Pambazuka News 268: Special Issue: Women, trade and justice

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, an organ of the African Union will be organising a 'Regional Sensitisation Seminar on the Rights of Indigenous Populations and Communities in Africa'. The Seminar is the first in a series of Regional Seminars earmarked by the African Commission’s Working Group on Indigenous Populations and Communities in Africa

As the Democratic Republic of the Congo prepares for the run-off presidential election, political and ethnic tensions look set to "hit an all time high." This East African article warns of "major ramifications for the stability of countries in East and Central Africa" should the election spark a return to militia based violence.

Stephen Lewis, the UN special envoy for AIDS in Africa, explains the "paramount" need for an expanded UN agency to address global women's rights. This Inter Press Service article describes women and girls as victims of gender-violence, genital mutilation, rape and illiteracy.

At the August 2006 World Water Week in Stockholm, researchers presented initial findings from the "Comprehensive Assessment of Water Management in Agriculture" carried out by 700 experts over five years. In 2000, researchers had predicted that water scarcity would affect one third of the world's population by 2025.

Looking at structures of power and inequality in the world, this preface discusses obstacles to and prospects for achieving global justice. The lack of international democratic processes and institutions greatly impedes global justice, but it conveniently suits the interests of the "present masters of mankind".

The author of this Ethical Corporation piece argues that NGOs should not blame multinational firms for human rights violations but instead seek accountability from states. However, such an argument overlooks how big companies sometimes push governments for "favorable deals" that further corporate interests.

NGOs from African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries expressed concerns about the ongoing free trade talks between their governments and the EU. At an April 2006 conference in Brussels, groups urged the EU to regularly provide information and consult with NGOs on development and poverty eradication.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has officially charged former militia leader Thomas Lubanga for forcefully recruiting children as soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo's civil war. Although the war began in 1998, the ICC can only indict Lubanga for crimes committed after the Court's inception in 2002.

Adolescents in the developing world are being denied the right to protect themselves from AIDS, says a new publication by the children's agency Plan. It says young people are taking risks, even when they are well informed about HIV and AIDS.

Angola's soaring economic growth from its diamonds and oil exports comes with worsening human rights and health, two separate reports warn. Alleged problems are said to include security companies' "profoundly sadistic" human-rights violations in Angola's diamond-rich eastern region, reports the Financial Times.

This journal highlights that culture is superimposed on many aspects that deal with women's rights, even in contexts that one would not expect the culture discourse to be prominent in. Contributors unanimously raise attitudes towards women and girls as being a grave concern, and we debate culture with relation to gender and inequality.

Throughout this process, women's groups from around the world have urged the creation of a well-resourced, independent women's entity that would have normative, operational and oversight capacity, and universal country presence. It is the best way to ensure the effective implementation of gender equality goals and gender mainstreaming throughout the UN system.

The Nobel Women's Initiative was established in 2006 by sister Nobel Peace Laureates Jody Williams, Shirin Ebadi, Wangari Maathai, Rigoberta Menchú Tum and Betty Williams. We five women -- representing North and South America, Europe, the Middle East and Africa -- have decided to bring together our extraordinary experiences in a united effort for peace with justice and equality.

Move over Bill, Chris, Michelle, Rush, Sean, & Company. Make way for a worthy challenger to the title of leader of the racist rant pack holding court weekday evenings on his hourly show on CNN.

Ernest Ndukwe, executive vice chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), has described Voice Over Internet Protocol (VoIP) as the engine that will drive telephony in developing countries like Nigeria. Speaking at the first day of the three-day VoIP forum in Lagos, Ndukwe said the commission had recently conducted a study into the Nigerian telecommunications market.

August 18 marked the launch of a campaign to spread consumer awareness about telecommunications in South Africa. The campaign is inspired by successful consumer advocacy campaigns such as the Spread Firefox campaign, where thousands of grassroots activists pledged money to take out a double-page spread in the New York Times telling the world that there was an open source alternative to Microsoft Internet Explorer.

The Chinese government attaches considerable importance to international cooperation in the fight against corruption, and is willing to do more in this regard, said a senior legislator on Monday (September 4) in Beijing.

Corruption and tribalism are derailing economic growth, the New Partnership for African Development (Nepad) has said. Dr Grace Ongile, Nepad executive director, said unless the Government eradicated the vices, last year’s 5.8 per cent economic growth was likely to drift back to negative in a few years.

Thousands of supporters of former Deputy President Jacob Zuma are expected to converge overnight to support him as he faces corruption charges Tuesday (August 5) in South Africa's most explosive trial since apartheid. The trial comes as Zuma has stepped up his campaign to succeed President Thabo Mbeki when he steps down in 2009, arguing that the accusations are a political plot to destroy him and that the case should be thrown out.

South Africa says it is investigating reports that 137 women among its delegation to an Aids conference in Canada are applying for refugee status. A total of 151 delegates - including El Salvadorans, Eritreans, Zimbabweans and Ugandans - have applied, a Canadian newspaper reported. An immigration lawyer said the women were facing severe discrimination.

Direct talks between Somalia's interim government and rival Islamists have begun in Sudan's capital, Khartoum, with power-sharing high on the agenda. The sides have not met since June when the Union of Islamic Courts seized control of the capital, Mogadishu, and then many central and southern regions.

The Spanish government has said it will not tolerate the continued arrival of African migrants on its shores. Deputy Prime Minister Maria Teresa Fernandez de la Vega called on African countries to help cut off the flow of migrants, and to take them back again. She was speaking after a weekend in which more than 1,400 Africans landed on the Canary Islands alone.

Ghana's government has banned a conference for gay men and lesbians due to take place there later this month (September). Information Minister Kwamena Bartels said as homosexuality was illegal in Ghana the gathering was not permitted. "Government does not condone any such activity which violently offends the culture, morality and heritage of the entire people of Ghana," he said.

Two Niger journalists have been jailed for 18 months over an article which criticised PM Hama Amadou. The publisher and editor of Le Republicain, Maman Abou and Omar Keita Lalo, were also fined $10,000 (£5,250) for spreading false news. The article said Mr Amadou preferred ties with Iran to those with the West.

The fifty-sixth session of the WHO Regional Committee for Africa ended Friday (September 1) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, with the adoption of seven resolutions aimed at scaling up action in critical areas that are key to improving the health and socio-economic situation in Africa.

The GBV Coordinator will be responsible for the development, implementation, standardization, and evaluation of all GBV-related activities. Primary duties in the first 4-6 months will include the establishment of the GBV sector, the initiation of the GBV pilot program in Northern Uganda and supervision of the GBV projects in the refugee settlements.

The Africa Programme of Amnesty International (AI), International Secretariat is seeking a dynamic person to fill the post of Africa Human Rights Defenders Coordinator based in AI's Africa Regional Office in Kampala, Uganda. As the Africa Human Rights Defenders Coordinator, you will coordinate AI's program of work for the protection of Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) in Africa.

Tagged under: 268, Contributor, Jobs, Resources, Uganda

The Program Officer will be responsible for developing, monitoring and evaluating the Ford Foundation’s work in the field of Sexuality and Reproductive Health (SRH) in the Middle East and North Africa region, with special focus on Egypt and Palestine

Tagged under: 268, Contributor, Jobs, Resources, Egypt

Working in Sudan since 1985 FAR has been involved in a number of programs including emergency relief to refugees and IDP populations, agro forestry schemes, health and nutrition programs, food security and income generating activities. FAR headquarters are in Khartoum with field offices in 5 other locations, staffed mainly by local personnel. FAR’s vision is to empower the people of Sudan.

Tagged under: 268, Contributor, Jobs, Resources

Some three million people live in Liberia, but after a decade and a half of warfare there are only 34 government doctors catering for their healthcare needs. Fighting destroyed 95 percent of Liberia’s healthcare facilities and the number of trained government doctors in the country dropped from 400 to less then 20 at the civil war’s end in 2003, according Liberia's National Human Development Report.

Armed soldiers shielded behind sandbags stand guard on both ends of the bridge over the River Niger and into Onitsha, a sprawling trading town of more than one million people in southeastern Nigeria. Vehicles entering the city are subjected to searches, ostensibly for weapons and signs of membership in the separatist Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), blamed for a recent series of violent incidents in the city.

Advocacy groups in Zambia are forcing HIV/AIDS issues onto the agenda in the run-up to this month's general election. "All election candidates should make clear their personal commitment to tackling HIV and AIDS because we want Zambian politicians to take a leading role in fighting the HIV/AIDS pandemic. We want them to tell us what they will do about the pandemic if we elect them to office, because they should recognise that HIV is as much an election issue as a better economy or improved education."

The main parties in Cote d'Ivoire’s conflict were set to gather on Tuesday (September 5) for a fresh round of talks on the faltering peace process ahead of a key United Nations meeting in New York later this month. President Laurent Gbagbo is to meet with rebel New Forces leader Guillaume Soro and the two main opposition leaders, Alassane Ouattara and Henri Konan Bedie.

Nearly half of the 40,000 refugees who fled Togo during post-election violence last year have left refugee camps in Benin and Ghana, and the Togolese government says it plans to repatriate those remaining. The Togolese High Commissioner for Repatriation and Humanitarian Action (HCRHA) said it had repatriated 3,000 refugees and another 1,000 had requested repatriation. Fifteen-thousand have voluntarily returned.

Pambazuka News 267: Protecting the rights of the disabled

The report serves as chilling reading on how the people of Zimbabwe who had their houses torn down by the Government Operation Murambatsvina last year, still have no access to housing or other facilities.

Book Review: Article 19. 2006. Broadcasting pluralism and diversity: training manual for African regulators. London: Article 19. 112 pp. ISBN: 1-902598-82-2.

The 1990s saw the unfolding of the process of liberalisation, a facet of economic globalisation, across sub-Saharan Africa. This process had significant, albeit differing, implications for the broadcasting landscape. For one thing, there was an emergence of commercial and community broadcasting projects, posing a challenge to the hitherto monolithic broadcasting systems extant in most countries. For another, the process of technological convergence was tugging at telecommunications and broadcasting policy-makers, presenting them with new problems and possibilities. Underpinning all these developments was the value of democracy and democratisation.

Which is why the manual by Article 19, under the banner of the Global Campaign for Free Expression, is a propitious contribution to the escalating debates about media regulation and its desirability for the transitional democracies of Africa.

