Mukoma Wa Ngugi argues that one of the major threats to African Democracy comes from international NGOs such as the IRI, NED and USAID. These organizations act in the interest of the United States by attempting to and often succeeding in effecting regime change and influencing political outcomes in African countries.

Some of the most important threats to democracy in Africa are the International Republican Institute (IRI), USAID and other international NGO’s that are directly funded by the United States Congress. These are US foreign policy institutions that masquerade as philanthropic organizations of good-will all the while furthering American foreign policy. They are currently operating in over 40 African countries including Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa.

A brief history of the IRI is as follows: In a bid to make the world friendlier to US interests, President Ronald Reagan (a supporter of Apartheid South Africa) called for the creation of the National Endowment for Democracy in 1983. The US, he claimed, needed an organization that would “foster the infrastructure of democracy--the system of a free press, unions, political parties universities--which allows a people to choose their own way, to develop their own culture, to reconcile their own differences through peaceful means.” As a result the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which spawned the International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) were formed. NED receives about $50 Million from the US Congress. USAID requested a staggering $9.3 billion for 2007.

Out of these three organizations, the IRI and USAID are the most active in the promotion of a world safe for US Democracy. The IRI at first “focused on planting the seeds of democracy in Latin America,” according to its website. After the “Cold War, [it] has broadened its reach to support democracy and freedom around the globe.” USAID states that U.S. foreign aid helps in “furthering America's foreign policy interests in expanding democracy and free markets while improving the lives of the citizens of the developing world.” Through what NED terms Consolidating Democracy, democratic principles and sovereignty are being violated. The NED, IRI and USAID attempt to unify opposition against a target government. They provide strategic and monetary support to the opposition. They also infiltrate university student organizations, women’s and youth groups, trade unions, teacher associations and other sectors of civil society which they then into supporting the opposition parties that they have effectively turned into a coalition. Worse than instigating a coup (a top down mechanism of change), the IRI and USAID infect the very blood lines of the country by affecting “regime change” through civil society.

Consolidating Democracy was successfully used in what the IRI refers to as the color revolutions in Ukraine (Orange), Georgia (Rose) and Kyrgyzstan (Tulip). In Haiti, democratically elected Aristide was overthrown using the same methods of unifying a rag-tag opposition and then mobilizing civil society behind it. But some countries such as Venezuela remain a failed target. The IRI’s 2005 Programs in Africa webpage states that it “provided training for political parties in Angola to establish a strong and stable political party system, and reinforce the national reconciliation process.” In Kenya it “worked with political parties to teach them how to develop positions and communicate them to voters.” In Nigeria they “focused on strengthening and preparing political parties for the 2007 elections and fostering partnerships between the parities and civil groups”. And in Liberia the IRI “sponsored the first-ever formal presidential candidate debates.”

In September 2006, when receiving the IRI 2006 Freedom Award together with Laura Bush, Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf thanked the IRI which “was particularly active in promoting [the] elections.” She added that: “Very quickly an office was established. They came, they did workshops. They brought political groups together. They worked with the media. They educated. They instructed. They supported. They assisted the process.” She was in fact recounting the steps taken to consolidate democracy in Liberia by the foreign NGO.

President Mbeki has in the past questioned to what extent South African civil society makes independent choices. This concern can be extended to the continent. For example, a Boston Globe survey “identified 159 faith-based organizations that received more than $1.7 billion in USAID prime contracts, grants and agreements from fiscal 2001 to fiscal 2005” as part of President Bush’s Faith Based Initiative. The implications here are obvious. USAID has also tied acceptance of Genetically Modified food to foreign aid even in terms of disaster as in the case with Zambia in 2002. Organizations such as Oxfam have showed that GM foods in Africa would in the long run be harmful to the small scale African farmer, lead to the destruction of local food economies, create a cycle of dependency and cause more acute starvation. It was an absurd case of stopping starvation today by creating conditions for more starvation tomorrow. And in even more direct interference with the internal economy and politics of African countries, USAID, has worked in concert with the World Bank to promote the now infamous Structural Adjustment Programs. But it is the hijacking of democratic processes by using civil society that should be of the most concern to Africans concerned with genuine democracy.

The IRI and USAID don’t have to win every African election they participate in – each parliamentarian and each political organization that gets a seat in the government becomes their lobbyist. In effect, they become shareholders in the new government. And as the American proverb says, “whoever pays the piper calls the tune.” To understand the absurdity of what Africans have accepted as a norm, imagine African countries financing a third party in the United States. And in addition they also train student leaders, trade unionists, journalists and the rest of American civil society how to oppose or overthrow the US Government. Americans wouldn’t stand for it.

African election processes should be monitored by the African Union, the African Peer Review Mechanism and the international community to ensure opposition candidates get equal time in the media. Campaign finance laws should make it illegal for both the opposition and the sitting government to accept foreign funds. Taxpayer money (with a reasonable ceiling) could even be allocated to opposition parties, depending on the number of legally registered voters.

Sitting governments in Africa have access to state money, state television and newspapers and easily attract business money to line their pockets, while the opposition feels compelled to take foreign money. But foreign money perpetuates the goals of the donor. As a matter of democratic principle, alternatives have to be found. With governments that don’t address debilitating inequality, growing majorities living in absolute poverty, and opposition parties whose foreign funding sets the political platform instead of focusing on the causes of the marginalized, the gains made by those who fought for democracy with content are under threat.

* Mukoma Wa Ngugi is the author of Conversing with Africa: Politics of Change and Hurling Words at Consciousness. He is the coordinator of Toward an Africa Without Borders and a political columnist for the BBC Focus on Africa Magazine where a shorter version of this article first appeared.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Considering all of Nigeria’s problems it is unfortunate that the National Assembly has the audacity to welcome the homophobic bill presented to it by the Presidency to punish lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transvestites (LGBTs) . But it is a shame that the National Assembly went along to give a precious time to giving consideration to this obnoxious Bill despite the fact that there are many other issues that demand urgent national attention.

Part of the expectation of the Bill is to punish severely whoever is canvassing for same sex marriage, promoting it, sponsoring it or taking part in the marriage either in Nigeria or abroad and to punish severely LGBTs who exhibit their sexuality with punishment of up to five years in the prison. I have no doubt that issues surrounding sexual affairs should be left for individuals and theologians to decide upon with the state setting only the guidelines on how it should be conducted.

For instance, though I have got the right to marry any girl of my choice, the state in as much as they are morally obligated to respect this my choice, should be able to provide me with a guideline on how this should be done to avoid infringing on the fundamental human right of the girl I so much desire to marry. In this case the state is expected to come up with regulations on how this should be conducted. For instance the state in a bid to safeguard the right of the girl child to teenager is morally justified to come up with a law that would prevent me from marrying that girl if she is below 18 years and should also punish me if I contravene this law.

