 billion grant, which would, among other projects, be used for construction of the Karonga/Chitipa road and the new Parliament building in Lilongwe.
Kenya's Centre for Training and Integrated Research for Development (CETRAD) and NETWAS Uganda are among the four winners in the inaugural nGomobile competition. The winning projects were selected from a pool of over seventy entries that came from Kenya, Uganda, Mexico and Azerbaijan.
The Internet Service Providers' Association of South Africa (ISPA) has begun a series of computer literacy training courses in the five provinces of South Africa. According to ISPA the Free State, Limpopo, North West, KwaZulu Natal and Mpumalanga are the targeted provinces for the training. Chairperson of ISPA's Teacher Training Working Group Bernie Amler explained that the latest round of skills training will boost the practical knowledge of 121 educators from 13 schools and represents one of ISPA's biggest investments in South Africa.
Almost half a million Ivorians have received new birth certificates, the first step in a process to enable them to vote in national general elections scheduled for later this year, the United Nations Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) has reported.
The United Nations and African Union envoys heading international efforts to resolve the Darfur conflict have travelled to the town of Juba for talks with the former southern Sudanese rebels as they seek to bring new momentum to the stalled political process. The UN’s Jan Eliasson and the AU’s Salim Ahmed Salim met with Salva Kiir, Sudan’s First Vice President, and members of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) Task Force on Darfur, UN spokesperson Marie Okabe told reporters.
Condemning continued armed activity of rebel groups in eastern Chad, members of the Security Council have expressed their concern over the humanitarian situation in that region and the neighbouring north-eastern Central African Republic (CAR), as the number of displaced persons continues to swell.
Zimbabwe's opposition leader Tsvangirai has squashed reports that he is prepared to clash with Robert Mugabe in the presidential run off within a period of 21 days as stipulated by law. Tsvangirai who was invited to attend a SADC's emergency meeting in Zambia said his party had won the elections and would what so ever not participate in the run off.
Ugandan government negotiators quit peace talks on Friday after Uganda's fugitive rebel commander Joseph Kony delayed signing a final deal. "We are going back to Uganda until we are informed by the chief mediator when the Lord's Resistance Army will be ready to sign," Internal Affairs Minister Ruhakana Rugunda said on the remote Sudan-Congo border.
Social grants are out of the reach of many of the poorest South Africans because they cannot afford to get the necessary identity documents from the Department of Home Affairs. Some of the biggest barriers are money for transport to the Home Affairs offices or to pay for documents they needed to get ID books, such as baptismal and doctors’ certificates, photographs and photocopies.
It is now eleven days since Zimbabwe held its disputed General Elections. It is very troubling that since 29th March 2008, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has not declared the Presidential election results and the people of Zimbabwe have not been given any credible explanation for the ordinate delay.
The holding of democratic elections is an important dimension in conflict prevention, management and resolution.
While welcoming increased international attention to the climate crisis, civil society groups from the global South and global North today are calling on the World Bank to withdraw its proposal to establish climate investment funds. The World Bank on April 3 detailed plans to establish at least two funds outside of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), a Strategic Climate Fund featuring a “Pilot Program for Climate Resilience” and a Clean Technology Fund.
Individuals enrolled on HIV prevention trials in Africa should be asked if they have had anal sex, suggest investigators in a article published in the online edition of Sexually Transmitted Infections. Their study found that 18% of women enrolled in their study had recently had receptive anal sex and that undiagnosed anal sexually transmitted infections were present in many of these individuals.
The latest round of negotiations between trade unions and the Moroccan government failed to yield a comprehensive solution. The talks will continue in the coming weeks, in hopes the two sides will agree on increases in wages and benefits for Moroccan workers.
While recognising that market access is important to ensure the development of international trade, India is engaging with African countries and offering trade privileges to the continent, which is home to over 900 million people.
When the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Directors meet for their Spring and Annual Meetings tens of thousands of demonstrators regularly protest in front of the conference centers. The activists want to raise global awareness of the neoliberal trade and financial policies of the Bretton Woods Institutions. These policies were established in 1989 in the so-called “Washington Consensus” between the World Bank, IMF and the US Government.
The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) express their deepest concern regarding the arrest of George Ishak, a prominent opposition activist and former leader of the Kifaya movement, after the movement backed a nationwide strike earlier this week.
On April 7th and 8th local reaction to the government’s violent crackdown on a peaceful strike on April 6th has grown and intensified as residents express their anger over the brutal actions taken by Egyptian authorities that culminated in the death of fifteen year old Ahmed Mohamed Hammad. Yesterday thousands of people have taken to the streets destroying public property including pictures of Egyptian President Hosny Mubarak which are displayed in Mahalla’s main square.
According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), by July 2007 the number of Zimbabweans deported from South Africa to their home country had reached 17 000 each month. Cross-border movements on this scale inevitably feed into issues of public concern, whether well-informed or not, such as crime, corruption, and xenophobia. This paper reports on a regional workshop held in November 2007 to address the issues raised by Zimbabwean migration.
Botswana’s laws are still not specific on whether to condemn homosexuality or not but gays and lesbians in that country are forced to remain in the closet for fear of being stigmatised, disowned and marginalised. Speaking openly about sexuality remains a major challenge for many gays and lesbians in Botswana such as 19 year old Selina Sello*. Sello is a lesbian student at the university of Botswana who encountered problems regarding coming out to her family and friends.
Susan Shabangu, the South African deputy security minister, has caused a political uproar after she said police should shoot-to-kill when confronting armed criminals. In remarks broadcast on local television and radio on Wednesday, Shabangu said that if threatened, police should "kill the bastards".
Reporters Without Borders and Journalists in Danger (JED), its partner organisation in Democratic Republic of Congo, have written to Congolese interior minister Denis Kalume Numbi asking him to intervene in the case of newspaper editor Nsimba Embete Ponte and his assistant, Davin Ntondo Nzovuangu, who are being held incommunicado.
Ongoing changes in the licensing regime are holding back Kenya's potential to become a regional e-commerce hub, industry players said. Entrepreneurs say most of the changes are making it harder for them to compete and are tilting the market in favour of their rivals.
To ensure that anti-corruption action remains a top priority in the World Bank’s mission to reduce poverty, Transparency International (TI) will participate in the 2008 World Bank and International Monetary Fund Spring Meetings. TI will be represented by Christiaan Poortman, Director of Global Programmes, Nancy Boswell, President & CEO, TI-USA and Aneta Wierzynska, Senior Policy Director – Development, TI USA.
South Africa's Archbishop has condemned the persecution of lesbians, gay, transgender, bisexual and intersex (LGBTI). Desmond Tutu addressed hundreds of gays and lesbians at an annual awards gala dubbed "A Celebration of Courage" in San Francisco in the United States.
Security in the Mt Elgon region of western Kenya, where the army was deployed in March to stop a local insurgency, has improved, but civilians still fear being targeted in the ongoing operation. "There is an improved sense of security and people are able to access the markets more," Sokwony Laikong, a local resident, told IRIN on 10 April. Most farmers were now able to reach their gardens, although they were suffering from high prices of inputs, such as fertilizer.
Climate change is emerging as a major threat to health and adding pressure on public health systems, especially in Africa, a senior UN official has said. "It causes a rise in sea levels, accelerates erosion of coastal zones, increases the intensity and frequency of natural disasters and accelerates the extinction of species," Luis Gomes Sambo, World Health Organization (WHO) regional director for Africa, said. "The impact on human health is even greater."
Of the 50 million seedlings planted every year in the 11 northern Nigeria states worst effected by desertification, 37.5 million wither and die within two months, environmental officials say. “The 12.5 million seedlings that make it to maturity are not enough to create a deforestation-reforestation equilibrium, especially given the fact that a large number of the trees that grow are later chopped down,” Kabiru Yammama of the National Forest Conservation Council of Nigeria [NFCCN] told IRIN.
Workers from the public and private sectors throughout the country launched a two-day strike on 8 April to protest high living costs and demand salary increases. In Ouagadougou, the capital, few shops were open. In Bobo-Dioulasso, the second largest city in the west of the country, the central market was closed.
Halima [not her real name], a mother of five girls, shudders whenever she remembers how she suffered after undergoing female genital mutilation (FGM/Cutting), a practice still widespread in Somalia. "I will not put my daughters through it," Halima told IRIN in Bosasso, the commercial capital of the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, where an estimated 98 percent of girls still undergo the cut.
The Kenyan government has embarked on an ambitious national programme to fast track the national rollout of male circumcision as a means of preventing HIV. Results from three randomised controlled trials in South Africa, Kenya and Uganda, in 2006 showed that following circumcision, the incidence of HIV infection was reduced in men by more than half.
More mothers and children in developing countries are receiving treatment than ever before, according to a new report by the United Nations. But stigma, limited information and fragile health systems still pose hurdles to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Coverage of mother-to-child transmission prevention (PMTCT) services continues to expand, especially in southern and eastern Africa, according to a report by the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) entitled, “Children and AIDS: Second stock taking report.”
Throughout his childhood, Gordon Turibamwe, 20, was sickly, suffering from frequent bouts of malaria and chest infections, but his father only told him he was HIV-positive when he was aged 16, something Gordon says caused him serious trauma. "I was so shocked and so angry with my dad for a long time," he told IRIN/PlusNews. "I immediately thought I was going to die, I had very little hope."
This is the quarterly update on campaigns towards popularization, ratification, domestication and implementation of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. It reports on work done during January to March 2008 and includes information on the status of ratification and upcoming events that could offer opportunities for further action towards the objectives of the campaign.
SOAWR also takes this opportunity to extend a warm welcome to our two new members; Fórum Mulher (Mozambique) and Girl Child Network (Zimbabwe).
An independent Zambian newspaper, "The Post", was recently released from accusations of interference in a court case involving former Zambia Army defence chiefs who are being tried on allegations of corruption. "The Post" gained a victory when the Magistrates Court dismissed an appeal by former Zambia Air Force (ZAF) commander, Lieutenant General Sande Kayumba, requesting that the magistrate caution editor Fred M'membe over stories about the case published in the newspaper.
The Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre has recently published a book “Human Sexuality in Africa: Beyond Reproduction”. The book is structured into four parts comprising of some papers presented at the quarterly ARSRC organized Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series from seasoned professionals from across Africa. Many topical issues are highlighted in this book, such as the access to sexuality education, sexuality and social institutions and sexuality beyond reproduction.
The International Conference on e-Learning (ICEL-2008) invites researchers, practitioners and academics to present their research findings, work in progress, case studies and conceptual advances in areas of work where education and technology intersect. The conference brings together varied groups of people with different perspectives, experiences and knowledge in one location. It aims to help practitioners find ways of putting research into practice and researchers to gain an understanding of real-world problems, needs and aspirations.
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/361/47258piracy.jpgIn this wide ranging Pambazuka News interview, Mariam Mayet, the director of the African Center Biosafety speaks about biopiracy, which she calls "the last frontier", the Alliance for a Green Revolution and its impact on Africa, and food and agriculture as social justice justice.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: I am here with Mariam Mayet, the director of the African Center for Biosafety (www.biosafetyafrica.net). Can you tell us about your organization?
MARIAM MAYET: We are based in Jo’burg and we have four main programs. We campaign against genetic engineering in food and agriculture. We campaign against bio-piracy particularly the theft of indigenous knowledge in the context of medicinal plants and new areas around marine bio prospecting.
We also work on the green revolution in Africa – and Agro-fuels. Basically we do a lot of cutting edge research, exposes of what multi-national companies are doing in Africa, and on the bio-tech industry. We look at the seed industry and where the GM-Agro fuels push is coming from. We work with a large network of other groups and communities.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Can you talk a little more about bio-piracy – and patenting systems?
MARIAM MAYET: Pharmaceutical and cosmetic companies want to bring in new products to the market. They have to find the active ingredient to be able to produce a particular medicine (sometimes they stumble into things accidentally). But the way to get to the plant and the use of the plant is through local people. And when they come into our countries and they appropriate our knowledge and resources, without people’s consent, we call it theft or bio-piracy.
The last frontier of resources base is really our people’s knowledge in regards to medicinal plants and agriculture. And these are highly sought after. When a company finds a particular plant, and the useful properties in the plant they make a product from it, and then register a patent in regards to the use of that plant. And where they duplicate existing uses, we are able to challenge those patents.
For example, we found a company in Germany trying to patent two endemic species in South Africa and Lesotho but they are duplicating local uses. We were able to challenge this. So even in a European patenting system which is very neo-liberal and capitalist, it does not allow to register a patent over the use of something, if a community anywhere in the world has the same use. So we use the small margins to challenge bio-piracy. This was one case, but there are there are thousands of cases like this in Africa.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Can you give Pambazuka readers other examples of bio-piracy?
MARIAM MAYET: Yes. Last year we published a booklet called “Out of Africa: Mysteries of Benefit Sharing.” We published 36 cases of dubious acquisitions in Africa, such as theft of the people’s knowledge to produce skin whitening cosmetic by the cosmetic industry.
The hoodia gordonii, a hunger suppressing plant gives us the quintessential case of bio-piracy. This is where the knowledge of the San to stave off hunger when trekking through the Kalahari was appropriated by Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in South Africa and passed onto Phytopharm. Phytopharm registered a patent claiming that there were no indigenous people in South Africa, that the San had died off. Stealing knowledge is extremely rife in Africa.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Let’s change gears a little and turn our attention to philanthropy, which Cecil Rhodes once called, philanthropy plus five-percent - which is to say that philanthropy paves way for profit making, or what others call the philanthropy-industrial complex. Can you talk a little about the role of Western philanthropy in Africa?
