Incarcerated since 1 March 2006 for publishing an article on the Internet , lawyer and human rights defender Mohamed Abbou has been on hunger strike since 11 March. He is protesting his prison conditions that have worsened since 2 March, when a gathering in front of Kef prison, where he is detained, took place that was blocked by the police and the National Guard.

We write as an international development NGO with a long history of commitment to working in Southern Africa. Our work to overcome poverty and injustice necessarily leads to an involvement with many civil society organisations in the region, including in Zimbabwe. As a northern partner to these organisations, we are keen to give voice to their demands and needs.

We have chosen this day to write to you as March 21st is Human Rights Day in South Africa. We urge you to consider the sufferings of ordinary Zimbabweans who are now being subjected to violent and repressive human rights abuses by their government.

Zimbabwe today is a divided country, characterised by police brutality, political repression and a ruling elite which systematically denies the basic rights of the majority of citizens. In spite of this, South Africa’s government has repeatedly voiced its support for the ZANU-PF government. The solidarity shown by the government with other African nations is admirable; but our partners consider that in the case of Zimbabwe it is misplaced. True solidarity should be with the oppressed citizens of Zimbabwe, and not with their undemocratic government.

* Please click on the link for the full letter.

The Handbook for Bloggers and Cyber-Dissidents is an all in one guide for both beginners and seasoned bloggers. The guide is roughly divided into two parts. The first covers “how to get started” and includes blogging tools, ethics, how to stand out and promote your blog. All of these can be found on many different sites on the internet such as on Wikipedia and blogger.com. The second part deals exclusively with blogging anonymously and how to get around issues of censorship for those blogging from countries where there are repressive regimes.

In countries were the mainstream media is censored and or under pressure, bloggers can often circumvent the censorship laws and provide the only real independent news. This puts bloggers in these countries under extreme danger from the government and in many cases they have been arrested by their government and thrown into prison. Countries such as Iran and China are particularly dangerous but bloggers in Tunisia and Egypt have also been arrested and detained.

However, blogging anonymously is not the only challenge faced by those who live under repressive regimes. How do you promote your blog and how do you circumvent filtering systems that the repressive government may have put in place? The guide provides step-by-step answers to these kind of questions.

The guide to being an “ethical blogger” and what makes your blog shine are probably the most contentious out of the whole book. Many bloggers feel that codes of ethnics do not belong in the blogosphere and that readers will make up their own minds on which blogs to trust and which not to, based on their own set of criteria. Setting up a blog is the easy part. Getting people to read it and even more important to trust the content is more difficult. If for example a blogger continues to make errors of fact and present commentary that is overly biased readers will soon tire and go elsewhere. In that sense then there is really no need to follow a strict code of ethics in the same way as one would in the mainstream media. Blogging is a tool of freedom of expression and bloggers do not want to feel they are constrained by the ethics or codes of mainstream media.

The chapters on how to blog anonymously and how to circumvent censorship are the most useful part of the guide. Blogging anonymously includes using cybercafés rather than your own computer at home, university or workplace. Alternatively you could set up web access via an “anonymous proxy” which would hide the real IP address of the computer you are using. Other options are explored such as using a “circumventor”, similar to a proxy server but requiring the help of a third party in a “safe country”. More complicated and technically challenging is the “invisibleblog” which requires posting via a specially formatted email system that is encrypted. All of these options are explained in detail with links to sites that can provide the blogger with further information and help on how to beat censorship laws and avoid detection by government security forces.

The Handbook for Bloggers and Cyber-Dissidents is an extremely valuable guide for those bloggers living under repressive regimes where they are at risk of imprisonment. For the rest of the blogging world the guide provides useful tips on getting started and promoting your blog.

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In preparation for the Second Nigerian Youth Leadership Summit scheduled for Enugu during July 4-5, 2006, development Partnership International along with other partners is organizing consultative sessions in all the geopolitical zones of Nigeria and in the Diaspora from May- June 2006. The purpose of the consultation is to find out what young people perceive as their most important priorities, what efforts and interventions they are undertaking to address these important priority areas, what challenges they are facing, both as young people and at the level of their work, identify and document best practices emerging from their work, and recommendations on how they can further improve their work. The consultation in the Diaspora, will focus more on health policy, health sector reforms, and how those in the Diaspora can contribute to Nigeria’s health sector development.

Peddlers of pirated software now hold sway on the very streets where drug dealers and prostitutes plied their wares a decade ago in Nigeria's biggest city. Every building in the Ikeja district is now packed with computer and cellphone ware. Business is done on the streets.

The Association for Progressive Communications has launched a new website to promote East Africa's dire need for an international submarine cable that could provide affordable broadband Internet access. This web site, FibreForAfrica.net, has been put together to provide basic information about international Internet bandwidth in Africa, its costs and the existence of monopoly access to it.

The producer of a new film about the 1994 Rwandan genocide has responded to criticisms that the BBC-funded drama traumatised survivors of the massacre. Shooting Dogs dramatises events that took place between 6 and 11 April 1994 at the Ecole Technique Officielle (ETO) school complex in the Rwandan capital, Kigali. Part of the recreation saw hundreds of Rwandan extras play members of the Interahamwe militia, the Hutu extremists held responsible for the 1994 genocide. According to Mr Belton, 15 students attending lessons at the school required hospital treatment after becoming distressed by the pretend mob's chanting and whistling.

Reporters Without Borders and its partner organisation Journaliste en Danger (JED) have written to the International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor asking him to carry out more thorough enquiries into the June 2003 disappearance of Agence France-Presse assistant Acquitté Kisembo. Militia chief Thomas Lubanga, who was arrested on war crimes charges and transferred to the ICC on 17 March 2006, is suspected of ordering his murder.

Lines of Attitude spans geographical latitudes in its exploration of media and human rights issues through the work of leading graffiti artists from South Africa, Kenya and the United Kingdom. The project partners the British Council with leading South African graffiti artists Faith 47 and Falko, bringing them collaboratively together with legendary UK graffiti artists Dreph and Mode2, as well as Kenya's Phiks. Through murals, workshops, publications and an exhibition, Lines of Attitude embraces the positive, professional side of this popular street art form, offering an alternative viewpoint to the singular perception of graffiti as vandalism. Embracing the particular resonance of graffiti in contemporary urban youth culture, the project engages young people in an exciting, active dialogue around freedom of expression, whilst also aiming to leave a permanent line of "can do" attitude on the public landscape. For details about the exhibition see below. Pambazuka News had the opportunity to interview Phiks, an artist from Kenya.

Pambazuka News: Can you tell us about what you are doing here in Cape Town? What is the project you are involved in?