In the same vein two same sex adults who agreed to have sex, should not be punished for their choice but should be protected by the state since the main locus of the sex is a prior agreement and consent between two of them. The state can only punish this form of relationship in the event of rape or when one has a carnal knowledge of his same sexual partner who is below the age of consent for sex in the state or having carnal knowledge of someone without their consent.

A nation like Nigeria is made up of various interest groups ranging from religious, commercial, ethnic, sexual and many other groups and therefore the state is under obligation to protect all these interests and especially to ensure that the minorities are not unduly victimised. The state should also protect the interest of religions but should not allow religious groups to impose their beliefs upon those who agreed not to believe in anything or do not share their beliefs. The state should also go a step further to uphold that right if I choose to be an atheist. Religion and religious matters should be made to be a very private and personal issue and the state should be ready to protect me from whoever wants to infringe on this my fundamental human right.

The argument the National Assembly advanced forward in going forward with the Bill is that being a LGBT is not part of Nigerian culture. These we have heard over and over again but how does one explain that even though this is not part of Nigeria culture, we still have gays, bisexuals and lesbians in different parts of the country and in every aspect of its life including the Executive, Legislative and Judicial arms of the Government, churches and in a nutshell everywhere. What then could be referred to as Nigerian culture? Maybe corruption is?

In the middle of the 1980’s when the first case of HIV and AIDS was reported in Nigeria, the first reaction of the then Government and of course the nation was to completely deny its existence claiming that it was a Whiteman’s disease. Before we could know it, the so- called Whiteman’s disease had affected about 3.5 million Nigerians and continues to wreak havoc on our young population. But the most agonising part of the whole drama is that despite huge human resources we have both here and abroad, no single person has had the audacity to sue the Federal Government for the initial denial that led to this present day AIDS and HIV epidemic in the nation. It is also a shame that this single episode has not taught Nigerians a good lesson. Bearing then in mind the bitter lesson we are learning from our initial responses to the HIV and AIDS epidemic, it is a shame that no single Nigerian has mustered the courage to challenge both the Presidency and the National Assembly on the effect their homophobic stand would have on the future of the nation, especially as it relates to the war against HIV and AIDS.

The impact of this proposed legislation on the LGBTI community is that many LGBTs would have their fundamental human rights trampled upon simply because they are gays, lesbians or bisexuals. Many of them could lose their lives in the future either by being attacked by homophobic people or by committing suicide since their lifestyle does not have any form of protection under the law. But the most agonising part is that the current fight against HIV and AIDS is likely to be a complete failure, if nothing is done to accommodate gays, lesbians and bisexuals under the law. Let me illustrate this in a very simple term, a bisexual who indulges in sexual intercourse with both men and women is likely to end up transferring the virus from his male partner to unsuspecting female partner.

Research conducted in countries with a very strong homophobic attitude, noted that it is only a microcosm of gays, lesbians and bisexuals that are ever identified or known due to their strong tendency to deny their sexuality throughout their entire life for fear of public opprobrium towards them. In addition, due to high levels of illiteracy and ignorance in homophobic and third world countries, many gays, lesbians and bisexuals have a strong culture of unprotected sex amongst themselves. This is partly because they believe that same sex love can never transmit Sexually Transmitted Diseases. The implication of this is that so far they are forced to live in the closet putting themselves and others at risk.

There is no point in denying the reality that the nation is not yet ready for same sex marriage or civil partnership but to completely deny the existence of gay life and culture in Nigeria or use stringent measures and laws against them would never help the situation but would only go a long way to aggravate the already bad situation. By the way how are we convinced that putting them in prison for five years would return them non gays or lesbians at the end of their incarceration? On the contrary the Government should at least be working towards creating a conducive environment for LGBTs by providing them with legal protection under the law.

It is the function of the Government to break down all the walls of barriers and discrimination that still exist in the nation by emphasising what people can contribute towards the nation building rather than who they are. And for Nigerians who do not see anything wrong in discriminating against gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transvestites, they should also not be offended or shocked when they are denied employment based on their ethnic group, religion or any other stereotype.

A number of Nigeria’s religious leaders headed by the Primate of the Anglican Church of Nigeria, Rev. Peter Jasper Akinola, have continued to inculcate the minds of their congregations with a fascist victimisation, annihilation and hatred against LGBTs. Akinola by spearheading this has positioned himself as the most holy one but he forgets one thing, that his life style may not be compatible with his office. The question we must ask ourselves here is how is Akinola and his cohorts living up to the expectation of their model, Jesus Christ.

The essence of this article is therefore never to cast aspersions on religion or anybody representing it but to point out that things are not going the way they should go. And for those who are going to crucify me for the stand I have taken, I have just one message for them. I do not care for I am a staunch believer in that yet to come Nigeria and world where and when individuals should no more be classified based on their colour, race, ethnic group, religion, creed, belief or sexual orientation but on what they can contribute to the development of the nation and the entire human race.

And the quickest way to break all these artificial boundaries and barriers is by creating a Commission that should be charged with the power to severely punish any individual, group or establishment engaged in promoting any form of discrimination. This Commission could be called Commission For Equality or Equal Opportunity Commission or whatever name we chose at the end of the day. It should have a tribunal status with the responsibility of trying and bringing to justice those promoting these discriminations and hatred.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

As Liberia emerges as a new nation with competing resource priorities it needs to look back to it’s past cultural traditions particularly in the area of education, in order to move forward. Children should be taught “traditional arts, music, literature, religions, languages” and most importantly the ancient and modern history of Liberia, argues Doeba Bropleh.

There are many competing resource allocation priorities for Liberia as the country emerges from years of corruption, political instability, and civil conflict: education, shelter, food, economic revitalization, reintegration of former refugees and combatants, security, rebuilding infrastructure… the list is long. While each of the listed elements is important, for Liberia to develop, it has to use a foundation that includes an “expanded cultural perspective”. My premise is that economic growth, without a unifying cultural base, will lead to a bland society, one suffering from a lack of character and susceptible to further degradation.

As Liberia rebounds from the socio-economic and political carnage wrought by corruption, instability, and war, the country needs to reverse the dilution of its heritage. The Liberian identity should be reshaped to include more aboriginal cultural markers: there was learning before western-styled education; religion before the missionaries; and an economy before capitalism. Cultural truth is where salvation resides – Liberia needs to reach back in order to leap forward. This process may be uncomfortable at the onset, but, like birth, first there is pain, then joy.

