For Zenabo Nikieme, a Burkinabé woman who has been HIV-positive since 2000, the future once again offers a glimmer of hope. Last year it was a very different story -- something that prompted her to pen an open letter to Burkina Faso's Minister of Health. "I'm an HIV-positive widow and I have three children," wrote the 35-year-old fruit vendor from the capital of Ouagadougou, who was advised to begin taking anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs).

Tony Blair is running out of time on achieving the third and most controversial part of the 'Marshall Plan for Africa' he promised earlier this year: trade justice. With just weeks to go before critical World Trade Organisation talks in Hong Kong, Europe and the US are in deadlock over how far they should open up their markets to farmers from poor countries - and what they will demand from the rest of the world in return.

It seems unlikely that whoever coined the term 'information superhighway' anticipated that the traffic on the internet would be in people, as well as information. How, and how much, the internet and other ICTs are implicated in trafficking is the subject of this issue paper by The Association for Progressive Communications Women's Networking Support Programme (APC WNSP) produced in cooperation with The Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID).

The Tanzanian government has fired Prof. Abdul Sherriff, who is probably the world's living authority on Zanzibar, and is certainly one of the most accomplished intellectuals East Africa has ever produced. Please follow the link to read a report on the situation and take action to protest.

A generator rumbles behind the two-roomed building, which looks like one of the maize mills that dot Kenya's rural landscape. But, you're not likely to find a harvest of any sort in here - rather, food for thought. This is an internet café in a sleepy, rural part of Emuhaya constituency, about 500 kilometres from the capital, Nairobi. Information and technology experts estimate that only two percent of Kenyans with access to the internet live in rural areas. For those who have managed to log on, however, life has never been the same since.

The range of available resources on the CIVICUS Civil Society Index (CSI) section of the CIVICUS website has been expanded. Using an action-research methodology, the CIVICUS Civil Society Index programme assesses the state of civil society in countries around the world, creating a knowledge base and impetus for initiatives to strengthen civil society. As country reports from the more than 50 countries implementing the project are being completed over the coming months, they will become available for free download on the website.

Greetings. Today is 24 October 2005 and on the international calendar, it is the United Nations Day. Africa Internally Displaced Persons Voice (Africa IDP Voice ) has in the last three years been carrying out a campaign to raise awareness and promote effective protection of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs ) in Africa. This is a category of forced migrants that do not benefit from any coherent international instrument for their protection. The problem is a very serious human rights, humanitarian , security and governance problem in Africa.

In August 2005, as part of our global campaign, Africa IDP Voice wrote an appeal to the United Nations Secretary General Mr. Kofi Annan to dedicate this year's UN day to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) world wide.

The appeal was sent in person through Professor Walter Khalin, the United Nations Secretary General on the Human Rights of IDPs, His Excellency Joackim Chissano, Former President of Mozambique, who was Kofi Anna's envoy for the September 2005 Miilenium Summit. A copy was also sent to the executive chairman of the Africa Union in person through Commissioner Tom Nyanduka who is the African Union's Special Rapporture for Refugees and IDPs.

Africa IDP Voice has not received a response, not even an acknowledgement of the appeal.

I wish to share this with members and members are free to send comments to Pambazuka News or to: 1. [email protected] 2. [email protected]

We wish further to inform you of Africa IDP Voice's new email address as follows and request you to make changes as follows: [email protected] Our website is also undergoing changes and will not be available for the next one month. It will reappear as: www.africaidp.org Please find attached copy of the appeal for members (available through the link provided).

The Sudan Organisation Against Torture (SOAT) reports that on 23 October 2005, fifty armed men reportedly the Janjaweed, attacked and abducted nine Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Kalma IDP camp, Nyala, Southern Darfur State. The IDPs were travelling from Kalma Camp to outside the camp by carts when they were attacked. The militias beat the IDPs with the butts of their guns and flogged them. The militias also looted six carts.

Years of civil war in the Republic of Congo (ROC) has resulted in massive population displacement, food shortages and an increase in severe malnutrition, a government official said on Wednesday. "The situation has caused an increase in severe cases of malnutrition among both children and adults," Jean-Ignace Tendelet, the director of cabinet in the Ministry of Health and Population, said in the capital, Brazzaville.