Chapter 1 explores the principles underpinning broadcast media regulation, not least freedom of expression, freedom of information, diversity and pluralism, media access and editorial independence. It also ratchets up the regulatory challenges posed by digitalisation and convergence, arguing that this presents opportunities for expanding the broadcasting-communicative space. Chapter 2 analyses the structure and functionality of broadcasting regulatory bodies. It emphasises the importance of independent and accountable regulators, endowed with the necessary powers and funds to operate effectively. Chapter 3 discusses regulatory aspects relating to the licensing of broadcasters: the necessity of a licence; eligibility for a licence; the three-tier broadcasting licensing system; the licensing process itself; and the licence conditions that must apply.

Chapter 4 isolates the regulation of content for specific discussion, giving the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA) as a useful model in this regard. Lastly, chapter 5 examines the nature of complaints and sanctions meted out by regulatory agencies, noting that these must generally be proportionate to the ‘offence’ committed (p. 80). The rest of the manual is devoted to ‘further resources’, appendices and ‘notes for trainers’ (pp. 93-112).

The manual is a decidedly easy read -- this is its first striking feature, as soon as you start flipping through the pages. It is a step-by-step training resource. Apart from being a simplified read, the manual is didactic. This is evident in three devices used to engage the reader. There are three types of box, each focusing on one of the following: ‘brainstorm’; ‘discussion point’ and ‘revision point.’ These serve as participatory tools, engaging the reader in deeper and more critical reflection on the subject. It is this simplicity of argumentation and exposition that makes this training manual stand out from most of the other written pierces of discourse on broadcast media regulation.

This very simplicity is also its major weakness. Admittedly, this is not an academic treatise to bother about ‘theorising’ broadcasting regulation. By definition, a manual is essentially instructional. But the ‘instructions’ therein are informed by some ‘theoretical’ principles evolved over time. Which is why one is at liberty to ‘theoretically’ interrogate some of the assumptions implicit in the manual, such as, for example, the apparent dislocation of the regulators from their social and political structures. Media regulation is a heavily politicised activity. It is not surprising that Horwitz postulates six theories – ‘public interest’, ‘regulatory failure’, ‘conspiracy’, ‘economic capture-conspiracy’, ‘organisational’ and ‘capitalist state’ theories -- to explain the dynamics of media regulation (Horwitz, RB. 1997. Theories of media regulation, in The political economy of the media edited by P. Golding & G. Murdock. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar).

Examples abound in which some, or all, of these theories are applicable. Only recently the South African minister of communications attempted to introduce an amendment to the ICASA Act 2000 that would make the state have a stronger say in the appointment of councillors of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA). Had this motion become law, the regulatory authority would have been ‘captured’ by the state machinery. Furthermore, human agency suggests that regulatory bureaucrats are susceptible to even subtler controls than those alluded to by the manual. Of course, we need not belabour the fact that the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) has resulted in a heavily regulated media regime. In such a situation, broadcasting ‘deregulation’ would be preferable to ‘regulation’. But, for understandable reasons, it is beyond the scope of this manual to delve into the political contextualisation of media regulation in Africa.

Apart from this substantive observation, the other problematic aspects of the manual are editorial. Firstly, many of the details in the map on page 18 are blurred. The explanatory key is completely illegible. Secondly, page 69 has one glaring conceptual error. In trying to explain the ‘quantitative’ definition of ‘local content’, the author confuses it with the ‘qualitative’ aspect of local content requirements. Thirdly, here and there, one notices some typographical errors (for examples of this, see pages 29, 42 and 54).

These shortcomings do not, in any way, derogate from the integrity of the manual as a resource worth reading by all those who would understand the complexities of media regulation.

* Professor Fackson Banda is the SABMiller Chair of Media & Democracy,
School of Journalism & Media Studies, Rhodes University.

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Many thanks for raising these issues in your well-argued paper (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/36471). Our brothers and sisters in the DRC deserve a better future. And Africa's future lies in the political stability of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Many thanks and congratulations for this thorough contribution to the work we are doing for a better society (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/364710).

I enjoyed reading ‘Drum Rider’ (http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/books/36217). What powerful poetry! It was penned with excruciating clarity; it’s raw, painful, beautiful, but most importantly it is the truth. I honour Bi Kidude for living her extraordinary life to the fullest and sharing her divine gift of music with the world. Also, I want to thank Shailja Patel, who penned ‘Drum Rider’ for her keen observations and the power and artistry of her words. Thank you Pambazuka for sharing with us the works of these courageous artists.

Early in July I was in Banjul, the capital of the country that dubs itself ‘the smiling coast of Africa’, for the AU Summit. A year had elapsed since I last saw many of the political elite who make it a point to attend these gatherings. I am referring to the media professionals and the NGO types.

Many of my friends, especially those in the AU whom I had branded as ‘bureaucrats of our Union’ ‘AUcrats’, and ‘AUrats’ were already waiting to confirm if it was indeed true that I had recently joined the UN Millennium campaign.

I had to keep reminding myself that it was in fact the truth. I couldn’t help thinking that either there was something wrong with me or them. Of all possible employers, it had to be the UN! Crowds of people wanted to exchange business cards with me. They did not want my new business card to correspond with me. Believe it or not, they wanted to keep my card as a souvenir. For them, the card represented ‘Taju joining the system’ or ‘Tajudeen selling out’.

The AUcrats had a field day taunting me as a latter day ‘UNOcrat’ and ‘UNORat’. All my attempts to convince them that I am still within the CSO community, for the UN Millenium Campaign is meant to empower citizens of the world, went unheeded. One of them even boasted to me that I would be saying ALUTA STOPEE instead of ALUTA CONTINUA soon! Time will definitely tell.

I was barely two months in the Campaign but somehow people were looking for evidence that I have mellowed or been bought over. Those who have not received my weekly column now believe that it must be because the UN has put an end to my writing career. Many now look for evidence in my writing that I have had a paradigm shift in my political worldview.

I had arrived in Banjul with an even bigger change in my public persona. After two decades of serious Piping I had given up smoking. The obligatory pipe dangling from my mouth was no longer there.

It was the second day of the Summit when one of the sisters observed that ‘something has changed about you’. Those present chorused: ‘He has joined the UN’ but she disappointed them by saying that my detour into what many of them regarded as ‘behind enemy lines’ was not it. Someone also observed that I had lost a few pounds. Thanks to the craze for losing weight these days, it could have been misinterpreted as evidence that ‘the man is going’ as we euphemistically refer to people suspected of living with AIDS in Uganda. But my weight loss was not due to any dietary change but the result of a serious bout of Malaria.

The sister asked people to guess what could be amiss about my physical appearance. It was not like I was wearing a three-piece suit and a tie in tropical conditions. So what were they supposed to be looking for?

I was in my “Acting Big Man” full Nigerian National Regal Attire. That did not come as a surprise to many, for an enduring popular aspect of the AU razzmatazz is the orchestrated display of colourful African dresses with the West Africans, invariably leading the pack. However, there seems to be increasing competition for the lead role from other regions, especially Southern African women.

So if there was nothing amiss with clothes, what then was the problem? Finally, with the smugness of the only one who knows and the sense of discovery comparable to Newton discovering the Laws of Gravity, she shouted: “Look at him! The pipe is missing.”

Everybody started demanding to know where the pipe was. Instead of congratulating me, they wanted to know why I had stopped smoking.

I had stopped smoking over a year earlier. I must emphasise that I had not stopped because I had realised that smoking was dangerous and bad for my health. Every smoker knows that (and does not care about the legal warning) just as alcoholics know that liquor is not good for their health.

When it comes to alcohol there is still a half hearted debate about whether alcohol is good when drunk in moderation. There is no such debate about smoking. Those who smoke pipes delude themselves that they smoke less. But the truth is that it is the same nicotine.

So, the message should not be ‘smoke less’ but ‘do not smoke at all’. Even now that I have stopped the impact of my previous smoking will be with me till the grave. And what is frightening is that my second-hand smoke might have affected someone else’s health.

It is often said that smokers are the only true Socialists left because they share their smoke with you whether you like it or not. This is why smoking ceases to be a matter of personal choice.

Suppose I had designs to poison my family or circle of friends or whole community, wouldn’t the State be compelled to put me behind bars? Yet smokers are doing this every time they smoke.

I am no latter day convert to ‘no smoking evangelism’. I do not wish to preach to people. I still miss the buzz and elation of bonding with complete strangers, the cancer friendships, the emotional release and other feelings that go with smoking. I am still very tolerant towards my former comrades. But I hope for those still in the Club that the puff they are now blowing is their last one.

What prompted the change was a plea from my older daughter, Aida, 10.

On a wintry morning, I was taking her and her younger sister, Ayesha, 6, to their school in North London. I rolled down my window for my first puff of the day (which any smoker cherishes. I must add that at the time our house had become a Talibanesque no smoking, no drinking Sharia Zone!).

Out of the blue, Aida said: “Baba do you know that you will not see me graduate?” I was shocked and asked why she was talking death at 8.00am. She said: “Because you are smoking.” And proceeded to reel out all the medical, social and environmental reasons befitting kids brought up on ICTs. Gone were our days of ‘do as you are told’, ‘do not speak unless you are spoken to’ and grandfather of all indiscipline, to correct the Mzee!

I was happy and saddened at the same time. I was happy that my 10 year old daughter was confident that she was going to graduate, but sad that my lifestyle was making her feel that her father might not be there. The buzz, the urge and everything that goes with that puff drained out of me that morning and ever since I have not filled up the pipe again.

Africa is far away from the litigations nightmare of the US that makes long-term smokers go to court to prosecute tobacco makers for not warning them that smoking is bad for their health!

Be that as it may, it is a scandal that tobacco companies just like oil companies and other corporations get away with serial murders in Africa and other Third World countries. It is not just their exploitation of the environment and people, but that most of their adverts would not have been broadcast or published in the West.

Tobacco and alcohol advertising are still booming in the poorer countries, where both political corruption and weak regulatory capacities allow big corporations to do what they like. They also present themselves as “partners- in-development” because of the economic contributions they make to tobacco growing countries. They have loads of money to advertise, and the media is financially dependent on this.

Governments may be compromised, and media owners reluctant to act but as individuals there are little things we can do. For me the least of the actions I can take begins with the picture editors at New Vision newspapers in Uganda, the original publishers of this column.

With this article I am making a public break with the tolerated poison industry that the tobacco industry represents. I am no longer active in the fraternity. I may not be able to stop the British American Tobacco and other tobacco companies but at least I can demand that The New Vision no longer uses a picture of me with a pipe.