Liberian identity, forged primarily from two disparate groups – freed American slaves (settlers) and indigenous people – developed in a lopsided manner because of the dominance of the settlers, even though they were the minority. Wrapped in western culture, which is all they knew, the settlers collided with and distorted the prism of the country’s “pre-settler” value systems. Various degrees of “westernization” were demanded from the natives before they were granted access – albeit limited – to the corridors of society, which were all controlled by the settlers. In the process, textured indigenous tradition and mores were shunned for foreign/imported ones.

Though Liberia was never directly colonized, the weakening of its native tradition was accelerated by the intrusion of western nations. The neo-colonialists’ “dark continent” outlook had insidious ramifications. In his book “Decolonizing the Mind”, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, the esteemed Kenyan writer, discussed the “cultural bomb” of imperialism. He stated that: “The effect of a cultural bomb is to annihilate a people’s belief in their names, in their languages, in their environment, in their heritage of struggle, in their unity, in their capacities and ultimately in themselves.” In her essay “Africa”, Maya Angelou, the renowned American writer outlined that: “The slaves too soon began to believe what their masters believed: Africa was a continent of savages.” It was some of these same slaves – armed with their altered worldview – that eventually resettled in what we now know as Liberia. Conflict was inevitable. Culture, however, provides a homogenizing glue that helps bind a multi-ethnic society, such as Liberia’s, creating a collective conscience buttressed by self-love and pride. Shared experiences and commonality work to humanize members of a community; thereby, moderating tensions which may arise. An “expanded cultural perspective” could aid in neutralizing the settler-versus-native rift that has plagued the country since its inception.

The sewing of cultural fabric does not require the suppression of intra-group differences however. On the contrary, the quilt should be expansive and inclusive enough to showcase the best from its various sub-groups, while respecting their idiosyncrasies. Such an approach acknowledges the contributions of all and signals equanimity between members of a society. This, in turn, fosters “buy-in” from each sector and gives people a product they can, and want to identify with. Many sub-groups (Ibo, Hausa, Yoruba, to name a few) influence Nigerian culture, yet each maintains a distinctive heritage of its own. While Liberian culture does have facets of this phenomenon, it could use more. This fabric though, only becomes durable if customs, traditions, history are truly shared, and if there is an awareness of these mutual elements. Hence, my proposed cultural paradigm for Liberia’s reconstruction calls for a holistic approach, plus aggressive, focused teaching and subscription to Liberian culture and history. This orientation will help Liberia develop the nationalistic audacity to question foreign socio-economic, political, legal, and religious systems, instead of accepting them carte blanche. Respect, especially from outsiders, is reserved for a people imbued with self-knowledge and pride.

One medium that can be used to jump-start this cultural awakening is the formal education system. Traditional arts, music, literature, religions, languages… should be taught in schools. The teaching of Liberian History – an integral part of cultural development – needs to be broad and rigorous, not the truncated version I was fed in junior and high school. The historical time line should be stretched to include the Liberian moment prior to the American Colonization Society’s resettlement plan for a select group of freed American slaves, which began in the 1820’s. Every person who attends school in Liberia should be aware of how the various tribes got to the area now known as Liberia, and what occurred in the territory before the arrival of Portuguese explorers in 1461. Instead of the romanticized, revisionist stories of settlers-repelling-natives”, former combatants – my young brothers and sisters, exploited as pawns in Liberia’s recently ended 14-year civil war – need to learn about the tribal internecine conflicts of yesteryear. The adage continues to hold true: a people unaware of the mistakes of the past are bound to repeat them.

Language is a cultural agent that needs to be strengthened in Liberia. S. Kpanbayeazee Duworko II, an instructor at the University of Liberia, addressed this issue well in his essay, “Literary Education and Canon Formation: The Liberian Experience.” In that piece he wrote that: “There is a need to create schools of Liberian languages and performing arts at the University of Liberia as a means of promoting Liberian culture.” Duworko went on to argue that students from elementary to high school should also be exposed to Liberian languages and literary works. He stated: “This exposure will give them a broad view of their own culture and will help them to have a sense of pride in their heritage.” Ngugi wa Thiong’o, (who now primarily writes in his native Gikuyu instead of English), asserts that the loss of language is a loss of culture. He declared that: “Language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and literature, the entire body of values by which we perceive ourselves and our place in the world.” The politics of language and its role in the preservation of culture reminds me of the late Liberian President William Tolbert’s much-ridiculed “Kpelle” effort, which was implemented in the late 70’s. This was when it was made policy for Kpelle – an indigenous Liberian language – to be taught in schools. For most of us in school at that time, learning Kpelle was our first and only exposure to a written aboriginal language. History will judge President Tolbert as a visionary for mandating the teaching of a traditional language. Now is a good time to reconstitute native language programs in schools.

In addition to the formal education component, the country’s heritage can also be brought to the fore through the promotion of traditional dress (current Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s simple, but highly visible act of wearing African attire sends positive self-esteem messages), food, visual arts, music, dance, literature and orature. The heritage needs to be accessible to people in their everyday lives. The South American country of Venezuela recently implemented a program that calls for the inclusion of traditional content in various outlets (television, radio, theaters, museums). Liberia could use that idea to create its own cultural content programming. While strong cultural cognizance alone will not prevent conflict, it is a practical way to reduce the chances of recidivism into lawlessness. And, if knowledge of the total “Liberian Self” cannot stop the outbreak of future hostilities, it can at least help lessen the resulting devastation. Greed will always be a threat, but it makes sense that a people connected by an “expanded” knowledge of self is less likely to destroy that which it loves. A people, bound by common purpose and drenched in homegrown pride – requirements for cohesive nationalism, collective conscience – would think before ruining their collaborative creation.

This new paradigm assumes more relevance given the exponential growth of the Liberian Diaspora since 1980, when many Liberians began relocating out of the country due to its civil and political conflict. The cultural renaissance suggested in this article could work to lure some citizens back, who could help with the country’s reconstruction. The shift to include a wider, more representative swath of Liberian tradition benefits the country three-fold: a) reduces the potential for a return to conflict; b) gives citizens the confidence to discriminate as to what is placed in the country’s “cultural canon”; and c) provides the foundation to move the country forward.

Many people have and continue to be dedicated to the promotion and preservation of Liberian culture. A few of the voices that have agitated in this realm are: Miatta Fahnbulleh; Fatu Gayflor (singers); Joseph Gbaba; Peter Ballah; Womi Neal; Konah Khasu (dramatists); Bai T. Moore; Dr. Patricia Jabbeh Wesley; Wilton Sankawulo; and K-Moses Nagbe (writers and teachers). Let the teachers teach it, writers chronicle, singers harmonize about it, medicine men, and yes, the preachers preach about Liberia’s cultural vitality. I am beginning to feel better about myself just by thinking about it.

