Renewable energy could go a long way toward boosting the lives of poor people, according to United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Climbing oil prices, which have hit people in developing countries particularly hard, display the growing need for alternative, clean energy sources, Annan said in a message at the opening of the Beijing International Renewable Energy Conference.

WOUGNET wishes to recruit suitably qualified and experienced individuals for the posts of Content Moderators (2) and of English-French Translators (2). The content moderators and translators will work on a six-month e-discussion: "Strengthening rural women's networks with regards to information and communication, and to combat HIV/AIDS in rural areas."

Zimbabwe's opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has split. While Morgan Tsvangirai, its leader, decisively won the battle to boycott senate elections, he lost most of his most senior colleagues in the process. Tsvangirai called yesterday's meeting of the MDC's national council and it voted overwhelmingly against participation in the upcoming national elections to establish a senate, reversing a narrow decision on October 12 to field candidates for the poll. Tsvangirai went against the party's constitution and ignored that decision. But with new-found energy, he embarked on a hectic campaign around the country to change opinion.

United States trade representative Rob Portman designated a new Qualifying Industrial Zone (QIZ) in Egypt and approved the expansion of two existing zones on October 31. QIZs, which Congress first designated in 1996 between Jordan and Israel and Egypt and Israel, give the two Arab nations the right to export products to the United States duty-free if the products contain inputs from Israel. Following the announcement, Israel and Egypt will create a new zone -the Central Delta QIZ - and expand the existing Greater Cairo QIZ and Suez Canal Zone QIZ. Portman’s announcement builds on the United States’ December 2004 designation of three zones in Egypt following an agreement between Egypt and Israel to cooperate in the establishment of the zones.

EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson met with West African Ministers on the 27th October in Brussels to agree on the next phase of the Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations between the two regions. Ministers agreed to start negotiations in 2006 and endorsed a calendar setting out a precise timetable for the talks. This will mean starting work on drafting the text and legal provisions of the EPA and issues connected with market access, including the effect of an EPA on productive sectors in West Africa. On October 27th 2005, Commissioner Mandelson held bilateral talks with a West African delegation led by the president of the West Africa Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), Mr Soumaïla Cissé.

The Zimbabwean Government is expected to sign an agricultural agreement with China that could see vast tracts of land being ceded to the fast-growing nation. The deal, envisaged to boost agricultural production, should be signed on November 8 and will be guaranteed by the Ministry of Finance. The deal will be in two phases. The first component is a direct government-to-government agreement while the other has an element of private sector participation. Government is expected to enlist private sector participation under the Zimbabwe Development Company, represented by Zimbabwe Farmers Union vice-president Edward Raradza.

Poverty and illiteracy are major problems for people living in rural areas. The slow pace of progress towards universal basic education is often overlooked and is largely due to persistently low enrolment and completion rates in rural areas. Rural poverty is strongly linked to illiteracy, malnutrition, infant mortality and poor access to water.

Climate change in South Africa could force a safety review of the country's dams and reservoirs, Parliament's water affairs and forestry portfolio committee has been told. "In South Africa, because of our variable climate, we have to build our dams bigger, generally, than elsewhere, because we have really big droughts and really big floods," University of KwaZulu-Natal professor of hydrology Roland Schulze told MPs.

It's a move which some say has created a "disaster in waiting." However, Kenya's government is refusing to alter its decision to downgrade Amboseli, a globally-renowned national park, to game reserve status. The decision was put into effect in October by Tourism and Wildlife Minister Morris Dzoro following a presidential order - and has resulted in Amboseli being placed under the control of a local authority, the Ol Kejuado County Council. Previously the park was managed by the Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS), the East African country's national conservation authority, which took charge of Amboseli in 1974.

Mozambique's President Armando Guebuza began a three-day official visit to the nation's former ruler Portugal on Monday, November 7 which will focus on drawn-out talks to give Maputo a controlling stake in the giant Cahora Bassa hydroelectric dam. "We feel there are signs of a willingness to find a solution to the problem as quickly as possible," he said after holding talks with his Portuguese counterpart Jorge Sampaio.

A federal High Court judge upheld a lawsuit by two amputees to lift the asylum granted to former Liberian ruler and warlord Charles Taylor by the Nigerian government. The decision represents a stirring victory for those who have sought to bring Taylor to justice and a setback for the Nigerian government, which has given Taylor protection and intervened in court to quash the suit. Taylor was indicted by the UN-mandated Special Court in Sierra Leone in March 2003 on 17 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in contributing to the murder, rape, and mutilation of thousands in Sierra Leone. Taylor funded and orchestrated much of the violence against civilians during Sierra Leone's decade-long civil war, and pioneered the exploitation of child soldiers to undertake heinous acts. Since August 2003, when he was granted asylum, Taylor has resided in a private compound in the Nigerian city of Calabar.

We, the 42 members of 33 organizations participating in the Conference of African Freedom of Expression Organisations held in Accra, Ghana, from October 28 to 30, 2005, under the auspices of the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Media Rights Agenda (MRA) and Journaliste en Danger (JED), with sponsorship from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisations (UNESCO);

Concerned by the continued violation of freedom of expression across Africa;

Concerned by the increasing enactment and abuse of repressive media laws in many parts of the continent;

Further concerned by the killings, imprisonments and arbitrary arrests and detentions of journalists and media workers, and the arbitrary suspension and closure of media outlets around the continent;

Gravely concerned by the lack of response of the African Union and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to address these serious violations of freedom of expression;

Recalling the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa adopted by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in October 2002;

Recalling the Resolution on the Mandate and Designation of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression in Africa by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted in December 2004;

Recalling the appeal to the African Union made by more than 100 media and freedom of expression organizations on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day 2005;

Welcoming the commitment and the Statement of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission on World Press Freedom Day 2005 reiterating the importance of freedom of expression and the role of the media;

We call on the African Union to:

1. strengthen the existing mechanisms on freedom of expression in Africa;
2. ensure that the current Special Rapporteur Mechanism is fully independent and is provided with the necessary resources to efficiently execute the mandate;
3. take into account freedom of expression in the peer review mechanism process under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD);
4. urge African Union members to respect freedom of expression and to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur to address the challenges of freedom of expression across Africa;
5. urge African governments to adopt a Treaty on Freedom of Expression in Africa;
6. urge the African Union to establish as a matter of urgency the African Court on Human Rights and make it operational.