Eritrea is denying widespread speculation that its recent rapprochement with neighboring one-time foe Sudan is aimed at securing its western border in the event of new war over its southern frontier with arch-rival Ethiopia. Instead, a senior Eritrean official said the warming of Eritrea-Sudan relations after a decade of active hostility is merely a reflection of new realities on the ground after the end of Sudan’s long-running north-south civil war this year.
* Related Link
Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of "duplicity" as border conflict rises
http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=12175

Kabissa has been working with the African Democracy Forum (ADF) to create an Online Community Web site for members to use to network, share timely information and discuss issues relating to democracy on the African continent. The ADF has had a Yahoo E-mail List for some time that is 270+ members strong and is an excellent resource for democracy activists on the continent seeking to keep in touch and network on a regular basis through e-mail. Also through e-mail, the ADF seeks to bring the network closer together through a periodic e-Newsletter.

The 14th Bulletin of the international campaign against refugee warehousing newsletter is now available.

Richard Adjei-Poku, Field Officer of Kenyasi-based non-governmental organisation Guards of the Earth and the Vulnerable, has shed more light on the drowning in a dam created by Newmont, a gold mining company, operating in the Kenyasi area, in the Brong Ahafo region. He was speaking to newsmen at a press conference facilitated by Third World Network Africa on 21 October. He maintained how two of the villagers, in their attempt to cross a so-called bridge, became victims of the negligence of Newmont Gold Ghana Limited, which is the world's largest gold-producer.

The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has warned that the deadly bird flu virus, H5N1, could arrive in Africa and the Middle East in weeks, carried by birds migrating from Asia. Following October 19th’s statement from the organization’s chief veterinary officer, Kenya, Sudan and Tanzania have all imposed restrictions on poultry imports.

Water levels of Lake Victoria are extremely sensitive to moderate changes in rainfall over the lake and rain catchment basin, with the lake's large surface area making it the largest recharge source. The lake's only outlet is at Ripon Falls, located near Jinja Uganda, which is the natural topographic control that originally formed the lake. In 1954, Owens Falls Dam (later renamed Nalubaale) was commissioned downstream of Ripon Falls to generate hydroelectricity along the Victoria Nile river and became Uganda's largest power station.

The representatives of the Paris Club creditor countries met on 18, 19 and 20 October 2005 and agreed with the representatives of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on a comprehensive treatment of its debt. This agreement implements the debt treatment framework for Nigeria announced by the Paris Club on 29 June 2005. The representatives of the Paris Club creditor countries welcomed the ambitious economic program implemented by the Nigerian authorities since 2003 and their desire to secure an exit treatment from the Paris Club. This agreement takes place after the approval by the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund of the Policy Support Instrument (PSI) on 17 October 2005 and includes a debt reduction under Naples terms on eligible debts and a buy back at a market-related discount on the remaining eligible debts after reduction.

Blogs. What does an obscure format which started with computer geeks have to do with development? Quite a bit, say Tim Harford and Pablo Halkyard, who write the Private Sector Development Blog, the World Bank's first venture into internet blogging. Take the words of Financial Times internet expert, David Bowen: 'In the last 12 months they have gone from being an obscure and little understood fringe activity to something we all have to think about, and quite possibly indulge in.' The development community is no exception. Here's how blogging will change both the developed and the developing world.

You are invited to participate in an Electronic Conference on poverty and social impact analysis. This conference will promote discussion around the progress, challenges and opportunities of poverty and social impact analysis to contribute to pro-poor structural and macroeconomic policies that are based on country evidence and decided upon in an open and transparent manner.

“A Tragedy of Lives: Women in Prison in Zimbabwe” takes us through the lives of female prisoners in Zimbabwe. Edited by Chiedza Musengezi, founder and director of Zimbabwe Women Writers and Irene Staunton, publisher at Weaver Press, the format of the book brings together prisoners and writers, as each woman interviewed was done so by a member of Zimbabwe Women Writers. Tracked down by a writer, these women were often difficult to find, and the process of interviewing them was indeed also difficult, as recalling their past proved painful for many.

Categorized according to the type of crime committed, “A Tragedy of Lives” does a wonderful job of allowing outsiders into the lives of female prisoners. While each woman’s experience differs, general themes prevail - poverty, abuse, violence and the difficulty of providing for family member are pervasive, but each woman’s story culminates in the hope for a better future, and the means of attaining that future do not always coincide within the law.

Reproductive rights (or the lack thereof), domestic issues, fraud, commercial sex work, dangerous drug selling (mostly marijuana – not considered dangerous to many) and shoplifting were the primary causes of arrest for these women. Most of the women came from poor families and have had difficult lives. They were left with the burdens of caring for children, husbands/boyfriends, parents, siblings, in-laws, nieces and nephews, aunts and uncles with few resources and low levels of education or skills training (many women had received little education, as their parents before them could not afford the fees). Given these difficult situations, many of the women had simply sought out alternative, informal means of making ends meet, which just so happen to be outside of the law.

