Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem looks at where Africa is, in regards to meeting the Millennium Development Goals and argues that Africa should try to meet and exceed them.

Can Africa fulfil the MDGs by 2015? That's a question that is often asked anytime there is a discussion about MDGs. It was on many lips during the celebration of the International Women's day last Saturday. Behind the question of course is a lot of cynicism by the questioner(s). There is a generalised doubt that the MDGs may not be met on schedule in a majority of African states. Official reports and anecdotal evidence suggest that at the current pace even by 2050 the goals may still remain unmet by these states.

The situation is not helped by the fact that most of the reports available are usually aggregated. Hence the negative conclusion is that Africa's progress is at best very slow and patchy. Like all generalisations and aggregated statistics they hide the specific, more positive picture of steady progress on a number of the goals in quite a few countries across Africa. It also panders to the fashionable Afro pessimism that caricatures events in Africa promoting embedded attitudes of 'Hopeless Africa'. A 'helpless people and continent' that needs the help and handout of everybody else except its own peoples and leaders.

The truth is mostly to the contrary but 'good stories' are boring, they do not make headlines. Without bad stories from Africa how can the hordes of humanitarian agencies and organisations, local and foreign, who operate as latter day missionaries or mercy mercenaries make their fund raising successful? How can the compassion industry survive without the back drop of Kwashiokored children, diseased mothers and other suffering Africans?

It is rather late in the day to be asking if Africa can meet the MDGs or not. Still more pointless are the criticisms of the goals as being too minimal. All of them are more than 7 years out of date. We are half way through and those questions are unhelpful especially among campaigners who are committed to holding their governments to account for these commitments. The problem with asking the wrong questions is that you get the wrong answers that may divert you from the tasks in hand. A more proactive way of looking at this is to ask what can be done to fill the obvious gaps that still exist that may prevent countries from meeting the goals. The desirability of the goals is no longer debatable. Meeting them will not hurt anyone. If you can half poverty nobody will stop you from eradicating it.

Answering the more proactive type of questions also requires one to look at the progress that has been achieved instead of just looking for the challenges. An appreciation of progress so far will then open one's eyes to the challenges of what remains to be done. Then we will ask what more needs to be done to make sure that there are no excuses for not meeting these goals and even surpassing them in many cases.

Almost in all African countries there has been remarkable progress in education in terms of enrolment in schools. There is universal access to education across many countries that have allowed millions of girls and boys who would not have seen the inside of classrooms to do so. Ghana, Uganda, Rwanda, Nigeria, Burkina Faso and others are good examples of the rapid enrolment in schools. On child mortality Malawi is only second to Costa Rica in the dramatic drop in child deaths (over 30%) in the past three years. The same Malawi that used to rank as the 'poorest country in the world', a country that was recipient of Food Aid a few years ago, has now become a food donor to some of its poorer neighbours including Zimbabwe. On controlling the spread of HIV/AIDS Uganda used to be a lone star but a few other countries have become even more aggressive in fighting the disease.

Huge numbers of African children today have better chances of survival than 10 years ago. More and more are likely to live beyond their 5th birthdays and have hope going to primary school and even better chances of going on to higher education as countries upscale their investments in education and move beyond universal primary education to secondary education.

It is not all smooth sailing. There are issues around quality, retention in schools, drop out rates between boys and girls etc, however quantitative changes are important steps as countries deal with the issues of quality. We cannot say that more children should not go to school until all schools are of the same quality. Both go hand in hand.

The external environment is also changing as international partners are held to more scrutiny and challenged to walk the walk as fast as they talk the talk. Debt relief has not been universal and a majority of African states have not become beneficiaries, but the minority (Uganda, Mozambique, Ghana, Rwanda, Malawi, Zambia, etc) that have got it are generally transforming the gains into meaningful dividends on a number of MDGs. Those not qualified like Nigeria, but who have renegotiated discounts on their National Debt, have not only increased the country's financial credibility but also Nigeria now also has a virtual fund of more than 1 billion Dollars that is devoted to MDGs. In many countries the MDGs are being localised with targets that are more ambitious than those of the Millennium Declaration.

So the question is not whether we can meet the goals or not, but why country X is doing well on a number of goals and country Y is not performing. By concentrating on 'can't meet' we are letting political leaders off the hook of accountability for commitments they made voluntarily to their own citizens. 7 years may not be long but it is certainly long enough for all the countries to change their policy direction and resource allocation that prioritise the needs of the poor and marginalised and accelerate the fulfilment of the MDGs. African citizens have a duty to remind their leaders about these commitments and be vigilant in demanding that they are met and even go beyond them where possible. If the goals are not met it will not just be because of government insensitivity but also citizen complacency or indifference.

* Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the Deputy Director of the UN Millennium Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his personal capacity as a concerned Pan-Africanist.

** Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The Pan African Youth Leadership Forum II will be a one-week program to be held in Egypt in June 2008.The Pan African Youth Leadership Forum II is a follow up to the first Pan African Youth Leadership Forum (PAYLF), "Democracy in Africa: Renewing the Vision," which was held in Accra, Ghana, June 18 – 25, 2007. The PAYLF will be held annually to take stock of achievements, analyze the current political and economic situation in Africa, make recommendations and develop an agenda which will be presented to leaders present at the African Union Heads of State summit.

GroundWork has released its 6th GroundWork Report, Peak Poison: The Elite Energy Crisis and Environmental Justice. The groundWork Report explores the social and environmental justice impacts of energy crises. It also asks questions about the politics of energy. When government talks about a solution and Eskom about their response, it is a response aimed at the global and national energy elites in service of capital.

Are you a lecturer in an African university? Do you have responsibility for the teaching of courses on research methods? If so, this announcement is targeted at you. The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa is pleased to announce its initiative targeted at those members of the African social research community who have responsibility in their universities for teaching undergraduate and graduate-level course in social science research methods.

The 2008 summer school will focus on Borders and Border-Crossings in Africa. It will be sponsored by AEGIS-Naples in collaboration with the AEGIS Centres of Bayreuth, Edinburgh and Leiden. The aim of the summer school is: a) to bring together advanced Ph.D. students and teaching staff from AEGIS Centres (and possibly beyond) in order to exchange field and research experience; b) to improve the students’ ability to prepare and present their research in an international context; c) to promote graduate training within AEGIS and stimulate African-European inter-university cooperation. Application deadline 15 March 2008.

For close to two decades, Cameroon was considered a bastion of stability in Africa, that is, until last week when that veneer was shattered by four days of widespread rioting. The riots were triggered by a hike in fuel prices amidst ongoing attempts by the Biya regime to scrap presidential term limits. Here is a review of some of the blogs that wrote about these events.

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_01_africannotes.gif goes beyond the immediate cause of the riots to look at the broader issues at stake:

“Cameroon on media? Nothing special! It's not about soccer or les indomitables. This time around it is about riots and Biya…

Seen in the wider perspective, the riots are rather reflections of the public's resentment towards the administration of President Paul Biya. Though he downplayed the demonstrations as a mere game of apprentice sorcerers. That is a typical African big man allegation.