MARIAM MAYET: Philanthropy in Africa has some history especially in relation to the Rockefeller family. The Rockefeller foundation has a much longer history than the Gates Foundation for example. Gordon Conway who became one of the presidents of the Rockefeller Foundation published a book called the New Green Revolution in 1999. The Green Revolution push we are seeing in Africa is really his brainchild. Their philanthropy has come in the context of pushing a very distinct corporate agenda – to open markets for US corporations. For example in Kenya the Rockefeller Foundation has been involved in sponsoring Florence Wambugu’s sweet potato project because they want to open Africa up to GMOs. So if you give the impression that a genetically modified sweet potato can work because it is the poor person’s crop, there will be more willingness to accept GMO’s. So it is not philanthropy. It’s a form of investment, a corporatized agenda for resource extraction from Africa.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: There was an expose in the LA Times [http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-gatesx07jan07,0,682... on the Bill Gates Foundation where it was found that the foundation invests money in companies and corporations that cause the very same problems it is trying to solve, companies such as Shell. So the philanthropy arm is trying to save the environment, while the investment arm is making profit from its destruction…
MARIAM MAYET: Exactly, the Rockefellers made their money from Exon, which later became Chevron – so they have old oil money - this wrecked a whole lot of havoc environmentally and in terms of human rights.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: And also the idea of telescopic philanthropy, a telescopic philanthropy that sees far but not what is under its feet – for example there are a lot problems in the United States amongst minority communities…
MARIAM MAYET: Yes, why didn’t they give money to Hurricane Katrina victims? Why do they feel they have to come and rescue Africa? We say that the Green Revolution is a white man’s dream for a black continent. And this dream… this savior mentality is very missionary, very colonial, and imperialistic – and yes they should leave us alone. If they take away all the developmental aid, if they take all the food aid, and the military aid – we would be like Cuba. We would struggle for a while but eventually we would find our way. We would build our own local economies and vibrancy because all these development aid is also an industry unto itself, and it feeds off itself.
Who are the world’s biggest agri-business players? Take Cargil, which owns shares in seed companies, buys the harvest from farmers and transports it all over the world – they are more powerful than some governments because they are in charge of the international prices of grains and trade in grains. You have to really understand this whole capitalist agri-business system in order to understand the logic of the green revolution.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: AGRA, according to its website, is and “African-led partnership working across the African continent to help millions of small-scale farmers and their families lift themselves out of poverty and hunger. AGRA programs develop practical solutions to significantly boost farm productivity and incomes for the poor while safeguarding the environment. AGRA advocates for policies that support its work across all key aspects of the African agricultural “value chain”—from seeds, soil health, and water to markets and agricultural education. AGRA is chaired by Kofi A. Annan, the former Secretary-General of the United Nations”. They say that they are African led and now they have Kofi Annan who is serving as the chairman of AGRA – your response?
MARIAM MAYET: I think they are African followed because the vision was put in place by Gordon Conway from the Rockefeller Foundation. The Rockefeller Foundation brought in the Bill-Melinda Gates foundation, then started to recruit willing and compliant Africans – the coup de grace was Kofi Annan.
If it was African led we would not be asking for consultation and transparency. It would be coming from our farmers, coming from the ground-up. What is African led, are the local struggles, where people are clearly saying this is what we want. Go to speak to the people affected and they will tell you what they want – that would be African led.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Can you talk a little bit about the packaging of AGRA? You have Kofi Annan, who has UN credentials, gentle spoken yet charismatic and Bill Gates who appears harmless. There is a lot of star power and money…
MARIAM MAYET: The things is the Green Revolution is a very a violent package because it puts powerful toxic chemicals into Africa. It displaces and destroys local knowledge and seeds. It favors those farmers who will be able to access the system, the more powerful farmers. This will divide the African peasantry.
AGRA also creates a lot of dependency and debt. It is violent. But the geeky sexy richest man who brought us wonderful technology, and gentle Kofi Annan – this is the savior face, our last hope. It is a very strategic move to push a very agri-business, corporatized market driven package – but it will fail in Africa because they do not understand Africa.
We are a very diverse people, we need local solutions that are multi-dimensional and multi-faceted – built on local knowledge and local seeds. You need to speak to people about how they adapt to harsh climates. To have a one-size fit all solution for Africa will be disastrous for us. Even in one country we have different eco-systems, different farming communities, different cultures, different eating habits.
We do not need to grow more foods for exports. We need to build on food sovereignty principles and give people equitable access to land, allocate the water fairly, support traditional farming methods, and create local vibrant economies, before we start exporting coffee, cocoa, and grow maize for export.
We are not saying that everyone must live on the land, or farm – we are talking about a local economy that is also integrated into the national economies. You cannot have two economies. We are talking about a vibrant whole.
I have to say that we are also unhappy with the agricultural systems in Africa and this is why we are saying – that we have to stop talking about food security because this perpetuates the existing paradigms. We have to tell our governments - what the hell are you doing? You have messed up badly, and left a vacuum for the philanthropist to walk in - and take over our countries, in a way.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: So there are ways in which the African governments have been absent in the debate completely…
MARIAM MAYET: None of our governments are going to say no to resources because they are corrupt, and despotic – we have had very few democracies but have huge class differences.
In terms of Agri-ecology we can do a lot of work with peasant movements but we have to always bear in mind that our struggle is a social justice struggle – and we need to hold our governments accountable.
We have to keep demanding from our governments the same things - We want justice in rural areas, equality for women, access to lands, support of traditional farming, we want you to protect our seeds, we do not want GMO’s, we want you to listen to farmers, we want you to build agricultural schools for them, and put money in research and development. I mean look at Nigeria. Once the oil industry took off, it mortgaged its oil to international oil companies, but it stopped developing its own agriculture.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is at stake? Food systems?
MARIAM MAYAT: Food systems, social systems, our culture - the dynamics in the rural areas will change, there will be more debt, more dependency, and there will be a small commercial class of farmers.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Can we talk a little bit more about food as social justice? What has the ANC government been doing in this regard?
MARIAM MAYAT: The ANC started off by giving up its many demands articulated in the Freedom charter and through the liberation struggle for nationalization of our mineral and energy companies. They made a deal with the industries, big business and the old government that we will not take the whole cake and nationalize it. What we will do is ask for a small slice of it, and we will call it Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). So it has been pre-occupied with BEE.
Yes we have a lot of political freedoms, we have a democracy - but it has a very neo-liberal agenda and very pro-industry orientation to all its policies. So for example, it is now allowing huge smelters to draw excessive amounts of electricity thereby increasing our carbon-emissions. We are building more coal-fired industries at the cost of 80 billion rands, but we are also going into nuclear technology. It is as if we are taking a big step back.
And along they way they failed to redistribute land back to the landless people, they failed miserably in terms of service delivery to the poor and that has seen a lot of violent protests. And it has failed dismally on its AIDS and HIV policy.
There is a lot of struggle fatigue, it is very hard to get the people mobilized beyond AIDS/HIV and service delivery but I think the time will come when we shall see a resurgence of social movements in Africa.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Would it be fair to say that we need to redefine what democracy means to us and inject a component of social justice?
MARIAM MAYET: As I said, we are never going to achieve social justice within a neo-liberal paradigm because it is always going to be favoring certain classes. So we really need to think beyond political rights, we have to think about our social economic rights. We can only be free once we achieve social justice.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: One last question: Your thoughts on the 2010 South Africa world cup?
MARIAM MAYET: The world cup is going to be a drain of our resources – and we cannot justify the enormous carbon footprint we shall leave behind - where all these people from all over the world take flights to come to watch a soccer match – we will need 2 billion litters of water for all these visitors – we shouldn’t be hosting such an event. We have other priorities.
It is not that I do not care for soccer, I do – but really Africa should not be hosting mega-events like this, for only two sectors will gain – airlines and people who already have a lot of money. The money that is coming in will not filter down to the people. How is the world cup going to benefit the poor people? I do wish African countries all the best in the world cup but we also need to take care of our people and our resources.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/361/47259weat.jpgRegassa Feyissa in this interview talks about the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), the fallacy of food aid, knowledge systems in relation to traditional versus scientific and the need to create alternatives to AGRA
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Dr. Regassa Feyissa is the co-founder and Director of the Ethio-Organic Seed Action (EOSA) and expert delegate to various international negotiations (International Undertaking, Global Plan of Action and the Convention on Biological Diversity). EOSA is leading a program on Agro-bio diversity in Ethiopia - with the goal of restoring and preserving genetic diversity.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Lets jump straight into the Rockefeller-Bill Gates initiative – the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA). What impact will it have on the continent?
REGASSA FEYISSA: First of all, Africa is a very rich continent in terms of ecological systems, farming systems, and production systems. Culture and preferences also vary across the continent. It is not a continent to which you can apply a standardized application as has been done in Asia and even Europe.
I was surprised to read that AGRA has over 200 crop varieties ready to be used in Africa. But what varieties of crops are they going to bring to Africa? As Mexico provided maize to the world, Africa provided sorghum. Sorghum resisted destruction from the first green revolution because it is such an energetic crop. It adapts itself anywhere from 400 meters to 6,000 meters. The first green revolution and its standardized systems could not match sorghum. Sorghum is distributed across various ecological requirements. We have been talking for the last 50 or so years about rice, maize and to some extent wheat. Africa has had maize for 500 years introduced from Mexico. We have rice for more than 1,000 years, which is still more stable.
We have different root crops, and different cereals which are forgotten because of the colonial system of forcing its own wills and wishes – thereby destroying and pushing out African resources. But still some of the crops resisted and Africans are still living on them.
So what crops will AGRA bring in is what interests me and I am surprised about the 200 varieties. Why were African farmers not consulted? One has to consult the stakeholders who will be affected.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Proponents of the Green revolution (in the 1960’s) always talk about successes in Latin America and Asia – Have they been as successful as they say? Are the farmer suicides in India an anomaly in an otherwise good system?
REGASSA FEYISSA: At the early stages production doubled and tripled. But that production level was merely for demonstration and could not to be reproduced over time. Up and till now farmers in India are still committing suicide. We have seen the South East Asia and Asian soils salinized, and farmers left without any options.
We can see the end-results of the first the green revolution in Latin America, Asia and even to some extent Africa where the colonial systems until recently dominated.
So this is the package that AGRA is promoting – and I am surprised that after all these experiences and information we have at the global level, that one can still come up with such crazy ideas. Is Africa short of food? Africa has plenty food. Why is there no concern for facilitating the flow of food in Africa?
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: In one your presentations you spoke about how during the 1980’s famine the Southern part of Ethiopia had lots of food while the North starved – yet food and aid were seen as the answer as opposed to finding ways of distributing food that was already in the country.
REGASSA FEYISSA: When the famine in Ethiopia happened, in the Southern and Southern West parts of Ethiopia, food was being dumped. There were no mechanisms and infrastructure to bring food from the South to the North.
This is similar in African countries- there is no effort, there is no investment to try and improve Africa’s resource base to such an extent that it is of use to the people. This is unless it is market and profit, driven.
There is so much emphasis on tea, on coffee and cocoa –whereas major food-crops such as root-crops, and cereals of different types were not even considered by the architects of the first green revolution.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What role does food aid play in Western imagination? On the one hand you have philanthropists coming to aid Africa – but in practice you have harmful practices such as giving western farmers subsidies, which depress the world market for the African farmer.
REGASSA FEYISSA: I think as an Ethiopian, we have a lot of experience in food aid. There were a lot of people who came to help – and we still owe them gratitude.
But with that said some of the volunteers who came to help had never seen wheat, barley or sorghum growing and they made a mess of things. For example, we ended up planting winter wheat. Most of the aid workers were [supposedly] coming as experts, but I know one bus driver who was the head of a medical center.
The aid was to stop people from dying. The country’s policy back then was to hide food in the Southern parts while millions died in the North…
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Was this punitive?
REGASSA FEYISSA: I really cannot say that it was for punishing because when the moment this phenomenon occurred, the politicians claimed that all was under control – at the expense of millions. But after the famine, aid became a tradition to such an extent that it destroyed the psychology of the people in the rural areas. As the population increased, this indiscriminate flow of aid really destroyed the psychology of society.
What aid leaves behind, is it not so much lesser than what Africa gives to the world?
Structural Adjustments Programs are still affecting African governments. We were not allowed to have market boards. Market boards only exist in powerful countries. African countries were asked not subsidize agriculture, public services and so on.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Can we talk about some African centered solutions? Using African traditions, and African grains such as sorghum etc.
REGASSA FEYISSA: I am very concerned about the term traditional…
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Because it juxtaposes tradition and science?
REGASSA FEYISSA: What is scientific and what is not scientific? The scientist observes knowledge that has already been created. There are those who created that knowledge - but the scientist who observes claims his understanding is scientific, and that the other traditional. Tradition is used to mean backwards. This is absolutely wrong.
There is nothing static in nature – everything is passing through a process. There is no static knowledge. Knowledge is the interaction of humans and their environment that is changing. This is how knowledge expands and develops. The views and perceptions of the so-called scientific are based on the existing practical and pragmatic knowledge.
But no one can deny that there is a need, as long as time and opportunities allow for us to enhance knowledge and the practices referenced to as traditional. What makes so-called traditional knowledge different is that it is wide-based, whereas scientific knowledge is narrow. It is a child of practical knowledge. It is denying its parents – that is the danger – it remains hanging in the air.
And this is the disaster that the first green revolution was built upon. The first green revolution killed itself, it committed suicide –we shall see about the second one - by denying its parents.
Both traditional and modern knowledge are integrated, and support one another. Knowledge is not static. Anything that is static is dead.
Particularly for Africans, we have to enlarge our world outlook, practices and knowledge, but not by neglecting the modern one because time is subsistence itself. You have to qualify information and practices so that they match your livelihood and environment into the future.
PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Are there Pan-African solutions?
REGASSA FEYISSA: The perception that AGRA is coming to swallow you is a kind of… for me… I have never surrendered this way. Many surrendered, just gave up, in the first green revolution. Right now from the very beginning many are surrendering in the name of farmers; but we cannot do this on their behalf.
We have to think about alternatives. It is not about polarizing, it is about the capacity to come up with better alternatives to AGRA that counts – to show and teach those who for good or bad are coming up with these things. There are better ways.
In Africa, there is a lot of experience, expertise, and information but they are not compiled or documented. This is I think is why it is very easy for us to be divided, or have conflicts created amongst us. We have to organize ourselves and open up our doors to those who are here to genuinely help.
There is the perception that Africa should switch to agra-ecology. This is the wrong approach. Africa is already practicing agra-ecology. This is why we are trying to stop AGRA. It is disrupting our agra-ecological approaches and practices. It is actually us who are recommending agra-ecological approaches to North America and Europe.
*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
In late November of 2007, in a small village in Selingue Mali, I joined over 100 small-scale farmer, pastoralist, organic and civil society organizations from 25 African and 10 non-African countries at a conference that questioned the relevance of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation initiative, the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA).
Together with the Rockefeller Foundation, the Gates Foundation has pledged a total of $150 million "to help millions of small-scale farmers and their families lift themselves out of poverty and hunger" in Africa. AGRA has promised do this by overhauling Africa's agricultural industry, from planting seeds to restructuring local and national markets.