* Doeba Bropleh is a Liberian currently based in California, USA

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

suggest that the abandoned oil rigs in the Bright of Benin could be put to use by erecting wind turbines to generate electricity to local delta communities. Not only would this provide electricity and recycle the abandoned rigs but as AA writes:

“Wind energy is the most promising carbon-free, nonnuclear alternative to fossil-fueled grid power. But regions with enough space and breeze for land-based wind farms—mostly in the Midwest—are far from coastal population centers; the cost of running transmission lines between generators and users is a major disincentive. That’s why wind-power entrepreneurs have set their sights on coastal waters. In the Atlantic, off Cape Cod, the 450-megawatt Cape Wind installation has been in the works for five years.”

Black Star Journal has a series of reports and commentary on Guinea starting with the rejection by the unions of Eugene Camara as the country's new prime minister and head of government. The country has been declared “in a state of siege” and the army are patrolling the streets having been given full police powers. In addition the media has been severely restricted and all cyber cafes in Conakry shut down. The Unions are demanding the removal of head of state, Gen. Lansana Conté. Black Star Journal also reports that:

“Mobs there have attacked suspected members of the former Liberian rebel movement ULIMO. Lansana Conté had backed that faction during that country's 1989-97 civil war and some accuse the general of calling in the militiamen to help put down the general strike. Yet members of the Guinean army have sided with the residents, who provided the soldiers with food and drink. Apparently young soldiers at the Alpha Yaya military camp were angry that only a handful of their colleagues were rewarded during the latest round of promotions. Internal divisions inside the Guinean military are one of the reasons many observers fear a messy transition to the post-Conté era.”

always manages to find rare tunes from way back. Like Kikuymoja’s, no one knows where he finds these gems but thankfully he does and shares them with the world. Here he shares the music of:

“Les Kilimambogo Brothers, Victoria Jazz and some Taarab” ….. If you don’t know whom these people are, that tells you how old I am...if, on the other hand, you are thinking, “wow, I thought XYZ was dead!” then, maybe you might be a little older than I am...And, believe it or not somewhere in there, we get Ladysmith Black Mambazo doing a solo! (hint: go to 2:11)”

Nigerian blogger, Chxta's World comments on Nigeria’s “OBJ” factor. Despite being told that Nigeria’s economy is performing better than ever in the last 10 years, for the ordinary person it has never been worse. If worse is possible it would be Obasanjo retaining his involvement with running the country after the up coming elections. Chxta wonders where exactly the President is heading with statements that he won't hand over to criminals:

“I think that like many other statements that Obasanjo has made over the last few years, this one is way out of line, and extremely undemocratic. What utter nonsense! I am of the strong opinion that Obasanjo has something to hide, and he is of the view that Mr. Yar'Adua would be the best bet to cover his tracks for him. As we all know, Obasanjo and Yar'Adua's late brother were buddy buddies..."

Passion of the Present comments on the continuing civil war taking place in Chad with numerous rebel fractions fighting to remove President Idriss Deby.

“The rebel alliance still under arms includes the Union of Forces for Democracy and Development (UFDD), the Rally of Democratic Forces (RAFD), and the Platform for Change, National Unity and Democracy (SCUD)...Their fighters recently attacked and briefly occupied several eastern towns, piling pressure on Deby's forces after a wave of ethnic violence which killed hundreds and forced the government to declare a state of emergency last month.”

As the fighting intensifies, the civilian population are caught up in the middle and recently it was reported that Janjaweed type militias were attacking refugees from Darfur. Chad accuses Sudan of backing the rebels and Sudan accuses Chad of backing the people of Darfur and so it goes on, more death and misery for civilians.

Nigerian blogger, Ijebuman's Diary publishes what he believes are the “top ten signs that elections will not be fair and free".

Annie writing on http://www.blacklooks.org and is Online News Editor of Pambazuka News.

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org

INASP IS looking for a talented individual to contribute to the management INASP and to lead our support in local publication and information exchange activities. The successful candidate will work with partners worldwide to enable access to the research and knowledge produced in developing and transitional countries, ensuring that it reaches its target audiences in the most appropriate and effective way. A description of the position is attached and further information about our organisation and activities can be found at

Last month, Kenya’s most celebrated literary icon, Ngugi wa Thiong’o, gave a series of lectures entitled Re-Membering Africa at the University of Nairobi. Rasnah Warah reports for the Mail& Guardian Online, on this historic moment, marking Ngugi’s first lecture in his homeland in nearly three decades, delivered at the very institution that stripped him of his professorship after he was detained without trial by the Jomo Kenyatta regime in 1977.

Sudan will not allow a U.N. human rights team to visit unless they replace a member of the delegation who Khartoum says is biased, a Foreign Ministry spokesman said on Monday. A six-member U.N. rights team was due to arrive this week in Sudan to investigate rights abuses in Darfur. But the government has said they will not get visas.

The lush hills in the Tzaneen Municipality of South Africa's Limpopo Province may seem a better place to spend a childhood than the dusty, overcrowded townships of Johannesburg, but living in the countryside can add to the hardships of children who are HIV positive or have lost parents to AIDS.

President Thabo Mbeki has firmly discarded any suggestion that a basic income grant was on the cards for impoverished South Africans. With a basic income grant, the government would effectively be "abandoning" its citizens, he said. However, a "more targeted, more precise" comprehensive social security system would definitely be implemented.

An independent U.N. human rights expert Monday called for the release of three journalists arrested in Somalia and voiced “deep concern” at the closing of radio and television stations. “Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, said in a statement, released at UN Headquarters in New York.

It is abundantly clear that this is an election year. L. Muythoni Wanyeki reports that the media are consumed with stories of how the Orange Democratic Movement intends to select its presidential candidate. Even further in the shadows, however, are the disturbing and profound issues of what would make the upcoming elections truly free and fair.

Up to 400 African and Asian migrants have begun disembarking in Mauritania from a freighter intercepted by the Spanish coastguard over a week ago. The migrants were handed over to Spanish police after Mauritania and Spain reached a deal following prolonged diplomatic wrangling over responsibility for the migrants.

Afrisoc and RSSAF have declined the offer to sell copies of ‘African Perspectives on China in Africa’, published by Fahamu Press, for the following reasons: 1) to facilitate an exchange of ideas rather than an endorsement of any single approach; 2) to emphasise debate rather than commercial transactions; and 3) to comply with the requirements of the event venue that no cash transactions take place. In no way does this represent an evaluation, critique or censorship of the publication in question. Afrisoc and RSSAF encourage the presentation of diverse perspectives, and welcome the participation of all at the upcoming event.