I hope my good friends Owori Charles, Kevin and Sue O’Connor in the East African branches of the anti-smoking lobby ‘Tobacco or Health’ and others who have written to me take this as a public atonement and a determination to affirm life instead of being an accessory to my own death and that of others. There should be nothing glamorous about smoking. The tobacco corporations have too much money to convince and confuse the public about their merchandise. So, it would be an act of making the rich even richer on my part were I to appear with a pipe every week in my newspaper column.

From now on I say: not in my name.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement,
Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

The Middle-East is on fire, and it does not look as if the political situation is going to improve anytime soon. Eva Dadrian looks at Africa’s response to the conflict. She argues that those who know how it feels like to be at the receiving end of colonialism have always criticised Israel’s occupation of Palestine.

After 34 days of fighting, more than 1,200 civilian casualties, 15,000 homes destroyed, 80 bridges and 94 roads damaged, the two-week-old cease-fire between Israel and Hezballah is holding. Apart from being a human tragedy, the recent conflict is also an environmental disaster with massive oil spills resulting from the bombing of a power plant close to Beirut.

The question now is how UNIFIL (the United Nations International Forces in Lebanon) will fully implement the UN Security Council Resolution 1701 that asks for the two Israeli prisoners held by Hezballah to be handed over to the International Red Cross, and that Israel lifts its blockade of Lebanon?

Should the cease-fire and the arrival of the peacekeeping force be considered a victory for the international community? The UN knows, like everybody else, that UN peacekeepers will never be in a position to “impose peace”, let alone become peacemakers.

But, it is expected that in the coming weeks, armed with a tougher mandate than any UN peacekeeping force has ever enjoyed before, the multinational force of some 15,000 troops from Bangladesh, Italy, Malaysia, Poland, and many others, will attempt to consolidate this cease-fire. They are also expected to help in the clearing up and to carry out humanitarian operations. But will this really happen?

According to observers, the government and the people of Lebanon are determined to implement Resolution 1701. Also, they are expecting the Israeli government to do so. However, to date Israel has been reluctant to withdraw from Lebanese territories and lift its air, land and sea blockade on Lebanon, thus hampering not only humanitarian aid in reaching the country but also delaying a full environmental damage assessment of the Lebanon coastline. Environmentalists estimate that between 11 and 40 million litres of heavy fuel oil leaked into the sea following the Israeli bombardment of Jieh coastal power station, 28km south of Beirut. The pollution is estimated to extend at least 150km (90 miles) off-shore and has hit the tourism and fishing industries hard. One UN spokesperson has been reported as saying the damage could last "up to a century". Furthermore, the oil has hit a 150km stretch of coastline extending even into Syria.

Has the war achieved anything that would make either Israel, Hezballah, Washington and others involved front line or back stage, proud? Was all this destruction the only means to secure the safe release of Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev, the two Israeli soldiers captured by Hezballah? Is it possible to believe that Mossad, the Israeli secret service, considered by many as the world’s “best and most efficient” in the field, would have not been capable of getting back the two kidnapped soldiers by more discreet and efficient means?

Most Israelis and many others in the region, in the Arab nations, say that the war was meant to reduce Hezballah’s growing power in Lebanon and dismantle its arsenal.

Do we need to admit that this war has had the opposite result? Not only has Israel not managed to destroy Hezballah, but Israel’s war on Lebanon has reinforced Hezballah’s aura in Lebanon and in the Arab world, thanks to the resistance and the resilience of Hezballah’s fighters. This war will go down in history as the only war fought and lost by the State of Israel since its creation. Do we need to become cynical and laugh because the two soldiers whose kidnapping is said to have sparked this conflict are still in Hezballah’s custody?

So what was really achieved by all the parties involved: Israel, Lebanon, Hezballah, Washington, Syria and Iran?

Analysts and politicians from Europe, US, Asia and Africa, have implied that the conflict between Hezballah and Israel had the potential to become a wider regional conflict. So was this meant to provoke Syria and Iran and drag them into direct confrontation with Israel? Was it to distract world public opinion from the failures in Iraq, the sectarian killings and the body bags returning home, or the failures in Afghanistan and the renewal of the old tribal conflicts there?

In fact, the entire region is at war. From the East Mediterranean shores to the borders of Pakistan (save Iran at the present time) the so-called “New Middle East” as envisaged by President Bush, Secretary of State Rice, PM Tony Blair and the like, is but conflicts, rubbles, destruction, broken lives and dismantled nations.

For argument sake, let’s transpose Israel’s action against Hezballah elsewhere in the world. For example, in Christian, white Europe imagine that Sweden, the pillar of European democracy, disagrees with the fascistic politics of the French Front National of Jean-Marie Le Pen. So, the Swedish government decides to bomb Paris and destroy all the French “departments” where the Front National has its offices. It does it with an arsenal of weaponry supplied by Germany!

Or at the height of the IRA bombings in mainland Britain, London decides to bomb Dublin once and for all? Would it have been possible?

After touring Beirut’s devastated Dahiyeh district, where he was booed by the residents, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan is reported to have declared that “there is a lot of work to be done” and that the UN and international community would work effectively with all parties to “ensure that we do implement the resolution to the fullest and that we have a long-term peace in this region”.

The war in Lebanon was but another chapter in the Middle East conflict. And this conflict cannot and will not be resolved unless the Israeli-Palestinian question is resolved. Is it so difficult to secure a “long-lasting peace” that we have to accept today the small token of a “long-term” peace?

For the Israeli-Arab/Israeli-Palestinian question, one should look into the issue of colonialism, exactly in the same way as one would look into the Irish question and British colonialism in Africa.

Interestingly, those who know how it feels like to be at the receiving end of colonialism have always criticised Israel’s occupation of Palestine. For years, Africans have condemned Israel’s “colonial” policies in Palestine, and the recent conflict was yet another source of debates. Further, people took to the streets. Anti-war demonstrators marched in their hundreds through the streets of Gaborone (Botswana). The African Union strongly condemned what it described as Israel's “indiscriminate bombing”. This was particularly after the bombing of Qena, which the AU said “cannot be justified under any circumstances”.

In South Africa activists often liken Israel to Apartheid South Africa. The African National Congress condemned Israel for its disproportionate military action.

African politicians were not the only protestors. Many artists, writers and media people strongly expressed their views on the issue. At this year’s Zimbabwe International Film Festival (ZIFF) Israel’s war against Lebanon took centre stage. In its programme ZIFF had included the world acclaimed documentary “Paradise Now” – which was nominated for Best Foreign Language Film at the Academy Awards (Oscars) earlier this year and the winner of the Golden Globe Award for Best Foreign Language Film (USA).

In complete contrast to the strong position against the war and Israel's action taken by Africa south of the Sahara, North Africa and particularly Egypt, adopted a much milder position. Precaution was the name of the game when it came to analysing and discussing the causes of the war. Most mainstream Arab political analysts avoided criticising Egypt's position and President Mubarak's condemnation of Hezbollah's kidnapping of the 2 Israeli soldiers. Pointing a finger at Washington' policies for the region and criticising president Bush's administration for the moral, financial and arms support, to Israel, Egypt remained "unstained". The Arab street had a very different position. In Cairo, protestors called for the dissolution of the Camp David agreement between Israel and Egypt (1978-79) labelling it as the "leach" that is "tying up Egypt's hands and feet" in any decision concerning Israel's and Washington's policy for the Middle East conflict.

In Tunisia, at the international Carthage Festival, the Tunisian artist Lotfi Bouchnaq, cancelled the final programme to replace it with patriotic songs and music in solidarity with Lebanon and the Palestinian people.

One Israeli blogger has gone so far as to write, the Palestinians are victims of “a colonial type of oppression”. Their land is confiscated, their homes bulldozed, their olive groves uprooted, their youth disturbed by 50 years of wars, killings, bombs and displacements and their sons in Israeli jails. Aren’t these the real stigmata of colonialism as practised in the past by the colonial powers?

The 50 years of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have engendered resistance. Depending on the standpoint from which one views the political situation in the Middle East, Palestinians militants have become “freedom fighters” or “terrorists”. As political dialogue became a futile exercise, Palestinian militants have become “Islamic Terrorists”. However, in reality, the militants of Hamas and Hezballah are only “resisting” the occupation of their lands - Palestine for Hamas and South Lebanon for Hezballah – and refuse to accept Israel’s expansionist policy.

In the very early days of the conflict, As Safir, the Lebanese daily, published the translation of a “secret” report presented by Wayne Madison*, a journalist at the New Yorker, specialising in the political intricacies of Washington D.C. and the CIA. The report preceded an article published by the San Francisco Chronicle (July 21, 2006) under the title: ‘Israel set war plan more than a year ago, Strategy was put in motion as Hezbollah began gaining military strength in Lebanon’. Matthew Kalman, the author of this article, wrote the following: “Israel's military response by air, land and sea to what it considered a provocation last week by Hezbollah militants is unfolding according to a plan finalized more than a year ago.

In the six years since Israel ended its military occupation of southern Lebanon, it watched warily as Hezbollah built up its military presence in the region. When Hezbollah militants kidnapped two Israeli soldiers last week, the Israeli military was ready to react almost instantly”.

But the report presented by Wayne Madison has far more to reveal about the recent conflict. 1) The aggression against Lebanon was planned by key Israeli decision-makers and members of the Bush Administration during a meeting organised by the American Enterprise Institute, held at Beever-Creek-Colorado, on 17 and 18 June 2006.

2) During that meeting, US Vice-President Dick Cheney, Israel’s Prime Minister Ehoud Olmert, and Benjamin Netanyahu, Ehoud Barak, Shimon Pérès and Nathan Charansky were all present.

3) The two parties agreed on the following plan: the American Administration will provide ‘all the necessary assistance’ to Israel so that it (Israel) can put into execution Plan ‘Clear Infiltration’ formulated some 10 years ago. This plan dealt with ‘new strategies’ concerning global ‘matters of security’.

4) Clear Infiltration was in fact the “next” step to the invasion and occupation of Iraq. This was to be followed by wars in Palestine, Lebanon, then Syria and Iran.

5) To put the plan into motion, two steps were foreseen: the first was to last for four years and incorporated “secret activities from the Pentagon, the White House and Mossad, inside Lebanon” These secret activities included using booby-trapped vehicles to assassinate high-ranking Lebanese officials. The objective: forcing Syrian troops to withdraw from Lebanon. The author of the report mentions three names: Elie Hobaïka, former minister who was in charge of the Lebanese Forces and who sided with the Syrians, Georges Haoui, former secretary general of the Lebanese communist party and Rafiq Hariri, former Prime minister.