Phiks: The project called "Lines of Attitude" involved coming to Cape Town as part of the project. We (artists I work with) painted a wall in Kenya last November and we just finished painting a wall here in Cape Town. The upcoming exhibit "Lines of Attitude" is also a part of the project, and all the artists have contributed pieces to it. This is a project which has got graffiti artist from different countries working together on the following theme: "How Western media affects culture." We came up with this theme in Kenya and started working on it last year. The aim of the project is to try and give graffiti a positive attitude towards the masses.

Pambazuka News: What is the connection for you between art and social change? How can the medium of graffiti be used to raise awareness or inspire action?

Phiks: My personal connection between art and social change is a love for art. Art is what I eat and most of my inspiration comes from things that happen around me, as well as the people around me. The media of graffiti can be used to raise awareness or inspire action, not only in big time events like the exhibit. You have to keep in mind what you do on a small scale level because people out there are watching everything I do. I try to keep it real for the young and old people – so I try to keep positive to promote art.

Pambazuka News: Can you describe the "matatu" culture in Kenya? What is its significance?

Phiks: Matatu culture is a big thing in Kenya. Matatu’s are not only a form of transportation, but since the 80's have been made into a form of art. There is a lot of competition because it is a source of income for Matatu owners. I do air brushing and other work on these. The significance of them is that this is the kind of grafitti I do in Kenya – this is where I come from.

Pambazuka News: What is the art scene in Kenya like? Is there a strong connection there between art and political criticism?

Phiks: The art scene in Kenya is really catching up to other places. At my level, it's great – there is also a really strong connection between the art and political criticism.

Pambazuka News: What is the government response to what you do? What about the general public?

Phiks: I would say that no, the government at the moment doesn't like what I do. They are trying to stop Matatu art because some Members of Parliament in Kenya are also in the Matatu business and they want to cut down the competition by putting up laws against us.

The general public, on the other hand, loves it! The population is made up of lots of young people under the age of 35. But it's hard – you can't mess with the government in Kenya unless you have power – which means money or good connections.

Exhibition Details:
Exhibiting artists:
(UK) mode2, dreph;
(Kenya) phiks;
(SA) falko, faith47

Opening on 16 March. Running until 06 April, District 6 Homecoming Centre 15 Buitenkant St. Cape Town.

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Seven countries have agreed to deploy security forces to Somalia to help find lasting peace in the country. Under the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, the countries also agreed to establish a regional emergency fund involving the private sector to fight ravaging famine in the Horn of Africa. In a 56-point communiqué released after a one-day Summit in Nairobi, Presidents Kibaki, Omar El Bashir (Sudan), Abdullahi Yusuf (Somalia), Yoweri Museveni (Uganda) and Ismael Omar Guelleh (Djibouti) further welcomed the progress made in the implementation of peace deal for Sudan.

The European Union wants Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) members to sign a treaty that would usher in stability, security and development in the Horn of Africa. The EU also said it was willing to give Igad Sh344 million to deal with migration and refugees. European Commissioner for development and humanitarian aid, Louis Michel, said such a regional pact would complement programmes to address cross-border issues.

An emergency fund to help fight hunger in the Horn of Africa will be set up if Heads of State adopt the proposal during a Summit recently held in Nairobi. The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) council of ministers proposed that the fund be set up as one way of finding a lasting solution to the disaster. The proposal is to be presented to the leaders who include President Kibaki, Sudan's Omar El Bashir and Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, at the 11th IGAD summit of the assembly of heads of state and government.

Uganda, like other sub-saharan African countries, still faces the challenge of keeping the inflation rate below 10% and holding the shilling at bay against the dollar at the expense of poor medical care, substandard education, poor road network, rampant unemployment and having millions of the population still living on one dollar a day. Participants at the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) roundtable meeting on debt relief and the challenges of increased aid in Lusaka, Zambia over the weekend agreed that there was need for increased debt relief instead of increased aid inflows.

Reports about the housing situation in Kenya's capital, Nairobi, often focus on the lack of proper places to stay - particularly in the massive slum of Kibera, where tens of thousands live in appalling conditions. However, there are also areas of the city where too many residential properties are being built - or at least, being built too quickly. Development here is outstripping the provision of water, electricity and sewerage systems. And the result, greater numbers of people relying on limited infrastructure, is seen as a recipe for disaster.

A vaccination campaign against meningitis is expected in western Sudan following the confirmation of an outbreak in Hamadyia camp for internally displaced persons in Zalinger, West Darfur, according to the United Nations World Health Organization. Some 28 cases of meningitis and one death had been reported through an early-warning system by 10 March, WHO said in a statement. The disease had also been reported in other regions of Sudan.

Amid the din of swinging cranes and the rattle of heavy trucks, Francis Ruwa weaves through the gang of casual workers who are busy offloading cargo from a ship on the quayside at the port of Mombasa. In his hand, he is carrying a bundle of pamphlets which he distributes to his colleagues as he moves on, occasionally making stopovers to exchange greetings and pass on a word of advice. Unless one pays attention, Ruwa could easily be mistaken for a salesman distributing promotional materials but he is on a campaign trail against HIV/Aids which has already claimed hundreds of employees at the prestigious state corporation.

Police in Uganda raided Open Gate FM Radio, arrested two presenters and picked up computers, two days after two ministers nearly fought outside the radio studios. The minister for the presidency, and the state minister for energy confronted Budadiri West MP Mafabi at the radio station on Saturday accusing him of defaming them. Mafabi had been on a talk show on the radio. Non-uniformed policemen arrived at the radio station at 1pm and attempted to take the on-air computer too.

A Press Statement by Transparency International has lauded recent moves taken by President Biya to combat embezzlement. The global civil society organisation that is leading the fight against corruption, Transparency International (TI) has qualified recent moves to combat corruption in Cameroon as the steps that will "deter future cases of illicit enrichment in the country".

Moves to try former Liberian President Charles Taylor for crimes against humanity in a Sierra Leone court are a warning to the world's warlords that they cannot escape justice, the court's chief prosecutor said. Newly-elected Liberian President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf said on Friday (March 17) she had asked Nigeria, where Taylor lives in exile, to consider handing him to a UN-backed Special Court in Freetown, which has indicted him for his part in Sierra Leone's 1991-2002 civil war.

Nearly 1,000 Egyptian judges held a half-hour silent protest Friday (March 17) to demonstrate for full judicial independence and against the government's order to interrogate six of their colleagues who criticized recent elections. The justices, wearing the red and green sashes of their profession, gathered outside their professional association, the Judges' Club, in downtown Cairo ahead of an extraordinary general assembly to discuss their grievances.