The event China’s Involvement in Africa is the second in a series of panel discussions hosted by the Africa Society and the Rhodes Scholars’ Southern African Forum (RSSAF), two student organisations at the University of Oxford. This collaboration aims to bring the Oxford community together to discuss pressing issues in contemporary African society. Researchers and practitioners are invited to provide diverse perspectives on a specific issue in order to promote debate and facilitate an exchange of ideas.

On 30 January 2007, the event organisers were approached by Fahamu Press about the possibility of promoting their publication ‘Perspectives on China in Africa’ via book sales at the event. After discussion with the organising committee, it was decided that this request would be declined, for the following reasons:

1) It compromised the central purpose of the event: to facilitate the exchange of ideas by promoting a diversity of perspectives. We sincerely hope that the perspectives contained in the book will be raised in the panel discussion. However, we believe that the endorsement of a single book at the event would compromise the neutrality of the panel, given that there are many relevant books on the topic. 2) Commercial transactions, such as book sales, are not currently part of our vision for the panel. This does not rule out that possibility in the future, but multiple books and multiple publishers on a topic would always be offered to promote a diversity of ideas. 3) Our agreement with the event venue, Rhodes House, includes the condition that no cash transactions take place in the building. Book sales would contravene this agreement.

These reasons were openly communicated, and the suggestion that the sale of the book in question was declined for reasons of its content, authors or publisher is an unfortunate misunderstanding.

We deeply regret the misrepresentation of our response as “censorship”, and that those making allegations to this effect did not seek adequate clarification before publishing such erroneous comments. In no way do Africsoc and RSSAF engage in or support censorship, and accusations of such conduct are simply incorrect, misleading, and damaging to the credibility of these student-run organisations.

We believe our decision is fully justified, and indeed crucial to the facilitation of an open exchange of diverse ideas at the event. The planning committee reserves the privilege to decide whether book sales are part of the events we hold.

EDITOR'S RESPONSE: Thank you for accepting our invitation to you to respond to Fahamu's letter about this matter. If the reasons now provided by you had been expressed in the first instance, an entirely different discussion would have ensued.

Instead your committee wrote to inform Fahamu on 30 January that the only reason that the book would not be permitted at the seminar was because - quote:

"Undoubtedly the book enriches dicourse (sic) on this pertinent issue and is a very valuable contribution. We however feel it is (sic) represents one view of the relationship between China and Africa."

Leaving aside, for the moment, the fact that this opinion was formed without evidence (as the book was not yet available in the UK), your current statement is clearly at odds with the committee's original reasons for prohibiting the display of the book. Fahamu sought clarification of your committee's decision and were informed that that the committee stood by their decision. It is not, therefore, entirely accurate to state now that "These reasons were openly communicated" to Fahamu.

President Mwai Kibaki has dismissed speculations of an early election, saying the current Parliament will run its full term. The President said reports of an early election were misleading and that he had no plans to call a snap election until the end of the term of the current Parliament in December.

South African men are becoming more willing to take action against the growing problem of domestic and sexual violence against women, a recent study has found. A survey of 945 men in the greater Johannesburg area at the end of 2006 by Sonke Gender Justice (SGJ), an HIV/AIDS, gender and human rights nongovernmental organisation, found that 50.1 percent of respondents felt they should be doing more to end gender-based violence.

Ethiopia is lodging an appeal to demand the death sentence for the country's former ruler Mengistu Haile Mariam and his closest aides. Mengistu and his associates were found guilty of killing thousands of people by the country's high court during the regime's 17-year rule.

Almost every African country today bears the stamp of China’s emerging presence, from oil fields in the east and west, to farms in the south, to mines in the centre of the continent. China has cultural agreements with 42 African countries. US$30 billion will change between Chinese and African hands this year. And China’s trade and economic assistance to Africa has grown by geometric proportions.

In this week’s issue of Pambazuka News, we bring you an audio broadcast produced to coincide with the launch of a an unprecedented text: African Perspectives on China in Africa, a collection of essays from the prize-winning weekly electronic newsletter Pambazuka News, published by Fahamu.

The contributors to the book - including Horace Campbell, Michelle Chan-Fishel, Daniel Large, Stephen Marks and Kwesi Kwaa Prah - present social, historical and cross-continental perspectives on Chinese involvement in Africa. They argue that although there is no single view about China in Africa within or outside the continent, Africans must organise their side of the story: together, in their own interests, and in the interest of social justice for all.

The book was launched at the World Social Forum in Nairobi, Kenya in January 2007. During the launch, Robtel Pailey of Pambauzka News spoke to participants about the book, and about China’s contemporary role on the continent. She explores China’s historical legacy in Africa, cultural exchange, economic assistance, trade, mining, oil and questions of human rights, notably in Sudan. The interviews are available for downloading, listening on the web, or for access as a podcast at:

For further information or enquiries about the book, please visit the Fahamu books page (http://www.fahamu.org/pzbook.php) or email [email][email protected]

For 2007, out of a total enrolment of 300,000, 94,000 Swazi children or nearly one-third of all schoolchildren from first grade to standard five will be assisted to stay in school. A network of community care points has expanded to over 300 in the past year, and government plans to keep orphans and vulnerable children at home and in their schools, in familiar surroundings during the time of parental loss.

The pollution of rivers, lakes and acquifers from domestic and industrial wastewater discharges, mining runoff, agro-chemicals and other sources is a growing threat to water resources in most countries in southern Africa. Water is a basic right; everyone in the region has a role to play that enhances water's value and protects river ecosystems.

Following on coverage of homosexual activists and (mostly negative) responses around the World Social Forum, and prior to a meeting of the Anglican Primates (Archbishops / heads of churches) Desmond Tutu, the former Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, has warned African churches against paying too much attention to the issue of homosexuality while ignoring real problems facing the continent.

Ten years after international guidelines were established to stamp out the recruitment and use of child soldiers, underage fighters are still actively being recruited in at least 13 countries, including Burundi, Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda.

CIVICUS is currently recruiting a Project Administrator for the CSI, to be based at the head office in Johannesburg, South Africa. Reporting to the Project Manager, the successful candidate will be responsible for overseeing the financial management of the project and providing overall administrative support to the CSI project, including fundraising, grant management, staff recruitment, staff induction, office management etc. S/he will work closely with the CSI Project Manager as well as other members of the CSI team.

This paper argues that the reduction of Horizontal Inequalities (HIs), or inequalities between culturally defined groups, should inform aid policy in heterogeneous countries with severe HIs. It shows how this would change aid allocation across countries, leading to more aid to heterogeneous countries relative to homogeneous ones, the opposite of the existing bias in aid distribution.