We further call on the African Union to:

1. ensure the release of all arbitrarily detained Eritrean journalists and political prisoners held incommunicado since 2001;
2. ensure that an independent investigation is conducted to probe the murder of journalist Deyda Hydara in the Gambia;
3. closely monitor the situation of freedom of expression in Tunisia and ensure that freedom of expression advocates are protected and prisoners of conscience are freed;
4. take urgent measures to protect journalists and media practitioners in Somalia against the violent attacks and harassment by officials of local authorities and non-state actors.

Done this 30th of October 2005 in Accra

Attached is the list of organizations

* * * * *

Host Organisations

1. Journaliste en Danger (JED)
2. Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)
3. Media Institute for Southern Africa (MISA)
4. Media Rights Agenda (MRA)

Participating Organisations

African Organisations
5. AFMF: Africa Free Media Foundation (formerly NDIMA Network for the Defence of Independent Media in Africa)
6. AMDISS: Association for Media Development in Southern Sudan
7. CNLT: National Council for Liberties in Tunisia
8. CREDO: Centre for Research Education & Development of FoX & Associated Rights
9. EFJA: Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association
10. FAMEDEV: Inter-Africa Network for Women, Media, Gender Equity & Development
11. FXI: Freedom of Expression Institute
12. HornAfrik Media
13. NGE: Nigerian Guild of Editors
14. OMAC: Organisation des Medias d’Afrique Centrale
15. OTM: Observatoire Togolas des Medias
16. PIWA: Panos Institute West Africa
17. SCFE: Somali Coalition for Free Expression
18. TAEF: All Africa Editors Forum
19. URATEL: Union des Radios & Televisions libres du Togo
20. WAJA/OJAO: West Africa Journalist Association/ Union des journalistes de l’Afrique de l’Ouest

Non-African Organisations
21. ARTICLE 19: Global Campaign for Free Expression
22. Free Voice
23. IFEX/AMARC: International Freedom of Expression eXchange/World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters
24. IFJ: International Federation of Journalists
25. IMS: International Media Support
26. Index on Censorship
27. OSI: Open Society Initiative - Network Media Program and Justice Initiative
28. CHRI: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative

Ghana Organisations
29. AI: Amnesty International, Ghana Chapter
30. GCRN: Ghana Community Radio Network
31. CHRAJ: Commission on Human Rights & Administrative Justice
32. Ghana Bar Association
33. Ghana Journalists Association

St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, is offering a scholarship to a student from Southern Africa for the academic year 2006-7. The scholarship is available only for study on the MSc in African Studies. Details of the degree are outlined on the University of Oxford African Studies web site www.africanstudies.ox.ac.uk and in the University postgraduate prospectus or can be obtained by email from [email protected]

Guinea-Bissau's President Joao Bernardo "Nino" Vieira appointed a long-time ally as prime minister on November 3, days after sacking the government of his political arch rival Carlos Gomes Junior. Aristides Gomes, the mastermind behind the campaign that propelled Vieira to the presidency in July, was swiftly sworn into office and promised to mend political fences and the West African nation's ailing economy. "I will form a government of national consensus that reflects all the country's political forces," Gomes told reporters after the ceremony.

Thousands of Zambian demonstrators, many wearing green ribbons and carrying fresh-cut branches as a sign of protest, marched on parliament on 1 November to insist that a constituent assembly be convened to pass a new constitution for the country. The demonstrators, ranging from university students to the clergy and opposition party leaders, braved soaring temperatures to hand out petitions to MPs demanding a bill be passed creating a constituent assembly. They also want the new constitution in place before next year's presidential election - a target President Levy Mwanawasa has said would be impossible to meet.

Nearly 600 Kenyatta University lecturers rushed to beat a deadline to sign back-to-work forms the week of October 31. Those who signed the forms included many officials of the local chapter of the Universities Academic Staff Union, Uasu. But about 100 lecturers had not signed to indicate they were ready to resume duty when the university reopens. They were away from campus on official duties, including study leave and leave of absence. Public relations officer Ken Ramani confirmed the figures, adding that the senate - the main university governing organ - would meet to discuss reopening.

"On at least two recent occasions President Thabo Mbeki is reported to have questioned whether NGOs in South Africa are being manipulated by foreign donors and the extent to which civil society in South Africa is independent. As a network of NGOs committed to democracy and free speech we feel compelled to respond to the President’s attack on the credentials of NGOs. The President’s statements over the past week were made in the context of the upcoming African Union peer review of South Africa and civil society’s push for greater representation on the panel that will review the state of governance in the country. The views expressed by Mbeki reiterate government’s ambivalent line on NGOs, particularly on matters related to contested development strategy and NGOs’ oversight role."

According to the Rwandan New Times, The State Minister in charge of Primary Education, Joseph Murekeraho, recently met and held discussions with five hundred heads of schools at Lycee de Kigali School to review Rwanda’s education system. While opening the workshop, Murekeraho appealed to the school heads to address the problems like language that hinder the students’ performances and urged them to recruit qualified teachers. “How do you expect someone who does not know that particular language to teach it? You can never teach something you have never been trained for,” Murekeraho said and called upon the school heads to be vigilant in addressing the issue of bilingualism. “Some people think that when we are giving scholarships, we consider those who can speak the language of the host country, that is wrong,” Murekeraho disclosed adding that all students are given equal chances.