Whenever there is a public anger the leaders rarely try to see the real issue. It is rather a custom to seek a lame excuse for that and scorn the usual suspects like the opposition and human right activists or even neighboring countries. The same thing is happening here. Cameroon is said to be a notoriously corrupt country. The administration should take responsibility for condoning the practice.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_02_africaworksgpz.gifPascal Zachary also blames the Biya regime for the uncharacteristic violence that rocked the country last week:
“The unrest in Cameroon… makes me weep. Among the best endowed nations in the world — both in terms of landscape, fertility of its soil, and talents of its people — Cameroon has been condemned to suffer awful political rule. Even by African standards, Biya’s 25-year reign over this picturesque West African country has been a disaster. While he has rarely organized killing sprees, he quietly has demolished country that ought to be among the most successful, not only in Africa, but in the developing world. Instead of planning a permanent retirement somewhere in Europe (where he seems to spend a great deal of time anyway), Biya wants to inflict more wounds on his long-suffering countrymen. What a shame. Biya is a president who rarely holds meetings with his ministers and he refuses to allow his government to even publish a phony budget. He is indeed a ghost (his nickname in the country). I am sad at the thought he may haunt Cameroon for years more.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_03_princehamilton.gifPrince Hamilton wonders what exactly President Biya hopes to achieve with another term of office when he has little to show for after a quarter of a century in power:
“I am just appalled that President Paul Biya still thinks he will do something despite not having achieved much in his 26 years. I think that with the president’s recent speech and policies, it shows that he has run out of inspiration that never existed in the first place. It is high time he hands over the presidency to another person.

Cameroon is blessed that no Cameroonian has been able to infiltrate the country with weapons, if not the story would have been different. Notwithstanding, you can only suppress a people for a time but at a given time they will look for means to break their shackles than live as eternal slaves.

The government has been using sports as the opium of the people but this time it failed woefully. The raising of gas prices after the Lions won their semi final match against Ghana during the recent African Cup of Nations was a miscalculated opportunism.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_04_cameroongoon.gifCameroon Goon appeals to the Cameroonian community in the US to show up in great numbers for planned demonstrations at the Cameroon embassy in Washington DC:

“Please come out and let's remind Paul Biya and his accomplices that after 25yrs of tyranny, subjection, poverty and intimidation, we are tired and want him to leave peacefully in 2011. He should park out of Etoudi, heading straight to his palace in Mvomeka (his village). Let us come out and remember the 17 people already killed. Let us come out and pray for Cameroonians the world over. Let us pray for our children and remind the Cameroonian government that Democracy means: government of the people, by the people and for the people. We don't want any other forms of democracy, be it 'avancée' or 'moderne'. We just want democracy; the simple type. The type of democracy that would mean there is some form of sustainable economic development ahead for Cameroon and it's people!”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_05_princereport.gifPrince Report publishes the reaction of the “British Southern Cameroonians Restoration Government” (one of the movements advocating for the independence of Anglophone Cameroon) to last week’s events:

“The brutality that was carried out against our citizens this past week adds a sweltering sense of urgency to the restoration of our stolen sovereignty. The most important thing you should do at this time is refraining from involving yourselves in the political affairs of the foreign country next door to us and east of the Mungo River. For these matters in the Cameroun Republic are veritable distractions from our total focus on restoring our independence. Paul Biya's brutality on our citizens this past week should make it even clearer and even more urgent that we should not waver for a single moment from our determination to take our national sovereignty.
[...]
To our neighbors suffering the brutal weight of this Biya regime, we offer our sympathy--since we fully share your grief--and we rise to stand with you as you fight to reclaim your God-given right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Biya's heavy handedness with you continues the state terrorism that Ahidjo directed against your parents in the 1960s. Time has not erased from human memory Ahidjo's genocide which killed more than half a million of your patriotic parents in the first decade of your independence “almost all of them Bassas and Bamileke. Time is not going to erase memory of the massacre that Paul Biya is now carrying out against your children today in 2008. Have no doubt that the world is witnessing that only the name has changed, for Biya's regime is a mere continuation of Ahidjo's 1960s regime.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_06_kenopalo.gifKen Opalo is simply incensed at Biya’s determination to hang on to power no matter the cost:

“The 75 year old has had over 25 years to make the lives of Cameroonians better but failed miserably. Over 40% of his country people still live below the poverty line. Official unemployment figures show that about 30% of the labor force is unemployed. Real figures are much higher than this (knowing how incompetent African statistics bureaus are). One wonders what more this old man has to offer to his country after he gives himself another seven years in office in 2011.

Whatever happened to basic decency? Why is it that our leaders feel that they can do whatever they want and get away with it? Do these people have any shame?

If anyone close to Biya reads this please tell him that third term amendments are kind of last-century. Obasanjo ought to have been the last shameful attempt at this. Africa will not claim the 21st century and indeed not even the fourth millennium if we keep up with this third term amendment nonsense. So get real President Biya. Competition breeds excellence, so let competition thrive.”

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/353/mar12_07_dibussi.gifIn the same vein, Scribbles from the Den publishes an appeal by a group of Cameroonian writers to MPs of the ruling CPDM, asking them not to go along with attempts to amend the constitution:

“It is not only dangerous but also criminal for the Head of State to play games with the Constitution. Attempting to amend Article 6 of the Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon which limits presidential tenure to two terms is, undoubtedly, one of those crimes for which our country shall pay an onerous price in the future.
[…]
For once show some courage; steer clear of infamy! Our future is priceless; do not gamble with it! Most importantly do not play with fire! Amending Article 6 of the Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon would weaken the institutions that protect Cameroonian citizens against act of barbaric abuse. For too long, we have lived as if we do not see the mishaps that have befallen our neighbors. Suffice it to say that recent incidents in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Somalia, not forgetting Chad, testify to the fact that a single foul play with the Constitution could plunge the entire nation into insurmountable chaos. The civil strife that these countries have experienced lends ample credibility to our conviction that Cameroon’s social stability is fragile, very fragile indeed. Cameroonians are peace-lovers; do not compromise it! Otherwise, you shall be judged in front of the tribunal of History.”

* Dibussi Tande, a writer and activist from Cameroon, produces the blog Scribbles from the Den

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/

Uganda’s Batwa communities have been marginalised for decades. Now they are struggling to cope with extreme weather conditions, and want better homes to protect them from storms and landslides. Among the posh office premises of the Red Cross Society and the court of adjudicature on Muchingo hill, in Uganda's western district of Kisoro, are ramshackle houses in which a community of Batwa people live.

Early one morning in 1993, Wilson Turinawe woke up to the crack of gunfire in Uganda’s Kibale National Park. Paramilitary park rangers were attacking his village. His thatched hut was set on fire. His wife grabbed their infant child and ran. Turinawe was slashed with a machete. He still has the scars. “They came with guns,” he recalls, with a disbelief in his voice that suggests the episode might have taken place just yesterday instead of fifteen years ago.

Five State Agents of The Gambia were expected to appear on Tuesday, March 11, 2008 before the Community Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Abuja, Nigeria in the ongoing case of a detained Gambian journalist, Chief Ebrima Manneh. This followed an order from the Community Court for the agents to appear before it to answer their alleged roles in the arrest and subsequent detention of Manneh, a former reporter of the pro-government Banjul-based Daily Observer newspaper, who has been “disappeared” since July 2006.

On this 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and at the initiative of the World Forum of Civil Society Networks — UBUNTU, we wish to emphasize that all Human Rights are universal, indivisible and interdependent, in full accordance with the Declaration of the World Conference on Human Rights made in Vienna (United Nations, 1993).

The beleaguered UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, handicapped by lack of troops and helicopters, has come under fire for its unusually high costs. Alpha Oumar Konare, chairman of the African Union Commission, says it is "scandalous" to spend 2.0 billion dollars annually on the upkeep of a proposed 26,000-strong joint African Union-UN Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), when Africa's urgent needs are elsewhere.

Leading female power-brokers from around the world have appealed for a larger political role for women in solving conflicts and poverty. Over 50 participants, including leaders, foreign ministers, lawmakers, first ladies and top European Union and U.N. officials participated at the talks to promote women's empowerment ahead of International Women's Day.