While women make only a small (2-3%) proportion of prisoners in Zimbabwe (and no doubt the rest of Africa), they are often imprisoned for criminal activities that are non-violent. Their time in prison, argue contributors to this book, could better be spent serving community sentences, so as to avoid the women’s absences from their homes and families – a situation which serves only to exacerbate the prevailing poverty from which they were originally trying to escape. Ongoing abuse and exploitation (mostly in terms of labor and access to family members and supplies) by officials were some of the main concerns of the women interviewed. But specific conditions in which Zimbabwean women find themselves facing in prison, and their particular needs as women, were again and again referenced in these interviews. Of particular concern was sanitation, especially while living in conditions not conducive to the needs of women. Dirty cells with toilets that could not be flushed from inside, a severe constraint on the number, or even complete lack of sanitary/menstrual pads*, combined with a shortage in soap (for cleaning clothes and blankets) and limitations on the number of undergarments a prisoner was allowed, all contributed to living conditions that were violations of basic human rights.

Upon their release from prison, many of the interviewed women found their reintegration difficult. A large number were not accepted by their families, numerous women returned home to find their husbands living with new women, many had missed watching their children grow up. Finding work was also a challenge. For those women who had committed petty crimes and were sentenced only to short incarcerations, they did not qualify for the training courses that some of the prisons offered (usually through foreign run charities). A great number of the women became religious while in prison, mostly due to the work of charity organizations, such as Prison Fellowship. This newfound appreciation for religion was often cited as a major motivation for these women to return to their homes and lead lives free of violence or dishonesty.

“A Tragedy of Lives” ends with interviews conducted with officials involved in Zimbabwe’s prison system. While they provide a glimpse into the policies behind the system, the interviews, in my mind, fell short of any critical analysis. Many, if not all, contradicted the very stories told in the book. The interviews with these officials are thus an interesting contrast to those held with the female prisoners – they serve to highlight the dissonance found in any institutional setting. Perhaps this is the theme of the book – what happens in reality is so often very far off from what should be going on ideally, in any given situation. That “A Tragedy of Lives” is able to convey this notion in such a personal way is impressive, and should serve as inspiration for anyone interested in justice.

* This problem is, in fact, common to all of Zimbabwe. Last week, Tabita Khumalo of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trades Unions, along with trade unions in Britain and South Africa, made an appeal for funds to purchase sanitary pads that could be sold at affordable prices to working Zimbabwean women. Currently, no menstrual products are produced locally, and foreign exchange rates are so low that importing them has become impossible. Pads are available on the black market, but the high cost means that they are worth half a months wages for most working women. This shortage has been played down by political figures, and is seen as taboo. The lack of these necessary supplies means that women are resorting to using rags and newspapers, which can lead to infections.

* Reviewed by Karoline Kemp, a Commonwealth of Learning Young Professional Intern working at Fahamu.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

This website i-witness offers journalists tools to report on the information society, and a place to discuss the challenges – and opportunities – they face.

Date: 21 October, 2005
Time: 8:30 AM - 1:30 PM
Location: Nairobi, Kenya – Kenyatta International Conference Centre (KICC)

Kenya is going through a very public process of constitutional debates. Nevertheless there appears to be a fundamental absence of political space for women to make their opinions heard significantly, despite the fact that women have consistently provided leadership to safeguard the processes of constitution making. A key concern is what women stand to gain or lose by voting either ''Yes'' or ''No.'' The National Commission on Gender and Development seeks to provide the women of Kenya with a space to have and construct a voice that articulates their concerns. The forum will host panelists from both the ''Yes'' and ''No'' campaigns, who will address the substantive women's issues in the draft constitution and the consequences for women should they vote either ''Yes'' or ''No.''
In attendance will be more than 100 women from the eight provinces to lend their insights into this important process.

The post holder will be responsible for providing technical and programme support at the regional and country level on the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the regional component of the Medium Term Strategic Plan 2006-2009 on HIV/AIDS and Children.

The successful applicant will provide leadership and guidance to Concern Programmes in North Sudan in achieving programme objectives through the design, application and management of information technology and knowledge assets. His/her duties will include report and proposal writing, information management, and strategic planning.