Internet search giant Google has announced the launch of Google.org, its new charitable arm, which will focus its grantmaking on world poverty and the environment, the San Jose Mercury News reports. Over the next twenty years, the company will endow the umbrella organization with funds equivalent to three million shares of its stock — about 1 percent of the number of shares it controlled when the company went public more than a year ago.

Developing countries are rapidly increasing the number and quality of college graduates, generating a sea change in the relative education advantage that advanced countries have enjoyed over literally hundreds of years, according to an analysis released November 1 by The Conference Board, the global business network. Access rates to education are rapidly equalizing for primary and secondary education in developing countries and literacy rates are rapidly approaching advanced country standards.

The news that The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa had been ratified last week by Togo set about a frenzy of press releases and congratulatory emails! Now that Togo has signed, the Protocol will come into force 30 days from October 26. Pambazuka News received the following messages (please follow the link to read the full statements):

Solidarity for African Women’s Rights (SOAWR), a coalition of groups across Africa campaigning for the popularization, ratification and domestication of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, welcomes the 15th ratification by Togo of the Protocol on 26 October

Warmest congratulations on your tireless work towards making these ratifications a reality, from the Global Fund for Women.

Amnesty International welcomes the entry into force of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Protocol) as an important step in the efforts to ensure the promotion and respect of the human rights of women in Africa.

Congratulations to African women and thanks to the first 15 countries which have ratified the Protocol, from Women in Law and Development in Africa (WILDAF)

Former foes Ethiopia and Eritrea have both moved troops and tanks towards the border in recent weeks, a UN source said on Wednesday, after the world body reported that the situation on the frontier had become tense. A UN statement said on Tuesday UN peacekeepers had altered their description of the situation on the ground to "tense" from "stable", a worrying change to diplomats trying to prevent a resumption of the nations' 1998-2000 war. "We cannot say that the situation is stable," the source at the peacekeeping U.N. Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) said on Wednesday, when asked about the change in language.

Namibian president Hifikepunye Pohamba's anti-corruption campaign scored a significant victory this week with the resignation from parliament of a scandal-tainted former minister, analysts said. Paulus Kapia was forced to resign from his position as deputy minister of works, transport and communication in late August, after a high court liquidation inquiry into a US $5.7 million investment in his company, Avid Investment Corporation, went missing.

The least developed countries in the WTO have made a request to the TRIPS Council to extend the transitional period for their implementing the TRIPS Agreement for a further 15 years after the present transition period expires at the end of this year, reports Third World Network. The formal request for extension was submitted by Zambia on behalf of the LDC members on 13 October and issued as a communication by the WTO Secretariat on 21 October.

Over three quarters of the parents of new graduates are now urging their offspring to leave, mainly because their families depend on remittances from abroad. The prospects of Zimbabwe's economy bouncing back from its current crisis are likely to be dim if the results of a new survey of university and college graduates are taken into account. Over three quarters of the parents of new graduates are now urging their offspring to leave, mainly because their families depend on remittances from abroad. Tens of thousands of Zimbabwean doctors, nurses, pharmacists, teachers and other professionals have already left the country.

A firebomb attack on a policeman last Friday was the latest in a series of six similar explosions targeting state institutions that have hit the tiny mountain kingdom of Swaziland in the last month. The attacks have been blamed by Africa’s last remaining ruling monarchy on banned political groups and come at a time when there is growing criticism of King Mswati III’s extravagant lifestyle in parallel with widespread impoverishment and the world's highest known rates of HIV/AIDS infection. Pambazuka News sent some questions on the situation in Swaziland to Bongani Masuku, Secretary General of the Swaziland Solidarity Network, an umbrella body of groups working for democracy in Swaziland. Zimbabwe is not the only problem country in the region, Masuku reveals.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What's the mood like in Swaziland these days with regards to electoral reform and democracy?

BONGANI MASUKU: A mood of both despair and anger is the only way I can try to intrepret the situation on the ground. The people feel a sense of despair, because they, for the meantime, are not able to stop the royal regime bulldozing and imposing its interests on the whole nation, knowing well that it has at its disposal all the instruments of force, whilst the progressive voices have no adequate support to mount a sustained offensive against this, at least for now. The international community is vocal elsewhere - where its own interests are at stake - and silent on Swaziland, where it is not interested or where its interests are best secured by the current regime, which is part of the double standards we see everyday in realpolitik.

The anger is informed by the fact that when all nations of the world are discussing serious ways to develop themselves and confront major issues like poverty, HIV and AIDS, unemployment, human security, sustainable livelihoods, participation of women and economic justice through redistribution, we have a situation in our country where the opposite is true. We are still rooted in backward and primitive ways that safeguard the selfish and greedy interests of a royal minority and their friends, all in the name of culture. We are still unable to enjoy even the most basic rights that other people elsewhere are beginning to take for granted as given and inevitable, such as the right to form and belong to an organisation of your choice, particularly on the basis of shared political opinion.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: A post-9/11 anti-terrorism bill has been tabled again in the Swazi parliament in the wake of two recent fire bombings in the capital, Mbabane. Opposition groups are worried that King Mswati III might use the legislation to stifle dissent. Are there grounds for this concern?

BONGANI MASUKU: Concerns around the Anti-terrorism Bill relate to the fact that the definition of terrorism is not legitimate, neither is it broadly agreed to, but is rather an attempt to stain the legitimate activities of the progressive movement. PUDEMO, together with its youth wing, SWAYOCO, have been the main victims in the past of this label, for obvious reasons. In this regard, the regime is still looking for ways to legitimise its illegitimate attack on the activities of the progressive movement, which have become understood by every democracy-loving person all over the world. It is trying to secure a space in the global atmosphere characterised by insecurity, as a partner in the search for peace, but in the process it is also seeking to use that space to crush the democratic movement. It has used such acts for years, such as the definition of political activities as criminal activities or outlawed/illegal activities. These are the crude methods it has used to maintain itself in power, hence the obvious fact that this is not meant to target some terrorist somewhere, but the "terrorist", as defined by the royal regime.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: The government branded the firebomb attacks as "terrorism". Where they?