Food riots in Indonesia, Mexico, Egypt, the Philippines and Vietnam. Price controls and food rationing in Pakistan and China. Are we back to the Malthusian trap as prices of agricultural and food commodities from wheat and corn to dairy products and meat have risen in the last few years to historically unprecedented levels?

on March 10, 2008,Judge Hlophe of the Cape High Court (who has been embroiled in a previous corruption scandal related to property developers) issued an order for the forced removal of the residents of Joe Slovo settlement in Langa, as requested by Housing Minister Lindiwe Sisulu, Western Cape Housing MEC Richard Dyantyi, and John Duarte and Prince Xanthi Sigcawu of Thubelisha Homes.

Cebound Projects and Ditiro Productions are calling for submissions of poems, essays, reviews, stories and artworks for a new literary journal called Mo(v)ements.

Mo(ve)ments is an annual journal of prose, poetry and visual arts focused on writers and artists from Free State and Kwazulu-Natal writing in English, Sesotho, Isizulu, Isixhosa, Afrikaans, Setswana, Sepedi and isiswati.

MISSION
To create a platform for the exposure of budding and established artists in Free State and KZN and to promote greater interaction between writers, artists and readers from these two provinces, and to expose their works to the rest of the country.

AIMS
[1] Provide a platform for writers and artists to reach a wider audience and readership.

[2] Promote the culture of reading and writing

[3] Encourage writers to write in all South African languages

[4] Increase the body of literature written in these languages

[5] Appreciation of the beauty of the languages and literature.

EDITORIAL AND SUBMISSION POLICY

Copyright in the works submitted shall belong to the writers and artists themselves. All contributors shall receive two free copies of the issue of Mo(v)ements in which their works appear. Contributors should include a self-addressed and stamped envelope (SASE). It is recommended that submitted works be typed but hand-written works shall be accepted provided they are readable. Works by writers and artists from Free State and Kwazulu-Natal shall be given first priority, as there are no other literary magazines in these provinces.

Editors reserve the right to decide which submitted works to publish in the magazine. Submissions should be sent by e-mail to [email][email protected] or [email][email protected] or by post to Ditiro Productions PO BOX 48002 Qualbert 4078.

Salma Maoulidi looks at the mining research report, "A Golden Opportunity? How Tanzania is failing to benefit from Gold Mining” and argues that it builds a powerful case for continued activism in trade and economic justice in line with various Human rights instruments that call for a country’s wealth and natural resources to benefit primarily local communities.

Following intense scrutiny over suspect investment contracts by the government and investment companies, a consortium of activist organization and religious communities launched in Dar es Salaam a research titled “A Golden Opportunity? How Tanzania is failing to benefit from Gold Mining”. The report is authored by Tundu Lissu, a lawyer and long time environmental activist from Tanzania and Mark Curtis and independent author and journalist affiliated to a number of academic institutions in Europe.

The research in a critical policy area is a product of a year long initiative by activists and religious leaders to add moral weight to the mining tragedy that looms in Tanzania. Various human rights violations have been recorded including killings and displacements mainly resulting from conflicts between small miners and large scale multinational miners over mining rights. “It is not just about the mining companies but also highlighting the role of rich governments who remain silent over this injustice and in some instances have invested heavily in these companies reaping the benefits from an immoral tax structure”, says Fredrik Glad Jernes, Norwegian Church Aid Tanzania Country Representative.

The report makes grim reading about the governance and practice of mining companies in Tanzania. Mining is the fastest growing sector in the Tanzanian economy but the growth of the sector is not comparable to its contribution to the GDP at just about 3%. Part of the problem lays in the structure of the tax laws that is overly favourably to mining companies and not to Tanzanians.

The situation is attributed to the World Bank financed sectoral reform project begun in the mid nineties which became the basis of laws that inform the tax and mining regimes in the country. The royalty paid to the Government for gold is only at 3%. Tanzania posses around 45m ounces of gold which at the current gold prices means the country is worth USD39 billiion yet it is categorized as one of the poorest countries in the world. In the last 5 years Tanzania exported gold worth more than USD2.5 billion but whereas the government has only received an average of USD21.7million in royalties and taxes on the exports Mining Companies record handsome profits out side of Tanzanian on their websites and company audits presented to shareholders.

Two main companies were scrutinized on the basis of activist work done by the Lawyers Environmental Action Team headed by Tundu Lissu- Barrick Gold a Canadian Company operating mines in Bulyanhulu, North Mara and Tulakawa and AngloGold Ashanti a South African company with British links which operates mines in Geita, the largest gold deposit in the country. The researchers estimate that mining companies have earned about USD2.5 billions from exports but Tanzania only records about USD100 million from gold earnings. The researchers estimate that Tanzanian is loosing more than USD400 billion from tax concessions as well as tax evasion e.g. non payment of corporation tax and waivers on income tax on expatriate workers.

The impunity reigns in part because there is no parliamentary scrutiny over mining contracts. Also the government does not have the capacity to adequately monitor the sector. For example, there are wide discrepancies between statistics published by the companies and those issued by the government pertaining to the sector suggesting discrepancies in record keeping. In some instances the researchers have found under reporting of earning to local governments but the tendencies to inflate the amounts of investments made. Rarely is there an indication of the environmental hazards committed and likely to be committed from mining operations. In addition the investments to local communities are negligible with companies being obliged to contribute not more than USD200, 000 to local governments.

The research is published by the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) the National Council of Muslims in Tanzania (BAKWATA) and the Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC). It was funded by the Norwegian Church Aid and Christian Aid, the latter having done similar research in Zambia looking at the Copper Sector leading to the Zambian government declaring its intention to review the terms of investment contracts governing its mining sector. This is the first time the religious community in Tanzania have been involved in high profile advocacy against the government and multinationals.

The Bomani Commission, a presidential commission created to investigate the mining sector is expected to publish its findings by the end of March. “The report will provide us with sound reference on some of the recommendations” declared Hon. Zitto Kabwe who attended the launch. The Commission was constituted following the call in parliament by opposition member Zitto Kabwe for a probe committee into the suspect dealing of the Ministry with regards to Buzwagi Mine where Barrick Gold plans to open another mine in the midst of a review process of the mining sector. This triggering uproar from civil society organizations and opposition parties creating the impetus that ultimately saw the former Prime Minister Edward Lowassa resigning and his cabinet being dissolved a few weeks ago.

While the report can be criticized for lacking a gender analysis, and narratives (not just descriptions) of how mining operations are devastating lives in local communities where mining operations take place, it provides a powerful reading. It also builds a powerful case for continued activism in trade and economic justice in line with various Human rights instruments that call for a country’s wealth and natural resources to benefit primarily local communities.

* Salma Maoulidi is an Activist/Executive Director of the Sahiba Sisters Foundation in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

On Thursday our members of parliament will be formally called to national duty to bring to life the Harambee House Accord. Our members of parliament should not be left alone in that duty. As citizens we are also called to national duty.

First is to be informed. The mediators of Kenya's political crisis have set up a web site with links to all the agreements so far, statements and other material that is informative.

The web site is

Many of us publicly celebrated the signing of the Harambee House Accord, but our members of parliament have been uncharacteristically silent. Between now and when debate on the Harambee House Accord begins they will need encouragement to avoid selfishness, narrow party interests and visualise the national interest. As citizens, it is our national duty to provide that encourage, remind our parliamentary leaders that this is not just about them. It is about all of us.

For instance, the Serena Accord of 1st February, 2008 calls for politicians of different persuasions to hold joint rallies to advocate peace. A few were held the day and weekend that accord was announced. Then what happened?

The Serena Accord also states that militias need to be demobilised and disarmed. But it does not say who should do this or when this should begin or end.