Whereas the second step included bombardment and then the invasion of Lebanon, observers reckon that somehow ‘Clear Infiltration’ has succeeded: invasion and occupation of Iraq, the assassination of Rafiq Hariri and other prominent Lebanese, bombardment and invasion of Lebanon have happened. ‘Plan Clear Infiltration’ would come into completion if Israel and Washington succeeded in removing Hezballah from South Lebanon and transferring them in the same way they had planned to “transfer” the Palestinians from the West Bank.

Notes:

* Wayne Madison, first journalist to reveal and write about the horrors of Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq

* Eva Dadrian is an independent broadcaster and Political and Country Risk Analyst for print and broadcast media.

* Please send comments to

Nnimmo Bassey argues for clean and renewable energy. “The truth is that Nigeria has been immersed in the murky waters of energy crisis for many years now and with current groping in the corridors of power it does not seem that there is light at the end of the tunnel,” writes Bassey.

President Olusegun Obasanjo, while inaugurating the board of Nigeria Atomic Energy Commission (NAEC) which he chairs, declared among other things that although Nigeria was “unequivocally committed to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, the country cannot but embrace the global trend in the utilisation of nuclear energy for the generation of electricity."

Unless this trend is seen in the light of activities going on in Iran and South Korea, it is difficult to see new developments in the nuclear power generation sector as a popular move among nations. However, it is also thought that this commission will provide the answer to the “imminent energy crisis facing the country.”

The president must have been making a politician’s speech when he spoke about an imminent energy crisis facing the country. The truth is that Nigeria has been immersed in the murky waters of an energy crisis for many years now, and with the current groping in the corridors of power it does not seem that there is light at the end of the tunnel.

This writer fully agrees with the president that Nigeria should look for alternatives to existing oil and gas, hydro or thermal sources. But we think that looking at nuclear energy is a misstep and this thinking should be revisited and reversed.

When people think of nuclear power the pictures that come to mind are those of a cheap and clean energy option. Some analysts even suggest that nuclear energy is one of the solutions to climate change, as it would not lead to the release of greenhouse gases as fossil fuels do when they are used to generate energy. There is also the rather romantic view that the power plant would possibly be so small you could compare it to the size of an atom. In 1980, a presidential candidate in the United States of America was quoted as saying that the matter of nuclear waste ought not to worry anybody as “all the waste in a year from a nuclear plant can be stored under a desk.” (See the book, The Experts Speak, the Definitive Compendium of Authoritative Misinformation by Christopher Cerf and Victor Navasky).

At present, Britain has an estimated 470,000 cubic metres of radioactive waste. This includes 2,000 cubic metres of high-level waste at Sellafield, stored in surface vaults across the country. But the lack of any long-term disposal strategy has alarmed experts, who fear an accident or terror attack, according to a recent report published in the Guardian newspaper. Three years ago, the government set up the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management to find a long-term solution to the nuclear waste problem. Their published report proposes that a concrete bunker, cut into solid rock at least 300 metres (1,000ft) underground, would be needed to store the waste. It is also reported that the ‘so-called "deep geological disposal" would require a repository that would take 35 years to build and 65 years to fill’. It sounds like this would not fit under a desk! And now the British government is currently planning to ask regions to compete to see who would provide the hole for this hazardous waste.

In return, the regions would have new projects provided as compensation. They would also be trained to act as monitors over the permanent hazard they would inevitably be exposed to. It reminds you of promises made to Niger Delta communities after their environment had been wrecked.

Cape Town’s chapter of Earthlife Africa, a South African environmental NGO, recently raised an alarm over alleged negligence by ESKOM at the Koeberg Nuclear Power Station in that country. Reports indicate that certain maintenance works may have been neglected at the power station for over ten years. The organization lamented this laxity saying “Safety at a nuclear power station is of the highest concern. The potential for accidents at nuclear power stations and the consequences of such accidents have been well illustrated by historic events at Chernobyl and inthe USA and Japan. These accidents have resulted in numerous deaths and environmental destruction as well as a legacy of radioactivity that isresponsible for illnesses and deaths until today.” Would Nigeria do better?

Conceiving of nuclear energy as clean energy is only possible if one turns a blind eye to the entire production cycle of the energy. This may be true when considering only reactor operations, but if we consider the process by which uranium is mined, transported and processed it becomes quite clear that this is not a clean energy form.

What about the uranium enrichment process, fuel fabrication, and the unavoidable long-term radioactive waste storage? Nuclear power stations may generate little greenhouse gas but their radioactive by-products are among the most toxic substances imaginable, and remain so for thousands of years. We see the dilemma for the British. Nigeria can simply not handle it.

Perhaps the president needs to take another look at nuclear power generation in Nigeria. It is still early in the day and this is the right time to retrace our steps. We need to look critically at how much we have failed as a nation at efforts to provide electricity supply through the rather conventional hydro and thermal generation systems. President Obasanjo has failed spectacularly to deliver on his first term promise on this matter. Nuclear energy is not a solution to the abysmal infrastructural deficit confronting us as a nation.

Nuclear power is basically about energy generation. Nuclear power reaches users through a power-grid system. In other words, it is not a wireless system. And if truth be told, the distribution grid in Nigeria is rather substandard. This is because of weak controls and because home owners often extend power lines to their properties with very little official oversight. This has engendered a situation where cables of diverse qualities reign in the land, and electricity transformers are often camouflaged by weeds. Thus, even if sufficient electricity power were to be generated today, we lack the infrastructure to deliver such power to users. Even if we were to have the power plants up and running in a couple of years, we are decades away from having a good enough power distribution network.

Another draw back is that there is a worldwide shortage of skilled manpower in this field. We can add to this concern the fact that we have a poor record of environmental safety and our emergency response mechanisms are still suspect. Nuclear energy is a ticking bomb and needs extreme care.

Besides, nuclear plants need to be shut down for periods of maintenance. Thus where such plants are in use, the country would still need to maintain an elaborate system of alternate plants thus adding to the overall costs outlay.

Why is Nigeria contemplating this energy system in a time when the world is concerned with developing sustainable energy and is gradually shifting away from nuclear energy? It is reported that industrialized countries such as Germany are moving towards more friendly energy sources. Indeed , a June 2006 report commissioned by the German Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety suggests that “Europe could cut carbon emissions from electricity generation by 70 per cent and phase out nuclear power by 2050 using 'concentrating solar power' (CSP) generated in the Middle East and North Africa.”

It appears that if Nigeria pursues the nuclear energy path, she will end up with an unnecessary liability when the system is finally ready. I say this because the world would have shifted away from this unsustainable mode of energy generation.

Another matter that may not have been inserted into the decision-making matrix may be the fact that nuclear power stations require huge amounts of water for cooling the reactor’s core. Experts say that nuclear plants do not work particularly well in warm climes. In a nation where fire trucks often run dry and water hydrants are left literally dehydrated, it takes very little imagination to reach the conclusion that setting huge quantities of water aside for this purpose will only compound the water problem of the nation.

We have a penchant of saying that issues like this are of no consequence because we do not lay much stock in analyzing scenarios that indicate how we unnecessarily, but rather continuously, box ourselves into tight corners. We have a penchant of superstitiously repeating to ourselves that everything will be okay even when we are taking wrong decisions and sliding down precipitous slopes.

In addition, the nuclear industry is yet to sufficiently address any of the negative aspects of this power generation system. It is a dirty industry, it is an expensive venture and it is extremely hazardous. There is nothing to recommend it except that it may confer some sense of “power” on the nation to say that we are on the nuclear league.

Honestly, rather than waste the resources of the nation on this wild enterprise, the Nigerian government should take steps to popularize solar energy systems in the nation. Solar and wind power systems may be expensive at the onset, but these costs are quite likely to fall as the world turns more to it in the face of rising cost of fossil fuels and the harmful potential of nuclear plants.

Moreover, solar systems are safe, the energy is clean and the system is amendable to discrete small scale whereby even remote communities can be easily serviced. In fact with the demise of crude oil that will happen in a few decades, the oil giants who hold vested interests in solar power development will see the need to allow popular access as this will be the next profit spinner.

In his speech to the NAEC board, President Obasanjo pointed out that "The new policy initiative of the US Government on nuclear energy, The Global Nuclear Energy Partnership" seeks to popularise and expand the generation and use of electricity from nuclear plants around the world. It does appear to us that the government is once more buying into offshore economic policy thrusts. The entire idea is rigged to shore up an American industry that is set to face decline. It may be argued that the dream of nuclear electricity plants has been on the shelves for three decades now, but common wisdom dictates that we should let sleeping dogs lie!

Again, I regret to say that I totally disagree with the president’s thinking that nuclear power would uplift the citizenry to a state of prosperity. It will rather expose our hapless citizenry to untold dangers apart from being another uneconomic sinkhole.

The World Bank, in its internal report on climate change, categorised nuclear energy as clean energy and announced plans to support it. The document, which was leaked to an environmental NGO, shows that the Bank lays a lot of emphasis on what poor countries could do to reduce greenhouse emissions, and says little about what the huge polluters should do. Although the bank keeps harping on the need for clean and renewable energy, it has not slowed down on its continual funding of oil and gas projects. Could Nigeria’s nuclear dream have been concocted by alchemists at the World Bank?

We have already squandered borrowed resources that rightly belong to future generations. Let us not make the problem worse.

FEATURED: The first-ever convention on the rights of persons with disabilities has been passed. Lina Lindblom explains what it means
COMMENT AND ANALYSIS:
- Eva Dadrian writes on the aftermath of the Lebanese conflict - and its implications for Africa
- Nnimmo Bassey argues for clean and renewable energy
LETTERS: A tribute to Bi Kidude
PAN-AFRICAN POSTCARD: Tajudeen Abdul Raheem puffs about why he quit smoking and hasn't sold out!
BLOGGING AFRICA: Sokari Ekine interrogates the “keep the child alive” campaign. Ekine also questions Jeffrey Sachs’s developmental theories
BOOKS AND ARTS: Book review on the complexities of media regulations
CONFLICT AND EMERGENCIES: Links to news on Sudan, Somalia, Uganda
HUMAN RIGHTS: Statement from Sanctions Against Israel on Capitalism
WOMEN AND GENDER: Monuc troops among the most sex offenders
REFUGEES AND FORCED MIGRATION: Somalia’s refugees lose hope.
ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: Nigerian elections set for April
DEVELOPMENT: A primer on foreign aid
CORRUPTION: Corruption in humanitarian aid
HEALTH AND HIV/AIDS: AIDS message to change in South Africa
EDUCATION: Girls’ education under microscope
RACISM & XENOPHOBIA: Racial profiling led to detention, harassment at airport
ENVIRONMENT: Satellite chronicles depleted continent
LAND AND LAND RIGHTS: Surviving the land invasions
MEDIA AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION: Threatened from everywhere
DIASPORA: First Anniversary of Hurricane Katrina
INTERNET AND TECHNOLOGY: Ministers to sign broadband agreement
PLUS: e-Newsletters and Mailings Lists; Fundraising and Useful Resources; Courses, Seminars and Workshops; Jobs.