BONGANI MASUKU: While we are not sure about the firebomb, we can only assume that these are the legitimate expressions of accumulated anger by the people and their response to the sustained wave of violence, state terror and naked brutality being meted out by the regime against the people. The people are not limited in the way they respond to state-enforced terror, they respond in the manner they deem appropriate to defend the cause they stand and believe in.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Swaziland's parliament consists of a 65-seat House of Assembly, 10 of whose members are appointed by the king, and a 30-seat Senate. All the senators are appointed, either by the House of Assembly or the king. In this context, there have been calls for electoral reform. What progress has or is being made in this area?

BONGANI MASUKU: With regard to the reformation of parliament and general electoral reform, what we have seen is attempts to subvert legitimate demands or calls for electoral reform through diversion, confusion and reconfiguration of the people's legitimate intentions to suit the purpose of the regime in seeking to maintain the fundamental bases of the system, but interfere with some of its manifestations in such a way that it appears that there has been a change in the way things are. In other words, the regime seeks to announce change, but resists change in actual fact. It changes the gowns of the rapists and not the character of the rapist, but parades the rapist as a new person. This includes the fact that multiparty democracy is still illegal, the media is still royal-controlled, the judiciary is still royal-stage-managed and all structures of society are still coerced, through overt and covert or subtle means.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: The Central Bank of Swaziland reported in its annual review in September that the economic situation in the country had deteriorated over the last year. Swaziland is believed to have one of the worst rates of child poverty. Why is this?

BONGANI MASUKU: The issue of the deteriorating situation and poverty in the country is a hallmark of the system's generalised crisis levels. Many people have downplayed the extent of the crisis in Swaziland, but daily they are being forced to admit that the country is collapsing, and in the process shaming all those who had always claimed that all is well and that the only problem in the region is Zimbabwe. The royal family has caused so much economic bleeding that the country's economy can no longer take it anymore. The royal parasites are milking the cow to death, hence there is no way it can survive, however fat it is. The country's reserves shall be depleted sooner than many people think and soon, public servants will not be paid, as already many services, particularly public social services have totally collapsed, such as health, education, and basic community needs. The indicators to the extent of the poverty crisis are reflected in the fact of the following; HIV and AIDS levels at 38%, unemployment levels at 40%, high illiteracy levels, high child mortality rates, landlessness and the general state of social conditions of life, as well as the crisis of privatisation and retrenchments.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: A flood of textile imports from China has hit Southern Africa hard. What has been the impact on the labour force in Swaziland?

BONGANI MASUKU: The flood of textile imports from China which has hit Southern Africa have had a dramatic impact on the labour force of Swaziland, hence the closure, if not increased rate of exploitation, in most textile companies. This is related to other matters such as the loss of preferential trade rates in the world market, which have threatened at one point to cost 15 000 jobs in such a small country and in one sector only. But it would be narrow minded to just isolate China, because the fluidity in the global market has imposed a particular amount of fragility, such that poor countries have been the ultimate losers. So it is a combination of factors, amongst others, the disinvestment by rich countries in productive sectors, as well as extreme and unregulated capital mobility, which, together impact negatively on the economic situation in the country.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the path forward suggested by the Swaziland Solidarity Network in terms of moving the country forward?

BONGANI MASUKU: The Swaziland Solidarity Network suggests a process that could move the country forward underpinned by the following factors (our perspectives are underpinned by the historic PUDEMO document, entitled ‘Way forward towards a Constituent Assembly through a negotiated settlement’). In summary they state that:

a) There must be a commitment by the monarchy to a genuine process of fundamental transformation in the form of a memorandum of intent; and to a process underwritten by a credible international organisation to safeguard against the tendency of the royal regime to renege on commitments;

b) This must be followed by a preliminary process, which shall be inclusive of all formations in the country, which is popularly known as the talks about talks on the critical issues facing our country. It is at this stage that there will be formal removal of all laws that militate against democratic progress and free political participation;

c) The next stage should be a negotiation stage, where the actual negotiations about the kind of society Swaziland should be must take place and all stakeholders must agree to a clearly defined process of transformation in political and constitutional terms. The outcome of this process shall include the draft constitution which shall guide the elections of a Constituent Assembly;

d) The Constituent Assembly is the democratically elected body of political representatives, mandated to formally write a constitution for the country;

In broad political terms, this is part of the critical process needed to drive forward the constitutional debate out of the current political quagmire and structural dilemma into which years of royal misrule has plunged our country. However, we also need a clear and workable alternative political process, which seeks to unite all the progressive organisations around a clear and viable framework for fundamental change in Swaziland.

This requires leadership of stature, advanced political and organisational foresight, mass mobilisation and a properly co-ordinated international solidarity movement, to support the genuine cause of the struggling people of Swaziland.

* Interview conducted by email. Please send comments to [email protected]

Given the prevailing economic and social circumstances facing the African continent, exactly how can Africa begin to chart a path for the future? A conference due to be held this weekend in Durban, South Africa, brings academics together to discuss this question and decide exactly how Africa can reclaim the 21st century.

Introduction

The West tried for centuries to impose its models for development on Africa with limited success and without taking into account existing vast differences in culture and politics on the Continent. In this regard, most post-colonial African states adopted Western blueprints in the form of capitalism or socialism with limited trickling benefits to the general populace. It thus seems that Africa is in most cases worse off now than during colonialism despite billions of aid and investment being poured into the Continent. The continent has witnessed the controversy around which agency is more central in driving the development process between state and markets in an environment dominated by foreign actors, especially the Bretton Woods institutions, through their “one-size fit all” policies in addition to a host of imposed conditionalities. While this controversy continues, the socio-economic and political conditions in a number of States continues to deteriorate by the day.