The Rift Valley Institute seeks two new staff members: a full-time Programme Manager and a part-time Information Manager. Both posts are based in London. The deadline for applications is 10 November 2005. The RVI is a UK and Kenya-based research and training organization working in Eastern Africa, particularly Sudan. It was established in 2001. The Institute aims to connect local forms of knowledge to the global information system. Programmes include field-based social research, support for local educational institutions, in-country training courses and an online digital library.

The Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) and regional and international financiers will be meeting in Johannesburg, South Africa in November this year to facilitate funding for potentially viable electricity projects in the SADC region. Energy ministers and investors took this resolution at the end of the three-day SADC Regional Electricity Investment Conference that took place the week of October 17 in Windhoek.

Policies for developing African science must consider the continent's lack of capacity to face the threat of bioterrorism, say delegates at a meeting in Uganda. The meeting, which ended on 1 October, focused on the policy implications of using science to eradicate diseases while simultaneously controlling access to disease causing organisms to prevent bioterrorism. Delegates called for strict measures to be formulated to guard against the misuse of biology, and warned that failure to address concerns over biological weapons could undermine efforts to develop and instill confidence in science.

Co-Edited by Helen Durham and Tracey Gurd

Listening to the Silences: Women and War is a collection of women’s voices, each one exploring a unique aspect of women’s experiences and changing needs during armed conflict, and the adequacy of legal and other responses to those needs. Drawing together highly personal stories with tight academic analyses, this book highlights the ways in which the international community at large has historically failed to listen to women. It reveals that responses to women’s requirements during times of war will continue to be inadequate so long as we persist in silencing these differing perspectives and fail to take account of women’s dynamic and changing needs.

Prize-winning film-maker Kim Longinotto took it as a challenge when the compere at last year's OneWorld Broadcasting Trust's Media awards ceremony said he hoped that the 2005 event would include films with positive images of Africa. "It got me thinking," recalls Longinotto. "Every film on Africa seemed to be about AIDS or refugees or war. I took it as a direct challenge." The result, Sisters In Law, will be screened at the London Film Festival on 26 and 28 October. The film follows four court cases that are handled by state prosecutor Vera Ngassa. It is billed as "incredibly moving and at times disturbing… it spectacularly encompasses courage, hope, and the possibility of change." The cases are harrowing, involving domestic violence, rape and child beating. But Florence Ayisi, a Cameroonian whom Longinotto teamed up with emphasises that the film shows strong women standing up and fighting for justice, and a judiciary that employs 280 women judges and magistrates.

This is a reader of scholarly articles authored by Africans and published by the University for Peace on issues of gender and peace building in Africa. This publication, which comes as a product of two Faculty and Staff Development Seminars on gender and peacebuilding, held in Kitwe, Zambia, has provided a platform to debate on current issues of gender in conflict situations, their destabilising consequences on the economic development of Africa and the efforts being made to build bridges of peace with a gender perspective.

This is the latest title in the Commonwealth Secretariat’s Gender Mainstreaming Series, which highlights the Commonwealth Secretariat and partners’ work in the area of peace and conflict management. Issues of socio-economic development, democracy and peace are inextricably linked to gender equality. Gender Mainstreaming in Conflict Transformation: Building Sustainable Peace argues that gender equality needs to be placed on the policy and programme agenda of the entire spectrum of peace and conflict-related initiatives and activities in order to achieve conflict transformation.

This report, published by the Centre for Reproductive Rights, aims show how the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa can be used to advance reproductive and sexual rights. The treaty affirms reproductive choice and autonomy as a key human right and contains a number of global firsts. For example, it represents the first time that an international human rights instrument has explicitly articulated a woman’s right to abortion when pregnancy results from sexual assault, rape, or incest; when continuation of the pregnancy endangers the life or health of the pregnant woman; and in cases of grave fetal defects that are incompatible with life. Another first is the protocol’s call for the prohibition of harmful practices such as female circumcision/female genital mutilation (FC/FGM), which have ravaged the lives of countless young women in Africa.

Time is ripe for some serious consideration to be given to the introduction of ICT-based education at various levels. The use of ICTs in education takes many forms including: the use of ICTs as learning tools, use in capacity building of teachers, use in distant learning, use in technical education, and use in dissemination of information on best practices. ICTs can be used as a potent medium to reach education to the excluded groups in society. The use of ICTs as learning tools can supplement and strengthen the institutional system since it can encourage self dependence and creative learning, besides providing new tools for enriching the student-teacher interface.