This ten day advanced course is designed for practitioners from government, inter-governmental non-governmental agencies, donors and community representatives in the Middle East and Africa with institutional responsibilities in the field of refugees and migration. The participants will explore the practical implications and challenges of applying the much-touted human rights approach to policy making in real situations. The course will be both theoretical and practical, drawing on the wealth of lessons arising from trial and error, to determine the best-possible development outcomes for hosts, refugees, and migrants. Participants will take away new skills and techniques to apply in their own context.

Church leaders say that almost nothing has been done to house 700,000 people in Zimbabwe who lost their homes and livelihoods in demolitions last year. Operation Murambatsvina, which the government said was a campaign to clean up cities, was condemned by the UN.

On the first anniversary of Hurricane Katrina we speak with Jed Horne, an editor at the New Orleans Times-Picayune and author of "Breach of Faith."Horne says, "Louisiana is part of the old south...The mayor is a Democrat but could probably be called a neoconservative. He's as much a believer in the kind of free market, less-is-more approach to government as Karl Rove, one of his mentors."

Middle Eastern, South Asian and Muslim passengers say they are increasingly victims of racial profiling and are being detained and harassed at airports.

It has been three months since the signing of a peace deal between the Sudanese government and one of the three main rebel groups in the war-torn Darfur region. The deal was touted by the international community as a possible end to the three-year-old crisis, but since the deal was signed, violence in the region has in fact increased.

A year after Hurricane Katrina hit, only about half of New Orleans' population of 450,000 has returned. Many of those unable to come back are poor and African-American, drastically altering the demographics of a city that used to be two-thirds black. Investigative journalist Greg Palast reports from New Orelans.

The world's largest humanitarian operation in the western Sudanese region of Darfur is on the verge of collapse due to escalating violence, a United Nations humanitarian official warned on Monday (August 28). "Insecurity is at its highest level since 2004, access at its lowest levels since that date and we may well be on the brink of a return to all-out war," the Emergency Relief Coordinator and Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Jan Egeland, told the UN Security Council on Monday.

On August 24 2006, the minister for public service and information, Themba Msibi, warned the Swazi media against criticising the king, instilling further fear into an already timid press which cannot freely operate due to a perpetually hostile environment that continues to prevail despite the kingdom's new Constitution which guarantees freedom of expression.

The government of the Republic of Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army/Movement agreed this week to a cessation of hostilities. Click on the link to read the text of the agreement.

Second gender and media summit draws high level interest Close to two hundred participants from at least 15 countries in the region and overseas will gather at the Indaba Hotel in Fourways, Johannesburg on 7-8 September, for the second Gender and Media Summit. Convened by Gender Links (GL), the Media Institute for Southern Africa (MISA) and the Gender and Media Southern Africa (GEMSA) Network, the two day event will be held under the banner "Media diversity and sustainability: Good for Business, Good for Democracy."

The Sanctions Against Israel Coalition hereby pledges our unconditional support for the national strikes in the cleaning sector and at Shoprite. The rampant super-exploitation in these sectors reflect the crisis of capitalism and its inability to meet the basic needs of the majority. The massive income gap at Shoprite is one of the contributors to making South Africa the exploitation capital of the world [the Gini co-efficient is of the highest].

To anyone not involved in the febrile business of writing biography, the recent row over John Betjeman's literary remains must seem like a storm in a rather fine porcelain teacup (it would be hard to imagine Betjeman with a mug). Two years ago, AN Wilson, who has recently published a one-volume biography of the late poet laureate, received a transcript of what appeared to be a passionate letter, written by Betjeman, to a woman called Honor Tracy.

In the aftermath of the Lebanon disaster you can open up the Israeli press, particularly the Hebrew language editions, and find fierce assaults on the country's elites from left, right and center. The overall panorama is one of chickens of all ages coming home to roost. Small pustules highlight larger rot.

George W. Bush - the master of fabricated distractions-as with the false pretense invasion of Iraq-has turned the national television news media away from the United States. So it was a sobering reversal of direction to watch ABC's August 24th Primetime Special Edition "Out of Control: AIDS in Black America." It marked the 25th anniversary of the first reported cases of AIDS and the last documentary that the late Peter Jennings worked to put on the air.

On 5 July 2006, Tanzania's minister of land and settlements development, John Magufuli, instituted criminal proceedings at Dodoma police station against two editors and one journalist of a privately-owned media house, Habari Corporation. The accused, Mr. John Bwire (chief editor), Mr. Muhingo Rweyemamu (editor), and Mr. Nephilitius Kyaruzi (journalist), were summoned only on 24 August to the Kijitonyama police station.

Concerns about restrictions on press freedom in Africa have surfaced again, this during a two-day conference held in Kenya that attracted over 100 media representatives from across the continent. The August 8-9 gathering took place in the capital, Nairobi. It was organised in part by the United Nations-affiliated University for Peace.

Attacks on civilians by the rebels that have wreaked havoc across the region have decreased considerably, according to the Ugandan army. The security situation should improve even more rapidly if the cessation of hostilities agreement between the rebels and the Ugandan government lasts. However, the humanitarian effects of the conflict are still evident across the region.

The secretary general of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, Foster Dongozi, has been elected president of the Southern African Journalists’ Association (SAJA), writes Gugu Ziyaphapha in an article on Dongozi, a senior journalist with The Standard, a weekly newspaper, was elected at a congress held in Johannesburg recently. Journalists’ unions and associations from 12 countries in the SADC region are affiliated to SAJA.

The Constitutional Court in South Africa has weighed arguments from two parties on the question of whether it is correct to discriminate against refugees who want to enter the private security industry. Twelve refugees have launched a challenge against a provision of the Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority Act.

In recent months, following attacks by armed militias in Chad, hundreds of refugees from Darfur have fled back across the border into Sudan. Too afraid of the militias to return to their villages, they are sheltering in the town of Juguma. Twenty kilometers from the Chadian border, the town of Juguma is like a pregnant woman; it provides and protects and has somewhat expanded.

Heavy rains pounded the Somali capital early on Tuesday, flooding vast swathes of the city, destroying dozens of makeshift homes and sending thousands fleeing for higher ground. Residents said that many of those hit by the floods were internally displaced people who had fled deadly conflict and crippling drought in their home villages in southern Somalia for the past months.

Humanity is currently on a global journey from patriarchal violence to solidarity, sustainability, and sustainable human development. The Solidarity & Sustainability newsletter is a series of reflections on how to mitigate patriarchal barriers to human development and, in particular, how to overcome the enormous obstacles caused by religious patriarchies.

"The UNIFEM Annual Report 2005-2006 report celebrates UNIFEM's 30th anniversary, highlighting the organization's accomplishments over the past "30 Years of Challenge, 30 Years of Change." It provides examples of UNIFEM's initiatives around the world to defend women's human rights, promote their political participation, empower them to participate in the global market, and combat gender-based violence."

A Central African Republic court convicted deposed President Ange Felix Patasse of fraud in a one-day trial on Tuesday (August 29) , sentencing him and two co-accused in absentia to 20 years of hard labour. Patasse, who lives in Togo after being overthrown in a 2003 military coup by current president Francois Bozize, has refused to recognise the authority of the court.

On August 9, 2006, Burkina Faso deposited its instruments of ratification with African Union. We can now count 20 ratifications and 42 signatures of the protocol to the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (ACHPR).

The HIV/AIDS phenomenon may force society to reconsider the rights it accords women. Although human rights may be universal and inherent in every human being, their practical realization tends to be dependent on the prevailing ruling class. Feminists have long asserted that women have the right of sovereignty over their own bodies and the right to own property.

The Commonwealth Press Union has put together a toolkit on Gender for Journalists. This is an interesting toolkit for those organisations who collect human rights news and disseminate the same as well as for those who prepare annual reports compilations, from news sources. This toolkit is designed to help journalists in the newsroom to understand the term ‘gender’ and to adopt the best practice when writing about gender issues.

The international advocacy organisation freedominfo.org has just released its report Freedom of Information Around the World 2006: A Global Survey of Access to Government Records Laws. The report provides an overview of access to information laws from dozens of countries.

The new e-publication AfricaNews provides a more positive and balanced view of the African continent than the mainstream media. Rather than publishing news on hunger and war alone, it focuses on culture, business, sports, nature, conservation, business and development.

To avoid an explosion in Zimbabwe that could cost thousands of lives and shatter Southern Africa, the opposition may need to launch a risky strategy of nationwide, non-violent protest. The country is more polarised today than ever, and in many ways, prospects for change seem to be slipping further away.

Nigeria has announced that elections to choose a successor to President Olusegun Obasanjo and a new national assembly will be held on 21 April 2007. Voting for state governors and regional assemblies will take place on 14 April.

South Africa is poised to toughen already stringent laws against citizens serving as mercenaries in foreign wars and conflicts, but critics say the new legislation cuts too deeply and will hamper legitimate humanitarian operations.

Malawi's parliament is stalling the appointment of a new director of public prosecutions until President Bingu wa Mutharika explains why he fired the previous prosecutor. Earlier this month Mutharika gave prosecutions director Ishmael Wadi 24 hours notice after he dropped corruption charges against Malawi's former president, Bakili Maluzi.

The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) has been flooded with complaints by individuals, candidates and political parties of violations of the code of conduct, it has been learnt. Chairperson, Ireen Mambilima, said in Lusaka that the commission had taken the reports seriously and was giving each of it due consideration, while in some cases parties involved had been summoned to the commission to answer charges.

Security operatives in an early morning operation, yesterday, raided the Asokoro District, Abuja office of the National Development Project (NDP), the political resource centre of Vice President Atiku Abubakar, seizing an American information technology (IT) expert there. He was, however, released a few hours later.