What struck me during that conference taking place with much of the world unaware was the audacity and courage of these organizations. Abandoned by African governments hungry for the $150 million-purse, it was brave of them to question AGRA – a gift boasting the support of arguably the most powerful philanthropic machinery in world history.
Here was a side of Africa that the rest of the world does not see – Africans gathered not to ask for help from the West, but to discuss alternatives to that help in very serious, informed and fraternal ways, with their own knowledge, science and experiences as a key part of the solution.
AGRA's chairman is former UN General Secretary, Kofi Annan, hence AGRA's claim that it is an African initiative. But we tend to forget that Africa is huge – the continent can fit the United States three times and leave room for China, and houses over 680 million people! A truly African initiative needs to have the mandate of those whom it will affect the most.
AGRA with its super scientists is missing the point. Hunger in Africa is mostly a political and economic disparity problem. To end hunger, political stability, proper distribution of food and land within nations, and less emphasis on cash-crop farming and more on food- crop farming will be more effective, friendlier to the environment and less costly than the super-seeds that will require tons of pesticides - and eventually, cost a lot of money.
Also take the example of US farm subsidies that result in African farmers losing millions of dollars each year. Oxfam reports that in 2001 Malian cotton farmers lost $ 43 million dollars while US foreign aid was 37.7 million that same year. Why not lobby for fair competition and equal international trade rather than throw more aid and pesticides at the Malian farmers?
AGRA has not taken a definitive stand against genetically modified seeds. Instead it states that it does "not preclude future support for genetic engineering as an approach to crop variety improvement" leading many to understand it as Trojan horse for GM seeds.
It is important that AGRA takes a definite stand against GM seeds, which if introduced will create mass dependency on corporate engineered seeds, and at the same time make farming more expensive. This in turns means that poor farmers will be perpetually in debt. A similar tightening cycle of dependency on the one hand, and expensive seeds and pesticides on the other has recently led to thousands of farmer suicides in India.
The conclusion here is one that might seem like a paradox of a beggar having choice - AGRA will do more harm than good. Understanding this, the participants committed themselves to, amongst other things, demanding "transparency, and accountability from all Green Revolution institutions and seed, chemical and fertilizer companies."
In this Pambazuka News special issue on AGRA, in addition to our regular features, we are pleased to bring you an article by Galés Gabirondo - a development scholar and food sovereignty activist who looks at the Bill Gates philosophy of philanthro-capitalism. That is philanthropy that is also profit driven. We also interview Mariam Mayet, the director of African Center for Biosafety and Dr. Regassa Feyissa, the co-founder and Director of the Ethio-Organic Seed Action (EOSA).
In the next few issues, we shall be bringing you more interviews with food sovereignty and agra-ecology activists – all conducted at the Selingue conference.
Finally, over the years Pambazuka News has carried quite a number of articles on the Green Revolutions, climate change, agri-ecology and food sovereignty. For you easy referencing we have compiled some of them here below:
Africa: Food sovereignty declaration
Will Bill Gates’ Millions Save Us?
Jacqueline Tanaka
Sacrificing the right to food on the altar of free trade
Jagjit Plahe
African food sovereignty or AGRA
Mukoma wa Ngugi
African Agriculture and the World Bank: Development or impoverishment?
Kjell Havnevik, Deborah Bryceson, Lars-Erik Birgegård, Prosper Matondi & Atakilte Beyene
GM technology: a new panacea or another false dawn?
[email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/361/47261pills.jpgCarol B. Thompson argues that the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa will undermine nutrition, destroy indigenous seed varieties and knowledge systems and create dependency on patented seeds. She calls for a debate so that all the stakeholders can be involved in the future of food production in Africa
The Gates and Rockefeller Foundations propose to increase food production on the African continent, “eliminating hunger for 30-40 million people and sustainably moving 15-20 million people out of poverty,” through their initiative of an Alliance for a Green Revolution for Africa (www.agra.com).
We all share in the goal of eliminating hunger on the African continent. However, we are also aware of the risks to health and nutrition posed by the previous green revolution in Asia and Latin America. As farmers dedicated more and more land to growing new varieties of wheat, rice, and maize, less land was available to women to grow vegetables (vitamins, minerals), and the commercial production of pulses (protein) stagnated. How will this proposed “green revolution” affect production, food security and human health in Africa?
Similar to the green revolution of the 1960-70s, increasing yields of a few crops to provide food for the hungry remains the central justification for this proposed African green revolution. The 1960s varieties of seed required fertilisers, pesticides, and water at very specific times or the yield was worse than traditional varieties. Indian farmers, for example, did increase production of wheat ten-fold and of rice three-fold. Learning from this experience, the current AGRA initiative also includes training African scientists, setting up marketing networks of small seed companies, and credit schemes. Other major differences are that the seeds will be genetically modified (GMOs) and patented, in the 1960s in India, they remained in the public domain.
The benefit of increased yields, however, came with many environmental, economic and social costs in the green revolution on the 1960-70’s.. The massive increases in the use of fertilisers and pesticides contaminated the water and soil. Small-scale farmers could not sustain the purchase of all the inputs and had to sell their land. Studies in India show that only farmers with at least 6-8 hectares of land could afford the high-tech agricultural production. Inequality within villages increased, with many moving to the cities. As Secretary General U Thant summarised in 1970, “There is already a growing a body of relevant literature on the experience in various regions and localities which strongly suggests that the prosperity resulting from the Green Revolution is shared by a relatively few.”
The economic and social dangers of a “green revolution” for Africa are similar to those related to the commercialisation of health care: 1) piracy of both indigenous knowledge and plants (used for medicine and/or food); 2) privatisation of bioresources necessary for human health through patenting of plants; 3) privatisation of research which directs priorities and agendas. Rather than reducing hunger, these adverse outcomes could in fact reduce the food security of Africans, increase undernutrition and thus reduce immunity against disease.
Increased yields of one or two strains of one or two crops (“monoculture within monoculture,” as stated by a Tanzanian botanist) will not provide the basis for food security to support nutritional needs. The key to ending hunger is sustaining Africa’s food biodiversity, not reducing it to industrial monoculture. Currently, food for African consumption comes from about 2,000 different plants; in contrast, the US food base derives mainly from 12 plants. Narrowing plant diversity of food increases vulnerability for all because it a) reduces the variety of nutrients needed for human health, b) increases crop susceptibility to pathogens, and c) minimises the parent genetic material available for future breeding.
Manufacturing plants for food is very similar to manufacturing them for medicine. Indigenous knowledge designates a plant as important for nutrition or for medicinal purposes. But often, corporations simply take both the plants and the knowledge with no recognition, monetary or otherwise, to the original breeders of new medicine and foods. This biopiracy of food and medicinal plants is made legal by the patenting of living organisms, through international trade agreements.
Because African farmers will have to buy the new seeds, and the pesticides and fertilisers they require for increased yields, this green revolution initiative becomes a privatisation offensive against small-scale farmers who still retain control over their seeds. Of the seeds used for food crops in Africa, 80 percent is seed saved by the farmer herself or locally exchanged with family and neighbours. Farmers do not have to buy seed every season, with cash they do not have, for they possess a greater wealth in their indigenous seeds, freely shared and developed over centuries. The very best food seed breeders in Africa, the “keepers of seed,” are women who often farm less than one hectare of land. Across Africa, women are also the food producers, tending “gardens” full of diverse crops for local consumption, while the men concentrate on cash crop production. Even when the cash crop fails, food will most likely be available for the family, for those plots are intensively farmed and carefully watered.
The proposed green revolution would shift the food base away from this treasure of seed. Instead, African farmers would have to purchase patented seeds each season, thus putting cash into the hands of the corporations providing the seed, much as already has happened with plants used in medicinal compounds. Loss of control over seed reduces the control women farmers have over production, with risks to food security and nutrition. For AGRA, the seeds will not only be patented, but new varieties will undoubtedly be genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The perils of GMOs to environmental sustainability are well documented. Most African governments have ratified the biosafety protocol which allows them to deter research and production of GM food crops until sufficient data is available about its impact on human health and the environment, but AGRA is lobbying for governments to “fast track” approval for new varieties to be planted.
Research on African food crops certainly needs financing. The US National Research Council concluded in 19996 that a major African food crop, sorghum “is a relatively undeveloped crop with a truly remarkable array of grain types, plant types, and adaptability….most of its genetic wealth is so far untapped and even unsorted. Indeed, sorghum probably has more undeveloped genetic potential than any other major food crop in the world.”
As nutritious as maize is for carbohydrates, vitamin B6, and food energy, sorghum is even more nutritious in a range of essential nutrients for health. One of the most versatile foods in the world, sorghum can be boiled like rice, cracked like oats for porridge, baked like wheat into flatbreads, popped like popcorn for snacks, or brewed for nutritious beer. Because sorghum can tolerate dry areas and poor soil better than maize, it can provide nutritious food security in semi-arid regions and therefore, should become even more important under conditions of global warming.
Engaging African scientists to discover the potential genetic wealth of sorghum would assist African food security. In a first glimpse of foundation expenditures, however, we see funds directed to the Wambugu Consortium (founded by Pioneer Hi-Breed, part of DuPont) for experiments in genetically modified sorghum. By adding a gene, rather than mining the genetic wealth already there, the consortium can patent and sell the “new” sorghum at a premium price for DuPont.
Private expenditure on research and marketing of a few crops directs attention to crops that are profitable. Similar to health care, International Monetary Fund requirements for structural adjustment programs, supported by all donor governments, the World Bank, and the African Development Bank, have been removing African government expenditures on agricultural research and extension. Governments had to spend less on agriculture in order to repay their debts. Now, more two decades later, the private foundations step in to “save” food-deficit Africa.
High-tech answers to Africa’s food crises are no answers at all if they undermine human nutrition, privatise both indigenous knowledge and bioresources through patenting of plants, and transform the genetic wealth of the continent into cash profits for a few corporations. Public policy choices around the AGRA proposals have not yet been made within Africa. There is thus still an opportunity to call for assessment and debate on the health and nutrition impacts of these proposals, including by civil society working in health, and by parliaments, and by UN agencies. We need to openly challenge its goals, motives and methodologies before Africa’s political leaders accept them, and before universities and research centres divert their agendas away from other applied research that may offer a more sustainable and nutritious future for African food production. The future of African health depends on it.
*Professor Carol B.Thompson teaches Political Economy at Northern Arizona University. This article first appeared at
**Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
*** For references used in this editorial and a more detailed analysis of how Africa’s food biodiversity provides alternatives to chemical industrial agriculture, follow this link:
Three years after adopting the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) approach, Tanzania will be taking another step, embarking on the second phase with a nationwide framework putting poverty reduction high on the country’s development agenda. The National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP) or Mkukuta as it is known in its Swahili acronym builds on the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) of 2000, which was linked to debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC).
You can contribute to building South African philanthropy by nominating a philanthropist for the Inyathelo Philanthropy Awards 2008. If you, or anyone you know, has made a remarkable contribution to social change by giving money, time and energy then send in a nomination! Join us in celebrating South African philanthropy and in recognizing individual philanthropists who, through their financial giving, have made a real difference for social change. Deadline for nominations is 16 july 2008.
"Dambudzo Marechera: A Celebration" is intended as a multi-media festival to celebrate the avant-garde work of Dambudzo Marechera (1952-1987), to be staged in Oxford in the spring of 2009. Its additional aims are to promote world literatures in English, foster interest in the issues of postcoloniality, and encourage an inter- disciplinary approach to the study of literature. We are looking for actors, musicians, film-makers, fine artists, cartoon animationists, and others who would like to pay a tribute to Marechera through their art. Please direct all enquiries and project proposals to [email][email protected]
Having watched and waited to see if anyone would mobilise nonviolent action and having seen none to date, around 800 members of WOZA and MOZA began their rollout of peaceful actions in Bulawayo. The group started their protest at the provincial court on Herbert Chitepo and Leopold Takawira.
A new study "Gender Remittances and Development: Preliminary Findings from Selected SADC Countries " focuses on female migration from and between six SADC countries, namely Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland and Zimbabwe, principally to South Africa. “In the past, women in Southern Africa were often prohibited from migrating. Today, with an increasing number of African women migrants, traditionally male-dominated patterns of migration are changing. Overall, women now encompass 37.4% of regular migrants from the SADC region to South Africa,” stated Hilary Anderson, Information Officer at UN-INSTRAW.
The Knight Health International Journalism Fellowship seeks experienced journalists with a background in health journalism to lead a high-impact, results-driven Fellowship in Sub-Saharan Africa.
The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa
(CODESRIA) invites abstracts and proposals for paper presentation at the second international conference it is organising on development as part of its revamped Economic Policy Research Programme. The conference will take place in Lusaka, Zambia, from 25 to 27 July, 2008.
Sheldon Drobny looks at the close relationship between Bill Gates' philanthropy and tax-exemption and argues that the "great problems of the world today are a direct result of the wide disparity between the rich and poor."
My background is finance and accounting. As a socially conscious venture capitalist and philanthropist, I have a very good understanding of wealth management and philanthropy. I started my career in 1967 with the IRS as a specialist in taxation covering many areas of the tax law including the so-called legal loopholes to charitable giving. I have known for years that a smart wealthy person could keep control of all his assets without estate or income taxes through cleverly structured charitable foundations. These foundations are perfectly legal and allow the donors to keep absolute control of all their money and power and accumulate enormous appreciation free of taxation. In 1967, the loopholes were outrageous and the law has tightened some of these tactics for the rich. However, the Gates Buffet foundation grant is nothing more than a shell game in which control of assets for both Gates and Buffet remain the same.
The only difference is that the accumulation of wealth by these two will be much more massive because they will no longer have to pay any taxes.
The Gates Foundation now has about $60 Billion under the control of the wealthiest people in America. They do not have to sell any of their positions in the stocks that they put under the tax-exempt umbrella. Furthermore, they can vote their stock holdings the same as if they did before and they can make the same investment decisions about their considerable corporate holdings. Both Buffet and Gates exhibited the most predatory capitalistic practices as corporate executives and investors. Microsoft and Berkshire Hathaway are not models of socially responsible capitalism. That being said, this foundation will be in the long run richer than the Catholic Church, which has accumulated wealth and power for over 1500 years. However, the results will be exactly the same. They will never liquidate enough of their assets to do any real good for the most onerous problem we have as humans; the worldwide poverty that is caused by the great disparity between the haves and the have-nots.