This article explores the determinants of public satisfaction (or dissatisfaction) with health and education services in Africa.

This paper summarises the outcomes of a workshop to discuss gender and climate change-related research, and its role and use in women's and gender-related advocacy in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process.

The U.S. Treasury is studying how it might block the financial transactions of more Sudanese people and companies if Khartoum bars an international force from deploying in Darfur, U.S. officials said on Wednesday, February 7.

Almost a year into a cholera outbreak, aid agencies and Angola's government have learnt to address the symptoms, but tackling it's causes remains a challenge.

The Democratic Republic of Congo still needs international support, the U.N. Security Council said on Wednesday, February 7, as it prepared to extend a mandate on the world's largest peacekeeping mission for two months.

Egyptian prosecutors on Wednesday (February 7) transferred the files of more than 40 opposition Islamists to a military court on terrorism and money-laundering charges, in a widening crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, the group said. The move came a day after Egypt ordered high-ranking Brotherhood leader Khairat el-Shatir, widely believed as a key financier, and an unspecified number of others, to military justice whose rulings cannot be appealed.

Employees of Nuclear Energy Corporation of South Africa (NECSA) in Phelindaba, Pretoria are suffering from asthma, cancer and myetoma. Although the cause of their illnesses is not clear, it is believed that they are suffering from occupational diseases.

After being sought by police for five days, Houssein Ahmed Farah was arrested on 7 February 2007 and taken to the criminal investigation department, Reporters Without Borders has learned from his brother, Daher Ahmed Farah, managing editor of the privately-owned weekly "Le Renouveau" and head of the Movement for Democratic Renewal (MRD), an opposition party.

Decentralisation creates opportunities for local people to have a say in the decisions that affect their lives. Decentralising the management of natural resources can contribute significantly to poverty reduction. Poor people can express their needs more clearly and local authorities can target services more effectively.

Sex work is often cited in research as a key factor in HIV transmission. Past research has focused on men’s mobility, in particular their use of sex workers while working away from home. However, it is also important to consider the mobility of sex workers themselves as contributing to the AIDS pandemic in Ethiopia.

One-sided decision making and a lack of communication from the Linux Professional Institute (LPI) contributed to the breakdown in the relationship between the organisations, says Shuttleworth Foundation programme manager Jason Hudson. The comments follow Tectonic's article last week in which the Meraka Centre said they expected to become the South African LPI affiliate after the foundation removed itself from the role.

A programme of science discussion forums has been launched in Ghana, with the aim of increasing public awareness and understanding of science. Café Scientifique is a series of free events where members of the public can discuss the latest scientific issues informally over a cup of coffee or glass of wine. Originating from the United Kingdom, the events consist of a short talk on a topical science subject and then the topic is opened up for questions and debate with the audience.

The Asante Akim Multipurpose Community Telecentre (AAMCT) is a Ghanaian solar-powered community centre that seeks to foster the inclusion of Ghana in the mushrooming information technology (IT) movement. Launched in August 2001 in the village of Patriensa within the Asante Akim district of Ghana, the AAMCT provides career development and job preparation services, including both job skills training and job search activities.

After a lengthy review process starting in April 2006, the renewal of the Kenya chapter of Transparency International (TI) culminated January 25 at a meeting of the Board of Directors of TI Kenya involving the stakeholders of TI Kenya, their international development partners and TI’s International Secretariat. That process of institutional review – conducted variously by independent auditors, a special review team with a mandate from the TI International Board and by the TI Kenya chapter – also has clarified outstanding issues in the chapter’s governance and management.

Human rights campaigners have appealed to the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to suspend Kenya's membership for continuing to resist efforts to reform its archaic labour laws. The laws fail to address issues of employment, occupational health and safety or work injuries among others -- seriously undermining the constitutional rights of Kenyans.

A wave of strikes in Zimbabwe is making the threat of a "crippling" general strike by the country's largest union federation largely academic, as current industrial action or threats of more to come are already bringing the scenario to pass.

The International Fellowships Program (IFP) is a programme supported by the Ford Foundation and administered in West Africa by the Association of African Universities (AAU) in collaboration with Pathfinder International, Nigeria and Association for African Women on Research and Development (AAWORD), Senegal.

The first years of the new millennium have seen a dramatic change in the production of information and the organisation of the digital environment. The rapid emergence of peer production, social networking, and powerful non-market actors via the Internet and other technologies is reshaping not only the flow of commerce but the means by which information, knowledge, and culture are created and shared between individuals, groups, and societies.

Not the biggest investor but the most dynamic - Walden Bello discusses China’s investments in Africa and why China is so popular with African governments.

At the Seventh World Social Forum (WSF), held in Nairobi, Kenya, in late January, the most controversial topic was not HIV-AIDS, the US occupation of Iraq, or neoliberalism. There was a rough consensus on these issues. Aside, of course, from the lively internal politics of the WSF, perhaps the topic that generated the most heat was China’s relations with Africa.

At the “The China Question” seminar, organized by the semi-official “China NGO Network for International Exchanges,” the discussion was candid and angry. “First, Europe and America took over our big businesses. Now China is driving our small and medium entrepreneurs to bankruptcy,” Humphrey Pole-Pole of the Tanzanian Social Forum told the Chinese speakers. “You don’t even contribute to employment because you bring in your own labour.” Stung by such remarks from the floor, Cui Jianjun, secretary general of the China NGO Network, lost his diplomatic cool and launched into an emotional defence of Chinese foreign investment, saying that “We Chinese had to make the same hard decision on whether to accept foreign investment many, many years ago. You have to make the right decision or you will lose, lose, lose. You have to decide right, or you will remain poor, poor, poor.” At this point, Dale Wen, a Chinese environmentalist, intervened: “That’s not true. The Chinese people did not decide to accept foreign investment. Deng Hsiao Ping [the late Chinese leader] decided.” An African in the audience added: “You have to treat us with respect.” Great Promise or Great Harm?

The vigorous exchange at this panel and at another organized by the Fahamu Networks for Social Justice and Focus on the Global South was perhaps to be expected, since many Africans view China as having the potential of bringing either great promise or great harm. One sensed that if the African speakers were hard on China, this was because they desperately wanted China to reverse it’s course before it was too late to avoid the path trod by Europe and the United States.

The debate at the WSF took place amidst a marked elevation of Africa’s profile in China’s foreign policy. President Hu Jintao is now on his third trip to Africa in three years, following the success of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), which took place on November 4 and 5, 2006. Attended by 48 African delegations, most of them led by heads of state, the event was the largest international summit ever held in Beijing.