The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) will not support a South African Communist Party (SACP) breakaway from the tripartite alliance. Rather, it will work towards a new-look, "pro-poor" African National Congress (ANC) leadership to lead the party after President Thabo Mbeki steps down from the ANC presidency next year.

There are big challenges facing those returnees who fled Burundi in 1972 – some 60,000 since the Burundian government signed a peace agreement with rebel factions in 2000. These challenges – including identity, language skills, and land ownership – are particularly acute for people who fled overseas to escape the first major surge of violence in 1972, and for children born in Tanzania.

For the Somali refugees who have been in Dadaab longest, the recent takeover of much of southern Somalia by Islamic militants has sapped any lingering hope they had of going home. They watch the new arrivals stream in - 18 000 so far this year - with the air of experience. "The people who come here now, they think they are going back to Somalia very soon, or that they'll be resettled in another country," said Qarad Ismal Sagal, 34, who has been at Dadaab for 15 years.

2006 sees the hosting of our fifth globalisation school. This year’s theme will look at “Alternatives to Globalisation”. ILRIG has been hosting its annual globalisation school since 2002.Activists from a wide range of organisations throughout Africa are invited to apply.AIMS OF THE SCHOOL Activists from trade unions and social movements meet to share experiences of struggles against globalisation.

The course is aimed at those who want to learn how to use a project management tool called Open WorkBench, which is a Free and Open Source Software program to create and keep track of projects. Participants will be provided with the program at the end of the course to install on their computers.

The United Nations has conducted more investigations into sexual exploitation and abuse by its peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) than in any other country, according to figures recently released by the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. Out of a total of 313 investigations of civilian and military staff since the beginning of 2004, 202 have been carried out in the DRC, UN News said on Friday (August 25).

Mshairi (http://www.mshairi.com/blog/2006/08/29/we-are-all-african/)comments on Hollywood’s latest fad: the appropriation of Africa and Africans by big names such as Angelina Jolie, Madonna and Gwyneth Paltrow (who appears in a photo with the words “I am African” written across the picture for the ‘Keep a Child Alive’ AIDS project). Mshairi questions the motives behind both the project and the likes of Paltrow and others.

In the case of the ‘Keep a Child Alive’ project, the big names claim that each one of us can claim a genetic link to Africa. “The reason why Ms. Paltrow has the lines on her cheek and the words - I AM AFRICAN on the image – according to the ‘Keep a Child Alive’ website, is because ‘each and every one of us contains DNA that can be traced back to our African ancestors’. This sounds great and is obviously meant to be a trigger to get people to donate funds for AIDS orphans, as we are all one big happy family. Read their website though, and you can detect an uncomfortable and clear separation between ‘them’ and ‘us’ in their literature."

For the moment they have chosen to appropriate Africa and identify as Africans. This is insulting and arrogant as they use Africa to promote their careers and accumulate even more privilege and wealth under the guise of raising funds for AIDS or whatever charity of the moment they choose to support. How about they put their money where their mouths are and really do something concrete and lasting with the millions of surplus dollars in their bank accounts? And do this with humility and respect.

The Moor Next Door The Moor Next Door (http://wahdah.blogspot.com/2006/08/right-to-be-almost-naked.html)comments on the opposition to Muslim women participating in beauty pageants because “it brings a slur against Islam”.

“What's the fact that Muslim women wear swimsuits in their countries got to do with it? The clerics would tell you those women were shouting 'slurs' at Islam too. That's not an argument against them, mind your own business is. There's nothing Islamic (or Christian, or Abrahamic generally, for that matter) about swimsuits or bikinis. They're debauchery to most everyone (almost everyone), not just Muslims; that's why people like them, because they're not supposed to. That's what makes them 'hot'. It's an animal urge. It's not about being Muslim it's about being human.”

He personally does not approve of beauty pageants, not on religious grounds but because they are essentially a non-event.

“They contribute nothing of value to society except the image of women as objects. I am of the backward and fundamentalist school of thought that people ought to get real jobs (you know, work), go to school, and work within society to some beneficial end, instead of prancing around in their underpants or less. (I know some people think, Well some of the girls use the pageant as a way to advance their humanitarian or charitable agendas, but if their ideas were so great, why would they need to get naked for it? When was the last time a porn star or beauty queen achieved her goals of world peace or limiting some blight on society?)”

Beauty pageants not only objectify women’s bodies but they also indulge the fantasies of men. They are completely meaningless exhibitions that promote specific measures of beauty that are unrealistic, racist and highly offensive.

Jeffrey Sachs is once again the subject of African Bullets and Honey. - African Bullets and Honey (http://bulletsandhoney.blogspot.com/2006/08/less-kids-in-africa-equals-b...) This time, it is an environmental campaign to help poor Africans and people from the Middle East “whose numbers are rising too fast”.

“Allowing that people in the rich countries live on about $30,000 per year, well above the global average of $10,000, which itself is substantially more than most Africans consume and earn, his suggestion is that giving birth to less poor people is the best course of action in the future. Sachs is worried not about the suffering of the unborn poor should they live like their parents in scarcity and ill health but rather that they may actually manage to fulfil their economic aspirations. At present growth rates by 2050, according to UN forecasts (not usually worth the paper they are printed on by the way), world population will be 9 billion with 2.5 billion of this number born in the poor countries. If this 'surplus' somehow finds a way to earn and consume today's $10,000 average, it would by Sachs calculations cause untold environmental stresses especially due to the fact that cruel fate has chosen to locate 'biodiversity hotspots' among the unwashed masses.”

Possibly he is concerned that the minority world’s resources will be compromised by the growth in the majority world who already consume less than one-third of what the minority world consumes! He should be out there campaigning in the West against its over consumption and the mounds of waste it produces every year instead of producing patronising lectures towards Africa on population growth.

The Concoction - The Concoction (http://theconcoction.blogspot.com/2006/08/get-food-but-you-may-be-raped....) reports on the failure of the Sudan peace agreement to bring about any change in the Darfur region. Writing specifically on the rape of women, she comments that whilst laws exist on the conduct of wars, sufficient attention has not been given to rape.

“Reports of militias raping civilian women is one constant disaster that comes out of the Darfur civil war. Fetching fire wood or water often ends up in the women being raped. Just imagine running to the grocery store to get a gallon of milk and there is a very high possibility of you being raped. Just imagine.”

Chippla’s Weblog - Chippla's Weblog posts on the expulsion of oil companies from Chad for failing to pay their taxes. This is a particularly interesting story on two counts. First, a leader of an oil producing country has called the multinationals operating within its borders to account for their actions. Second, the response of the international media to the expulsion is that it is a negative move, with Reuters describing President Idriss Deby’s decision negatively as “oil resource nationalism”. Well of course it is, as ultimately it will benefit Chad more than the multinationals.

Chippla writes:

“President Idriss Deby may be an abuser of his country's constitution and the ruler of the most corrupt country in the world, but on this issue he seems to be thinking. The brain cells of the Chadian representatives who signed the initial oil deal need to be checked. This reminds one of the silly gas deals signed between the government of Bolivia and some American companies in the past. It is better for Chad not to be an oil exporter, than for it to export oil only for the bulk of the proceeds to find its way out of the country. A classical example of how foreign investment, meant to improve the economic situation in African nations, ends up sucking such nations dry.”

For too long these multinational companies have got away with their dirty deeds in Africa and elsewhere. For once, Idriss Deby has done something right. Imagine if all of Africa's oil producers acted as one and took a similar line instead of kowtowing to the likes of Shell, Chevron and Elf? We need oil money and oil for that matter, but not at any price.

Black Looks - Black Looks (http://www.blacklooks.org/2006/08/beauty_is_skin_deep.html) points to a video made by a 16 year old African American girl which addresses the taboo subject of skin tone within the African/Black community. The short film interviews young women about their Blackness and hair texture and how this impacts on their self-esteem. The film-maker, Kiri Davis uses a doll experiment with young male and female children where they are asked to choose whether they like the black doll or white doll, which one is good and which is bad. In the final scene of this section, a child is asked which one resembles her. She is hesitant as she has just chosen the white doll as “good” and then realizes that it is the black doll that is in her image, and she reluctantly pushes it forward as her choice. A very powerful and disturbing film but made even more brilliant in that it is made by a 16 year old.

* Sokari Ekine produces the blog Black Looks, www.blacklooks.org

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

Submissions are now being accepted for the Global Development Network’s Seventh Annual Awards and Medals Competition, which carries prizes in cash and travel of over $300,000. Submissions can be for an ongoing development project, completed research, or a new research proposal.

Action for Development (ACFODE), a gender advocacy development organization that seeks to promote women’s empowerment, gender equality and equity in Uganda is looking for an Economic Policy Advocacy Officer.

On 1 March, 2005, the distinguished development economist and, as of the time of his death, member of the Executive Committee of CODESRIA, Professor Guy Mhone, passed away in a Pretoria, South Africa, hospital to which he had been admitted a few days earlier for what was expected to be a minor medical procedure.

In the period since the beginning of the 1990s, CODESRIA has been at the forefront of the quest to harness the efforts of African scholars in both extending the frontiers of knowledge production around issues of gender, and doing so in a manner that ensures that for as many scholars as are active in its networks and at other African sites of scholarly work, gender is integrated into their frames of analyses.

The Centre for the Study of AIDS, University of Pretoria is proud to announce the launch of its sixth AIDS Review – What’s Cooking? by Jimmy Pieterse and Barry van Wyk on Thursday, 31 August at the Innovation Hub in Pretoria.

The CODESRIA Annual Social Science CampusCall for Applications for the 2006 Session Theme: The Role of Institutions in African Development The Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA) is pleased to announce the fifth session of its Annual Social Science Campus, and invites applications from African scholars for participation in the programme which, this year, is scheduled to hold at the end of November 2006.

The Center for Domestic Violence Prevention (CEDOVIP) works to prevent violence against women in Uganda. We are looking for two experienced and committed professionals to join us in this work on a part time basis. The successful candidates will be articulate and dynamic individuals with demonstrated commitment to promote women’s rights.

Tagged under: 267, Contributor, Jobs, Resources, Uganda

This assessment two months after the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) shows that there has been no improvement in the situation of human rights in Darfur. The DPA calls on all parties to respect and promote human rights, however the agreement is meaningless if the parties by their actions continue to violate the very principles they are meant to promote.