The Gates Foundation and the Catholic Church have the same goals. They are to keep the legacies for which they were created. For Bill Gates and Warren Buffet it is the control and legacy of family wealth as in the ancient days of the Pharos of Egypt. And by not paying any taxes, Gates will be more powerful than the Pope. I realize that this foundation has done more for disease research and education than any single government institution. But, that is just a condemnation of how little rich countries do for the less fortunate. And the United States is one of the worst examples of how little it does for its own people.
The great problems of the world today are a direct result of the wide disparity between the rich and poor. But, it is hard for the wealthiest to even look at this as an issue of most importance. Catholic Charities do a lot for the poor and I am sure that the Gates Foundation will do a lot for diseases of the poor. But, that is merely a band-aid for one of the symptoms of poverty. The real issue today is poverty.
The governments that keep their people in abject poverty while their leaders are obscenely rich from oil revenues cause many of the problems in the Middle East. But, even the poorest of their people now have access to satellite TV and Internet information that shows these people how much they are being exploited. The simple answer that they hate us for our freedom is absurd. They hate us because they see the wealthy and powerful as the cause of their suffering. As was the case in Germany in the 1920s, even a cultured society can succumb to irrationally violent leaders if they are hungry and poor. It is a human problem that we saw occur in a 1st world country. The 1968 movie, The Shoes of the Fisherman {1} was a fictional account of a new Pope who had the conscience to solve world poverty by giving away all the Church's assets. Below is a summary of the plot from
“After twenty years in a Siberian labor camp, Kiril Lakota, the Metropolitan Archbishop of Lvov, is set free. The Catholic Archbishop is released and sent to Rome, where the ailing Pope makes him a Cardinal. The world is in a state of crisis - a famine in China is exacerbated by United States restrictions on Chinese trade and the ongoing Chinese-Soviet feud. When the Pontiff dies, Lakota finds himself elected Pope. But the new Pope Kiril I is plagued by self-doubt, by his years in prison, and by the strange world he knows so little about. This movie contains extensive information about Catholic faith & practice, as a television news reporter steps in from time-to-time to explain the procedures involved in selecting a new Pope.”
The movie was not great but it did emphasize the point I am making in this piece. Unless wealthy people and governments around the world recognize the threat that poverty has on humanity, our chances of survival are markedly decreased. And unless the major wealth of the world is used to help feed its people, the diseases caused by poverty will never be cured. The prevention of diseases, both physical and mental, caused by hunger and poverty are the real dangers we face. And with all the concentrated wealth, we have the capacity to give everyone enough to survive and still leave the wealthy with plenty of luxuries. If Bill Gates gave $29 Billion away and kept only $1 Billion he would still have a wonderful life. If he gave it to Sally Struthers, she could probably feed the world.
*Sheldon Drobny was the co-founder of Air America Radio. He is also the Chairman and Managing Director of Paradigm Group II, a venture capital firm specializing in socially responsible businesses. This article first appeared in Common Dreams (www.commondreams.org) in August, 2006
**Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
There is a widespread assumption among rich countries that Africa is the problem and that we in the rich world are the solution. This book turns this complacent, conventional wisdom on its head. It argues that the policies of rich countries, though couched in benevolent terms, are in fact responsible for many of the ills in Africa... For Africa to move forward, the citizens of rich countries must be aware of the false premises on which their own leaders deal with Africa.
Following is a video that the Kenyan media has 'censored' It is an artistic response to the situation our BELOVED thieves have put us in the song was recorded on 3rd Jan 2008. Some of the excuses by some of the media houses were that it has been overtaken by events
This week, many African bloggers focused on the twin elections in Zimbabwe, analyzing and commenting on the competing claims of victory, the rumors and sometimes outlandish allegations that have been coming from that country.
wonders whether the final election results will reflect the will of the Zimbabwean people:
“We now await the Zimbabwe election results to see if the election was fixed or fair -- or poorly fixed. Should the fix be in, will Zimbabweans accept the "result" as in past elections, or will Zimbabwe descend into the chaos Kenya faced?
Based upon the average Zimbabwean's aversion to more warfare, I doubt the Kenya chaos will result unless Mugabe loses and unleashes his thugs. But he does that after every election in order to secure the next one.
Will Zimbabweans be free? I don't know.”
Township Vibes shares the widespread impatience and suspicion at the snail’s pace in which the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) is releasing the results:
“Is there something going on that we haven't been told? The whole nation waits, very anxiously for the results of probably the most important election in the life of the long suffering Zimbabweans since independence.
Is the rigging machine at work? I don't know how you see it! How can one be a player and referee in the same game. Let's be serious, everyone knows the election results.
Why play with people's emotions? The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission should just give people the results. Morgan Tsvangirayi and MDC won the election period! People know the results, Zanu PF knows the results, MDC know the results, and nearly everyone knows the results. Some may want to argue, some are saying let's wait for the results being announced by the Zanu PF government! Give me a break!
Zanu PF lost and lost big time!”
“Sure there needs to be an election to expose - what is so clearly being exposed - the work of Rigger Mugabe. But it doesn’t end there. A stolen election needs to be backed up by strong civic resistance. And usually it’s a good idea to have civic resistance guided by strong leadership. This is where Plan B comes in - the elephant in the room as far as the political opposition and civil society is concerned…
There is absolutely no question that the MDC has worked hard and campaigned strongly, but this is not enough. The MDC must prepare their supporters for resistance and be willing to lead them. Clear leadership from the MDC will mitigate spontaneous and sporadic violence. Civil society organisations must ignite their memberships (if indeed they actually have them) and lead them in defense of their vote. The international community must be prepared to speak out and support democratic change in Zimbabwe.
We cannot continue to sub contract the response to electoral fraud in Zimbabwe to the international community. We cannot continue to shield the MDC from criticism for their lack of follow through.”
Yblog ZA describes how activists were able to inform the world of the possible MDC victory even before the Mugabe regime had the time to get its act together:
“In 2000, 2002 and 2005 we encouraged MDC members and supporters to go to the polls but we did not claim our victories. MDC made a mistake of not claiming their victory and ZEC doctored the figures to keep Mugabe in power. In 2008 a secretive group of compatriots may have gotten the jump on Mugabe they came prepared and knowing Zimbabwe's electoral law they knew results would be posted as bulletin outside every polling station. The group deployed trained polling agents, equipped with phones and cameras, throughout the country on election day Saturday, and they counted voters and took photographs of voting results pasted up at voting stations (a previously unobserved requirement of voting regulations). The information was sent via text messages or satellite phone to a call center in South Africa, where it was collated and posted at www.zimelectionresults.com for all to see. "These will be archived on this Web site later as forensic evidence," the site says. "A separate report on discrepancies will be filed on the site later."
Although official counts for Saturday's election have been delayed, the Independent Results Centre has already announced that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai have won in a landside. Given the country's history of electoral fraud, the clandestine group's findings are likely to be widely perceived as at least as plausible as the official ones.”
Thinking Aloud wonders whether it is a good idea for opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to step into Mugabe’s shoes if his victory is confirmed:
“… this man is a hero, he has managed to mobilise Zimbwabweans around a single cause of defeating Mugabe … he has fought a good fight, he has kept the faith till the end!
All emotion dictates that he finally ascends the throne and wear the crown of victory. But let us be a little critical and ask this question for the sake of a better Zimbwabwe from the head? Is Morgan the right guy for the job? Will he be able to handle the broken machinery of the Zim government? I will be the first one to say I don’t know Morgan very well, except his heroics against Mugabe… I believe Morgan should rather take a political father role of the new government. I believe he is more suited to be the unifier, and seek to sell MDC to the Mugabe rural constituencies. He can then make sure that the best brains that MDC has can then ascend to rule the country while he becomes the symbol of freedom. He stands to then be the real father of Zimbwabwe and avoid the tricky task of governance… liberators do not always make good governors. I also hope that the other faction stays as opposition and Zanu-PF remains as opposition, just to keep MDC on its toes. In SA we have learnt that in the absence of credible opposition, the liberators quickly loose their way!”
* Dibussi Tande, a writer and activist from Cameroon, produces the blog Scribbles from the Den
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/
Nominations are now being sought for the 2008 United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights.The prize will be awarded at an event at United Nations Headquarters in New York on 10 December 2008, as part of the annual commemoration of Human Rights Day.
The United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights was instituted by the General Assembly in 1966 (Res. 2217/XXI of 19 December 1966), and was awarded for the first time on 10 December 1968 on the occasion of the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thereafter, the prize has been awarded in 1973, 1978, 1988, 1993, 1998 and then in 2003. The prize is honorary in nature and is awarded approximately every five years to individuals and organizations in recognition of outstanding achievement in the field of human rights.
A special committee has been entrusted by the General Assembly with the selection of laureates from nominations sought from Member States, specialized agencies and non-governmental organizations in consultative status and from other appropriate sources, in accordance with the above-mentioned resolution. This committee is composed of the President of the General Assembly, the President of the Economic and Social Council, the Presidents of the Human Rights Council, the Chair of the Commission on the Status of Women and Chairman of the Human Rights Council Advisory Committee.
The Prize is an opportunity not only to give public recognition to the achievements of the awardees themselves, but also to a send a clear message to human rights defenders the world over that the international community is grateful for, and supports, their tireless efforts to promote all human rights for all.
Heart-warming, controversial and practical. Derrick Fine’s first book, Clouds Move, a memoir, published in 2007, intimately reveals his journey of living with HIV, detailing his experiences from his first coming out as a gay man to disclosing to close friends and family that he is living with HIV.
Compelling and thought-provoking, Amartya Sen’s latest offering, Development as Freedom, is Nobel Prize winner for Economic Science in 1998. Sen provides a comprehensive summary of his thoughts on a key issue that has in recent decades, become a global debate: development.
The Third Global Congress of Women in Politics and Governance which will be held on October 19-22, 2008 at the Dusit Hotel, Makati City, Metro Manila, Philippines. The theme of the congress is "Gender and Climate Change".
What began as a widespread call for a general strike ended Sunday as the police cracked down across the nation, dispatching thousands of riot troops, arresting more than 200 demonstrators and fighting with protesters in the north. While two schools were burned and more than 150 people were reported injured in the northern town of Mahalla al-Kobra, it was the eerie emptiness of the normally teeming streets of Cairo that signaled the depth of discontent with President Hosni Mubarak’s government.
Egypt's opposition Muslim Brotherhood has said it will boycott municipal elections after being permitted to field only 20 candidates for thousands of seats. Mohammed Habib, the group's leader, said on Monday: "We call on the Egyptian people to boycott the municipal elections because of the executive's disregard for justice."
Regarding the article on China and Africa - - compared with Europe and the US, both China and India are small players in Africa. But just as recent reports from the Economic Commmission for Africa said, cooperation with Asian countries, such as China and India, boosts Africa's economies.
Clashes between youths and police have returned to the streets of Kenya after the political deadlock. Police have fired tear gas as hundreds of youths protested at the delay in forming a power-sharing government. Opposition supporters have threatened more unrest if a cabinet is not formed soon with their leader Raila Odinga at the helm.
Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly - Refugee Advocacy and Support Program (hCa - RASP) released a recent report entitled "Unwelcome Guests: The Detention of Refugees in Turkey’s Foreigners Guesthouses." The report is based on interviews held between October 2006 and September 2007 with 40 refugees from 17 different countries - most of them African - who had been detained in ten “foreigners’ guesthouses” in Turkey.
Five years into the Darfur conflict, women and girls need protection from rape and brutal attacks still being committed by government forces and armed groups throughout Darfur, Human Rights Watch said in a new report. Neither government security forces nor international peacekeepers have provided sufficient protection for women and girls, who remain extremely vulnerable to rape and other abuses during large-scale attacks and even in periods of relative calm, Human Rights Watch said.
The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa has issued an open letter on behalf of “the many people within SADC [the Southern African Development Community] increasingly alarmed at unfolding events in Zimbabwe” to heads of state and government, members of parliament in the respective countries and senior leaders with the SADC and African Union Secretariats, asking them to take urgent action to ensure that the Zimbabwean people, who on the 29 March exercised their right to vote, now have the results of that vote recognised and respected. Although initiated by OSISA, signatures from individuals and organizations within the region and globally have been collected - the deadline for signing on is on Friday, 11 April. AU Monitor subscribers wishing to sign on should forward their name and contact details to [email][email protected]
While the presidential election results are still pending in Zimbabwe, the SADC Electoral Observer Mission was the first to issue a preliminary statement on the day after the elections, stating that these were "peaceful and credible" and calling on all parties to accept the results. Legislators from East Africa joined other observers in praising the elections as democratic and fair. Clarkson Otieno Kalan, head of the observer mission from the East African Community (EAC) and a Kenyan member of the East African Legislative Assembly, said his country and region have much to learn from the conduct of the polls in Zimbabwe. However, concerns have mounted given the delay in issuing presidential results, prompting civil society observers to draw parallels between the contested election process in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Muthoni Wanyeki of the Kenya Human Rights Commission notes that “the unfolding of events in Zimbabwe for the last week, following polling the previous weekend, provoked an alarming sense of déjà vu. The familiarity of being forced to wait for official results to be released - for a week and counting. The out-of-sequence release of results, with presidential results being retained instead of being released first. The rise in public expectations of change as parliamentary results showed a majority of seats being won, finally, by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. The claims of victory by the MDC. And then the signs of intimidation.”
Further, despite a high-profile campaign for election of women candidates, only 28 were elected to the lower house, representing 13 percent of the total, a decrease from the previous 15.8 percent. These figures fall short of the 1997 SADC Declaration on Gender and Development which “proposes that by 2005 at least 30 percent of positions in political and decision-making structures in the public and private sector should be held by women. At the 2005 SADC Summit in Gaborone, Heads of State and Government endorsed the African Union position which provides for 50 percent target of women in all political and decision-making positions by 2015.”