At the start of the meeting, Beijing unveiled a glittering trade and aid plan designed to cement its “strategic partnership” with Africa. The key items in the package were raising the volume of trade from US$40 billion in 2005 to $100 billion by 2010; doubling of 2006 assistance by 2009; provision of $3 billion worth of preferential loans and $2 billion worth of export credits; setting up of a China-Africa Development Fund that would be capitalized to the tune of $5 billion to support Chinese companies investing in Africa; and cancellation of all interest-free government loans owed to China by the heavily indebted and poorest African countries that matured at the end of 2005.

If not yet the biggest external player in Africa, China is certainly the most dynamic. It now accounts for 60 per cent of oil exports from Sudan and 35 per cent of those from Angola. Chinese firms mine copper in Zambia and Congo-Brazzaville, cobalt in the Congo, gold in South Africa, and uranium in Zimbabwe. Its ecological footprint is large, says Michelle Chan-Fishel of Friends of the Earth International, consuming as it does 46 per cent of Gabon’s forest exports, 60 per cent of timber exported from Equatorial Guinea, and 11 per cent of timber exports from Cameroon.

China is popular with African governments. “There is something refreshing in China’s approach,” said a Nigerian diplomat who asked not to be identified. “They don’t attach all those conditionalities that accompany Western loans.” Justin Fong, executive director of the Chinese NGO, Moving Mountains adds, “Whether accurate or not, the image Africans have of the Chinese is that they get things done. They don’t waste their time in meetings. They just go ahead and build roads.” An African development specialist working with a western aid organization claimed that Chinese projects are low-cost affairs compared to western projects. “Labour costs are low, they integrate African labour, so some transfer of skills takes place, and the Chinese workers live in the village, and this means living like the villagers, down to competing with them for dog meat!” This characterization of the Chinese impact would be disputed by many observers. However, most NGO’s are nuanced in their assessment of China. They acknowledge that China has a different trajectory in Africa than Europe and the United States.

Whereas the West began by exploiting Africa, China initiated its relations with Africa with “people-to-people” medical and technical assistance missions in the sixties and seventies, the most famous of which was the now fabled building of the Tanzania-Zambia (Tanzam) Railway. But with China’s rise as a modernizing economic superpower after the definitive decision in 1984 to use capitalism as the engine of growth, the old solidarity rationale has been replaced by a dangerously single-minded pursuit of economic interests—in this case, mainly oil and mineral resources to feed a red-hot economy growing at 8-10 per cent a year.

If African governments were accountable to their people, say NGO critics, Chinese aid could play a very positive role, especially compared to World Bank and IMF loans which come with conditions to bring down tariffs, loosen government regulation, and privatize state enterprises. But with non-
accountable, non-transparent governments, such as those in Sudan and Zimbabwe, say the critics, Chinese loan and aid programs instead, contribute to consolidating the rule of non-democratic elites. No conditions, in effect, means intervention on the side of the governing groups.

The Sudan is one country non-accountability and non-transparency is most evident. Using its membership in the United Nations Security Council, China has prevented a multinational peacekeeping force from being constituted that would protect people in Darfur who are being killed or raped by militias backed by the Sudanese government. One African diplomat sympathetic to China asserts, “China’s strong backing for the Sudanese government has discouraged African governments that are trying to push it to accept an African Union solution to the problem.”

China has very substantial interests in Sudan. These are set out in detail in an important collection of studies launched at the WSF entitled “African Perspectives on China in Africa”, edited by Firoze Manji and Stephen Marks. China obtained oil exploration and production rights in 1995 when the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) bought a 40 per cent stake in the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company, which is pumping over 300,000 barrels per day. Sinopec, another Chinese firm, is building a 1500-kilometer pipeline to Port Sudan on the Red Sea, where a tanker terminal is being constructed by China’s Petroleum Engineering Construction Company. Chinese investment in oil exploration is estimated by analyst John Rocha to reach $8 billion.

Chinese interests go beyond oil. Its investment in textile mills is estimated at $100 million. It has emerged as one of Sudan’s top arms suppliers, with one deal being a barter arrangement whereby it would supply $400 million worth of weapons in return for cotton. It is active in infrastructure building, with its firms constructing bridges near the Merowe Dam and on two other sites on the River Nile. It is involved in key hydropower projects, the most controversial being the Merowe Dam, which is expected to ultimately cost $1.8 billion.

The construction of the Merowe Dam has involved forced resettlement of the Hambdan people living at or near the site and repression and an armed attack on the Amri people who have been organizing to prevent the authorities’ plan to displace them to the desert. Local police and private agencies now provide 24-hour security to Chinese engineering detachments, but civil society observers say the aim of these groups is less protection of the Chinese than repression of the growing opposition on the ground. As Ali Askouri, director of the London-based Piankhi Research Group, puts it, “The sad truth is, both the Chinese and their elite partners in the Sudan government want to conceal some terrible facts about their partnership. They are joining hands to uproot poor people, expropriate their land, and appropriate their natural resources.”

Chinese and Sudanese officials tend to be dismissive of such criticism, which they often attribute to the machinations of western powers who are alarmed at China’s becoming the top international player in a country that they had long treated as being in the West’s sphere of influence but whose dismal record of colonial plunder deprives their statements of any moral authority. Defending its close relations with the Sudanese government, a Chinese Foreign Ministry official, Zhai Jun, noted the contrast of African governments’ reception of China and the West: “Some people believe that by ‘taking’ resources and energy from Africa, China is looting Africa…… If this was so, then African countries would express their dissatisfaction...they would approach China, as they did...countries that exploited the continent in the past.” Chinese officials are, however, wrong to think that African NGO’s are merely parroting the rhetoric of self-interested western governments. In fact, civil society groups are just as critical of such Western governments, considering them as hypocritical. Commenting on the remark of a World Bank official to the effect that “Chinese handouts without reforms” would not be beneficial to Africa, John Karumbidza, a contributor to the “China in Africa” volume, acidly remarks that “It is the case...that this same bank and Western approach over the past half century has failed to deliver development, and left Africa in more debt than when they began.” Other problematic partnerships being based on actual events, the criticisms are unlikely to go away, not only in Sudan but in many other countries where China has a deep involvement with controversial regimes.

With relations with the west and even South Africa deteriorating over his political record, President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has increasingly turned to China, which one of his key ministers has characterized as an “all-weather friend.” Chinese investment in mining, energy, telecommunications, agriculture, and other sectors was estimated at $600 million at the end of 2004, with another $600 million pledged in June 2005. The price, however, has been high, according to critics, who claim that Mugabe’s government has handed de facto control of key strategic industries to the Chinese. A contract with China to farm 386 square miles of land while millions of Zimbabweans remain landless has also come under fire, with rural sociologist John Karumbidza blasting it as amounting “to nothing more than land renting and typical agri-business relations that turn the land holders and their workers into labour tenants and subject them to exploitation.”