But our focus as citizens should not be limited to the Annan-mediated accords.

For example, under the arrangement elaborated in the accords, there is not going to be a significant opposition in parliament. So who will act as a check on the government? Ensure that what the politicians have agreed to is implemented? As citizens we will be required to be more vigilant than before.

In the months to voting day, lots of questions were raised about the type of political parties we have. The chaotic nominations of parliamentary and civic candidates prompted many of those questions. The general sense was, "Well, that is politics for you". It doesn't have to be that way. And there's a possible answer: the Political Parties Bill.

It was passed by parliament in November and is waiting for the assent of President Mwai Kibaki. The importance of this bill is it proposes to steer our political parties to become mature organizations that are responsive to their members and have a national agenda.

For a detailed analysis of the bill you can go to http://www.capf.or.ke/document/Political_Parties_Bill_2007.pdf

The National Constitutional Assembly strongly condemns the arrogance being displayed by the Zimbabwean government and President Robert Mugabe for being at liberty to authorize who will come and observe elections this March.

President Mugabe has already hinted that he will invite only his friends and those perceived to be enemies of the state will not be welcome to come and observe.

The Zimbabwean leader was also recently quoted as saying those in the European Union and Commonwealth were not invited to come and observe elections. The NCA is worried that Mugabe is taking his elevating personal feelings about own foes ahead of national interests.

The NCA is worried that because Mugabe had differences with the Commonwealth he is taking those differences to an election which himself is a competitor and dictate who is supposed to come and this contradicts his gospel of patriotism as he is putting personal interests above everything.

Foreign Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi told diplomats in Harare on Thursday that the government had selected 47 foreign observer teams, "on the basis of reciprocity, objectivity and impartiality in their relationship with Zimbabwe."

"Clearly, those who believe that the only free and fair election is where the opposition wins, have been excluded since the ruling party, Zanu PF, is poised to score yet another triumph," Mumbengegwi said.

It is the feeling of NCA that such moves by the government already jeopardize chances of those elections being legitimized by the international community and traditional supporters of ZANU PF will obviously endorse the elections as free and fair just like in the past.

NCA wants to notify all concerned in the upcoming 29 polls that the coming elections should not be reduced to a birthday party where only friends are invited but that it is a national election which should be open to scrutiny from diverse societies.

Already signs of rigging are set in place, the voters' roll is in shambles, the delimitation of constituencies was done in a patronage base and these signs coupled with manipulation of state resources for campaign purposes such as the reserve bank, national youth militia to intimidate opposition supporters will even make this election worst and far from being legitimate.

The NCA reiterates its long standing point that only a new people driven democratic constitution in Zimbabwe will make it a point that an Independent Electoral Commission will be responsible for accrediting who comes and observe elections in the country.

Currently the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission which obviously is dominated by ZANU PF stalwarts and sympathizers is failing to independently execute its duties as there is massive interference from the foreign affairs and presidency department.

The NCA calls on SADC, AU and all concerned parties to condemn such activities which are being demonstrated by the Robert Mugabe regime in trying to secure yet another victory through controversial means.

State media said Russia was the only European country invited while 23 African and several Asian nations would also monitor the polls, along with teams from regional economic blocs.

All 13 SADC states (Angola, Malawi, Zambia, Botswana, Namibia, Tanzania, Mozambique, Swaziland, Lesotho, South Africa, Mauritius, DRC and Madagascar) have been invited alongside 10 other African countries, namely Senegal, Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana, Libya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Sudan.

Five Asian countries -- China, India, Malaysia, Indonesia and Iran -- and four countries from the Americas -- Brazil, Jamaica, Venezuela and Nicaragua -- will observe the elections.

African regional organisations invited are SADC, the African Union, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, NAM, the Economic Community of West African States, Pan African Parliament, Economic Community of Central African States and East African Community.

Among the invited sub-regional organisations are the Africa, Caribbean and the Pacific, Association of South East Asian Nations, MAGREB Union, Community of Portuguese Speaking (Lusophone) Countries and Inter-Governmental Authority on Development.

South Africa has indicated it will send an observer mission with 54 members drawn from government, the parliament, the political opposition and civil society.

*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Thank you for this revelatory piece on violence against women in Africa (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/46280). The contents of the article both horrified me and spurred me to action. I have shared the article with my classmates in my current Media and Gender course.

My opinion is that the movement for women's rights needs to reach the same worldwide fever pitch as the movement for AIDS education or Environmental Protection. I believe this can be accomplished through the coordination of International NGOs, corporations, and governments and law-making organizations.

I believe we could start organizing a benefit walk to raise money for this cause, much like the nationwide walks for breast cancer. My question for you is: when we have money to distribute, what specific organizations should it go to, considering that we need to attack this problem from many angles (education of boys and girls, lobbying for women's political involvement, exposure through media or documentaries, pressure on governments and UN, support for physical and emotional recovery of the women)? What priorities would you delineate in this fight against global femicide?

Often I am content with your atricles, especially when they address substance; however, the recent articles dealing with Kenya's slaughter of many people who were used as pawns by two quislings only to continue filling their coffers and kowtowing to USA imperialist interest - you can do better by exposing the actual interest of the two servile contenders.

Madhuku Lovemore argues that Simba Makoni is hijacking the Zimbabwean struggle and will only entrench ZANU-PF type politics and suggests that no matter how flawed, Tsvangirai represents the best chance for change.

The emergence of the Simba Makoni "initiative/project" has raised justifiable questions about the direction of the continuing quest by Zimbabweans to end the dictatorship of the ZANU-PF regime and usher in a genuinely democratic dispensation.

One such question is: how should civic society relate to the initiative? More fundamentally, should it be the business of civic society organisations to pronounce their preferences among contesting presidential aspirants?

I have decided to take a few hours from my activist work and put pen to paper to address some of the pertinent issues arising from the Makoni "initiative/project".

In doing this, I am neither wearing the hat of an academic nor putting on the spectacles of the proverbial analyst. I am here articulating the views of a civic society activist who, since 1997, has been part of a movement that has certain beliefs, values and principles.

Accordingly, the views and positions expressed herein are partisan in that they are controlled by the beliefs, values and principles for which I have been an activist in the past 10 years. The starting point is to put my cards on the table. Based on the values and beliefs of the movement I belong to, the Makoni "initiative/project" is fundamentally misconceived. It will fail. It has no grassroots support. It misunderstands the nature of the responses required to address our deepening political crisis.

The founding stone of the initiative is the March 29 harmonised election. The planners believe that on March 29, Makoni will capture power from President Robert Mugabe through an electoral process presided over by none other than the President himself. To them, the reason why President Mugabe is still in power is because those who have challenged him in previous elections did it prematurely and lacked the requisite credentials, support and strategies. The time has now come, a person with the requisite credentials has been found and the support from appropriate circles is also available. According to them, President Mugabe is a democrat who respects electoral processes and will hand power to whoever is elected on March 29.

Makoni and his backers believe that peaceful street protests, stay aways and grassroots meetings advocating fundamental reforms such as a new, democratic and people driven constitution are inappropriate and misguided. All that matters is a carefully planned electoral strategy that "ambushes" (President) Mugabe and takes power away from him through the ballot.

The response to this approach is simple: the March 29, elections are being conducted under a defective constitution whose raison d'etre is to preserve the status quo. Elections under the current constitution cannot deliver change whatever the credentials of the contestants and however sophisticated their strategies.

Until Zimbabweans put their energies together and push the current regime to embrace a genuine and people-driven reform process that leads to a democratic constitution, power will not change hands through a mere election. Participation in the elections on March 29 cannot be for the purpose of winning power. It can only be for any other good reasons.