There is overwhelming evidence that rapid population growth worldwide, together with the effects of high consumption levels in developed countries, pose substantial challenges to the attainment of the MDGs. Yet, population has been virtually ignored at a political level for the past decade.

Registrations are still going on for the open forum. If you are interested in the theme and haven’t registered yet, try to register soon. Your contribution may bring a change to both continents. The African Youth Foundation (AYF) meeting on the “African Diaspora and Leaders Zenith” will be held from 19 – 21 October 2006 in Bonn, Germany.

Based on the Post Gu 2006 Assessment, the Food Security Analysis Unit for Somalia (FAO/ FSAU) and FEWS NET Somalia confirm earlier predictions (Press Release June 2, 2006) that although there are some improvements in certain areas, the conditions of humanitarian crisis in Southern Somalia persist and will continue at least until December 2006.

The APC Chris Nicol FOSS Prize recognises initiatives that are making it easy for people to start using free and open source software (FOSS). The prize will be awarded to a person or group doing extraordinary work to make FOSS accessible to ordinary computer users.The APC FOSS Prize has been established to honor Chris Nicol, a long time FOSS advocate and activist who for many years worked with APC.

Malawi will be hosting the 3rd edition of the Southern Africa Social Forum 2006 in Lilongwe, Malawi from 13-15 October 2006.This year's SASF is expected to bring together thousands of participants from community-based groups, social movements and civil society organizations from SADC under the theme, 'People's Solidarity against Poverty and Oppression'.

Course enrolment includes access to the Information and Technical Advice Services, the Delnet databases and Networking. Training, Information and Technical Advice Services are provided through Internet and via e-mail. At the end of the course, after passing the final examination, participants will receive an official diploma issued by the International Training Centre of the International Labour Organization.

Pambazuka News 263: Beyond Afropessimism: historical accounting of African Universities

There are two widespread assumptions about university education in Africa: first that the Europeans introduced it, and second that it has declined since independence. Both are false, writes Paul Zeleza. Higher education including universities long antedated the establishment of “western” style universities in the nineteenth century and the post-independence era was a period of unprecedented growth during which the bulk of contemporary Africa’s universities were established.

Discourses about Africa continue to be infected by what we used to call in the 1980s and 1990s Afropessimism, the belief that Africa is irredeemably doomed to backwardness and chaos. Afropessimism embodies two tendencies—vilification of African experiences and valorization of Euroamerican engagements with Africa, that Africa is incapable by itself of historical progress and that any progress evident there is the result of Euroamerican interventions. Discourses of African higher education have not escaped this narrative. There are two widespread assumptions about university education in Africa: first that the Europeans introduced it, and second that it has declined since independence. Both are false. Higher education including universities long antedated the establishment of “western” style universities in the nineteenth century and the post-independence era was a period of unprecedented growth during which the bulk of contemporary Africa’s universities were established.

As a historian profoundly committed to Africa’s development and social transformation, I believe history—a long historical perspective—is a powerful antidote to the fatalism often induced by the overwhelming flow of current events that Afropessimism turns into eternal trends. In this case, as an intellectual historian interested both in the history of ideas and of knowledge producing institutions, and one who is engaged in African and global debates about the future of higher education, the need for a proper understanding of Africa’s long and complicated history of tertiary education is imperative. I offer here brief reflections on the history and contemporary challenges of African universities.

The origins of higher education in Africa including universities as communities of scholars and learning can be traced to three institutional traditions: first, the Alexandria Museum and Library, second, the early Christian monasteries, and third, the Islamic mosque universities. The Alexandria Museum and Library was established in the third century B.C. in Egypt. It grew to become the largest center of learning in the ancient world. The complex is estimated to have housed more than 200,000 volumes, and supported up to 5,000 scholars and students. Clearly, this was a large research institution, and many of the leading Egyptian and other African as well as Greek, Roman, and Jewish scholars of the ancient world studied or worked there at some point in their lives. The library gradually declined as buildings were destroyed by fire, its holdings looted in times of warfare, and scholars left due to political instability in the twilight years of the Roman empire. Alexandria left a rich legacy of scholarship covering a wide range of fields from mathematics and the sciences to philosophy and religion.

It was also in Egypt, one of the earliest centers of Christianity in the world, that monasteries first developed in the third century A.D. Tens of thousands of Christians gathered in the monasteries in the desert not only to escape the exactions of Roman rule, but also for a life devoted to spiritual contemplation. The monasteries and the monastic orders that regulated them provided important spaces for reflection, writing, and learning. The idea and institution of monasteries spread to other parts of Africa, and elsewhere in the world as far as Britain and Georgia in Europe and Persia and India in Asia, out of which some universities later developed.

One country where monastic education developed early was Ethiopia where Christianity was introduced in the fourth century A.D. and became the state religion. From the period of the Zagwe dynasty in the twelfth century this system included higher education, which was largely restricted to the clergy and nobility. At the bottom of the system was the Qine Bet (School of Hymns), followed by the Zema Bet (School of Poetry, and at the pinnacle was an institution called Metsahift Bet (School of the Holy Books) that provided a broader and more specialized education in religious studies, philosophy, history, and the computation of time and calendar, among various subjects.

It is the third tradition, Islam, which gave Africa its first higher education institutions that have endured to the present. Indeed, Africa claims distinction as the center of the world’s oldest Islamic universities and some of the world’s oldest surviving universities. They include Ez-Zitouna madrassa in Tunis founded in 732. Next came al-Qarawiyyin mosque university established in Fez in 859 by a young migrant female princess from Qairawan (Tunisia), Fatima Al-Fihri. The university attracted students and scholars from Andalusian Spain to West Africa. Then in 969 Al-Azhar mosque university was established in Cairo, the same year that the city was founded by the Fatimid dynasty from the Maghreb. It came to be regarded as the most prestigious center of Islamic education and scholarship and attracted the greatest intellectuals of the Muslim world, including Ibn Khaldun the renowned historian who taught there. Another major early Islamic university was Sankore mosque university in Timbuktu founded in the twelfth century where a wide range of courses were taught from theology, logic, astronomy and astrology, to grammar, rhetoric, history and geography.

The legacy of the ancient Islamic university for modern Africa is three-fold. First, many of the Islamic universities have survived to the present, although they have undergone major changes over the centuries, including the introduction of more secular, technical and professional fields of study. This is true of three of the four universities mentioned above—Sankore being the sole exception. Second, in recent times new Islamic universities have been created in several countries across the continent often patterned on the old Islamic universities as part of the wave of privatization of higher education as state control has loosened. Third, the “western” university introduced in Africa from the nineteenth century bore Islamic influences. Europeans inherited from the Muslims a huge corpus of knowledge, rationalism and the investigative approach to knowledge, an elaborate disciplinary architecture of knowledge, the notions of individual scholarship, and the idea of the college, all of which became central features of the European university exported to the rest of the world with the rise of European imperialism.

Missionaries—both European and African including those from the diaspora—initially undertook the introduction of Africa’s “western” style universities. The process was largely concentrated in the expanding European settler colonies of South Africa and Algeria, and in Sierra Leone and Liberia newly established colonies for African diaspora resettlement. The first was Fourah Bay College founded in Sierra Leone in 1826 and more than three decades later, in 1862, came Liberia College. The two institutions became the beacons of West Africa’s bourgeoning colonial intelligentsia and nationalism. Edward Blyden, the renowned Pan-Africanist scholar-activist was actively engaged with both colleges. In addition, there were a series of smaller colleges in Liberia.

In the meantime, in South Africa segregated institutions were set up beginning in 1829 with the South African College in Cape Town (later the University of Cape Town), which mostly catered to the English settlers. In 1866 a college for the Afrikaner settlers was created called the Stellenbosch Gymnasium, which finally became Stellenbosch University in 1918. A small college for Africans, the Lovedale Institution, was created in 1841, which was increasingly modeled on African American industrial and vocational colleges in the United States. Then in 1873 the University of the Cape of Good Hope (renamed the University of South Africa in 1916) was established initially as an examining body before it became one of Africa’s and the world’s leading distance education providers.

As in South Africa, in French Algeria higher education was largely confined to the settler population. It began with the establishment of the School of Medicine in 1857, followed in 1879 by the creation of four specialized schools of medicine, pharmacy, sciences, letters, and law, which merged to form faculties of the University of Algiers in 1909. Another French colony where higher education started in the late nineteenth century was Madagascar where the Antananarivo Medical Training Academy was established in 1896.

It was not until the twentieth century following the European conquest that colonial universities spread to the rest of the continent. Two countries escaped colonization, Liberia and Ethiopia, but both sought to modernize their educational systems. In Liberia, where American models were popular, Cuttington University College was created in 1949 with support from the Protestant Episcopal Church, and Liberia College destroyed by fire in the late 1940s was reconstituted into the University of Liberia in 1951. The brief Italian occupation of Ethiopia 1935-41 shocked Ethiopia into embarking on a drive for educational modernization. In 1949, the government created Trinity College, which was granted a charter in 1950 under the name of University College of Addis Ababa, and renamed Haile Selassie University in 1961.

In colonial Africa, the development of higher education remained limited until after the Second World War because the colonial authorities were generally suspicious of and opposed to the modern educated African elite and their nationalist demands for equality and freedom, and colonial civil servants feared African competition. Africans seeking higher education were often forced to go abroad including the imperial metropoles themselves. During this period higher education was limited to the British and French empires, virtually none was provided in Belgian and Portuguese Africa.

The first colonial university college in Northern Africa was the Gordon Memorial College founded in the Sudan in 1902, renamed Khartoum University College in 1951 and Khartoum University at independence in 1956. A decade later, in 1912, the Islamic Institute was founded; it became a college in 1924 and was renamed the Omdurman Islamic University in 1965. In Egypt, Cairo University was founded in 1908 despite the vehement opposition of the colonial governor. It grew to become one of the largest universities in Africa, with a student population presently of 155,000 students and more than 5,500 faculty members and instructors. In 1938 the university formed a branch in Alexandria, which later became Alexandria University in 1942. In South Africa, a new era in higher education began with the establishment of the Inter-State Native College in 1916, later renamed the University College of Fort Hare in 1951. Fort Hare became a magnate for not only black South African students but also for African students from across Southern Africa as attested by its list of alumni who include such nationalist leaders as Nelson Mandela, Seretse Khama, and Robert Mugabe.