Development paradigms and policies

Since the 1960s Africa has witnessed a contestation or confusion of development agendas, namely, the nationalist agenda of an autonomous development path anchored upon a derigiste economic nationalism in ideological terms on the one hand, and the Bretton Woods institutions propounding a neo-liberal economic adjustment programme premised upon free market enterprise in ideological terms on the other. The former has been and still is deliberately State-centric and encourages State interventionism in economic management. The latter has evolved as a market-driven development strategy and, as such, deliberately set out to roll back the State.

This ideological contestation has forced the Continent’s leadership to embrace several developmental paradigms and policies, particularly in the 1980s and 1990s, in support of the two positions. The debate moved towards convergence in 1997 when the World Bank, through the question “Can Africa Claim the 21st Century?” accepted and appreciated the key role of the State in the socio-economic development of their respective countries. In response African leaders fashioned their own developmental paradigms such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) whose central thrust is collective responsibility towards improving the Continent, including getting directly involved in the search for long-term political stability and sustainable development. Assertive leadership of this responsibility is producing democratic fruits in former troubled nations and regions such as the Great Lakes region, where the return to democracy and constitutional route has resulted in positive socio-economic transformation.

Africa’s Challenges

Political conditions

Africa continues to face political challenges including many politically induced conflicts that have, and will, continue to destabilize both the respective member-State and/or the region. Scarce resources are allocated annually to defense, security and military ministerial portfolios in many African countries as a way of dealing with the prevailing conflicts and/or as a precaution to peace, security and humanitarian concerns, especially in those countries not directly involved in conflict. Post-colonial States have fallen prey to the ploy of destabilization, a factor that scares away both domestic and foreign investors. The prevailing socio-economic conditions have deteriorated in some countries to the point of contributing to the unfolding conflicts. As a result millions of people have been killed, displaced or forced into exile. This development also denies Africa access to its resource – human capital – which is now contributing to global capitalism without any compensation being paid to “our” Continent.

Socio-economic conditions

Africa continues to face unimpressive socio-economic conditions characterized by low economic growths; falling per capita income and life expectancy; rising inflation rates, interest rates and infant mortality rates; deteriorating external and domestic debt stocks; worsening poverty situations evidenced by food dependence, malnutrition and the fact that between 65% to 80% of the Continent’s population is living below the poverty datum line; and lack of access to basic social services (health, education, housing and water).

Macro-economic fundamentals

African countries are at different levels of economic development, depicting wide disparities in their macro-economic fundamentals. Such development impacts negatively on regional economic development strategies. In addition, Regional Economic Communities (RECs) are yet to persuade member-States to move towards the convergence of their macro-economic fundamentals, which are explained by other factors. Of great concern at this juncture is also the duplicity of RECs which makes them both weak and vulnerable to external shocks and influence.

Production structure and trade

Production structure on the Continent has remained largely primary production-oriented, a trend that renders Africa the largest net importer of goods and services from the industrialized nations. This means that the Continent specializes in the production of raw materials, but has no input to global pricing. In addition, countries have, in most cases, competed seriously against each other since failure to diversify the economic base means the production and exportation of similar commodities. Africa’s contribution to global trade remains insignificant – just under 2%. This poses the question as to how long can Africa continue to remain in this position.

Access to international markets

Throughout the Continent market reforms have failed to develop the productive sectors. This has resulted in the underdevelopment of industrialization strategies. Even the religious adoption of Western driven economic reforms have failed to rejuvenate the industrial base of most countries on the Continent. The industrial base remains largely narrow and characterized by mono-commodities for export to the same market. This is more pronounced in Southern Africa where, for instance, Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Namibia produce and export diamonds to the same market. Other common export products include tobacco, copper, fish, tea, coffee, horticulture and cotton. This unfortunately generates less foreign currency necessary to meet national import requirements since the majority of member-States are net-importers. In the process this serves as a constraint to industrial development. At the same time debt service obligations means the availability of fewer resources to support the social sector; the very foundation for building a sound human resource base which is deemed critical for the Continent’s developmental needs.

The debt burden

At a time when the Continent is grappling with many challenges, member-States have accumulated large, but growing external debt which takes away a significant proportion of available resources for debt servicing. Industrial development requires foreign currency which is used to service debt, while sacrificing social service provisions in the process. In addition, no significant innovation is taking place to improve the future prospects of the Continent. A high debt overhang creates uncertainty for both domestic and foreign investors. It is a situation that adversely affects a country’s credit ratings and perception of risks. Furthermore, it limits potentially viable firms from accessing finance from the international capital markets. Moreover, the qualification of most countries to the highly indebted poor countries (HIPC) initiative, has failed to extricate the Continent from this position. This means that the debt burden is not only retarding economic growth and development, but it has also become economically exhausting and unsustainable, politically destabilizing and ethically unacceptable.

Aid flows and donor-recipient relations

While industrialized economies pledge to increase aid flow to countries with sound socio-economic policies and democratic practices, in many cases this pledge has come with conditions and selective application. Inter-State relations has come to the fore, raising the question of whether aid is a developmental instrument or a vehicle to globalize capitalism, which is in search of markets. It appears that aid flows have gone beyond the realm of economic policies to include new conditionalities of good governance; respect for the rule of law and the environment; and observance of human rights. In addition, foreign direct investments (FDIs) tend to ignore certain regions. In particular sub-Saharan Africa has remained an unfavourable destination of this capital formation.

The current situation in Africa is not promising in terms of crafting sustainable endogenous policy directions, options and space. Despite decades of implementing developmental paradigms and policies on her own and/or in collaboration with global strategic partners, Africa has remained the poorest region in the world. Indeed, of the 53 countries on the Continent, only 7 countries have graduated onto the globally ranked middle income category (Countries include Botswana, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Libya, Mauritius, Seychelles and South Africa [World Development Indicators database, World Bank, July 2005]).