In the last five years, the number of asylum-seekers arriving in all industrialized countries has fallen by half, according to preliminary annual figures released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), who said this trend should spark reflection in the industrialized world about the fate of those in need of protection. Asylum applications in 50 industrialized countries fell sharply for the fourth year in a row in 2005, reaching their lowest level in almost two decades, the agency said, attributing this to more stable situations in many areas of the world but also to increasingly restrictive asylum policies.

A look at some of the activities held by women for International Women’s Day provides a telling account of how ongoing struggles continue to affect women's everyday lives as well as their abilities to live in safety, dignity, and peace. This past year we saw the election of the first female president in Africa, Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf of Liberia, as well as the electoral victory of feminist Michelle Bachelet in Chile. Women have taken huge steps forward in the public sphere and have worked hard to break down social, political, and cultural barriers. Yet women still face tremendous obstacles to equality all over the world. A look at some of the activities held by women for IWD provides a telling account of how ongoing struggles continue to affect women's everyday lives as well as their abilities to live in safety, dignity, and peace.

Indigenous and tribal peoples represent about 5 per cent of the world's population, but over 15 per cent of the world's poor. The incidence of extreme poverty is higher among them than among other social groups and they generally benefit much less than others from overall declines in poverty. This paper reports on an ethnic "audit" of 14 PRSPs (poverty reduction strategy papers) in 14 countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Its goal is to ascertain whether and how the rights, needs and aspirations of indigenous and tribal peoples have been taken into account and whether they have been involved in the consultations leading to the formation of the PRSPs.

Ugandans voted last month for 69 special female members of parliament as part of the country's lauded gender affirmative-action program. But one prominent female politician says the 10-year-old system has failed to deliver legal gains for women. "Politics is generally seen as a game of the leaders, the affluent and the brave. And so it has never been the women's domain," said Zziwa, who belongs to the government party, the National Resistance Movement. Zziwa was first elected to the Ugandan parliament in 1996, along with 38 other women on a special gender ticket, after the government enshrined a system for boosting female representation as part of an ambitious program of affirmative action for women in all spheres of national affairs.

This meeting, held 26-30 March 2006, Mbabane, Swaziland, will explore, in depth, the dwindling vibrancy of the women’s movement in the Southern African Development Community and provide a road map towards its reinvigoration. Participants will engage in the situational analysis, examining the causes of the deteriorating vibrancy, proposing strategies and modalities to address this and collectively draw up an action plan with defined roles, responsibilities and timeframe for its implementation.

The United Nations' new Human Rights Council - created Wednesday (March 15) with a 170-4 vote in the General Assembly - will launch in June, with advocates saying they hope it will be effective at confronting countries that abuse their own people. The US, which voted against the new entity citing concerns it will not be strong enough, nevertheless agreed Wednesday to help fund the council and work toward making it "as strong and effective as it can be."

Forum for Women in Democracy (FOWODE) is a non-partisan organization whose mission is to promote gender equality in all decision-making through advocacy, training, research and publishing. A resource center has been in existence at FOWODE since 1998 to facilitate women leaders at Parliamentary and lower levels. Young leaders and students now can access the library. We are looking for a committed librarian to participate in the on going reorganization of this Library.

A second “Decade for Education in Africa” is to be launched in 2006 to push forward the momentum of Education for All on the continent. “I hope that this Decade will allow us to make considerable progress in education, especially pan-African education,” says Alpha Oumar Konaré, Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union. As a prelude to this Decade, education and culture were high on the agenda for the African Heads of State participating in the 6th African Union Summit in Khartoum, Sudan on 23-24 January.

In anticipation of the Paris Club’s upcoming “celebration” of its 50th birthday, the US-based network “New Rules for Global Finance” has called on Nigeria’s President Obasanjo and the African Union to support a change of venue for Paris Club negotiations. Put simply, future Paris Club debt negotiations should take place in the debtor country, say New Rules. This will help reorder the negotiating balance between debtor and creditor.

Uganda's HIV prevalence has decreased from 6.5% to 6.4%, according to a national AIDS indicator survey, Uganda's New Vision reports. The survey - which was presented on Monday by Wilford Lordson Kirungi, medical epidemiologist for the country's AIDS Control Program - was conducted between 2004 and 2005 and involved 10,437 households chosen at random. The survey finds that HIV prevalence fell in the country, and awareness of modes of transmission increased.

Seventy-four antiretroviral therapy treatment centers have been established across Nigeria to help provide antiretroviral drugs to HIV-positive people, Health Minister Eyitayo Lambo said last Thursday in a statement, AFP/Yahoo! News reports. Nigeria in December 2005 announced it would begin a program that aims to provide antiretroviral drugs at no cost to about 250,000 HIV-positive residents.

As bomb blasts rip through Addis Ababa and opposition leaders stand trial for treason, Kasahun Woldemariam charts the rise of the Ethiopian state, providing background to the turbulent May 2005 election period and the subsequent regime crackdown. The government of Meles Zenawi, he writes, needs to tune in its listening devices to the voices of the people rather than appeasing and appealing to external forces.

Since 1991, Ethiopians have gone to the polls three times (in 1995, 2000, and 2005) to cast their ballots. The three elections were never perfect by any measure, but given the communication, political, and other constraints, they were instrumental in providing the basis for evaluating the performance of elected public officials and whether they remained true to their campaign platforms and promises. The 2005 multiparty elections, particularly, challenged the commitment of the ruling coalition and opposition parties to democracy and peaceful resolution of conflict.

The question then becomes whether Ethiopian political leaders were genuinely committed to the rule of law and multiparty politics. Did the ruling elites that came to power after the collapse of the military regime of Mengistu Haile-Mariam (1974-1991) essentially open the political marketplace to ride the post-Cold War current? What are the long-term implications of the behaviors and actions of the political leaders? What lessons could other Africans draw from the Ethiopian experience?

This article presents a critical and condensed overview of the political history of Ethiopia with emphasis on the prominence of internal legitimacy for the survival and continuity of a political system. This is followed by a detailed account and analysis of multiparty election outcomes and the implication of post-2005 election allegations and counter-allegations of electoral fraud and the imprisonment of opposition party leaders on eroding public confidence in the political process as well as in government. It then makes a brief summary of the main points of the article and concludes with a few policy-oriented remarks.

Contemporary Political Developments in Ethiopia

The end of the Cold War in the late 1980s fundamentally shifted the African political landscape. By the early 1990s, almost every African authoritarian ruler jumped on the bandwagon and became carried away by the conveyer belts of political and market liberalism.