Elsewhere, before the war a few institutions were created that functioned largely as secondary schools or technical schools before they were converted after the war into university colleges. Examples from the British colonies include Makerere Government College established in Uganda in 1921 first as a vocational school before it was turned into Makerere University College in 1949. In Nigeria Yaba Higher College was set up in 1932, which served for years as the country’s major higher education institution. In Ghana there was the Government Training College, which was formally opened in January 1927 and renamed the Prince of Wales School and College, Achimota. Among its most famous instructors was Dr. Kwegyir Aggrey, the eminent educator, and its alumni include Kwame Nkrumah who obtained his teacher’s certificate from the college in 1930. These colleges were often affiliated with and provided courses, examinations, and qualifications from British universities.

In the French colonies, higher education was hampered by the preference among both the colonial authorities and the African elites, spawned by the policies and ideology of assimilation, for higher education in the metropole. Moreover, missionary provision of education was rather limited, which undermined the development of primary and secondary education that could feed into higher education. The institutions of higher education established before the war included the French Western Africa Medical Training Institution founded in 1918 in Dakar, the William Ponty School established in Goree in 1903 that provided some medical training and teacher training, schools of marine engineering and veterinary medicine in Goree and Bamako, respectively, and a polytechnic also in Bamako.

It was not until the end of the Second World War that more systematic efforts were undertaken by colonial governments to establish higher education. In the British colonies, the new era started with the establishment of university colleges in Nigeria (Ibadan in 1947), Ghana (Legon in 1948), Sudan (Khartoum in 1949 from the merger of the Gordon Memorial College and the Kitchener Medical School), and Uganda (Makerere was upgraded in 1949). In addition, in Kenya the Royal Technical College was established in Nairobi in 1951, and further south the University College of Salisbury was formed in 1953 and renamed two years later as the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Meanwhile, Fourah Bay College became the University College of Sierra Leone. Most of these new or upgraded university colleges served as regional universities and were affiliated with and awarded degrees of the University of London.

After the war French universities also set up a few overseas campuses in the colonies. The University of Paris established Institutes of Higher Studies in Tunis in 1945, and together with the University of Bordeaux, in Dakar in 1950 and Antananarivo in 1955 that became the University of Dakar in 1957 and the University of Antananarivo in 1960, respectively. In Algeria access to the University of Algiers for Algerians was expanded slightly, although by the time of the Algerian revolution in 1952 there were only 1,000 Algerian university graduates. In the rest of the French colonial empire university education had to await independence.

The Belgians in the Congo followed the French practice as the Catholic University of Louvain established the Lovanium (little Louvain) University Centre in 1949, with which it became affiliated in 1954, while the state created the Official University in 1956 in Lubumbashi. Lovanium also catered for students from Rwanda and Burundi. In the Portuguese colonies higher education lagged behind until the turn of the 1960s. In Angola, institutions to train priests were formed in 1958 in Luanda and Huambo, followed by the establishment in 1962 of two General University Studies in Angola and Mozambique as branches of the Portuguese university system that were converted in 1968 into the Universities of Angola and Lourenço Marques, respectively.

In the meantime, in South Africa where apartheid had been established in 1948 higher education became even more racially segregated than before. Blacks were no longer allowed to attend the “white” universities without special government approval and separate universities were created for Africans in the so-called self-governing homelands and for Coloreds and Indians in the major cities. By 1994, the year that ushered in the country’s first democratically elected government, there were 36 higher education institutions consisting of 21 universities and 15 technikons, of which 19 were for whites, 2 for coloreds, 2 for Indians and 13 for Africans. Needless to say, higher education was far better resourced for whites than for the other races with the Africans at the bottom. In Namibia, under South African occupation from the end of the First World War until independence in 1990, college education started as late as 1980 with the establishment of the Academy for Tertiary Education, followed in 1985 by the formation of the Technikon of Namibia, and the College for Out-of-School Training.

Decolonization was a staggered process as African countries got independent at different times, but the bulk of them did so in the 1950s and 1960s. Colonial rule left behind very few universities, the majority of countries did not even have a single university, so that one of the key challenges for the new independent states was to establish or expand their higher education systems. Also, since the few existing universities were patterned on European models and were rather elitist there was the need to make them more relevant to Africa’s developmental needs and socio-cultural contexts and more accessible to students of different social backgrounds.

Across Africa the growth in higher education after independence was nothing short of phenomenal. The new states embarked on ambitious development programs in which universities were seen as central for training a highly skilled labor force, creating and reproducing a national elite, and enhancing national prestige. The new national universities were quite diverse and flexible in their structures and models. On the whole, they were much larger in size than their colonial predecessors, broader in their missions, and they expanded their disciplinary and curricula offerings from the arts and social sciences to include professional fields of study such as business, medicine and engineering, and they incorporated graduate programs.

In 1960, often taken as the year of African independence, there were an estimated 120,000 students in African universities; the number jumped to 782,503 in 1975 and to 3,461,822 in 1995, and presently it is probably around 5 million. Similarly, the number of universities grew from less than three-dozen in 1960 to more than four hundred in 1995 and several hundred more have perhaps been introduced since then with the explosion of private universities. Today, tertiary education exists in all African countries, although the systems vary enormously in terms of size and levels of development and internal differentiation. For example, in 1995 the largest concentration of university students was in Egypt (850,051), followed by South Africa (617,897), Nigeria (404,969), Algeria (347,410), and Morocco (294,502) (World Bank 2000: 111). In contrast, in the same year there were 23 countries with fewer than 10,000 university students.

There were also sharp gender differences in terms of access to higher education. While several countries had managed to attain gender parity at the primary and secondary levels by 2000, very few had managed to do so at the tertiary level. The exceptions were Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Namibia, and South Africa. The gender gap also manifested itself in fields of study and faculty distribution. Women were concentrated in the humanities and social sciences, while they were grossly underrepresented in the sciences and most of the professional fields. As multi-ethnic, sometimes multi-racial, and invariably class societies, access to university education in African countries was further differentiated according to ethnicity, race, and class, as well as, in some cases, religious and cultural affiliations. Class became increasingly salient as the African middle classes grew rapidly after independence, in many cases thanks to the establishment or expansion of university education itself, and sought to reproduce themselves.

The massive expansion of education across the continent not only led to huge improvements in the African human capital stock, it also laid the institutional basis for the social production of African intellectual capacities and communities. But Africa remained the least educated continent in the world, with a tertiary gross enrollment ratio of less than 5 percent, as compared to 10 percent for the low- and middle-income countries and 58 percent for the high-income countries. The challenges facing African higher education deepened with the imposition in the 1980s and 1990s of draconian structural adjustment programs (SAPs) by the international financial institutions including the World Bank that led to severe government cutbacks in social expenditures, including education, especially for higher education whose rates of social return were deemed by the supporters of neo-liberalism to be lower than for primary education.

Thus from the 1980s even as the number of colleges and universities continued to expand, it became increasingly evident that the higher education system in many countries was in crisis, which was expressed in declining state funding, falling instructional standards, poorly equipped libraries and laboratories, shrinking wages and faculty morale. Academics increasingly resorted to consultancies or they became part of the “brain drain” as they sought refuge in other sectors at home or universities abroad. The costs on teaching, research, and Africa’s capacity to produce highly skilled human capital were predictably high.

There were other responses to the crisis besides increasing academic labor migration. One was the proliferation of regional research networks, the growth of an academic NGO sector. Examples include the Dakar-based Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), and the Nairobi based International Institute of Insect Physiology and Ecology (ICIPE). These organizations and networks provided crucial support for basic and applied research, both individual and collaborative, and offered training, internships, and fellowships to graduate students.

Another response was seen in the explosion in private universities and the privatization of programs and funding sources in public universities, both of which were manifestations of the growing liberalization of African higher education. The private universities can be distinguished in terms of their institutional types (their status—not-for-profit and for-profit; identity—religious and secular; and focus—business, Christian or Islamic), programs and levels, staffing and funding, and governance structures and regulation. While these universities faced numerous challenges, by the beginning of the 2000s they had begun to outstrip the number of public universities in some countries, a development that profoundly and permanently altered the terrain of higher education.

From the late 1990s African leaders, educators, researchers, and external donors became increasingly aware of the challenges facing African higher education and the need for renewal if the continent was to achieve higher rates of growth and development and compete in an increasingly knowledge intensive global economy. The reform agenda has centered on five broad sets of issues, even if expressions of concern have yet to be matched by the provision of adequate resources. First, the need to examine systematically the philosophical foundations of African universities is widely recognized. Included in this context are issues pertaining to the principles underpinning public higher education in an era of privatization, the conception, content and consequences of the reforms currently being undertaken across the continent, and the public-private interface in African higher education systems.

The second set of issues center on management, how African universities are grappling with the challenges of quality control, funding, governance, and management in response to the establishment of new regulatory regimes, growing pressures for finding alternative sources of funding, changing demographics and massification, increasing demands for access and equity for underrepresented groups including women, and the emergence of new forms of student and faculty politics in the face of democratization in the wider society. Third, there are pedagogical and paradigmatic issues, ranging from the languages of tuition in African universities and educational systems as a whole to the dynamics of knowledge production—the societal relevance of the knowledges produced in African higher education systems and how those knowledges are disseminated and consumed by students, scholarly communities, and the wider public.

Fourth, the role of universities in the pursuit of the historic project of Africa nationalism: decolonization, development, democratization, nation-building and regional integration is under scrutiny. Included in this regard are questions of the uneven and changing relations between universities and the state, civil society, and industry, as well as the role of universities in helping to manage and resolve the various crises that confront the African continent from civil conflicts to disease epidemics including HIV/AIDS. Also, the part universities have played and can play in future to promote or undermine the Pan-African project is a of great interest as African states, through the African Union, renew their efforts to achieve closer integration within Africa and between Africa and its diasporas.

Finally, there is the question of globalization, the impact of trends associated with the new information and communication technologies, the expansion of transborder or transnational provision of higher education, and trade in educational services under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) regime. Critical in this context for Africa is the changing role of external donors from the philanthropic foundations to the World Bank and other international financial institutions and multilateral agencies. The impact of these trends on African higher education and vice-versa are of utmost importance and provide one area of fruitful collaboration between researchers from Africa and other world regions.

The challenges facing African universities are serious and disquieting, but higher education in Africa has a long history and it will have a long future. And the onus for ensuring that such a future is a healthy and productive one lies primarily with African leaders, educators, and scholars, who cannot afford the morbid indulgences of Afropessimism.

* This article was first published on the website of the author, who has kindly given permission for its reproduction by Pambazuka News.

* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at www.pambazuka.org

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