The Nigerian government is another problematic Chinese partner, according to civil society activists. China has extensive interests in Nigeria, particularly in oil exploration and production. John Rocha notes that the China National Offshore Corporation (CNOOC), has acquired a 45 per cent working interest in an offshore enterprise, OML 130, for $2.3 billion; the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) has invested in the Port Harcourt refinery; and a joint venture between the Chinese Oil and Natural Gas Corporation and the L.N. Mittal Group, plans to invest $6 billion in railways, oil refining, and power in exchange for rights to drill oil.

These interests have led to an increasingly close alliance of China with the faction of the ruling People’s Democratic Party dominated by President Olusegun Obasanjo. This relationship has a controversial security dimension. As Ndubisi Obiorah, another contributor to the “China in Africa” volume who is also director of the Center for Law and Social Action in Lagos, notes: “The Nigerian government is increasingly turning to China for weapons to deal with the worsening insurgency in the oil-rich Niger Delta. The Nigerian Air Force purchased 14 Chinese-made versions of the upgraded Mig 21 jet fighter; the navy has ordered patrol boats to secure the swamps and creeks of the Niger Delta.” Not surprisingly, the rebel Movement for the Emancipation of the Nigerian Delta (MEND) has warned Chinese companies to keep out of the region or risk attack.

With their integrated political, military, economic, and diplomatic components, China’s “strategic partnerships” with governments such as those of Nigeria, Sudan, and Zimbabwe increasingly have the feel of the old US and Soviet relationships with client states during the Cold War.

The role of Civil Society is important in effecting change and many activists do not discount the possibility that things may yet be turned around. Though critical of current Chinese policies, Humphrey Pole-Pole of Tanzania appealed at the WSF Nairobi meeting, for a “win-win-win” strategy—that is, “a win for China, a win for African governments, and a win for African people. This is not impossible.” The key to such a change may be the growth of Chinese civil society organizations, some of which are increasingly independent of and indeed critical of government policies within China, according to Dorothy Guerrero, coordinator of Focus on the Global South’s China program: “If the Chinese government and business interests in Africa are to be moderated by concerns for local people, the environment, human rights, etc., it is of extreme importance that the international voices arguing for this are joined by a constituency of people within China who are also concerned about such principles.” She added that links must be forged between African and Chinese NGO’s and it was for that reason that representatives of Chinese civil society went to Nairobi.

But closer ties are not enough, said Justin Fong. Mechanisms have to be devised that could be effectively used to press for accountability on the part of the Chinese government. One point of vulnerability he identified is the practice of Chinese government entities, such as the China Export-Import Bank, of seeking co-financing for their Africa projects from international banks such as HSBC and Citigroup. When it came to controversial projects, he suggested, pressure might be indirectly placed on the Chinese by lobbying these institutions, which are more sensitive about their image than Beijing.

Others were sceptical that such tactics, which might have worked with Western governments and businesses, would succeed with China. But whatever their differences, African and Chinese civil society activists, have a consensus on one thing, it will be a hard, uphill struggle to change the Chinese juggernaut’s direction in Africa.

For further information read: "African Perspectives on China in Africa" published by Fahamu and can be obtained through their website - Fahamu.org

* Walden Bello is executive director of the Bangkok-based research and advocacy institute Focus on the Global South.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

In Swaziland, farming know-how is passed on from parent to child. But for many children whose parents die of AIDS the expertise dies with them, leaving hunger and destitution, according to a report by Nathi Gule for Panos. Many parents don’t pass on their farming techniques to children at such an early stage. Most children learn farming later on through observation and working with elder family members.

FEATURES: Ben Terrell exposes UN human rights abuses in Haiti
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- Henning Melber examines the state of the continent and presents a new African order
- African women are winning the fight for rights but they cannot afford to be complacent, writes Janah Ncube
- The China question sparked a fiery debate at the WSF. Walden Bello explains why
- There will be no peace without human rights in Somalia, says Birgit Michaelis
LETTERS: Jacques Depelchin calls for solidarity with Haiti
BLOGGING AFRICA: China, mobile technology and indentured slaves in Sierra Leone feature this week
BOOKS & ARTS:
- Poet Mshairi travels “Home”
- Kimani wa Wanjiru reviews prison literature and the politicisation of prisoners in Kenya
WORLD SOCIAL FORUM: It’s time for the masses to be heard, says Steve Ouma
AFRICAN UNION MONITOR: Ghana welcomed in as AU chair

CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Historic pledge to free children from war
HUMAN RIGHTS: Tutu stirs African debate on homosexuality
WOMEN AND GENDER: International day against FGM
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Land clashes kill 60, displace thousands in Kenya
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Kenya elections - Out with the Old….in with the Old
AFRICA AND CHINA: China’s environmental footprint in Africa
DEVELOPMENT: Will ethanol fuel prosperity or poverty in Africa?
CORRUPTION: Corruption and misuse robs Nigerians of rights
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: Spotlight on microbicide trials
EDUCATION: Keep schools open to Swazi Aids orphans
ENVIRONMENT: Carbon trading – Offsets for Whom?
LAND AND LAND RIGHTS: “We are not eating our own food”, say Ugandan farmers
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Community radio journalist held in Chad
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: Shuttleworth Foundation gets linuxed
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops

*Pambazuka News now has a Del.icio.us page, where you can view the various websites that we visit to keep our fingers on the pulse of Africa! Visit

Local government officials in Nigeria's wealthiest oil-producing state have squandered rising revenues that could provide basic health and education services for some of Nigeria's poorest people, according to a Human Rights Watch report. Human Rights Watch found that the government's failure to tackle local-level corruption violates Nigeria's obligation to provide basic health and education services to its citizens.

Somali women are taking the initiative in the fight against AIDS with a programme to educate their peers in this conservative Muslim nation. An extensive consultative process, conducted by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), led to the development of a women's training manual in the local Somali language, which trained women to reach other women in their home towns.

Fifty-eight countries represented at a high-level conference in Paris committed themselves to stopping the unlawful recruitment and use of children in armed conflicts. French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy and UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Rima Salah congratulated delegates on taking this historic step to protect boys and girls from getting caught up in adult wars.

The aim of the conference is to engage academics, activists, labour, civil society and government on research related to municipal service delivery undertaken by the Municipal Services Project. We also hope to open up new debates and thinking about future research priorities.