The least developing countries (LDCs) category are of great concern which suffer from huge, but growing external debt overhang and limited capacity to industrialize and generate foreign currency necessary to meet national requirements. To date, Africa contributes less than 2% to the total global market, while it attracts only 2% of the FDIs inflows. In addition, the adoption of Western driven initiatives, presumed to offer lifelines to millions of poverty stricken people in the form of debt relief and free access to European markets under “everything else but arms (EBA)” initiatives, has failed to produce positive tangible results. Similarly, the adoption of neo-liberal policies has also failed to produce a success story to act as a model for policy options. Notable also is the failure of developmental State paradigms and policies to produce success stories. Indeed, Africa has remained stuck in the same predicament of an underdevelopment web characterized by unimpressive socio-economic indicators, unstable political environments and conflict situations, while countries in other Continents are making progress.

While Africa is preoccupied with identifying and correcting policy errors of the past, the formulation of its relations with developed regions is premised within the neo-liberal paradigm despite entrenching weak and vulnerable States towards the ambit of global institutions and agendas. A significant number of States have become increasingly vulnerable to the donor payroll, a development that weakens State capacity to offer alternative policy options, policy space and policy directions. This further exposes the same weak State to the dictates of donors, resulting in a vicious cycle of borrowing, harsh conditions, and unavoidable compromises in terms of a State’s responsibility to its citizens.

In this context, The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) and the African Futures Institute (AFI) are holding a two day conference focusing on the question: “Can Africa (re)claim the 21st Century?” In this spirit there are many questions regarding development that remains unanswered which the conference can raise and provide pointers on. A revisit to developmental paradigms and policies requires further interrogation by African scholars, given the prevailing socio-economic and political conditions prevailing on the Continent. Therefore the conference will bring together various scholars and policy makers from the Continent to discuss these issues.

Building sustainable strong state-citizens relationship offers unique opportunity to empower the organs of the states to become truly African with the “strong” belief that “Africa is for Africans”. This is imperative to mould the pillars of states to uniquely guide socio-economic and political transformation in a manner that facilitates development. In this respect, the conveners are expecting the debate to focus on how Africa should de-industrialize the donor sector and all its tentacles, which for long, has undermined the acceptance of “uhuru” developmental strategies and paradigms on the basis that Africans can not kick-start the developmental steps of their territories without externally driven resources and guidance, a development that demonizes the self-reliance concepts as baseless and unsustainable.

Indeed, as conveners, we will be happy to be associated with the creation of the right attitude in which Africans appreciate that poverty alleviation is in our own interest rather than the donor sector; that externalization of Africa’s resources is the main contributor to the growing external debt overhang; that domesticating Africa’s resources provides the basis for native industrialization strategies; that trade negotiations requires African resources to prepare in consultations of all the constituencies; and that demonisation of self-reliance principles is a “defeatist attitude” based on the “blame game” theory.

Africa has all the right signs for claiming the 21st Century. In this regard, it is imperative for her to exploit every opportunity that arises with positivist attitude. Indeed, the time to lament historical injustices and causal relationships for the present “status squo” is over. It’s high time that Africa realizes that globalization has no room for philanthropic and benevolent gestures, hence the expectation for the right attitude and a continent-orientated policy framework.

* Richard Kamidza is a Senior Researcher at The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), Durban, South Africa

* Please send comments to [email protected]

EDITORIAL: Stephen Lewis, in an extract from his new book, criticises the way women have been left out of the fight against the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa
COMMENT&ANALYSIS:
- Issa Shivji laments the lack of a principled vote in the Tanzanian elections
- Organisations resolve to strengthen freedom of expression in Africa
- Pambazuka News Q&A: Swaziland is a tiny kingdom with a big problem
- Ndung'u Wainaina on peace in the Great Lakes
- Durban conference asks how Africa can reclaim the 21st century
LETTERS: Who did the looting in the DRC?
BLOGGING AFRICA: The taste of Africa, the religion of Africa, the debates of Africa...
CONFLICT&EMERGENCIES: Eritrea/Ethiopia border "tense" as UN troops go home
HUMAN RIGHTS: One step closer to justice for Charles Taylor - amputees win Nigerian court case
ELECTIONS&GOVERNANCE: Thirty shot dead in opposition protests
REFUGEES&FORCED MIGRATION: World Organisation Against Torture says it is "gravely concerned" about Sudanese refugees in Egypt - featured in Pambazuka News over the last two weeks
WOMEN&GENDER: Congratulations from around the world over the 15th ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa
CORRUPTION: Is Africa ready for whistle-blower protection?
HEALTH: Human Rights Watch Honors Ugandan AIDS Activist
MEDIA: East African journalists Deliberate on Media and Globalization
FUNDRAISING&USEFUL RESOURCES: Google gets into giving (but only to Americans!)

The Global Call to Action against Poverty has expressed its alarm at the arrest of Ato Daniel Bekele, a GCAP activist and the Policy, Research and Advocacy Manager for Action Aid Ethiopia. On Tuesday November 1 at around 8 pm, Ethiopian security forces went to Bekele's house and arrested him without charge. Fikre Zewdie, a fellow activist who visited Bekele and saw him across the fence of the prison gate reports that he is in good health, although he continues to be held without charge and incommunicado.

As a part of the coalition supporting the ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, Pambazuka News is profiling various aspects of the Protocol in weekly features included in the Women and Gender section of the newsletter. This week we will look at female soldiers, and the issues around the topic faced by the African continent. This is what the protocol states:

Article 11 – Protection of Women in Armed Conflicts

“States Parties shall take all necessary measures to ensure that no child, especially girls under 18 years of age, take a direct part in hostilities and that no child is recruited as a soldier.”