This brings me to the question of the day: if power cannot change hands under the current constitution, why are all major civic groups, including the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), urging people to go and vote on March 29?

Different civic groups may have different reasons for urging people to go and vote. For the NCA, March 29 will not deliver a new President but it provides a platform for Zimbabweans to make a statement against the Mugabe regime's sins, which include being the author of the suffering of the people and above all, its refusal to embrace democratic reforms.

Casting a vote against (President) Mugabe on March 29 is a peaceful protest against dictatorship and a key step in the post election agenda of confronting that dictatorship and advocating for genuine democratic reforms. But the vote on March 29 is not just against (President) Mugabe. It must be a statement in support of a set of values, beliefs and principles, which guide our post-election struggle for change in Zimbabwe.

It is in this context that the presidential candidature of Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) gains a windfall. The MDC was launched in September 1999 as a result of the deliberations of a Working People's Convention of February 1999. That Convention was convened by the ZCTU and was attended by most civic groups. The NCA played a key role at the Convention. At its launch in September 1999, the MDC had two main parents: the labour movement and the constitutional reform movement.

The MDC was formed as a political wing of these two movements to pursue, as a political party, the values and principles that these two movements represented. For example, the ZCTU would expect the MDC, as a political party, to fight for labour friendly policies. Similarly, the NCA expects the MDC to advocate for a new, democratic and people-driven constitution.

Thus, since 1999, there has existed a family: the labour movement, the constitutional reform movement and the political party mothered by these two movements. Each member of the family is a separate entity and independent from the others. The MDC is partisan.

The other movements are non-partisan. Like every other family, certain core family values are shared. In this particular family, the most important value is that Zimbabwe's political system must be transformed through people-driven processes and that a new, democratic and people driven constitution must anchor that transformation. The family is convinced that a "reformed ZANU-PF" is not the answer because it does not seek transformation.

The family has had its own problems. The MDC has not been consistent in defending family values. On many occasions, it has disappointed the family. There are two most recent disappointments. The first is its support for Amendment 18. It is common knowledge that the other family members were outraged by that misguided endorsement of piecemeal constitutional reforms. The second disappointment is the MDC's participation in this election under a defective constitution. The family's preference is "No elections without a new, democratic and people-driven constitution".

However, notwithstanding these disappointments, the family is agreed on the bigger picture of transforming Zimbabwe through people-driven processes. Whatever his weaknesses, Tsvangirai's presidential candidature symbolizes the founding values of our movement. Elections on March 29, being held under the current constitutional arrangements, will not make anyone other than (President) Mugabe, the president. Accordingly, a vote for either Morgan Tsvangirai or Simba Makoni can only be for other good reasons. For our family, our good reason is to support our kind of politics. It is to demonstrate that our kind of politics has the greatest support in the country and must therefore be vigorously pursued in the post-election period.

Our good reason is to use March 29 to set the agenda for the post-election period. As these elections cannot deliver a change of government, the competition between Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni is, to be blunt, "for No. 2 position." President Mugabe's "No. 1 position" is secured by the absence of a free and fair election. He has no genuine support. However, the competition for the "No. 2 position" is serious business. Making a choice between Simba Makoni and Morgan Tsvangirai is a big political statement, reflecting one's position as to the way forward in the current crisis. Morgan Tsvangirai represents the route we have been following since 1997. He is, as a person, not the answer. He represents the answer and must be supported.

A vote for Tsvangirai's presidential bid is a statement against a "reformed ZANU-PF" agenda. It is important that this statement be made against Simba Makoni and his group because their set of beliefs distorts our post-election agenda of a total assault against the system. This group does not believe in transformation – all they want is to replace (President) Mugabe. These ZANU-PF reformists have no post election agenda because they only have one plan: to win and govern. They are irrelevant in a post-election setting focusing on transformation. They do not believe in our methods. Fortunately, because of our grassroots presence, March 29 will show that the overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans support a total transformation of the system presided over by (President) Mugabe and not a mere tinkering with it They will reject the Simba Makoni initiative. Makoni will be a distant third in the presidential race. The situation will remain what it is today with one solution – pushing for a genuine people-driven transformation and free and fair elections under a new democratic constitution.

*Lovemore Madhuku is the National Constituent Assembly chairman in Zimbabwe.

**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Linda Osarenren writes a hard hitting essay on the ways and means African cultures perpetuate sexism, patriarchy and violence against women

INTRODUCTION

The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices IAC is an international network NGO and works in 28 African countries through its National Committees (NCs). It has 16 Group Sections in Europe, Canada, Japan, New Zealand and USA.

The Vision of IAC is to see a society in which African women and girls fully enjoy their human rights to live free from harmful traditional practices (HTPs).

The Mission is to contribute to the improvement of the health status, Human Rights and quality of life of the African women and children through elimination of harmful traditional practices and promotion of beneficial ones.

Documented evidences, observations and statements confirm that millions of women and girls world-wide are systematically subjected to violence in the name of tradition and respect for culture and identity.

Even the worst forms of violence continue to be tolerated as inevitable and women bear life-threatening acts with apathy and silence as part of their tradition.

The prevailing patriarchal system built on the ignorance and economic vulnerability of women encourages and preserves practices that are gruesome in order to subjugate women.

The socializing process of boys and girls is constructed to instill a feeling of inferiority and fear in girls and women and this process is fiercely guarded as part of Tradition maintained for social cohesion.

While this reality is a world-wide phenomenon what vary are the degree of gravity and forms of suppression from community to community. If we take the practice of female genital mutilation and the justification advanced, the picture presents itself as follows:

FGM is practiced for reasons such as:

- Preservation of virginity
- Avoid promiscuity
- Ensure fidelity in marriage
- Social integration and to be marriageable.

All these reasons show the constituted norms of social relationship between men and women. As a result of internalized value system, women have, for far too long, accepted FGM.

Female Genital Mutilation and all other harmful traditional practices are addressed in Article 5 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa”.

FORMS OF TRADITIONALLY CONDONED VIOLENCE AGAINST WONEN AND GIRLS INCLUDE:

PREFERENCE OF SONS OVER DAUGHTERS:

The preference of a male child over a female is violence against girls in Africa within the family. Son preference is favoritism towards male children with concomitant disregard for daughters. This discrimination in many cases occurs before the birth of a girl-child.

For a young couple in some African communities prayers for fecundity would either wish for sons only or for “sons and daughters” with sons taking precedence over daughters. It is always “sons and daughters”, never “daughters and sons”.

At the first sign of pregnancy, a woman receives unsolicited prayers from her family-in-law for the safe delivery of a baby boy. Many husbands on their part secretly or overtly express to have a male child as the first-born. Inadvertently the expectant woman would also wish for a male child as her first born in response to attitudes and behaviors that reinforce women’s subordination.

Scientific data on the prevalence of son preference is difficult to obtain. According to WHO countries in Africa where son preference is most apparent are Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Cameroon, Liberia, Senegal and Madagascar. Oppressive patriarchy and male dominance in all African societies mean that in all countries, there is some form of son preference and discrimination against girls.
Although cases of female foeticide, infanticide and sex-selective abortion are not common in Africa, couples desiring sons have been known to adopt the billings method to ensure the conception of sons.

The roots causes of son preference among African families include he social roles ascribed to men and to women. Sons are preferred in order to perpetuate the family name while a girl loses her identity with marriage. Even in societies where girls retain their fathers’ names in marriage, son preference is still the norm. The responsibility for the care of aging parents often falls to sons who also perform their parents’ burial rites. Thus not having a son is a source of vulnerability for parents while having daughters only is a social stigma.