The case of Ethiopia is unique in many respects. The departure of Mengistu left a political vacuum and opened an unprecedented opportunity for the declaration of Eritrea as an independent state. Numerous political parties also emerged. Many among these demanded secession while a few others looked to meet the separatist claims without causing the disintegration of the country into unstable and unviable ethnic Bantustans. The 1990/91 London negotiation, chaired by the former United States Assistant Secretary of State, Herman Cohen, was an attempt to engage the various contending political parties in a negotiation and to figure out strategies to reestablish peace and security in Ethiopia. Among the delegates were representatives from the military government, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), and other nationalist and secessionist party members.

At the London Summit, it was decided that the TPLF would replace the outgoing military regime, and Eritrea would be declared independent from the oppressive regime of Ethiopia. Initially, the TPLF did not camouflage its separatist tendencies within the rubrics of national integration, nation-building, and all the other politically and diplomatically appealing aphorisms. Indeed, beginning in the mid-1980s, the Front had expanded its spheres of guerrilla warfare to other provinces, especially to the predominantly “Amhara” provinces of western Ethiopia. Even there, the Front held its banner and continued to depend on the peoples’ willingness and kindness to shelter, feed, and fight alongside with the party’s armed wings. What is interesting is that the TPLF leadership believed and mobilized its Tigray dominated guerrilla groups to fight against the allegedly Amhara dominated central government of Ethiopia.

Since the late 1970s, the TPLF had sought to make practical the Leninist rhetoric of the rights of minority groups to self-determination, including and up to secession. Yet, as the military regime begun to crumble, the TPLF leadership abandoned its separatist fervor in favor of the gains that come with ruling greater Ethiopia, as opposed to forming an independent state with questionable viability.

How did the TPLF transform itself from a disintegrative, separatist, force to an arguably integrative, unionist, party? The various ethnic groups had to be brought into an overarching framework. The grand coalition, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), was established to avoid the possible disintegration of Ethiopia into unstable states. At the same time, the establishment of the grand coalition was ostensibly designed to protect the interests and rights of minority ethnic groups and to ensure that they would not be short-changed in the interest of national unity. These polarized tensions among the various groups created the opportunity for the TPLF leadership to skillfully maneuver themselves to the peak of the political hierarchy.

From the outset, there was really no genuine commitment to making the outcome of multiparty elections unpredictable and, as a result, the playing field in the political marketplace has been biased in favor of the grand coalition, the EPRDF. The EPRDF is not a constellation of equals; rather it is established to elevate the politically and demographically minority party, the TPLF, to the summit of the highly hierarchical grand coalition party.

If political power translates into economic power or vice-versa, then the Tigray ethnic group in Tigray (northern Ethiopia) must have been having a field day since the rise of the former secessionist party to power. For instance, the current Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, comes from one of the demographically minority ethnic groups in Ethiopia, the Tigray ethnic group. This ethnic group represents approximately 6% of the population of Ethiopia and, yet, a disproportionate number of cabinet posts and other key government posts are controlled by individuals from members of the Tigray ethnic group.

But it is not ethnicity, rather it is loyalty to the status quo, the continued domination of power by one party, that determines whether or not one qualifies for appointment as a high-ranking official. Therefore, some observes who over-emphasize the role of ethnicity in the allocation of political power and economic resources need to ask themselves why a significant number of internally displaced, homeless, and beggars in Addis Ababa are from the Tigray ethnic group and why there is developmental and public and private sector investment differentials within the Tigray regional state such as between Adwa and Mekele.

The EPRDF comprises a number of parties, including the ANDM, ADP, GPDF, OPDO, South Ethiopia Peoples’ Democratic Front (SEPDF), and TPLF. Since the EPRDF is a mechanism for centralized control of power and since the majority member parties of the grand coalition are not expressions of the wishes and desires of the people, the central government’s development policies and priorities are reflections of the interests and visions of the party that has settled at the top of the organizational hierarchy. Essentially, public funds for investment in education, health, and physical infrastructure, as well as setting the criteria for central government budget allocation for reconstruction and rehabilitation are authoritatively determined.

Having created an unholy alliance among parties which mushroomed after the collapse of the military regime, the EPRDF won the 1995 parliamentary elections overwhelmingly and secured a position to dictate the country’s social and economic policies. Interestingly, even though the grand coalition maintained its dominant position, after the 2000 elections, the leaders of the ruling coalition were irritated by the loss of an additional 2% of the parliament seats to loyal opposition parties.

To be sure, the 12% or so total occupancy of the federal parliament by members of the opposition parties has done more than anyone had expected. The ways in which they stood against a concrete political wall is not only fascinating but, more importantly, it is a testament of their commitment to play by the rules and to ensure that the voice of the voiceless is heard loud and clear. In spite of intimidation, harassment, imprisonment, and extrajudicial assassination, opposition party leaders continue to rise to the occasion.

To the extent that the rise of elective dictatorship in Ethiopia is not substantiated, then one is justified to ask why the government allowed opposition party members to remain increasingly outspoken against the government’s position. First, given the growing public disenchantment against public officials’ complacency towards the conditions of the majority, keeping opposition parties in some irrelevant corner of the legislative process gives the illusion that the regime may gradually democratize.

Secondly, disputing the notion of authoritarian regime under the illusion of democracy, some take the view that if anything else the current regime is much better than the patently and unpretentiously authoritarian military regime of Mengistu Haile-Mariam, which soaked its hands with thousands of innocent civilians’ blood. They go on to insist that the holding of elected officials in prison with or without charges may violate their constitutional rights of immunity from prosecution, but they did not disappear mysteriously, which would have been the case during the iron-clod rule of Mengistu. But banning opposition parties from participating in elections and the subsequent ceremonial debate at the parliament floor would definitely upset the ruling party’s alternative sources of legitimacy and financial support - the West - especially the Americans and the Britons. Keeping opposition party members hanging in a political limbo, without conceding any meaningful political space, would be striking more than two birds in one stone.

The 2005 Elections and Subsequent Political Crises

For the leadership of the grand coalition, a slight dwindling in the absolute ownership of the political space signaled the erosion of legislative and executive power away from the center of gravity - the Minister’s office. Five years later, the regime reached a tipping point both in terms of availing its true characteristics and the decline in the internal legitimacy of the state. The 2005 elections and the ways in which the opposition parties organized themselves were remarkable on many counts.

By early 2003, it was evident that the 2005 parliamentary elections would be different from the previous two elections. On a number of occasions, leaders of opposition parties held talks on how best to prepare for the 2005 parliamentary elections. Even though the EPRDF was more a symbolic and loose alliance than anything else, it nonetheless brought together the various political parties, continued to serve as an essential political instrument of domination and marginalization, and facilitated the conditions for the rise of the TPLF to the pinnacle of power. Combining historical lessons of the liberation struggle and the formation of the grand coalition and its impact on the inequitable distribution of power, four opposition parties were able to forge a strategic alliance and form the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD).