Further, many of the Protocol’s articles address women in conflict. The call for the integration of a gender perspective in decision-making, the enactment and enforcement of laws against physical and sexual violence, the right to peace as well as participation in the promotion and maintenance of peace – these are just a few of the provisions made for women that could be engaged in times of conflict.
While no specific policies exist with relation to women’s involvement in military operations, other policies surrounding child, and specifically girl soldiers, include the UN’s 2002 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict. It calls for the abolishment of the use of children under the age of 18 in conflict, while also raising the age of compulsory recruitment and direct participation in war to 18.

Women and children in Africa are being recruited or kidnapped by armies as porters, domestic laborers, captive wives and soldiers. If not explicitly taken by force, many of these children and women “voluntarily” join up because they can be assured shelter, clothing and food – resources they may not have access to in the conditions of civil war and conflict. Sierra Leone, Uganda, the DRC and many other nations are just some of the places where mostly non-governmental military groups are exploiting women and children in times of war. Most have experienced or witnessed physical violence, mutilation, sexual abuse, trafficking, forced displacement, destruction of homes, massacres and separation from families and communities. Many girls and women are raped, which in turn leads to pregnancy and high numbers of diseases, including HIV/AIDS. Further, the reliance on and socialisation of these young women to the military leaves many unable to think or act independently once they are released. Schooling and training needs are not met, and upon their release most have few options.

The challenges that face female soldiers upon reintegration are complex and difficult. The trauma of what they have experienced during war does not make it easy for women to return to the lives they once knew. Having transgressed normal or expected gender boundaries and traditional roles, it is often the case that these women are marginalized and ostracized once they return to their communities. If the women have been raped and have subsequently borne children, they are generally even less accepted. Finding it difficult to return to their expected ways of living, many women run the risk of losing their husbands and struggle to raise children, care for other relatives and earn a living. Many conceal their past, if this is possible, but then suffer alone.

Researched and written by Karoline Kemp, a Commonwealth of Learning Young Professional Intern with Fahamu.

Further Reading:

Reintegration of Female Soldiers - http://www.peacewomen.org/resources/DDR/AfricaBarth.html

Previous Articles:

Female Genital Mutilation - http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=30050

Trafficking in Women and Children - http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29740

Female Refugees - http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29873

The donor community has asked the government to strengthen the fight against corruption or miss further donations. Representing the donor community on Monday [31 October] during the launch of the corruption week at the Constitution Square, the royal Danish ambassador, Mr Stig Barling, said Uganda had failed to minimize corruption though it had a framework to minimize it. "As Uganda's development partners, we will not tolerate corruption. Any score below four is unacceptable by the development partners. We have zero tolerance on corruption and impunity when it comes to corruption. We have zero patience on such issues. The government institutions should act or will miss donations in future," he said.

This article in the journal Public Administration and Development "...critically examines propositions driving the exportation of western whistleblower concepts into the developing world...Specifically it attacks the prevailing view that public interest disclosure is somehow a culture-free, or at least a culture-muted phenomenon, governed by a set of rules and conventions detached from local histories and practices. The article concludes that this exportation is in the spirit of neo-colonialism and issues a note of warning about the dangers of dispersing western conceived forms of corruption reporting to Africa."

On November 8, Human Rights Watch will give its highest recognition to Beatrice Were, a leading advocate for the rights of people living with HIV/AIDS in Uganda. Ms. Were was one of the first Ugandans ever to declare her HIV-positive status publicly. She is a founder of the National Community of Women Living with AIDS (NACWOLA), a grassroots organization that provides services to over 40,000 women in 20 districts of Uganda. She has defended the rights of people living with AIDS against controversial shifts in the country's AIDS policy, including the recent adoption of U.S.-funded "abstinence-until-marriage" programs.

Almost half of the European Union’s countries restrict health care for asylum seekers to emergencies only, a study comparing health care in 25 countries has shown. Medical screening also varies widely between the countries, with little more than half providing mental health screening, say researchers.

First the good news. Young Liberians know about AIDS, how they might contract the disease and what they can do to protect themselves. Now the bad news. They are not putting that knowledge into practice. A study commissioned by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) found while nine out of 10 respondents knew HIV could spread through sexual intercourse, and six out of 10 knew a condom would protect them, only one in 10 used it the first time they had sex.

The Southern Africa Editors’ Forum (Saef) and the South African National Editors’ Forum (Sanef) have condemned the detention and harassment of the editor of the Gambian newspaper, The Independent, by that country’s intelligence agents, according to a statement. Musa Saidykhan was taken from his office in Banjul after he had written a story in his newspaper about how South African President Thabo Mbeki, had promised to help Gambian journalists by interceding with the government there over media repression. At the recent TAEF launch conference in Johannesburg, Saidykhan asked President Thabo Mbeki to raise the unsolved murder of Gambian journalist Deyda Hydara last December with the Gambian authorities.

The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Lesotho has acted decisively to ensure that public and private media have equal access to public information about the upcoming Commonwealth Speakers' Conference in Lesotho starting on 2 November 2005. On 31 October, media houses in Maseru - which include the Lesotho Defence Force Public Relations Office, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), Southern African Press Association (SAPA) and Agence France-Presse (AFP) - were refused information at the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Lesotho about the Commonwealth Speakers' Conference. The reason given by the authorities was that the information would first be transmitted to the government-owned and controlled Radio Lesotho before being transmitted to the independent media.

Journalists from five countries in eastern Africa gathered in the Ugandan capital Kampala at the end of last week to deliberate on trends in the development of the media in eastern Africa. Papers by journalists and media managers from the region and South Africa were presented at the conference with the theme “safeguarding the public interest: will the media in eastern Africa survive the onslaught of globalization?” The conference critiqued trends in media production, distribution and consumption in the region and discussed how to build partnerships among academics, media practitioners, the government and civil society with a view to strengthening democratic institutions in the region.