In economic news, the Indian Prime Minister, Dr. Manmahon Singh has announced, during the India-Africa summit, that India has established a duty free tariff preference scheme for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) under which India will provide preferential market access for exports from LDCs. Meanwhile, Alex Vines and Elizabeth Sidiropolous provide analysis of India’s policies and interests in Africa noting that “its Africa policy is driven by economic interests. But competition, particularly with China, is also pushing New Delhi to deepen its presence on the continent”. Considering India’s view of Africa merely as a source of natural resources, the authors underscore the need for investment in Africa’s human capital and capacity building, exemplified by India’s funding of the Pan-African e-Network Project in partnership with the AU. Also entrenching ties with the continent, Russia has pledged 500 million US dollars in development assistance to Africa. According to Ambassador M. Afanasiev, who was speaking at the first session of the joint annual meeting of the AU and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), Russia also plans to write off half a billion US dollars of African debt this year, having already forgiven US$ 16 billion.
Further, according to the Economic Report on Africa launched this week by UNECA and the AU, forecast growth for African economies will be an average 6.2 percent in 2008, however, the report “also notes that economic growth has not yet translated into meaningful social development and has not benefited vulnerable groups”. Indeed, the price of basic commodities has risen by as much as 30 percent in some countries, prompting strikes and protests. Hamadou Tidiane Sy reports that these “protests against high fuel and food prices have forced governments in West Africa to use repressive methods of yesteryears, hence reversing the gains made in the democratic arena over the past two decades”.
In peace and security news, the United Nations Security Council will hold an unprecedented meeting with the AU Peace and Security Council at which the proposal of UN Secretary General, Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, for the formation of an AU-UN panel to consider how to support peacekeeping operations undertaken by regional organisations will be discussed. African heads of state have been invited to attend the joint meeting and open debate which will be chaired by South African President Thabo Mbeki.
As the World Health Organisation marked the global day for health on April 7th, the African Development Bank’s (AfDB) Thomas Hurley talks of the “ever growing threats to global public health security” and the need “to place health at the centre of the global dialogue about climate change” pledging that the AfDB will strengthen key features of member countries’ “public health systems such as the control of neglected tropical diseases, primary health care (including clean water, environment and sanitation) and enhance women’s and vulnerable groups’ welfare”. It is under the theme of water and sanitation that the upcoming AU summit is expected to take place in June/July in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt. The Executive Council session of the summit will decide on the election of new members of the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, members of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and members of the Advisory Board on Corruption. State parties are expected to submit their proposed candidates to the AU Commission before April 30.
Advert free and available for use by anyone with access to the net Loband simplifies websites into text-only pages (with clickable links so you can view important images) making them around five to ten times faster. By filtering out everything except the core text, sites that were previously difficult to view on poor connections become usable.
The West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP) would like to announce the start of admissions to the West Africa Peacebuilding Institute (WAPI) for 2008. This year’s Institute will be held from September 1 – 19, 2008 at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC) in Accra, Ghana. WAPI is a three-week intensive training program that aims to strengthen the capacity of civil society-based peacebuilding practitioners and institutions across the West Africa sub-region and beyond in order to promote the development of indigenous responses to conflict.
The Council of the EU has issued a statement expressing same concern as Annan expressed on 2 April and calling for formation of “an effective and efficient coalition government as soon as possible that reflects genuine power-sharing between Kenya's parties”
The Kanifing Magistrates Court will on April 16, 2008, hear the case of Fatou Jaw Manneh, a US-based Gambian journalist on trial for an alleged sedition. Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) sources reported that this followed the retrieval of Manneh’s file, which was reported missing at the last hearing on March 17, 2008.
The Global Forum for Health Research and The Lancet are holding their third joint essay competition for the under-30s on the theme: Climate change and health: research challenges for the health of vulnerable populations. The deadline for receipt of entries is 30 April 2008.
Pambazuka News 360: India takes on China in Africa
Pambazuka News 360: India takes on China in Africa
Statement on World Health Day
The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights calls to attention the state of the public health system. Zimbabwe?s healthcare system, in a known state of crisis, is in need of urgent attention. It is crippled by dilapidated infrastructure, drug shortages, equipment breakdowns, brain drain and costs of healthcare skyrocketing beyond the reach of the majority of Zimbabweans.
Average life expectancy, according to the WHO, has declined from 60 years to 37 years for men and 34 for women during the past decade. Maternal mortality is rising to a level which meets that of the world poorest countries.
ZADHR commends health professionals and health workers in Zimbabwe who have continued to deliver health services in very difficult circumstances and remain committed to the recovery and improvement of the public health system.
ZADHR notes the need for a comprehensive national health plan to replace some of the uncoordinated ad hoc measures that have been put in place to address the crisis in the short term. Such a plan must guarantee that Zimbabwean?s are able to enjoy their right to health. The responsibility for this lies with government in consultation with other stakeholders.
Marking World Health Day, ZADHR calls upon the newly elected Parliament of Zimbabwe, amidst a myriad of challenges ahead of it during its term in office, to prioritise policy interventions to address the public health crisis in Zimbabwe. In doing so ZADHR urges the new Parliament to attend to the following key areas:
- Formulating legislation that protects, respects and fulfils the right to health for all Zimbabweans.
- Providing adequate infrastructure needed for effective and equitable healthcare such as safe running water, adequate sanitation, electricity and transport.
- Taking measures to address shortages of drugs and medical equipment in the short, medium and long term.
- Creating conditions under which good training quality for health professionals is guaranteed and ensure that conditions in which these skills can be retained exist.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
The Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum salutes the Zimbabweans and their organisations who have courageously spoken out against the unacceptable shenanigans of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. The tension surrounding the announcement of the election results is only fuelling the deep suspicions that ZANU-PF is again involved in efforts to falsify the outcomes of an election. We have seen this before but this time it cannot and will not be accepted.
Already reports are coming in that the figures being reported have inflated the total individual votes received by ZANU, paving the way for efforts to announce a dishonest ZANU victory at Senate and Presidential levels. The corresponding increase in police and army presence on the streets of Harare and Bulawayo, the ransacking of the offices of the opposition MDC, the harassment and arrest of journalists and inflammatory statements from ZANU officials does not bode well for the democratic process.
Foreign observers are leaving the country before the process is over, media attention is already shifting to new fresher stories, but the ZANU machinery is only just preparing to unleash the full might of its violent capabilities.
The ZSF reminds key security force personnel in Zimbabwe of the statements made by the African National Congress those public pronouncements that refuse to accept the leadership of the MDC is unacceptable. As in any democracy the military in Zimbabwe must recognise that they are accountable to the state, and that the state is accountable to the electorate.
The ZSF calls on SADC and the African Union to intervene decisively in Zimbabwe. It must be made clear that violence and repression is not part of the solution to Zimbabwe’s crisis and that it will not be tolerated. South Africa must continue to engage the ZANU Politburo in dialogue aimed at preventing violence. The rigorous defence of democratic principles is critical not only to the future of Zimbabwe but for the whole of the Southern African region and the entire African continent.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47176results.jpgIt is now more than a full week since the historic harmonised elections took place on 29 March 2008 but there has been near deafening silence about the outcome of the flagship election, the presidential contest. The results of the House of Assembly and Senate elections were also released at a painfully slow pace. This has understandably generated a hive of rumours, speculation, fears and nervousness among the stakeholders, and in the nation and international community. At the centre of the mystery is the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), a constitutional body mandated to conduct elections and referendums “efficiently, freely, fairly, transparently and in accordance with the law.” It is the CCJP’s understanding that this mandate includes but is not restricted to ensuring that the results of the elections are made public to the contesting parties and to the nation as a whole as expeditiously as possible, that is, within reasonable time.
The rumours and nervous speculation swirling around the presidential election results and the mystery surrounding ZEC’s reluctance to speedily release those results has the effect of producing unnecessary suspicions that ZEC is being manipulated to produce results at variance with the verdict of the people. This is unfortunate if only because there does not appear to be any compelling reason for the inordinate delay in releasing the results. This delay is stretching the patience of the people to the limit to the point where ZEC appears to be abusing the legendary patience of the Zimbabwe people.
We have previously noted with considerable satisfaction that ZEC managed to conduct what to many objective observers has been one of the most free and fair elections since independence though there were still many flaws and lapses. The integrity of the election body is now seriously under threat because of its disinclination to quickly make the results public and allay the fears and suspicions of the nation. If ZEC has the public interest and is not driven by partisan interests, then it surely should release the results without any further equivocation. The inordinate delay is a recipe for distrust, political tension and even instability. ZEC must not only act impartially and honestly, it must be seen to be respecting these cardinal values. So far, and with respect to the snail’s pace at which the results were announced and the apparent reluctance to release the presidential election results, ZEC is failing the test. The autonomy and professionalism of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission have been seriously eroded and deeply compromised, reinforcing accusations of embedded partisanship and bias. In the event of a re-run of the presidential election, Zimbabweans and the international community now have grave doubts about the fairness and impartiality of ZEC to conduct the poll.
The CCJP joins the domestic and international community in urging ZEC, in the interest of peace and the search for justice, to urgently release and publicise the results of the presidential election held on March 29, 2008. Many Zimbabweans are anxiously waiting for these results; and they deserve and have a right to know. CCJPZ will continue to observe the post election period countrywide and produce reports.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
I first arrived in Zimbabwe in the mid 90s as a young, naïve university student, curious and open to all that the world had to offer. And at that time, Zimbabwe offered quite a lot - a strong economy based on formidable exports, a literacy rate unmatched by other nations in the region, and people who were proud and welcoming, who had dreams for themselves and their families.
Over a decade later, only one of these remains recognizable to me…Zimbabwe’s people.
Though now I have experienced more of the world’s triumphs and disappointments, I believe that Zimbabwe remains a country that should continue to invoke pride in its people. Not because of what now seems like utter economic and political regression, but rather in spite of it.
Zimbabwe today is plagued by shortages – shortages of life’s basics like cash, fuel, food, and most recently, water and electricity. Not to mention the shortage of trust in the formerly strong institutions and leaders that governed Zimbabwe after independence in 1980. These shortages are hard to make sense of in a country whose well-managed economic development once made it a strong, respected nation the world over.
I work for a U.S.-based family foundation that makes small grants to local, grassroots organizations working with vulnerable children in Zimbabwe and elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. Our grantee organizations in Zimbabwe have struggled tremendously over the past seven years with these shortages and with hyperinflation, at 250,000% in January. Through 2002’s Public Order and Security Act, each one of their activities and meetings are subject to government approval and surveillance. Yet our grantees remain committed to keeping their doors open. This, despite the tremendous burden of what is euphemistically referred to by Zimbabweans everyday as the socio-, economic-, and/or political- “situation.”
Our grantees work at the community-level to serve children and their families, providing such myriad services as education support (paying school fees, providing uniforms and materials), counseling for bereaved children who have lost their parents to AIDS, vocational skills training and income-generating projects, abuse prevention and treatment, rehabilitation of street children, provision of anti-retro viral treatment for HIV-positive children, and legal aid on such cases as stolen inheritance. While in Zimbabwe in January, I was astounded by what our grantees must now do to ensure these services continue. Everyday tasks now takes so much effort - the steps and details so complicated given the shortages and constraints. Time is never on our grantees’ side, especially in dealing with the immediate protection needs of children. Yet our grantees carry on. This speaks of not only their compassion and commitment, but of their remarkable coping and management skills.
What they are able to do is now more important than ever. Children are undoubtedly carrying the heaviest burden of the impact of Zimbabwe’s situation. They are obviously the most disadvantaged by the pressure on families and communities, but also through the “politicization” of everyday life in Zimbabwe and the significant damages to the health and education sectors.
There is no doubt that people are suffering in Zimbabwe. But it is equally true that many people and organizations in Zimbabwe are responding. Civil society, though struggling, remains strong and present. These organizations’ efforts must be recognized, valued, and supported.
Now is not the time for the philanthropic or donor community to withhold funding from Zimbabwe. Limited funding or a “wait and see” attitude is a flawed, and potentially dangerous strategy, especially for children. True, a foundation’s dollars might not retain the same value as in other countries, but seeing the incredible work of our grantees, I have no doubt that our dollars go just as far.
As philanthropists, our dollars are meant to support societal transformation. In spite of the difficult operating environment, civil society organizations in Zimbabwe are not only providing vital services for children and families. They are also well-positioned to ensure this change, both before and after an eventual regime change.
Children in Zimbabwe deserve to have their dreams. And in a time when it is hard to find hope, civil society organizations, both large and small, are building a brighter future through their work with children in Zimbabwe.
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47178race.jpgBlessing-Miles Tendi argues that it is too early to rule out a Mugabe led Zimbabwe - he will find ways to remain in power.
I have been following Zimbabwe's 2008 elections closely. My emotions have mutated with alacrity, checking news sites more often than I should, and receiving calls and messages from family and political contacts in Zimbabwe. Since last week, I have gone from 'Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF will win' to 'it will be a landslide victory for the opposition' to 'Mugabe has already fled the country fearing retribution' to 'the army has ordered the electoral commission to declare Mugabe the winner' and now, my present mood and thinking is that a lot of people are going to be disappointed by the eventual outcome of the presidential poll because we are headed for a do or die run-off between Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai.
The two things that stand out about Mugabe's political pattern is his consistency, and that he is too wily and resolute in power to be swept away in a pseudo democratic election. Zimbabwe is better off without him at the helm but we must temper our emotions and stop our imagination from running wild. Mugabe has been in difficult situations before and wriggled out of them amazingly. 'Jesus rose from the dead once but I have come back from the dead several times', he once boasted. The probability is high that Mugabe can come back from the dead once again. I would not bet against it. This is my position now, after what has been a rollercoster week of miraculous flip-flopping on my part.
Sovereignty is a vehicle towards the good life for the ZANU PF political elite. The font of sovereignty is the powerful executive presidency through which ZANU PF has privatised the institution of the state as a means to authoritarian rule and personal aggrandisement: 'the desire to retain sovereignty and not to surrender it or even share it is a powerful motive perpetuating the ex-colonial status quo in Sub Saharan Africa. Sovereignty gives a relatively small number of people control of state positions which confer enormous palpable advantages and privileges. Ruling elites literally live off sovereignty and most live very well indeed - as long as they live. They fight to keep it and others fight to take it away from them'.
When Mugabe and ZANU PF play up sovereignty it is in order to protect their hold on power and its benefits. Their uses of sovereignty are less about protecting the country and its inhabitants' sovereignty but more about protecting the 'enormous palpable advantages and privileges' sovereignty affords them. In Zimbabwe it is not the governed who are sovereign – it is ZANU PF that is sovereign. ZANU PF elites live off sovereignty. Thus, sovereignty is one of the themes commanding broad consensus in ZANU PF and the party will strive – at all costs - to keep its hold on sovereignty by retaining the presidency in the looming run off.