The effects of son preference ripple into other spheres such as nutrition and education. In the traditional African homes sons would be given better food than daughters and are more likely to be enrolled in schools and encouraged to finish. When funds are short, a girl is likely to be withdrawn from schools so as to make allowance for a son to be educated irrespective of whether the girl is naturally intelligent and the son is dull.

A mother who has had four daughters consecutively is likely to keep on bearing more children than initially planned hoping to have a son, with the attendant consequences of high parity on mother and siblings.

Son preference reinforces a girl’s low self worth, low self-esteem, depression and eventual low productivity in adulthood.

- LIP PLATE:

Girls and women in parts of Ethiopia wear lip plates for protection and marriageability. In some cases, the hole is so big that it can pass through the head of the woman.

- TROKOSI:

Young girls are given to fetish shrines, forced under threat of death to live as domestic and sex slaves. They are girls paying for crimes they did not commit, crimes linked to family members who committed petty offense generations ago before the girls were born. (Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria)

- WORKLOAD ON WOMEN AND GIRLS:

In almost all of African homes, household chores and care-giving fall almost exclusively on the shoulders of daughters and their mothers. Hardly do sons participate equally in domestic work. Girls take on household and care giving tasks in addition to or instead of going to school.

A typical house-help (a girl) would rise very early and retire last and go late to bed. On top of this, the house girl is scolded or beaten fairly regularly for any misdemeanor in addition to receiving very poor or no pay for her services. The poor, harsh treatment and forced labour constitute violence against girls in the family.

Women without house helps take on these duties, giving care at home while working full time in offices outside of the home. Overburdening of women and girls take a toll on their health and social life.

- FORCED FEEDING:

Young girls are fed by force to make them gain weight, and obese to be attractive to husbands who consider this as beauty. The health consequences include hypertension, malformation of the bones and diabetes. (Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Mali. In some communities, relatives, to make women who have newly given birth, gain weight and “be healthy” feed her forcibly.

- VIRGINITY TESTING:

In order to present a woman as a virgin on her wedding day, she is subjected to pressure and put under control by her family in obedience to the norms of the society. However a man is free and never made to be tested for virginity. A virgin woman on the first night of marriage is respected while the non-virgin is shamed and sometimes returned to her family (Somalia).

- WIDOWHOOD AND WIFE INHERITANCE:

At the death of a husband accusing fingers are pointed at the widow suspecting her of being the cause of death directly or indirectly. She is compelled to undergo certain rites some of which could be very harsh and dehumanizing. Besides, at end of the rituals she could be forcefully inherited against her will. Articles 20 and 21 of the Protocol address this harmful tradition.

- FORCED CHILD MARRIAGE:

Child marriage is “any marriage carried out below the age of 18 years before the girl is physically, psychologically and physiologically ready to shoulder the responsibilities of marriage and childbearing” (Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices-IAC).

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights sets 18 years as the minimum age of marriage in Article 6 (b)

All child marriages including abduction for purposes of marriage are invariably forced and violate the right of a girl to choose her spouse.

The prevalence of child marriage in all of Africa is difficult to determine. In some selected countries such as Mali, Mozambique, Niger and Chad the prevalence of child marriage is between 70 and 80 percent (DHS 1996 – 2001 cited in child marriage Hotspots).

In some African communities girls are betrothed in infancy and married as early as 7 years. Young adolescents are abducted and forcibly married while others have their marriages arranged by their fathers and given to much older men. In Ethiopia in a study conducted among 227 wives, 60% said they were abducted before 15 and 93% before age 20. (UN OCHA/IRIN Publication 2005 page 64.)

Child marriage is violence against girls. Marriage automatically imposes the status and responsibilities of an adult on a young girl thus denying her the protection of childhood by family members and community.

Poverty and ignorance seem to be the main reasons for child marriage where parents desire material gain in form of bride price. Other motives include controlling a girl’s sexuality, curbing promiscuity and out- of -wedlock pregnancy. Child marriage and abduction are forms of gender-based violence with multiple consequences. Some of these are sexual assaults due to the power inequities between older husbands and child brides. These girls also stand the risk of physical violence from their husbands and in-laws.

Pregnancy, childbirth and childcare are risks and burdens for any married under-aged girl. Fistula is closely linked with obstructed labour during child bearing among girls between 10 and 15 years of age. In Ethiopia where child marriage is prevalent, doctors at the Fistula hospital in Addis Ababa operate on approximately 1,200 girls a year (UNICEF report 2001).

Child marriage denies a girl of formal education and self-development with all the benefits accompanying good education. Victims of child married are often invariably trapped in a cycle of poverty and low self-esteem for life.

Unfortunately legislative provisions in some countries such as Algeria, Chad, Libya, allows a rapist to be pardoned if he marries his victim even if victim is a minor. Abduction of minors where men consummate the marriage with rape is permitted in some rural settings in Ethiopia irrespective of the legal provisions outlawing abduction.

- FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION:

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) encompasses “all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or other non-therapeutic reasons.” (WHO 1995).

According to UNICEF estimate, about 140 million women and girls have undergone FGM worldwide, and a further 2 million girls are at risk of undergoing the procedure every year.

There is no specific prevalence rate for all of Africa. However the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices (IAC) has documented evidence of the prevalence of FGM in 28 African countries. The national prevalence rate in Africa varies from approximately 5 percent in Uganda to over 90 percent in Somalia.

Whatever the type of FGM practiced, the sustaining factor is gender inequality, a desire by society to subjugate women and control their sexuality in the name of desirable tradition. Thus FGM is clearly one of the most obnoxious traditionally condoned violence against girls in the family and society. A female circumciser in Kenya sums up the main reason behind FGM thus: -

“When you cut a girl, you know she will remain pure until she gets married, and that after marriage, she will be faithful…. But when you leave a girl uncut, she sleeps with any man in the community”.

All other reasons advanced for FGM including mysticism, spirituality and linking it with Islam are additional reinforcement to sustain the practice and be acceptable to prospective suitors. Thus women for the benefit of men uphold FGM. These are the social factors of acceptability as well as economic factors for the benefit of the circumcisers and the parents whose circumcised girls attract higher bride price.

Perhaps another silently sustaining factor is political. In some communities, the votes of women circumcisers can be a crucial deciding factor in the success of a political candidate. Thus some government hierarchies are unwilling to talk against FGM and instead dine and wine with circumcisers.

The consequences of FGM could be immediate causing bleeding; infection and death while the long-term effect include urinary tract infection, infertility, psychosexual malfunction and likelihood of HIV transmission.

The desires to restrain a girl’s sexuality have blinded practitioners to the consequences of FGM. Attempts to ameliorate the health hazard have led to “medicalizatiion” of FGM whereby orthodox health personnel undertake the operation in hygienic environment, using sterilized instruments.

FGM is a violation of the human rights of girls who ought to be protected against any bodily harm by the State as demanded in many relevant international legal instruments including the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa’.