The May 2005 parliamentary elections evolved as if opposition parties launched a surprise attack on the ruling coalition, testing its tolerance to adversarial views and commitment to stepping aside gracefully. It certainly tipped the balance of power in favor of opposition parties and significantly eroded the confidence of the public in the electoral process. Despite persistent intimidations, imprisonment of candidates as well as delays in the delivery of election material to and early closures of polling stations, opposition parties were able to exert pressure on the ruling coalition to play by its own rules of the political game, or face the consequences of grossly diluting its image before the international community.

The CUD achieved a landslide victory at the capital city, which came with a reward of 23 parliamentary seats. This was a politically significant win for the country as a whole and for opposition parties in particular. Many observers noted that the opposition were leading the ruling coalition party by a measurable margin, but prior to the conclusion of the elections the government declared that it had won the majority vote.

Opposition parties quickly discredited the government’s claim and called for a recounting of the votes and rerunning of elections in disputed areas. Except perhaps for the African Union and the Carter Center, election observers from the European Union, Scandinavian nations, and others held the view that the elections were not free and fair. It was generally riddled with voter intimidation and numerous impediments against supporters of opposition parties, and backed the oppositions’ allegation of fraud. The European Union proposed that the best outcome for the country and the parties in dispute would be to hold dialogue and mediation and develop a mechanism for the peaceful resolution of political conflict. This proposal never materialized, and by mid-November 2005 the opposition called for a five-day strike.

Subsequently, security forces went on a rampage, killing at least forty, wounding hundreds, and arresting over 2000 civilians. Twenty-four members of the opposition party are presently standing trial on charges of treason and coup. Some of the victims of the political violence were children who had nothing to do with the elections or the strike.

Because of gross human rights violations by the Ethiopian government, the World Bank cancelled its aid to the Ethiopian government and, instead, fund civil society organizations based in Ethiopia. The European Union also cancelled its aid to the Ethiopian government, making the combined $375 million withholding of foreign aid one of the largest since the current regime came to power in 1991. With very little or no indignity, the government reacted to the cancellation of foreign aid by claiming that Ethiopia hardly relied on foreign aid and that the survival and continuity of the state has always been and will always depend on the will of the people. Hypocrisy aside, when the World Bank and Western allies of African governments suspend foreign aid, you know that there is something seriously wrong with how ordinary citizens are treated by the state.

Irrespective of the weaknesses that may exist and the apparent restrictions it faces, the Ethiopian free press was the only means of policing the state. The problem of scarcity of information resources is compounded as one moves out of the capital city into regional state capitals and rural areas. In their daily interactions and formation of mutual understanding around an issue, Ethiopians transcend ethno-linguistic, religious, and class boundaries which have been put up as barriers to collective mass mobilization against the ruling elites. Thanks to the resilience of traditional values and extended family networks, each resident of the capital city remains in touch with his/her roots from the rural areas and, given their comparatively greater access to the mass media, the citizens of Addis Ababa are the information links of rural Ethiopia within the country and beyond. Given the existence of a relatively improved communication network in the capital city, it is also much easier to mobilize residents of the city in support of a platform or to express dissent against an incumbent regime. And, since each resident of the city comes from diverse backgrounds, news and activities originating in Addis Ababa easily spreads to other regions as well. Therefore, winning Addis Ababa was not only politically significant but it was also strategically important.

Concluding Remarks

What has occurred in Ethiopia since the May 2005 parliamentary elections is a manifestation of hypocrisy at its best. Sheer arrogance and the flexing of military muscle on an unarmed civilian population never quite worked for the repressive regime of Mengistu Haile-Mariam. If the military regime stood firmly against domestic and regional rivals and made measurable progress in the provision of public goods, then why did the regime suddenly collapse? To put it simply, it lost the confidence of the general public, which worsened by the ushering in of a new international political climate.

This point cannot be overemphasized, and restoring public confidence in government should be taken as an important component of building democracy and bringing about economic development. Furthermore, unless one rejects the value of history and the unique experiences of Ethiopians, the current ruling elites did not introduce Ethiopians to the idea of “government by the people,” call it democracy or elective dictatorship. Even so, as Wole Soyinka noted, past contribution to society should not inhibit future progress.

Therefore, contemporary African leaders, especially Ethiopians, need not go far to the West or the East to draw lessons on public administration, building the capacity of the state to deliver public goods, and bringing about sustainable development and enduring democracy. The most reliable source of state legitimacy is one that emanates internally and crosses over linguistic, ethnic, class, religious boundaries. That is, a regime’s continuity and effectiveness lies in its ability to achieve internal legitimacy by tuning in its listening devices to the voices of the people rather than appeasing and appealing to external forces. Alternatively, a state that seeks to restore public confidence and derives its legitimacy from the people also contributes to regional peace and security and is one less troubled spot for the international community to worry about.

Imprisonment of opposition party members, journalists, and civilians without a warrant clearly illustrates that the executive branch of the regime is acting and behaving above the law. In a political system where no one is policing the state, where ballots no longer serve as sticks and carrots, and where parliamentary elections are meaningless processions to the polling station, then the regime is nothing but an “elective dictatorship” and a constellation of opportunist elites.

The first step in restoring public confidence in government would be to release and engage in a genuine dialogue with opposition party leaders. Such dialogue could be best facilitated by Ethiopian elders, Ethiopian religious leaders with no political affiliation to any of the parties, and by government representatives who have nothing to lose or gain from the outcome of the dialogue and mediation.

At the end of the day, the political leaders from all sides must come to terms with the fact that there is a limit to blind loyalty and that the time for critical citizenship is never too late.

* Kasahun Woldemariam received his Ph.D. in African Studies from Howard University and numerous awards, including research and teaching fellowships from the University of Witwatersrand, South Africa; the Institute for the Study of World Politics, Washington, DC; and Howard University. He has written articles, including "Investment-Friendly Image of Africa," "The Real Power of Ballots," and "NEPAD Needs NGOs to Work." His forthcoming book examines "Social Capital" from an African Perspective."

* Please send comments to

January 09 2005 marked the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Southern People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan. This article, from Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network, which comprises 28 member organisations and advocates for social change and gender equality for women, assesses the lot of women one year after the CPA. In the field of employment, education and political participation, there remains a long way to go before the effects of war are overcome.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement, signed on the 9th of January by both the Southern People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the National Congress, put an end to over 20 years of civil conflict responsible for the death of 1.5 million and the displacement of 4 million in South Sudan. Through the CPA, the Sudan Interim Constitution came into being, giving hope to the throngs of Southerners living as IDPs in Khartoum as well as those who remained in the South or fled to neighbouring countries.