A run off between Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai may suit Mugabe better than facing Simba Makoni in a runoff because if there is anything many in ZANU PF and Zimbabwe's top security officials are united on, it is that Tsvangirai must not rule. Those comprising the status quo not only stand to lose their sovereignty but also fear prosecution for crimes committed in office if Tsvangirai prevails.
ZANU PF was divided in this election but expect it to put its differences aside and to rally behind Mugabe forcefully in a run off with Tsvangirai. Mugabe risked damaging defections if he had faced Makoni in a run off. A Mugabe-Makoni run off would have presented Makoni's secret and powerful backers in ZANU PF, such as Solomon Mujuru, with the opportune moment to abandon Mugabe in favour of Makoni. Mugabe will also find it easier to marshal ZANU PF's rank and file to campaign for him against Tsvangirai as opposed to Makoni who has many sympathisers in the ruling party. Indeed some will not need to be marshaled at all for retaining the presidency means guaranteeing their life of privilege.
ZANU PF will leave no stone unturned in a Mugabe-Tsvangirai face off. ZANU PF was complacent in the rural areas and some of its rural party structures were not as formidable as they normally are. It underestimated the extent to which Tsvangirai would make significant in roads into its rural strongholds. The free political space Tsvangirai enjoyed in the rural areas during this campaign will be gone in the run off. A run off in 3 weeks, or 90 days as has been suggested, also allows ZANU PF some time to tinker its rigging machinery. The war veterans have started making threats. There is a developing discourse proclaiming the return of white farmers and how the land revolution can only be defended by re-electing Mugabe. The military looks set to be more involved than ever before in guaranteeing Mugabe's re-election. We are about to be blitzed with everything ZANU PF has left.
* Blessing-Miles Tendi is a researcher at Oxford University.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Thank you for the excellent article Pitfalls of export processing zones by Herbert Jauch [http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/46932].
A copy of this article should be sent to every minister of finance and minister of trade in every African country. It should be printed and hung on the wall of every parliament building and every 'investment centre' and every university economics department in Africa. It relates to all the issues raised in Pambazuka: China/Africa, agrofuels, Chad/France, the future of Zimbabwe. This is the fundamental issue for developing Africa.
Instead of adopting an open-door policy towards foreign investment, Namibia (and Africa in general) need to adopt selective policies that channel investments into certain strategic sectors that will have a lasting developmental impact.
They require a very clear and strategic development agenda that is not based on blind faith in foreign investment as the panacea to our development problems.
The lack of alternative programmes for effective economic development and job creation places government in a weak position to negotiate adherence to labour, social and environmental standards with foreign investors."
How can this be distributed more widely? Can the AU hold a conference on this?
The International Federation of Journalists today accused the authorities in Zimbabwe of intimidation of journalists and called on the authorities to allow media to report freely as tension mounts following the elections for President held last Saturday.
The IFJ says the arrest of journalists in Harare yesterday was an attempt to sabotage media coverage media of the current political crisis and a possible run-up election which may be needed.
"It is absurd to suggest, as the authorities have, that these arrests are part of an investigation over spying," said Aidan White, IFJ General Secretary. "Put simply, this is a sinister act of political bullying."
New York Times reporter Barry Bearak, 58, and Steven Bevan a 45-year-old freelance journalist from Britain were arrested and charged with “practising without accreditation,” according to reports. They were held at a guest house in the capital Harare that is popular with foreign journalists. Two others who were not identified were also arrested.
"At this critical moment in the history of modern Zimbabwe people have a right to know about different political opinions in the election," said White. "Journalists must be allowed to report freely and without intimidation.”
The authorities have banned most foreign media coverage of the elections last week but a number of news organisations have filed reports from correspondents who snuck into the country. In the moths before the election the government cracked down on local and national journalists, shutting down newspapers and allowing members of Mugabe’s political party to harass and attack journalists with impunity.
“It appears that people are voting for change and if that means a fresh start for media and freedom of the press, then it is long overdue,” said White.
*The IFJ represents over 600,000 journalists in 120 countries worldwide. For more information contact the IFJ at + 32 2 235 2207
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47200india.jpgIn the March 27th, 2008 Pambazuka issue, Firoze Manji argued that in comparison to Europe and the US, and that while keeping an eye out on China, Africans should not be distracted from paying attention to the West's continued exploitation of the continent.
In this essay, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta adds yet another layer by looking at India's growing role in Africa
The world's two most populous countries, China and India, are now seriously competing with each other to engage resource-rich Africa, thereby imparting a new dimension to South-South relations.
From Apr. 7-9 New Delhi will host heads of government of 12 African nation-states and a similar number of regional economic groupings. Many see this as a modest answer by India to the grand Africa summit that Beijing hosted in 2006.
Among heads of government expected are Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria, Joseph Kabila Kabange of Congo, Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, John Kufuor of Ghana, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, Maitre Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal, Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, Tertius Zongo of Burkina Faso and Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete of Tanzania.
The New Delhi meeting will be attended by leading functionaries of the African Union, various regional economic communities and the New Partnership for Africa's Development. Notable absentees will be Muammar Gaddafi of Libya and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt.
While this is the first time India is organising such a large summit of African leaders, this country has had long links with the continent. "Indian traders once sold glass beads to an eager African market (and) now its expertise centres on science and technology," observes a media release of the Johannesburg-based South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA).
The release added: "China's inroads into Africa are well known; India's approach has been much quieter. The India-Africa Forum meets for the first time?offering a fresh insight into this modern-day scramble for Africa."
A government of India official told IPS, who may not be named according to briefing rules, that unlike "China's greed for Africa's oil, copper and other minerals", India is more interested in longer-term economic partnerships that are mutually beneficial and do not replicate colonial systems of exploitation of African wealth.
This official pointed out that India had for long supported South Africa's anti-apartheid movement because of the personal involvement of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the 'father' of the Indian nation, who had cut his political teeth in that country. More recently, India was the first country to send United Nations-sponsored troops to Congo.
The Indian government has, in addition, supported technical exchange and training programmes in most African countries. For more than four decades now, 1,000 individuals from sub-Saharan countries have been provided technical training in India each year. Besides, there are an estimated 15,000 students of African origin currently studying in Indian universities and educational institutions, many of them on government scholarships.
Pointing out that the "waters of the Indian Ocean united us" and that India and Africa had a "common civilisational heritage and shared experience of colonialism", India's Minister for External Affairs Pranab Mukherjee recently said "our commitment to solutions based on common but differentiated responsibility and respective capability remains steadfast".
Ethiopia's Minister of State for Trade and Industry Tadesse Haile, on a visit to India, last year, said this country should be a ''shareholder and not just a stakeholder in Africa's development process''.
India has participated in projects relating to rural electrification in Mozambique and Ethiopia, railways in Senegal and Mali, cement in Congo and computer training in Lesotho. Indian companies are involved in building Ghana's National Assembly and military barracks in Sierra Leone.
Private corporate groups in India have had long-standing ties with African countries. For instance, the Tata group has a presence in 14 countries in areas such as hotels, telecommunications, hydro power and transportation. The word 'Tata' is synonymous with 'bus' in a country like Uganda, writes Seema Sirohi, Indian journalist for the 'Outlook' magazine who was recently in Johannesburg.
Indian pharmaceutical manufacturer Cipla has led the way in supplying inexpensive generic anti-AIDS drugs to African countries in the teeth of opposition from Western multinational corporations. Other Indian business groups have made major investments in Africa in the areas of information technology, hospitality, electrical equipment, and hospitals.
Senior journalist Neerja Chowdhury told IPS: "India had ignored its natural allies in Africa for a long time and in fact, many in this country had a rather patronising attitude towards Africa that was seen as a backward continent. Thankfully, that attitude is changing somewhat and the Indian government is re-focussing on Africa." Nevertheless, she said relations between India and Africa are "still nowhere what they should be".
While annual two-way trade between India and Africa has gone up fivefold from five billion US dollars to 25 billion dollars over the last five years, this volume is half that of Africa's export-import trade with China. Indian officials, speaking off-the-record, say China's economic strategy is more aggressive than that of India's and basically aimed at capturing Africa's mineral resources like oil, copper and manganese.
In a paper, Navdeep Suri, India's consul-general in Johannesburg has written: "We cannot match China dollar-for-dollar nor do we have the command economy where state-owned companies can be ordered to pursue the government's directive regardless of their own bottomline."
India's Minister of State for External Affairs Anand Sharma, while stating that the New Delhi summit would "help the pace and spirit of historic and time-tested ties between India and Africa gather momentum", has argued that it "would not be correct" to see India-Africa relations as "competition with any other country".
Sirohi, who spoke to influential South African minister Essop Pahad, quoted him saying that while he wanted to engage with both India and China, the two countries would have to compete. "Let the best man win," he remarked.
Arun Kumar, professor of economics at New Delhi's prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru University, told IPS in an interview that there is "considerable potential between India and Africa in the areas of agriculture, energy and sustainable exploitation of minerals". He added that the fact that persons of Indian origin had settled in large numbers in East African countries besides Libya, Sudan and Darfur, could help strengthen economic ties.
In Durban, South Africa's foreign affairs spokesperson Ronnie Mamoepa told the Press Trust of India news agency that the New Delhi summit could not only consolidate and drive the position of developing countries in the World Trade Organisation but also lead to the "writing off (of) the debt owed to India by the poorest countries of the world, a large number of which are African countries."
What may indirectly help India, Sirohi wrote in her article in the 'Outlook', is that the Chinese presence in Congo and Zambia has sparked off local resentment. Trade unions have protested against China's policy of 'dumping' cheap goods. Congo reportedly recently expelled 600 Chinese nationals and shut down three firms.
*Paranjoy Guha Thakurta is a journalist with over 20 years experience in print, radio and television, the last two years of which have been with Television Eighteen. Paranjoy anchors the India Talks discussion and interview show on ABNI. This article first appeared in Inter Press Service.
**Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47201muga.jpgStatement of the GZF on the situation in Zimbabwe, issued after the Global Teleconference by all the regions present
Zimbabwe Global Forum (GFZ) condemns the actions by the Government of Zimbabwe for the arbitrary handling of the electoral process as well as the results of the presidential elections held on March 29, 2008.
The Government of President Robert Mugabe, and his ruling ZANUPF party have frustrated, not only the conduct of the elections but the timely release of the election results.
What is even more troubling is that President Mugabe’s ZANUPF are demanding a recount of the presidential votes, while at the same time preventing the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission from releasing the presidential election results.
President Robert Mugabe and his subordinates have started arming the youth militia and war veterans to unleash retributive and coercive violence against opposition supporters, especially in rural areas. President Mugabe is embarking on a warpath to impose himself on Zimbabweans in the aftermath of his defeat in the elections. It is self evident that President Mugabe does not respect the democratic process of elections in accordance with the SADC Guidelines and the laws of Zimbabwe.
Well -confirmed results - even from the vote-counting officers of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission - show that the Movement for Democratic Change led by Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai won both the presidential and parliamentary elections. These results, which were posted outside the counting centers in accordance with the mandate of ZEC, also clearly show that Morgan Tsvangirai won by more than 50 percent.
Constitutionally, President Mugabe is by law obligated and required to concede defeat and hand over power to the MDC, according to the procedures provided for by the Constitution.
President Mugabe and ZANUPF have a proven history of political violence against members of the opposition parties. This is how he has maintained his rule over the years.
President Mugabe will now use all the barbaric and brutal force at his command to go after the Zimbabweans who voted against him and his party.
Already, reports are emerging of an assault on innocent civilians, aimed at forcing them to vote for Mugabe at the next run-off election and hence:
1. We call upon the international community to bring pressure to bear on the Mugabe regime to respect the people’s verdict and accept defeat. We quote from President Mugabe himself before the elections when he said if ZANUPF loses the elections he will concede defeat.
2. We demand that the countries of SADC insist that President Mugabe should follow the electoral procedures as laid out in the SADC guidelines and the Constitution of Zimbabwe.
3. We call upon, the Secretary General of the United Nations to begin consultations leading to the convening of the Security Council on the crisis in Zimbabwe.
4. We call upon the African Union, in consultation with SADC, to send a strong African delegation to mediate the crisis in Zimbabwe. The delegation should stay in Zimbabwe for as long as is necessary to resolve the crisis.
5. We call upon the countries of Kenya, Ghana, Nigeria and Botswana which have expressed concern at the denial of human and civil rights in Zimbabwe to play a leading role in bringing pressure to bear on President Mugabe.
6. The Government of the Republic of South Africa has a unique geopolitical and historic influence on Zimbabwe. We call upon President Thabo Mbeki, whose country will be adversely affected by the ongoing crisis of governance and humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe, to initiate a shuttle diplomacy between President Mugabe and President-elect Tsvangirai in order to resolve peacefully the country’s electoral conflict.
7. Should a rerun of the presidential election become the only option to resolve the crisis, we call upon the United Nations to supervise the election with the active participation of SADC, AU and civil society in the country and region.
8. If President Mugabe and ZANUPF refuse to accept reasonable conditions for resolving the crisis, we call upon the international community not to recognize the Mugabe regime, especially, if the regime is fraudulently and by force of arms imposed on the people of Zimbabwe.
9. We also call upon the international community to impose more effective targeted sanctions against the Mugabe regime if it refuses to comply with the democratic norms for elections and handing over power.
10. We call upon the industrialized countries of North American, the European Union, etc. to increase, expand and extend the scope of their humanitarian assistance programs to include Zimbabwean refugees, especially the traumatized victims of assault by the Mugabe regime.
11. We call upon the international community to continue to strengthen civic society in Zimbabwe, and to distribute aid through civic organizations rather than a disputed government to avert politicization and misappropriation of resources and ensure that aid reaches its intended beneficiaries.
12. We call upon the international community to stand ready to engage the new democratic Zimbabwean on the basis of the Zimbabwe Strategy paper.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47203msg.jpgPaul T Zeleza looks at the long road that might yet see Mugabe's downfall and calls for a democracy that ultimately serves the Zimbabwean people through political and economic enfranchisement
As of now, results for the presidential elections in Zimbabwe have not yet been declared, five days after the elections were held last Saturday, March 29. In the meantime, the results of the parliamentary elections, which had been announced at snail's pace by the Electoral Commission over the past few days are now complete. They show that President Mugabe's ruling party, ZANU-PF, has lost its parliamentary majority. The opposition party, MDC, has won 99 to ZANU-PF's 97 out of 210 parliamentary seats. Eleven other seats were won by an MDC splinter group, and one by an independent candidate. Thus the opposition has won 110; three seats remain to be contested in by-elections because they were postponed following the death of opposition candidates. The ruling party's loss of its parliamentary majority represents a shockwave in Zimbabwe's post-independence political history.