The U.N.-backed court for war crimes in Sierra Leone is making major strides toward ensuring justice for serious crimes committed during the eleven-year war in Sierra Leone, Human Rights Watch said in a report issued November 1. The devastating conflict, which lasted from 1991 until 2002, was characterized by brutal human rights abuses committed by all warring factions. The 46-page report, "Justice in Motion: The Trial Phase of the Special Court for Sierra Leone," evaluates the conduct of the court during trials, which began last June. "The Special Court has broken new ground with practices to promote fair trials, protect witnesses and make justice accessible to Sierra Leoneans," said Elise Keppler, counsel with Human Rights Watch's International Justice Program. "The Special Court is setting benchmarks that other tribunals can look to."

Amnesty International is calling on the Egyptian government and candidates contesting Egypt's forthcoming parliamentary elections to put human rights at the centre of their agenda and to commit to promote long-needed reform once in office. The organisation said this was vital for tackling long-standing human rights violations. Despite some limited recent improvements in human rights, the coming elections, due to commence on 9 November, will be held against a background of continuing, widespread violations, including systematic use torture, deaths in custody, impunity for human rights perpetrators, and restrictions on freedom of expression and association. These human rights violations persist despite repeated calls for government action to address them made by UN human rights bodies and both national and international human rights organizations.

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: Children First! A case study on PRSP processes in Ethiopia, Keny and Zambia
Author(s): Heidel, K.
Produced by: Kindernothilfe (KNH) (2005)

This study aims to contribute to an assessment of Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) processes in Ethiopia, Kenya and Zambia from a child rights perspective. It links up with a previous study, titled 'Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: blind to the rights of the (working) child?', which showed that the majority of the PRSPs did not deal with child labour. The study in 2004 called for a case study with a wider scope that also goes beyond a mere text analysis. This report aims to address this gap.

According to the New York Times, with the vast majority of Malawi's population dependent on charcoal and firewood for cooking, the country's deforestation rate -- one of the highest in sub-Saharan Africa -- is taking a toll on the environment, yet yielding paltry economic rewards. Hundreds of thousands of rural Malawians rely on logging for income, but the sale of firewood and charcoal generates less than $8 million a year nationwide. Meanwhile, the World Bank estimates 20% of Malawi's forests were destroyed during the 1990s, and one forestry expert says the heavily populated southern region of the country has lost almost 80% of its tree cover.

L'Europe se ferme et impose aux pays de l'Afrique sub-saharienne l'ouverture. L'OMC (organisation mondiale du commerce) et l'AMI (accord multilatéral sur les investissements) porteurs de cette ouverture sont deux institutions au service des multinationales depuis les années 1990. Les pays de l'Afrique Subsaharienne, malgré leur potentialité en ressources naturelles, sont en majorité classés PPTE (pays pauvre très endettés) par la Banque Mondiale et PMA (pays moins avancés) par l'ONU suivant des critériologies donnant l'illusion que l'Occident peut proposer/imposer sa manière de vivre, de penser, de produire, de consommer…

Agenda is a feminist media project based in Durban that is committed to giving women a forum, a voice and skills to articulate their needs and interests towards transforming unequal gender relations. In order to meet our vision, we offer an annual internship programme with the aim of contributing towards a pool of gender-sensitive and gender-aware writers, who will practice the skills acquired at Agenda in the mainstream media and other environments.

How does change happen? The 10th Association of Women In Development (AWID) International Forum on Women's Rights and Development posed this question at their forum, which was held October 27-30 in Bangkok, Thailand. Each report or blog from the forum gave a real sense of the excitement and momentum that was built up over the four days, with women from across the globe meeting together to discuss and share. Below you will find a list of the articles, and by following the link you will find the updates that were sent out daily via the AWID newsletter during the Forum. Enjoy!

1) Plenary Report from the first day of the AWID Forum
Rochelle Jones
2) Forum BLOG
Kathambi Kinoti documents the feelings of the first day...
3) Plenary Report from Day Two of the Forum
Kathambi Kinoti
4) Forum Interstices: whispers and smiles.
On the second day of the AWID ForumRochelle Jones attempts to translate inspiration into words.
5) How Should we Change? Plenary Report from Day Three of the Forum
By Kathambi Kinoti
6) Where is the Money for Women's Rights?
AWID Launches its groundbreaking report at the Funders' Forum
By Rochelle Jones
7) How Does Change Happen - A Wrap Up
Plenary Report from Day Four of the Forum
By Kathambi Kinoti
8) Chaotic equilibrium…
By Rochelle Jones

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement paved the way for the return of those uprooted from the south; but as of October 2005, only around 250,000 of the 4 million IDPs had returned spontaneously along with insignificant numbers of refugees. The challenges in the return areas are daunting; the civil war devastated the southern countryside, leaving practically nothing of the little infrastructure which was there before the conflict started. The peace agreement did not include other rebel groups and left many local grievances unresolved which have already led to renewed conflict in the south as well as in other parts of the country.

The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, has said it could reduce, or even suspend, its voluntary repatriation of Burundian refugees from Tanzania unless it receives the money required to help hundreds of thousands of the refugees to return home. "It is the largest ongoing voluntary repatriation operation anywhere in the world after Afghanistan," UNHCR said. "Nevertheless, there are still at least 400,000 Burundian refugees in neighbouring Tanzania alone, many of whom wish to go home.

October 2005 marks the fifth anniversary of landmark Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. The resolution (commonly referred to often as "1325") addressed, for the first time ever, the impact of conflict on women, recognizing women's role in preventing and resolving conflict, and calling for the equal participation and full involvement of women in all efforts to maintain and promote peace and security. The watershed political framework that resolution 1325 provides recognizes the relevance of women, and a gender perspective, to negotiating peace agreements, planning refugee camps and peacekeeping operations and reconstructing war-torn societies.