In addition to giving the South autonomy and an option of secession within six years, the Interim Constitution ensures the rights of non-Muslims as being exempt from Shari'a law. It also affirms gender equality, stating that
"The state shall emancipate women from injustice, promote gender equality and encourage the role of women in family and public life"(Sudan Interim Constitution [15(2)])

But, one year later, what has really changed on the ground for the women of Sudan? A series of interviews related to a variety of issues indicates that change is slow, and women's rights continue to be violated on a number of levels. Women continue to be wrongly imprisoned, sexually harassed and marginalised whilst those in charge do nothing to ensure their safety.

A provision relating to Shari'a law according to the CPA stated that "parts of the constitution are to be re-written so that Shari'a does not apply to any non-Muslim throughout Sudan." In theory, under the Interim Constitution, Shari'a no longer applies to non-Muslims. The reality, however, is different. The application of Shari'a law in the North remains indiscriminate, with ambiguity reigning over how laws have changed and who is exempt. Those mainly affected are women working in the informal sector. Lacking an infrastructure of support, they are continually marginalised and targeted by the authorities.

A former alcohol brewer (who wishes to remain anonymous) spoke out to SIHA about the corruption and impunity that she has experienced whilst trying to maintain a living. This woman, originally from the Nuba Mountains, had wished to attend University after completing the Sudan Certificate, but due to the impoverished situation of her family she was forced to seek employment. For this reason, she began to brew and sell alcohol. She lived every day in fear of being arrested, and on a number of occasions was captured by the authorities.

After the signing of the CPA, she heard rumours that the living conditions of women in the informal sector would improve, but: "The situation got worse and I decided to give up brewing. Our houses are still invaded in the hope of finding alcohol, and violence is more prevalent." Fearing for her safety, this woman began to sell tea. However, as a tea lady she receives no added sanctuary or security. She has no license and continues to live in fear. "I just want to feed my family," she says.
The situation of this woman is common amongst IDPs living on the margins of society in Khartoum. Lacking viable income-generating options, many women are forced into the informal sector, with numerous women brewing and selling alcohol.

One of the main issues stunting the ability of these women to enter mainstream society is their lack of education. In the war-ravaged South, there are limited options for schooling. Those schools which do exist are not governmental institutions; rather they are run by volunteers and classified as 'Community Schools'. As IDPs return to their homelands, work is in place to build schools and train teachers. However, the situation for marginalised girls remains difficult; their education being neglected by both guardians and state.

Maha Jarrah is a teacher at the Nubrass Centre, Omdurman, which offers evening classes from the basic level up to the Sudan Certificate. The students, aged15 -50, failed to receive an education whilst they were growing up. "It is very difficult for some families to send their children to school," claims Maha. "Even if you attend a government school, parents need to find money to give their children books, pay for examinations and sometimes contribute toward maintaining the school and classroom equipment." These costs are a deterrent for families with limited means. Even though Maha claims that there are more girls entering school at the basic level, she says the reason for this is a higher birth rate amongst girls. In actual fact, when parents are unable to pay for their children's schooling, they are more willing to sacrifice their daughters', rather than their sons' education. This means that more girls are missing out on their basic education, and there is a higher drop-out rate amongst girls than boys.

Illiteracy is prevalent amongst youth, and it is promising to see so many young (and old) adults returning to gain an education at evening classes like those held at the Nubrass Centre. However, it is important that today's children of both sexes receive their education whilst growing up. It is stated in the Interim National Constitution that: "The state shall provide free primary education,” [44 (2)] but as a vast number of families are still unable to pay for their children (and predominantly, their girls') education, we are forced to wonder how committed this government really is to supplying all of it's children with an equal opportunity to receive a basic education.

Since the signing of the CPA one year ago, it has been the dream of many IDPs to return to the South. However, for the majority, it is proving difficult to make their dream a reality. As refugees are given support to return to the South from neighbouring countries, the story is different for IDPs residing in Khartoum. Opportunities exist for their return, and a number of people have grasped at chances of aid in returning home; yet many families lack the knowledge and ability to seek out these opportunities.

Amal was born and brought up in a village community in the Nuba Mountains. But, as the conflicts began to threaten her and her family, she sought refuge in Khartoum. Like the majority of people who fled the conflict, Amal resides on the outskirts of the city in squalid and over crowded conditions. As a Christian IDP living in Khartoum, she feels marginalised and discredited. Living in a dwelling made of cardboard and plastic sheets, she remains nostalgic about her home in the Nuba Mountains and is eager to return. Amal's husband has already returned to the Nuba Mountains with one of his sons. However, Amal and her remaining six children were left behind in Khartoum with no financial means of returning. Although she has employment as a cleaner and also works as a tea lady, Amal cannot afford the money for transport and so the family unit has been broken. Amal states that there is no infrastructure in place to help IDPs return to their homelands. Those who go do so through their own prerogative. Both the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the CPA which stated that they would "Formulate a repatriation, resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development plan to address those areas affected by war", [1.5.4] but Amal remains unaware of any plan that can aid her in returning to her home.

A victory awarded to women through the CPA is the increase of female political participation. Through stating that: "The equal rights of men and women to the enjoyment of all civil and political rights set forth in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights…shall be ensured…", [CPA 1.6.2.16 (a)], the CPA is allowing women a window through which to voice their concerns. It is promising to note that the number of women politicians has increased within the Interim Government of Sudan. The number of female MPs has risen since the CPA to an all-time high of 25%. But will their participation in parliament make a difference to the voice of Sudanese women? As the situation currently stands, this remains to be seen.

* This article was compiled by Strategic Initiatives for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) Network. SIHA is a network of civil society organisations from North and South Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Somaliland. Founded in 1995 by a collection of women's groups with the view of strengthening their capacity, SIHA has grown over the years and is now comprised of 28 member organisations. More information

* Please send comments to [email protected]

On Friday 30, December 2005, Egyptian security police brutally broke up a three-month sit-in protest being held by Sudanese refugees in Cairo, killing 30. As detailed in an October 2005 Pambazuka News article (http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29957) the refugees were protesting against their appalling conditions and the constant abuse of their rights and had camped out near the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), demanding protection from forced repatriation and protection of vulnerable groups. Three months after the massacre, writes Barbara E. Harrell-Bond, families of the dead are still waiting to bury their loved ones.