But the real earthquake would be President Mugabe's downfall. Thus, as crucial as the parliamentary elections are, it is the results of the presidential elections that everyone is waiting for with mounting anxiety. The Electoral Commission is appealing for patience and blames logistical problems in releasing the results. But all the evidence including the very delay in the announcement of the results indicates that the irascible octogenarian dictator, President Mugabe, is, at the very least, trailing the veteran opposition leader, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai. In previous presidential elections (which were held separately from parliamentary elections) the predictable (the opposition would say predictably rigged) outcome was announced with a lot more alacrity and fanfare. Even more likely is the probability that President Mugabe has lost and his regime is trying to rig the elections. Outright rigging of the results will be difficult, but not impossible, because of a pre-election agreement among the parties that results should be posted outside each polling station: the opposition insisted on this to avoid blatant rigging that it suspected robbed it of victory in previous elections.
In the immediate ecstasy of the elections, the MDC claimed outright victory, that Mr. Tsvangirai had decisively beaten President Mugabe by 60% to 30%. Perusal and sampling of 435 of the 9,400 polling stations by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, a coalition of civic groups, projected a more modest victory by the MDC leader. It indicated that Mr. Tsvangirai would receive between 47-51.8 percent to President Mugabe's 39.2-44.4 percent. In its latest announcement the MDC claims its leader has won 50.3 percent of the vote to President Mugabe's 43.8 percent. This is crucial figure: to avoid a runoff, the winner has to garner more than 50 percent of the popular vote. While conceding that the President failed to win 50 percent of the vote, for the first time in his twenty eight year reign, the government mouthpiece, The Herald, insists neither did Mr. Tsvangirai, thus making a runoff election later this month inevitable (according to the law, a runoff election has to be held in 21 days).
Zimbabwe and the wider southern African region, not to mention the rest of the continent and the so-called international community, are watching this unfolding political drama with intense interest and growing trepidation. In the absence of the presidential results, rumors are rife: about the shock and tensions within the ruling party with some of his lieutenants reportedly ready to ditch him, that there are negotiations between the opposition and the embattled president's advisors to ease him into resignation and retirement, and about the unpredictable machinations and loyalties of the security chiefs.
Expectations that the despised autocrat was too humiliated to stay are now giving way to fears that he will hang on and fight in the runoff election. Many political commentators believe that he will be trounced in a new election that is free and fair. That is the big question: will the mortally wounded tyrant be allowed by his security forces and political cronies who are running scared of losing their ill-gotten wealth built on the carcasses of deepening poverty of millions of workers and peasants, not to mention the immiseration of significant sections of the middle classes, to unleash the wrath of state power to terrorize the opposition into defeat?
Whatever happens next, it is not hard to explain the defeat of ZANU-PF and President Mugabe in the recent elections. A government that has impoverished its population as spectacularly as President Mugabe's inept dictatorship has done cannot maintain popular support. Zimbabwe's descent into the economic abyss has been staggering for a country not at war: inflation has apparently risen to a mindboggling rate of 164,900 percent, life expectancy has nearly been halved, and between a quarter and a third of the population has fled to neighboring countries and overseas. In this election Zimbabweans have shown that they have had enough of the Mugabe government's bankrupt stewardship of their well-being.
Predictable as it may seem from afar and in hindsight, what explains the opposition's victory is that support for President Mugabe's government finally collapsed in the rural areas, its political backbone since the liberation war from settler colonialism. It was in the enduring interests of repossessing land stolen by the European settlers under colonial rule and in the endearing name of the peasantry that the liberation war was fought and the violent land seizures embarked upon from the late 1990s after the British government reneged on the Lancaster House agreement and as the Mugabe government lost became increasingly unpopular thanks to its embrace of structural adjustment and abandonment of radical development policies including land reform. Yet, the peasantry benefited little from either, whose principal beneficiaries were functionaries of the political class. The urban working classes had long grown disenchanted with the tired socialist rhetoric of ZANU-PF which promised broad-based development but delivered unfettered neo-liberalism that benefited the elite that fragrantly flaunted its affluence as the country has sunken deeper into economic decline.
The rural peasantry did not simply catch up, as it were, with the urban working classes. Rural discontent has been growing. Indeed, the rural areas bore the brunt of economic decline and political terror as the regime sought to shore up its dwindling legitimacy and tattered revolutionary credentials by tightening its grip on the peasantry, its symbolic and substantive basis of power. The costs of the economic crisis, as manifested in food shortages and the politicization of food relief efforts, finally broke the proverbial patient backs of the peasantry.
Connecting the two, the peasantry and the working classes, the rural and the urban areas, and the country's other spatial and social divides, including the ethnicized divisions between the old Mashonaland and Matabeleland, which the Mugabe regime had manipulated to weaken the opposition and maintain its iron grip on power, was the draconian "Operation Murambatsvina", officially translated as "Operation Clean Up", but literally translated as "getting rid of the filth", through which the government sought to drain the cities including Harare, the capital, of political opposition. The operation was launched in 2005 and affected more than two million people. The bulk of the MDC's parliamentary seats from previous elections were located in the cities. This criminal evacuation program, which was widely condemned within Zimbabwe and internationally including by the United Nations, led to the destruction of the informal sector in the cities and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people many of whom flocked to the increasingly destitute rural areas. This not only exacerbated rural poverty, but also helped dissolve some of the social and political boundaries, both real and imagined, between the rural and urban areas and dwellers, which raised national consciousness and reinforced opposition to the former liberation heroes turned into predators in power.
If we are indeed witnessing the death throes of the Mugabe dictatorship, the full credit for this goes to the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe, not the so-called international community, neither feeble regional organizations like SADC nor imperious western powers such as Britain or the United States who have little moral credibility in Africa's protracted struggles for democracy. It is also a testimony to the transformative power of the ballot box.
But as we have seen across Africa and elsewhere where dictatorship have fallen, the electoral process offers, at best, minimal conditions for democracy; full democracy, which is still a work in progress globally notwithstanding the conceit of the so-called mature democracies, must entail political and economic enfranchisement for all that goes beyond ritualized certifications of fractions of the political class every four or five years. And that requires eternal vigilance by civil society, continuous struggles against the self-serving political class. This is to suggest that sustaining and expanding democracy in Zimbabwe will be as hard as getting rid of the Mugabe dictatorship.
Given its social composition and the present regional and global conjunctures, the MDC will not, if and when it takes power, magically turn Zimbabwe around into a developmental democratic state and society: that will require building and sustaining cultures and communities of accountability.
* Paul T Zeleza is editor of The Zeleza Post. This article was first published at
** Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47204maga.jpgThe Congress of South African Trade Unions and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions held a meeting this morning, Tuesday 8 April 2008, to receive a report from the ZCTU on the current political crisis in Zimbabwe.
The ZCTU salutes the people of Zimbabwe, especially in the rural areas, for overcoming all the obstacles to prevent them exercising their vote. These included the chaotic state of the voters' roll, restrictions on the media, the cancellation of some political meetings, the denial of access to opposition parties into certain rural areas, village headmen calling people to the polling stations brandishing the voters' roll in order to intimidate them, statements by Generals that they would not salute any opposition party leader, and by President Mugabe that he would not accept defeat. The arrest of the South African pilot had nothing to do with the trumped up charges but was a blatant attempt to stop the MDC from campaigning in the rural areas.
All these factors combined to make many people not to participate in the elections - the turnout was low. It was not a free and fair election, yet despite that the people defied all the odds and have spoken. The urban areas voted overwhelmingly for opposition parties and the rural votes swung dramatically against the ZANU-PF.
The ZCTU had hoped that all the results would have been announced by now. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission is not obliged to announce the council, parliamentary and senate elections as they are counted at polling stations, with results posted at each of the polling stations and announced at constituency command centres. The ZEC is however compelled by law to announce the Presidential results.
It appears that when ZANU (PF) saw the results of the presidential vote, they leaned on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to only release the parliamentary and senate results first, in order to give them time to find a way to prove that Morgan Tsvangirai received less that 50%, so that a run-off would be necessary. The independent NGO, the Zimbabwe Electoral Support Network has calculated that his vote was between 47% and 49%, with Robert Mugabe receiving 41%-43%. The MDC through the party agents that were observing at all polling stations put the poll at 50.3%.
The ZANU (PF) claim that no candidate has a majority and that they have been cheated of 4900 votes, through ZEC officials 'under-counting' their vote, though they have not revealed how they know that.
It should be noted that all political parties including the ZANU (PF) and the MDC had party agents in all polling stations. These party agents signed for the results before these were posted in the polling stations. In addition to this ZCTU and other NGOs had monitors who witnessed the counting and the signing in most polling stations.
In the face of the above fact it is very clear that the arrest of ZEC officials is an attempt to force some ZEC officials to change tune. The suspicion is that they will be tortured into "confessing" that they, and other agents, under-counted President Mugabe's votes as claimed by the ZANU (PF) Politburo, which has issued a statement that some of its party agents were bribed by the MDC. This is the reason behind the arrest of the ZEC officials. Yet no party agent and police officers who all signed the V11 and V23 forms which contained the results posted outside the stations were arrested.
The ZANU-PF is also challenging the results in 16 parliamentary wards, just enough, if they succeed, to reverse the results in their favour and give them a majority of seats. It is speculated that the reason why ZANU PF is so desperate to undermine the will of the majority is that Mugabe intended to resign in six months and make way for Emmerson Mnangagwa, which will be impossible if the ZANU-PF does not have a parliamentary majority.
ZANU - PF clearly knows it lost the vote, yet it is still illegal for anyone to say this in public. Even if Mugabe came second, for an incumbent president, that amounts to a defeat. The ZCTU and many other civil society formations are coming under intense pressure from their constituencies to initiate protest action in the face of the refusal of ZEC to announce the Presidential elections results.
The leadership is aware that such protest may be what President Mugabe is praying for, in that it would give him the excuse to declare a state of emergency and rule by decree. With the history of violence including, the massacre of 20 000 people in Matebeland between 1983 and 1987, this fear is not far fetched.
For that reason the ZCTU is urging all its members to remain calm, as the situation is a cliff-hanger and the popular mood is explosive. The ZCTU is however extremely concerned that in the context of divisions in the uniformed forces and even amongst the war veterans a possibility looms that people may lose patience. No one predicted the Rwanda and Kenya scenarios until they happened.
The ZCTU and COSATU demand that the results be announced. If there is a clear winner that winner must form a government. If there is no winner the election must be rerun, with an increased number of international and local observers.
The federations are preparing themselves for three scenarios. First is that a winner is declared and he forms a new government and begin a process of national unity. The second scenario is that there will be a run-off election. The third, more negative one, is that President Mugabe will rule by decree and in effect stage a coup.
The ZCTU, speaking for all progressive Zimbabweans who want a change to their plight, thanks COSATU and South African civil society for their constant support for the struggle for democracy and human rights in Zimbabwe.
*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
I am surprised to have heard this morning from my national broadcasting corporation (TBC) that President Robert Mugabe has asked the Zimbabwe Electoroal Commission (ZEC) to recount the Presidential election votes. But why?
This means that the delay of not giving out the results clearly shows that the opposition has won the election and that, the ZANU-PF leader is in the process of manipulating the results. President Mugabe must accept the results whatsoever, why plunging the nation into a political turmoil? It really shows that Mugabe has sensed a situation of failure on his own side.
Why is he asking for the vote recounting when the election commission has not yet announced the results? If the results would have been out, then a disatisfied contestant is given time to complain of the results. But for him, this is in vice versa.
The Rozaria Memorial Trust Board of Trustees ae grateful for the support and voice of kenyan civil society on the current crisis in Zimbabwe . Any further deterioration of the situation will have huge implications for human rights especially for women and children. At the moment the election commission has mised the legal deadline for announcing results, and we therefore have a potential constitutional crisis.
Pambazuka News 363: Black America and Zimbabwe: Silence is not an answer
Pambazuka News 363: Black America and Zimbabwe: Silence is not an answer
dirty, rusted, corroded
links of the iron chain
hung innocently around
the neck of a sculpture
afraid to touch the layers
of fossilized blood, sweat, agony and fear
Fear so soul deep that one can
smell it
touch it
intimately know it when you see it
so familiar that it cloaks you like a second skin
Microscopic bits of beautiful brown skin
Unnaturally scraped from the necks of the unfree
Embedded in the links
turned to salt deposits and rust
formed from tears of desolation
iron chain
silently guarding the memory of
shrieks of pain, sobs of inconsolable grief and whispered prayers
of death's release
Hanging from the neck of a sculpture
"In memory of the slaves"
It's stillness belies the memory of
disbelieving jerks and the desperate yanks
of the instantly insane
refusing to accept the reality
of human capitol
Its stillness remembers the
stoic, beaten into acceptance
who lay in their own shit
with the iron chain
which now hides the stench
of that shit mixed with urine, blood, dirt
and a bottomless dread
iron chain transporting, enslaving
beautiful brown bodies
beautiful black souls
each link forging the
supreme weapon of black death
destroying a mass of bodies, minds,
hearts and hope
ahead of time.
Now hanging from the neck of a
sculpture
harmless.
* Nafeesa T. Nichols, a performer and poet, is also a scholar of South African literature and music and a Pan African activist.
**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
Pambazuka News 372: Seeing Zimbabwe in context
Pambazuka News 372: Seeing Zimbabwe in context
In this article Mukelani Dimba shows how freedom of information legislation can be used by citizens to pursue their socio-economic rights. He argues that it creates the conditions in which government decisions about resource allocation can be effectively challenged.
The third wave of democratisation in the developing world has created opportunities for development and reconstruction in many nations brought to their knees by past regimes that were oppressive, secretive and undemocratic. This has focused not only on infrastructure and the economy but also on a rethink of the relationship between those in power and those who voted them into power. In this reconfiguration we should recall the words of the American constitutionalist, Alexander Hamilton, who once said that ‘If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary… A dependence on the people is no doubt the primary control on government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.’