HOW IAC ADDRESSES FGM AND OTHER HARMFUL TRADITIONAL PRACTICES:

IAC applies different entry points using holistic and integrated approach in its campaign against FGM and other harmful traditional practices. These methods include:

- Training: of trainers, of peer educators, legal bodies, traditional birth attendants, media professionals, curriculum developers
- Information and Sensitization: raising awareness among different target groups
- Advocacy and Lobbying: with policy makers, legislators, religious leaders, community leaders, and traditional rulers.
- Empowerment of women and ex-circumcisers through micro credit and vocational training.
- Service provision for victims and would-be victims of harmful traditional practices (HTPs)
- Research: on different aspects of FGM and HTPs for better program planning

VISIBLE PARADIGM SHIFT:

We have recorded measurable impact since IAC’c programs to eliminate FGM and other HTPs began. At national/community Level:

- Youth stand up against FGM
- Excisors lay down their knives to take up alternative means of income generation
- Religious leaders openly condemn FGM
- Women join hands against FGM and make public declarations against the practice
- There is legislation in 16 countries

AT REGIONAL LEVEL:

- Adoption and ratification of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of women in Nov. 2005. (Articles 2, 5, 6, 20 address traditional practices)
- Adoption of the Solemn Declaration by AU Heads of States and Governments in July 2004

AT INTERNATIONAL LEVEL:

- The UN General Assembly Declaration
- Resolution of the UN Commission on Human Rights
- Appointment of Special Rapporteurs on (a) Violence Against Women (b) Harmful Traditional Practices (HTPs)
- EU expression of concern about FGM and other HTPs

THE WAY FORWARD:

In order to mobilize communities against FGM and other harmful traditional practices, IAC in 2003, organized an international conference on Zero Tolerance to FGM to share experiences, synthesize actions among all key players in the campaign and to devise forward-looking strategies to address the FGM phenomenon and other traditionally condoned violence against girls and women. Going by the Millennium Development Goals, the target date for elimination is 2015.

The International Conference adopted February 6 as the international day on Zero Tolerance to FGM as well as adopted the Common Agenda for Action.

POLICIES AND INSTRUMENTS:

Violence Against Girls constitutes a fundamental violation of the Human Rights of girls as stipulated in several international Human Rights Instruments: -

1. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women “States should condemn violence against women and should not invoke any custom, tradition or religious consideration to avoid their obligations with respect to its elimination” (Article 4)
2. Convention on the Rights of the Child “undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse and to take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children”
3. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Articles 2, 5, 6, 20)
4. Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
5. Provisions by individual countries in Constitutions, legislations, Penal codes among other measures.
6. The UN general Assembly Declarations and resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights
7. Legislations and Penal codes in several countries

CONCLUSION:

Legal provisions have not proved to be sufficient deterrents. Therefore, considerable attention should be given to raising awareness among girls, families, and communities

Governments should take compulsory girl-child education as a priority. This would on the long run alleviate much of the poverty that is at the root cause of most of the gender-based violence suffered by girls. On the whole, men need periodic training and refresher courses on gender and power relations.

“Putting an end to gender-based violence will bring us that much closer to a stage of human social development in which the rights, responsibilities and opportunities of individuals will not be determined by the fact of being born male or female. The goal is to create a world where all people regardless of gender are free to achieve their full potential” (Broken bodies, broken dreams, UN OCHA/IRIN publication 2005).

*Linda Osarenren is a Senior Program Officer at the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices (IAC).

**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Una Kumba Thompson talks about the special challenges facing Liberian women and calls for greater solidarity amongst African women.

For over two years Africa and the world has seen and witnessed the rise and fall of Liberia. Starting from the 1800s with the arrival of free slaves to the shores of West Africa, leading to the declaration and independence of Liberia in July 26, 1847.
 
Since that time, Liberia has served as a beacon of hope for Africa, until 1980 when this “proclaimed” peaceful country experienced its first calamity of a bloody coup de tait. The country thereafter degenerated into anarchy and chaos, with rampant corruption, human rights abuses and bad governance as its hall mark. 

1990 civil war was the final result of one hundred and forty years of rule of successive governments. It is estimated that over 250.000 Liberians and other nationals died in this crisis; including raping of women/girls, sporadic killing, execution of civilians and destruction of millions of dollars of property, infrastructure and a complete break down of the rule of Law.  Liberia became a “no mans” land with its people fleeing and seeking refugee in various African, European countries including America; thousands languishing in refugee camps. The once beloved nation, one that African countries strived to emulate had become a sad story. 

Just as everything must come to an end, so it was that the civil crisis came to an end in 2003.The ushering in of another interim government with the support of regional and international organizatons, countries lead the process of the general elections of Liberia.

The election of 2005 saw again the transformation of Liberia, setting once more a record in African history as the first African country to elect a woman as their President H.E Ellen Johnson – Salieaf.  

Liberia is once again on the rise, showing to Africa and the world at large that indeed women are capable of leading their nations. African women as well as Liberian women are now singing the song “this is our time” while African men are now realizing that times have changed and that women also can be Heads of state.  

Fingers are pointing to, heads are turning towards, and eyes are focused on Liberian not in pity but in admiration- setting the pace once more for true democracy  in the African continent.

DEFINING A NEW ERA FOR LIBERIAN WOMEN

Liberian women have felt the tied of woes over the years, paid the price of successes, failures in blood, tears, sacrifice even unto death. Their sufferings are untold, their numerous contributions, yet not recorded. 

Today, Liberian women are more conscious of their rights to political, social and economic inclusion and their significant contributions. It is in recognition of these rights that their issues are identified in order to correct the wrongs and rebuild Liberia for sustainable and lasting peace. 

There are many issues that women are faced with in Liberia that were never considered National issues, but norms of the society and community. This orientation is a major cause of women marginalization, discrimination, exclusion and human rights abuse. 

Some of the prevalent issues that are of grave concern are; Gender Based Violence (GBV) { rape, domestic violence, Sexual exploitation), Harmful Cultural practices, particularly FGM, the lack of marketable vocational and technical skills, illiteracy and access to Justice. 

Before the civil war, women/girls were seen as sex objects, to provide sex for the pleasure of men be it by coercion, force, exploitation, mutual agreement or violence. Sexual abuse was never a topic to be discussed in private or public. The Liberian government and society perpetuated a culture of violence against women that saw the escalation of rampant sexual abuse against women and girls during the war. Even though the guns are silent, women and girls continue to suffer sexual violence. 

The lack of political will to implement laws to protect women/girls and the acceptance of harmful cultural practices,( FGM, beatings, killings, arranged child manages, incest, rape, dowry or bride price) are major contributing factors to the high rate of illiteracy, violence and vulnerability of women in Liberia. 

For this and many other reasons, WOLPNET- Women of Liberia Peace Network, a non political, governmental organization, has joined the vanguard to promote women’s rights and to advocate for the adherence to and implementation of national conventions such as the AU Protocol to support, protect and enhance women social economic, civil, liberty and political development. 

With the collaboration and financial support from regional and international organizations, WOLPNET is engaging communities, public and policy makers through its program/projects to sensitize and highlight these issues affecting women Advocating for change in policy, ending violence against women, elimination of harmful cultural practices (Female Genital Mutilation), right to dignity, life, and integrity. 

Through its media program, Women Agenda, WOLPNET is spreading the message of positive change; a change that is transforming and defining politics in Liberia; a change that must also be realized in the lives of women by the elimination of vices that impede women progress, calling for full implementation of; Article 2 elimination of discrimination against women ,Article ¾ rights to dignity, life integrity and security of the person Article 8, Access to justice and equal protection before the law by the AU Protocol on Human and peoples rights on the right of women in Africa. 

To my sisters and women, I urge you to say no to male supremacy, superiority, political domination, exclusion, discrimination and Violence against Women (VAW). Stand for peace, justice, equality and unity.  

The road is rocky and very rough right now, but my sisters, it has been for a long time before now. Like Liberian women, you have been excluded, abused, misused, disgraced, discriminated against and persecuted. 

Nevertheless, stand firm. Liberian women can do it you can do the same .Do not go down but stand up fighting for women’s right; your bodies may be broken but do not allow you sprit and minds to be broken. Remember, many are called but few are chosen- to lead the cause for justice and equality.   

*Una Kumba Thompson is CEO of Women of Liberia Peace Network (WOLPNET).

**Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org
                       

The East African sub-regional women's collective calls for a comprehensive peace plan that is cognizant of how violence affects women.

We, members of the regional women’s voices for peace initiative from Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania and Uganda gathered here in Nairobi on the 15th February 2008 bring women’s voices and solidarity messages to the people of Kenya. We take cognizance of the exceptional suffering that has been meted out on the most vulnerable members of the population especially women and children. We know what war can do to a country and its people, and we urge Kenyans to stop the actions that will take the country down that road.

We renounce the violence that erupted across Kenya following the election in December 2007. As women many of us have suffered with different experiences of violence and war in various countries in the region. We are aware that in Kenya women have been widowed, buried children, been raped and witnessed the rape of daughters. As women of the region, we express our deep pain, grief and shock at the unfortunate retrogression in the political situation in Kenya. As mothers we are tired of violence and war, Africa is suffering. Enough is enough!

We also recognize that the youth who are paying the ultimate sacrifice are our children and the future hope of the nation and continent. We also recognize that large numbers of people are now displaced from their homes and land. Many of these are women who have endured gender based violence and lost access to basic care, medicines and food supplies.

We appreciate the on-going mediation processes and urge the parties involved to look beyond the immediate political interests and take into consideration the interests of all Kenyans.

The regional women’s voices for peace initiative is concerned that while the broad issues of democratization, human rights and business interests may be addressed in ongoing efforts to finding a solution to the crisis; it is important to articulate women’s voices on the effect and impact of the crisis and the search for solutions.

Recommendations:

We hereby call for:

1. A total end to the violence, including addressing the underlying and deep rooted causes of the conflict,

2. Medical, humanitarian and psychosocial support to female victims of sexual and gender based violence,

3. Speedy political settlement including the active implementation of UNSCR Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, the AU Peace and Security Protocol, the EAC Treaty provisions on peace and security and the Great Lakes Conference on Peace and Security,

4. Political and legal reforms that will bring on board women in political leadership and other high-level positions of governance,

5. Truth, justice and reconciliation mechanisms and other national healing processes,

6. Retributive justice including compensation that pays attention to the special circumstances of women.

7. East African Community and other regional blocs to seriously address the Kenya issue which has the potential to jeopardize the regional integration process.

We call upon the people of Kenya, to desist from acts of violence, promote tolerance and peaceful co-existence. The instruments of peace will be the people of Kenya themselves.

*Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

http://www.pambazuka.org/images/broadcasts/soawr_logo.jpgMarren Akatsa-Bukachi, executive director of the Eastern African sub Regional Support Initiative for Advancement of Women (EASSI), Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe, executive director of Akina Mama wa Afrika and Patricia Munabi Babiiha, executive director of the Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE) speak to Firoze Manji about the challenges of persuading Uganda to ratify the AU Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.

A very important and astute analysis by NCBL on Africom (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/45604#comments). Along with the clarity we also need to put forth solutions - such as state, national, continental and global resource authorities to capture the surplus profits (resource rent) from oil and other natural resources, including surface land, and distribute these funds equitably.

The official death toll from violent protests in Cameroon this week has risen to 17 as troops attempt to restore order in the capital, Yaounde. Barricades were erected in Yaounde, youths fought police in the port of Douala and three deaths were reported in the north-western town of Bamenda. President Paul Biya has accused his political rivals of orchestrating the unrest to depose him.

A new campaign is being launched calling on the UN to push for the immediate arrest of two men accused of war crimes in Sudan's Darfur region. Some 45 organisations have signed up to the Wanted for War Crimes campaign. The International Criminal Court named Humanitarian Affairs Minister Ahmed Haroun and militia leader Ali Kushayb as suspects a year ago.

Africa Democracy Forum is pleased to announce its Regional Training Program on Nonviolent conflict from 21st -26th April 2008 in Nairobi Kenya. This training will be organized in partnership with the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (Washington DC,USA) and the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS).

Kenya's children run increasing risk of physical and sexual assault and face worsening food shortages in the aftermath of recent bloodshed, aid agency Save the Children said on Thursday. A disputed December 27 election sparked widespread violence that killed 1,000 people and displaced some 300,000. The aid group said over half of those were likely to be children, who were by far the most vulnerable.

Providing HIV drug cocktails to people in their homes can cut AIDS-related deaths substantially in poor, rural areas of Africa, researchers said on Friday. A study in Uganda showed that hiring local health workers to help people stick to a strict regimen of drugs cut the number of AIDS deaths by more than 90 percent.

With the number of reported cases of children raped in Zimbabwe surging more than 40 per cent in the last three years, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has joined with the Government and religious groups in an awareness campaign to fight the scourge. The Zimbabwean Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, the National Faith Based Council of Zimbabwe, and UNICEF have launched their Stand Up and Speak Out campaign against child abuse, aiming to reach more than six million of the African country’s citizens.

With only one third of Liberians reaching the fifth grade of school and children less likely to read than their parents, the head of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has announced a $20 million programme to help rebuild the education system of the West African country, which was gutted during a long, brutal civil war.

Five of Cameroon's ten provinces are currently under severe and massive strike actions called Monday, February 25 by the Syndicate of transporters in Cameroon. These provinces include; Centre (hosting the capital city Yaounde), Southwest, Northwest, Littoral, host of Cameroon's economic capital, Douala and West.

Two hundred years ago last month (January 2004), the French colony of saint-Domingue on the island of Hispaniola became the independent nation of Haiti. Few transformations in world history have been more momentous, few required more sacri?ce or promised more hope. And few have been more thoroughly forgotten by those who would have us believe that this history has since come to a desirable end with the eclipse of struggles for socialism, national liberation and meaningful independence in the developing world.

The Zimbabwe Youth Network (ZYN) and the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) have announced that there will be a huge demonstration at the Zimbabwe Consulate in Jo'burg on Wednesday, one day before another protest is due at the same location on Thursday. The Wednesday protest is being supported by numerous Zimbabwean groups, including the Crisis Coalition, Zimbabwe Political Victims Organisation (Zipovo), Civil Service Organisations Forum and both formations of the MDC.

A Nigerian rebel group from the oil producing Niger Delta accused the government on Friday of denying their detained leader access to lawyers and relatives despite a court order that he should be allowed to see them. Henry Okah of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) was arrested in Angola on September 3 and handed over to Nigeria on February 14. His detention in a secret location by Nigerian authorities has raised tensions in the delta.

More than half the women in the world live in countries that have made no progress in gender equity in recent years. This is the main conclusion of the Social Watch 2008 Gender Equity Index (GEI) which, for the first time, shows recent evolution and trends in bridging the gap between men and women in education, the economy and empowerment.

The security situation may have improved in areas of Kenya hit by post-election violence, but many of the thousands of refugees who fled to Uganda are still too scared to return.

PLAAS is pleased to announce the launching of a new small grants project for action research on gender and land in Southern Africa: Securing Women's Access to Land - Linking Research with Action. In this initial phase, PLAAS is seeking Expressions of Interest led by community based organizations (CBOs) in collaboration with NGOs, research institutes and policy organizations for action research on women’s access and rights to land in Southern Africa (due by March 15th, 2008).

In the absence of a reliable supply of other energy sources, the Zimbawean Government has launched a programme to promote the use of solar energy as an alternative source of energy for computers in schools around the country, in conjunction with Mukonitronics Private Limited. The programme to be spread to all the country's provinces is also being implemented with the Zimbabwe Academic Research Network.

According to the government’s current estimates, donors will need to provide 20,000 tonnes of food aid to compensate for expected production shortfalls in 2008. Aid experts in Bissau, however, said that if the government had better policies, and if the rains came at the right time, the country should be able to feed itself with current levels of international assistance.