What is happening with the bodies of those who were killed in the 30 December 2005 violent expulsion of the three-month peaceful protest aimed at the UN High Commission for Refugees in front of their Cairo offices at the Mustafa Mahmoud Park? To date, there is no evidence of any of the 29 families having lost a loved one, being successful in receiving the body from the government morgue authorities to complete the burial, either in Cairo or back in Sudan. The bodies are slowly decomposing in the central government morgue while distraught family members struggle to obtain some sense of closure in order to move forward in their grieving process.

There were understandable delays in identifying bodies and conducting autopsies. Then, because of rumours among the refugees of organ ‘snatching’, the Sudan government and the SPLM demanded they be allowed to conduct their own investigation. But there has been no public account of their findings. Still the bodies have not been released. For those yet looking for loved ones, they are no longer allowed to enter the morgue, but are shown pictures of bodies yet unidentified.

Mr. Phillip Dominic is the maternal uncle and primary relative of one of the deceased, Colletta Pashikfofe. Her relatives, a mother and brother, want her body to be buried in the Sudan. However, Colletta’s body remains in the morgue after a series of grisly experiences.

Phillip obtained funds from an Egyptian to pay the plane ticket and to have an undertaker preserve the body and prepare it for transport in a sealed casket. He accessed all the necessary documents:

- A death certificate (with no cause of death listed).
- A letter of permission from the Ministry of Health to transport the body to Sudan and confirming Phillip’s authorization as the closest living relative in Cairo to receive the body.
- A letter from the Foreign Affairs Ministry sent from Khartoum via the Sudanese Embassy in Cairo providing permission for Colletta’s body to enter Sudan.
- A document from the Ministry of Justice to confirm again that Phillip is the legal guardian of Colletta’s body and confirming that he officially took possession of the body Friday the 3rd of Feb. 2006.

He was on the way to the airport on that day with the undertaker and Colletta’s body when he was contacted by Mohamed Darwish, a 3 star police officer/general from the Zenhom station just across from the morgue. He was told that he must return immediately with Colletta’s body to the Zenhom morgue and that this order had been received “from above”. He returned as instructed at which point Mohamed Darwish signed the body back into the morgue, essentially putting a “hold” on the body, apparently preventing Phillip from receiving it again.

Phillip at this point went to the Sudanese Embassy requesting assistance and eventually went back to Zenhom on the 9th and 10th February along with the undertaker. He was told by morgue authorities that he had to go to the Interior Ministry in order to obtain a letter to have the hold released. He was also told to go to the police at Zenhom and discuss the matter directly with Darwish, who originally placed the hold.

He did so, only to find no one available, apparently due to a football match. He was told by the airlines that the ticket he purchased would expire so he was hoping to resolve the matter. He has been told by morgue authorities that he should try to convince the airline to extend the ticket until Sunday 12 February and that perhaps the matter would be resolved on the Saturday.

Phillip has been back to the morgue, to the UNHCR, and to the Sudanese Embassy on an almost daily basis since mid February. He had to change the details on his authorization letter from the Sudanese Embassy, which he did successfully, after initially having difficulties. He had to obtain a letter from UNHCR which he eventually did. However, his tireless efforts to receive Coletta’s body for transport back to Sudan, even to bury locally, appear not to have yielded any positive results.

The morgue authorities/police posted at the morgue, reportedly stated on 26 February that he could not receive the body for transport back to Sudan because they had not received authorization to release the bodies “from a higher authority”.

Phillip decided (as several other family members have now done), that he had been through enough and that, despite other family member’s wishes to the contrary, he would bury Coletta’s body locally. He assumed that morgue authorities would release the body immediately once he agreed to this. Instead they reportedly told him that he must obtain confirmation from religious figures that he would have a ceremony and burial locally. He did so with church officials confirming his intent to morgue authorities. Following this the authorities again replied that they were sorry but they did not have the authorization required to release Coletta’s body to him, even for local burial.

Phillip tried to participate in a prayer gathering at the morgue for the deceased, however, they were not allowed to gather, with police apparently fearing potential violence. Although the details are unique, in many ways it is representative of similar troubles that other families have also faced during this difficult process of attempting to bury their loved ones since 30th December 2005.

UPDATE: Per my conversations with a few of the family members, and other second hand reports, I understand that funerals did take place over at least 2 days last week, starting mid week. Apparently 8 bodies were buried initially and another 6 the next day. Additional funerals may have taken place over the weekend that I am not aware of.

Apparently representatives from both the Sudanese Embassy and Egyptian Government accompanied the bodies from the Zenholm morgue to graveside in order to ensure that there were no detours to have secondary medical opinions on cause of death (as some family members had requested originally). To date, only death certificates with the section on cause of death left blank have been issued to the families.

Some family members asked the Sudanese and Egyptian officials whose decision it was to prevent the bodies from returning to Sudan, as the government officials from the Sudanese Embassy have been apparently telling the family members that it is the decision of the Egyptian Government. However the Egyptian Government officials have apparently been telling the family members that it was the decision of the Sudanese Government. In response to such questions in the presence of representatives from both governments, the family members were apparently told to stop asking questions least they not be allowed to bury their loved ones at all.

It appears that many of the bodies still have not been buried. Phillip has not yet buried Colletta, but plans to try to do so by Tuesday of this week. Almost all of the family members whom I am in contact with have now collected their 5,700 LE from CARITAS. Average local funeral costs are apparently in the range of 300-500, with the remaining funds being seen as "compensation" for what the families have endured (no matter how grossly inadequate).

* This article was compiled from reports from AMERA-Egypt, a refugee legal aid NGO, operating as a branch of the AMERA UK Charity. Barbara E. Harrell-Bond is distinguished Visiting Professor, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme, American University in Cairo.

If democracy is only about contestation between political parties then the elite consensus that the recent election constitutes further maturation into a free, fair and peaceful democracy is largely valid. But if democracy is understood to include the right to express dissent outside of electoral participation, and if the freedom and fairness of electoral processes is understood to require free political activity outside of party politics, then there are less grounds for optimism, begins this article from the website of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal.

Director Gavin Hood projects the inherent failure of unbridled capitalism in the "New" South Africa subtly in his award-winning adaptation of playwright Athol Fugard's "Tsotsi". Through a character study of hardened man-child Tsotsi, whose name simply means "thief" in local Jo'burg slang, Hood explores the meaning of the "new" South Africa. An adaptation of Athol Fugard's play written in the 1950's, the film echoes the inescapable conflict colonialism has stained the continent with since the 20th century. Social ills, economic inequality, destabilized family centers, political corruption, and the shame associated with HIV/Aids are wondrously presented in Hood's immensely sensitive interpretation.