These ‘auxiliary precautions’ referred to by Hamilton included not only the courts and other organs of state but also the constitutional legal framework established to support them. If men and women were angels, basic human freedoms, such as the right to vote and freedom of expression (which includes the right to seek, receive and impart information), would not need to be protected in national constitutions. Nor would there be any need for special constitutional provisions obliging governments to share the spoils of economic growth fairly among citizens by ensuring that even the most impoverished have access to the services needed to sustain life, protect dignity and enhance the prospects of future generations. Alas, men and women are not angels, and we therefore need these ‘auxiliary precautions’ to protect the democratic order for the material benefit of the poor. It is vital that national constitutions not only protect civil and political rights but also promote the realisation of social and economic rights.
By social and economic rights, I refer to what Professor Kader Asmal, the South African human rights scholar, activist and former government minister, once called ‘the red and green rights’, namely the rights to housing, health care, food, social security, social services, education, human dignity in conditions of detention, healthy environment, land and security of tenure.
The third wave of democracy has not, in most cases, led to the social and economic development of communities previously materially disadvantaged by discriminatory and undemocratic systems of government. I believe that this is largely because the focus has tended to be on the full constitutional protection of civil and political rights as the cornerstone of the democratic order, while neglecting or partially entrenching social and economic rights within the constitutional framework.
Some correctly argue that democracy is not a sufficient condition for development or for social and economic equality. Many scholars have argued ‘that democracy will remain a formality unless it also includes substantive social and economic equality’ (Jones and Stokke, 2005). Amartya Sen’s argument is that ‘democratic institutions are guarantors for public deliberation and effective responses to poverty and deprivation’ (Jones and Stoke, 2005). Sen (2000) goes on to argue that:
‘Freedoms are not only the primary ends of development, they are also among its primary means. Political freedoms (in the form of free speech and elections) help to promote economic security. Social opportunities (in the form of education and health facilities) facilitate economic participation. Economic facilities (in the form of opportunities for participation in trade and production) can help generate personal abundance as well as public resources for social facilities. Freedoms of different kinds can strengthen one another.’
Mumtaz Soysal, in his 1977 Nobel lecture, argued that:
‘When those deprived of their socio-economic rights cannot make their voices heard, they are even less likely to have their needs met. If a person is deprived of one right, his chance of securing the other rights is usually endangered. The right to education and the right to freedom of information and open debate on official policies are necessary to secure full public participation in the process of social and economic development. The freedom of the human mind and welfare of the human being are inextricably linked.’
In countries where citizens have been unjustly denied access to certain services and resources because of their race or other societal background, a constitution, as an ‘auxiliary precaution’, that protects socio-economic rights is vital to the process of redress, reconstruction and redistribution.
The protection of socio-economic rights by a country’s constitution and their progressive realisation partially justiciable by the courts is a departure from the norm, where the focus has tended to be on judicial protection of political and civil rights. Traditionally, freedom of information (FOI) has found its place among the body of these political and civil rights.
During the era when only a few Scandinavian countries and the USA had freedom of information legislation, these laws created an understanding of FOI as merely part of the right of freedom of expression, which in and of itself had come to be perceived as a right that affected only journalists and political activists. Earlier international legal instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, also enveloped FOI within the broader right to freedom of expression. The newer Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression by the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights follows a similar route, the major difference being its extension of FOI to privately held information.
I firmly believe that it is when freedom of information is used as a form of leverage to protect or promote other socio-economic rights that it finds its real meaning in a developing-country context. The well-known and remarkable work of the MKSS in Rajasthan in India, emulated by other organisations in South Africa and elsewhere, shows how FOI can be used to the benefit of local communities and governments by helping social organisations expose corruption that compromises the proper implementation of development projects and social security schemes. This supports the idea that one of the purposes of the tools of democracy, such as FOI, is ‘to advance poor people’s access to socio-economic resources and services’ (Barbeton, Davis and Sarkin, 2000). This is consistent with the United Nations Development Programme in its assertion that:
‘Effective anti-poverty programmes require accurate information on problems hindering development to be in the public domain. Meaningful debates also need to take place on the policies designed to tackle the problems of poverty. Information can empower poor communities to battle the circumstances in which they find themselves and help balance the unequal power dynamic that exists between people marginalised through poverty and their governments.’
In India, for example, the government runs a massive food subsidy scheme as a social security measure to promote the right to food. Food rations are in most instances distributed through shopkeepers in the private sector, called ration-dealers. A person takes their ration card and collects food parcels from their local ration-dealer. The dealer then claims payment from the government for the food he has distributed to the community. However, some ration-dealers have been reportedly manipulating the process for their own ends by telling people that they have run out of food subsidy stock, offering to sell them food from their ‘ordinary trading stock’ instead. In the ration-dealers' records these transactions are recorded as distributions related to the food subsidy scheme and money is claimed from the government. The ration-dealers therefore get paid twice, by the customer and by the government.
This practice was exposed in a number of villages in Rajasthan when these communities, assisted by the MKSS, used the state’s freedom of information law to access the claims submitted by the ration-dealers to the government. Massive discrepancies were discovered between what the ration-dealers claimed and what they had actually distributed, which was captured on individual ration cards kept by each member of the community. By accessing government documents these citizens were able to reconcile what was claimed on paper with the reality on the ground. This illustrates vividly the multi-dimensionality of freedom of information in the developing world, where it can be used as tool for accountability, to protect socio-economic rights, fight corruption and improve government efficiency.
In Thailand, children’s right to education and fair and equal treatment was protected when one parent used the country’s freedom of information law to challenge a public school’s decision denying their child’s enrolment in one of the country’s best public schools. In seeking access to the results of enrolment tests, the parent exposed the discrimination that had hitherto been part of the selection process, and which favoured children from rich and prominent families. This action prompted a countrywide overhaul of the system of selection and enrolment in public schools.
However, in countries where freedom of information legislation has not yet been passed, citizens cannot claim the protection it might provide. In an area near the Tanzanian capital of Dodoma, schools were built with donor support on condition that the donor and the government would provide match funding for the money paid by parents towards their running costs; the funds would be controlled by local authorities and school principals. However, inefficiency and some reported cases of corruption have left some of these schools in a state of disrepair. There is simply no accountability for the use of these funds. Local people have no recourse open to them, short of social mobilisation, which in itself require access to information. But Tanzania does not yet have a freedom of information law.
In neighbouring Kenya, citizens have complained about the mismanagement of constituency development funds (CDF), which are funds controlled by members of parliament to fight poverty at regional levels. CDFs are also used to run educational and bursary schemes and constitute about 7.5 per cent of the government’s revenue. However, in Kenya the CDFs are popularly called ‘corruption devolvement funds’. Kenyans have very little recourse to ensure that they receive the services to which they are entitled because Kenya does not yet have a freedom of information law.
Slightly more fortunate are a group of women in KwaZulu-Natal, one of South Africa’s poorest provinces. Villagers in the hamlet of Emkhandlwini noticed that those in neighbouring villages were receiving water from municipal tankers while they were not. Their water source was a dirty stream that they shared with their livestock. Luckily, some villagers were aware of their basic civil rights because they had had some training, but they did not know how to seek solutions to the water problem without relying on an unresponsive local government political representative who had until then failed to deal with the issue.
In 2004, and with the assistance of the Open Democracy Advice Centre, the villagers used South Africa’s freedom of information law, the Promotion of Access to Information Act, to ask for the minutes of the council meetings at which the municipality had decided on programmes of water provision. They also asked for the municipality’s integrated development plan and budget. It took a frustrating six months before the information was released, but it showed that while there were plans to provide water, no-one had thought of sharing these with the community. With these plans in hand the women started asking difficult questions of the authorities regarding the delivery of water. The media also covered the case, which may have created sufficient pressure to prompt the municipality to act. Almost a year after the initial FOI request, fixed water tanks, replenished a couple of times a week, were installed in the village and mobile water tankers began delivering water, while the municipality worked on a more permanent solution of laying down pipes.
This case demonstrates how socio-economic rights can be realised through the use of freedom of information and public pressure rather than through litigation. Public pressure to influence resource allocation can only be effectively applied if there is sufficient transparency in the process of resource allocation. Freedom of Information creates the conditions in which decisions about the allocation of resources can be challenged.
I strongly believe that in countries plagued by socio-economic imbalances inherited from undemocratic systems of government, it is crucial that the products of democratic transition, such as freedom of information legislation, must be used to address these imbalances. In the field of socio-economic rights, as the cases above show, FOI creates a basis for contestation and justification of government decisions on resource allocation. It creates a basis for a fair and reasonable manner of decision-making.
I wish to conclude this article by quoting South Africa’s leading legal academic on administrative law, the late Professor Etienne Mureinik, who once wrote:
‘If the new Constitution is a bridge away from a culture of authority, it is clear what it must be a bridge to. It must lead to a culture of justification – a culture in which every exercise of power is expected and justified, in which the leadership given by government rests on the cogency of the case offered in defence of its decisions, not the fear inspired by the force at its command. The new order must be a community built on persuasion, not coercion.’
*Mr Dimba is the Deputy Chief Executive Officer of the Open Democracy Advice Center (ODAC), Cape Town. This essay was presented on behalf of the Open Democracy Advice Centre (ODAC) on the occasion of the international conference on Right to Public Information, organized by the Carter Centre, 26–29 February 2008, Atlanta, Georgia.
* Please send comments to or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/
Pambazuka News 359: Where to, Zimbabwe?
Pambazuka News 359: Where to, Zimbabwe?
According to Associated Press, police have raided their offices at a Harare hotel in what he called the start of a "crackdown." Police apparently raided and ransacked several rooms used by the party at the downtown Meikles hotel. No one was arrested. Paramilitary police in riot gear also raided a hotel used by foreign journalists in Harare and took away three or four reporters, according to a man who answered the phone at the hotel.
This is clearly an attempt to establish a news blackout as a prelude to ...?
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/359/47089elec.jpgKenyan's call and solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe during this difficult moment in their history.
The People of Kenya, individually and through various civil society organizations grouped under the National Civil society Congress and Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice (KPTJ), are deeply concerned by the pace at which the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has been announcing results from the elections. We applaud the people of Zimbabwe for being patient, yet very alert and vigilant to avoid the manipulation of results. We call on them to remain united, engage the state in a constructive manner, and avoid acts that violate the rights of any fellow citizen.
Civil society leaders in Kenya, having learnt our lessons during our last election, last week delivered a message to the parties and the civil society formations in Zimbabwe, to totally seal loopholes at the command center in Harare to ensure that the vote of every Zimbabwean counts equally.
Over the past year, Kenyan civil society organizations and political parties (through the Center for Multi Party Democracy (CMD) have worked closely with the people of Zimbabwe in their tortuous search for a new, democratic, prosperous Zimbabwe - the Zimbabwe they want. Representatives of Kenyan civil society organizations have been involved in constructive discussions and advocacy aimed at guaranteeing a framework for a free, fair and credible election that was finally carried out on Saturday, March 29, 2008.
This election was expected to be epic. Not only because it is historic and supremely positioned to demarcate Zimbabwe's future from her past, but also because it was a complex and momentous exercise that had to deliver civic councillors, Members of Parliament, Senators, and a President for Zimbabwe, all through the markings of a single pen at a polling centre.
We identify with the positions and calls made yesterday April 2, 2008 by the civil society groups in Zimbabwe organized for this election under the Umbrella of the Zimbabwe Elections Support Network (ZESN) . We now send out the following unequivocal messages:
We regret that the SADC mediation process for Zimbabwe was so poorly handled; it did not deliver a new democratic constitutional order and establish a credible electoral process.
We regret that the people of Zimbabwe had to conduct these elections amidst an inflation rate of over 100,000%, with the rate of unemployment standing at over 80% and with nearly 5,000,000 of their nationals residing outside their country. They deserve a better country and we pledge to support them while, alongside us in Kenya, they struggle to reconstruct, reform and reconcile Zimbabwe Kenyans demand that ZEC announces the results of the Presidential vote immediately without further delay, to avoid a situation where the country may degenerate into chaos, triggered by the fear that ZEC is manipulating or tampering with the Presidential elections results.
That the international community offers the people of Zimbabwe solidarity at this moment of great need.
That SADC and the African Union take the lead in facilitating a smooth and peaceful transition in Zimbabwe They must urge Mugabe NOT to tamper with the election results.
That SADC should review their statement that concluded that elections were free and fair while closing their ears to the significance of the undemocratic practices of the ZANU-PF regime. These include the stranglehold monopoly of the media by ZANU, the criminal intimidation of the masses by the security forces, and the declaration by Robert Mugabe that votes that were to be cast for the opposition were wasted votes as he planned to retain power.
We in Kenya know too well, and indeed witnessed while on the ground in Zimbabwe, that both the political environment and the administration of the elections did not facilitate free and fair elections. The media was monopolized by ZANU-PF. Restrictive laws such as Public Order and Security Act (POSA), Access to Information and Protection to Privacy Act were applied severally.
Administratively, the voters roll was not in order. There were high counts of ghost voters on electoral rolls. Distribution of polling stations and involvement of the police officers in the polling stations contravened terms agreed at the SADC Mediation process, chaired by President Thabo Mbeki.
We demand that the security forces not interfere with the sovereign will of the people, and that African Union and SADC standards on democratic governance be applied fully. We wish to inform the security forces that as Africans, Kenyans are of the view that Zimbabwe is too important to be left to Zimbabweans alone. Our position is that "an injury to one of us is an injury to all of us"!
As we issue this statement, there is a heavy presence of (anti) riot police and army troops in the streets of Harare and Bulawayo. Combined with the delay in announcing votes, this could provoke serious civil unrest and even anarchy. We call upon Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangrai to submit to sovereign will of the people when a credible result is finally delivered by the ZEC.
We propose that the people of Zimbabwe, immediately after this nervous transition convene an African Conference on Zimbabwe. As Kenyans, we shall engage upon their invitation and urge our government to fully support the democratic re-emergence of Zimbabwe from the brink of collapse and destruction. We look forward to addressing jointly our shared agenda of reconstruction, reform and reconstruction. Kenya and Zimbabwe must regain their rightful places of leaders of the continent's struggles for democratic development and Human development.
Kenyans For Peace With Truth and Justice (KPTJ) and the National Civil Society Congress (NCSC)
April 3, 2008
For signatories click on link below.
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