As Tsotsi claws his way through a life of crime and brutality he finds himself cornered between the state and his own self-destruction. Tsotsi has developed such a hard exterior that he pummels one of his closest friends in the opening scenes of the film after his friend challenges Tsotsi to tell the group his real name. Tsotsi goes on to carjack a woman that same night only to realize after crashing the car that there's a baby in the backseat. From there we watch Tsotsi unravel as he tries to cope with the newborn child.

Presley Chweneyagae is remarkable as Tsotsi. He offers a range of emotion and vulnerability often difficult for people to confront in real life. On screen his presence reflects vividly the unprotected lives of children whose families are pulled apart under the pressures of illness, poverty, and neglect. He clings to the baby with a fierce loneliness that captures our collective need for each other in a way that blends the sacred mother-father-child relationship.

Terry Pheto provides a steadfast will to her character as the young widowed mother, Miriam, who finds herself breastfeeding a child who's not hers at gunpoint along with her own newborn. It is through this uneasy relationship that Tsotsi gains enough clarity to restore a sense of order to the characters' lives in the film.

Fugard's play, written in the 1950's, is beautifully translated on screen as Hood lays kwaito tracks over sun struck township shots contrasted with dark, suburban Johannesburg. It is through the intricate commentary on South Africa's emerging middle class that we gain a sense of the incongruity that defines social life in South Africa. It is estimated there are as many as 5.3 million people living with HIV/Aids in South Africa as of 2003. The prevalence of the disease is a complex history of underdevelopment and apartheid legislation. Since the political liberation of South Africa, officials have had a myriad of frustrations to deal with and the continued relevancy of Fugards' play written in 1950 reinforces that.

Many scholars and critics cite the government's unmeasured acceptance of western policies as a prime factor in the continuing problems of unemployment, development, crime, and health care. The film sharply comments on how one affects the other as we watch Tsotsi remember a troubled past. The employment of unchecked free market business without adequate safety nets implemented through state and regional legislation makes these connections all the more pointed. Hood aptly picks up on Fugard's image of the lone wolf and revisits this image throughout the film. It is this lone wolf that forecasts the dangers of the Orphan Generation that South Africa has to deal with.

Though the movie's final scenes evoke a sense of surrender, the humanity that is reawakened in Presley's character echoes the hopes and dreams of downtrodden people everywhere. The economic gap between the masses of people in Johannesburg and the swelling middle class is the only way to address the problem of development and disease control. As young South African artists and filmmakers seem to remind us over and over again, it is up to the human family to prove that, "We can and we must do better than this".

* Teaira S. Buchanan is a volunteer contributor to Pambazuka News

* Fahamu was responsible for a pre-release screening of Tsotsi, which took place in Oxford on March 10. The film’s official United Kingdom release takes place on March 17.

Last year, two out of three women in Liberia became the victims of sexual violence. During the fourteen-year civil war, rape was used systematically as a weapon of war. Although the conflict has ended, violence against women continues unabated because the war has destroyed social values and norms and left a far greater tendency to resort to violence.

Human Rights First, formerly known as the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, is a US-based advocacy group that works to advance justice, human dignity and respect for the rule of law. It runs an Asylum Legal Representation Program that matches volunteer American lawyers with refugees seeking asylum in the United States.

The Committee to Protect Journalists is very troubled by the recent harassment of journalists at the independent radio station Choice FM in the town of Gulu, in Uganda's war-scarred north. Police accused the station of being a security threat after a talk show last Wednesday featuring opposition and ruling party candidates in Ugandan municipal elections, according to local journalists.

The incumbent will be responsible for achieving an integrated package of interventions that will address the United States Agency for International Development and Government of Senegal goals of improved maternal and neonatal health and reduced fertility. S/he will have overall programme, managerial, and fiscal responsibility for the West Africa Program.

More aid is being channelled to the poorest countries. Donors are coordinating efforts around nationally-owned, sector-wide policies. But what do these new rules mean for middle income countries? Do they still need aid? If so, how should it be administered?

Boni Yayi, a former banker making a maiden bid for political office, has won the first round of Benin’s presidential elections, according to provisional results released on Monday. Yayi, who ran for the 5 March poll as an independent candidate backed by a coalition of groups and parties, won 35.6 percent of the vote, the National Election Commission (CENA) said late on Monday after counting 96.39 percent of the votes.

The workshop will be held July 10-11, 2006 in Iringa, Tanzania and TEDC 2006 seeks high quality submissions of original unpublished research on all aspects of technology for education in developing countries. Researchers and educators with new perspectives on applications of technology in this context are strongly encouraged to submit their work.

Thousands of politicians, water bureaucrats, corporate lobbyists, and NGO activists are converging on Mexico City on March 16 for the fourth World Water Forum. This jamboree aims to tackle perhaps the world's most pressing problem: how to ensure every person has access to enough clean water to live a decent life while ensuring sufficient supplies to water crops and maintain freshwater ecosystems.

About three decades ago, Kenya sent its first batch of soldiers to a war-torn country on a peacekeeping mission. The soldiers were sent to Chad under the auspices of the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU), currently the African Union (AU). Since then, more than 14,000 Kenyan troops have served as peacekeepers, particularly with the United Nations, in Africa and beyond. With 1,356 soldiers currently abroad under UN command, Kenya is ranked the 13th contributor in the world in terms of size of troop deployments.

The Nigerian Army Headquarters in Abuja confirmed the exchange of gunfire between its men and the militants in the Okerenkoko area, Delta State. It said that three of its soldiers were wounded in the offensive. The Director of Army Public Relations, Col Mohammed Yussuf, said that the exchange occurred when the militants attacked and tried to hijack two tankers going to berth in Warri, Delta State

An international coalition of researchers and campaigners against tax evasion in poor countries who gathered recently in Bamako, Mali have pressed the panic button over the extent to which multinational corporations and wealthy individuals are evading tax in the name of offshore business. Tax Justice Network (TJN), an international NGO working for social justice in poor countries estimates through its own research that a staggering $11.5 trillion has been siphoned 'offshore' by wealthy individuals, held in tax havens, where they are shielded from contributing to government revenues.

Life is never easy for people afflicted by leprosy, but Zimbabwe's fast deteriorating socioeconomic conditions have made it even more challenging. At the Mutemwa Leprosy Settlement in Zimbabwe's northeastern Mutoko communal lands, 90 km east of the capital, Harare, the patients are desperately in need of food, clothing and financial assistance as the centre's coffers are empty. The centre also urgently needs money for bedding, repairs and maintenance of the facilities.