Authors: Dom, C.; Mussa, M.
Produced by: Mokoro (2005)

This study examines financing options available to the Government of Ethiopia and donors to support the Education Sector Development Program (ESDP) in Ethiopia. The report discusses the available options as well as a set of criteria for choosing amongst the options. The report highlights four important factors to consider: the Government's preference for budget support modalities; donor concerns to focus support in a meaningful way on the education sector; concern on the part of both government and donors to support and strengthen Ethiopia's decentralised system; and the desire on the part of both government and donors to overcome perceived limitations of existing aid instruments in mobilising additional resources to support education.

Non-reciprocal preferential trade agreements allow least developed countries to benefit from lowered tariffs on certain products, to boost their access to international markets without the requirement of lowering their own tariffs in return. In the run-up to the WTO Summit in December, there has been debate over the value of these PTAs. Those not in favour argue that they distort the market and prevent multilateral free trade. Those supporting PTAs argue that their erosion will adversely affect developing countries, and especially small-scale producers. This link takes you to recent research compiled by the Eldis Trade editor.

In addition to the possible benefits from increased aid, what might also be the downside? From the recent G8 Summit to UN declarations, calls for a "Big Push" in official development assistance by OECD countries are becoming more frequent and pressing. In this working paper, CGD Research Fellow Todd Moss and Arvind Subramanian (IMF) highlight the importance of aid effectiveness.

Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is set to visit all of the country's ten provinces in a bid to bolster support for a boycott of next month's senate elections, his spokesperson said on Monday. The move by the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) comes amid a deepening crisis in the party, with the majority of members in the party's national council in favour of participating in the polls for an upper chamber of Parliament.

Liberians will vote again in a second round of presidential elections after last week's ballot proved inconclusive, the country's election commission said. Former soccer star George Weah has won almost 29% of the vote, with ballots from 90% of polling stations counted. However, this will be short of the 51% he needed for an outright win. Mr Weah is now set to face nearest rival Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf in November to decide who becomes Liberia's first elected head since the civil war ended. Ms Johnson-Sirleaf, a former finance minister and veteran opposition politician, has secured nearly 20% of the votes counted so far - a fair way ahead of the third-placed candidate Charles Brumskine.

Already crippled by the burden of poverty and underdevelopment, the African continent carries the added weight of trade union repression. Whilst Africa's workers struggle to scrape a living wage from jobs that generally offer no social protection, the powers that be remain brutal in their oppression of trade union rights, responding to attempts to improve conditions with violent intimidation, arrests and dismissals. Collective bargaining continues to be very limited on the continent and the export processing zones developing in the wake of globalisation are simply inflating the scale of exploitation.

Under the auspices of a continental steering committee ([email protected]), national coalitions, regional and international organisations and networks affiliated to the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) will meet in Harare, 7-10th November 2005. Organised by Mwelekeo wa NGO, the workshop seeks to review the status of the campaign and develop ideas and plans for the next phase of the campaign beyond 2005. While funding allows for 30-40 participants to be sponsored, self-sponsored delegates are welcome to apply by writing to the organisers or the steering committee.

Vote for your candidate in complete anonymity,” the advert says, “Call right now!”. Presidential elections will not take place as scheduled on 30 October but Ivorians can pick up the telephone and declare their choice instead. The privately operated telephone poll is all about easing the atmosphere of mistrust that has gripped the political process in Cote d’Ivoire, according to the scheme’s mastermind, Hamed N’Cho. “I wanted to show that you can organise elections in a relaxed and playful atmosphere and that you can vote without getting into an argument or a fight,” he told IRIN. The warring parties in Cote d’Ivoire have plodded through three years of missed deadlines – steps that were to have led to presidential elections at the end of this month. The polls have been shelved for what could be a full year, over what the UN described as the “intransigence” of rebel and government factions.

The African Review of Books is a space in which the books, literature and scholarship of Africa can be discussed and debated. It is a step towards bringing together, in one place, news, reviews and information relating to Africa's publishing industry and African scholarship. It aims to act as a forum and a virtual meeting point. Comparisons with other reviews of books, such as those of New York and London, the Times Literary Supplement and the Southern African Review of Books are inevitable. ARoB has a long way to go before such comparisons carry any justification. Subscribe to the ARoB newsletter and about once a month we will send you an email updating you on what's new on the site; the latest in news, reviews, events and opinions in the world of African books. Once our commercial partners are on board we will be able to offer special deals and discounts to subscribers of our newsletter. To subscribe just use the link in the menu on the left.

At the end of this month, Tanzania will be holding elections. The Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA) is sending two observer missions to the country - one to the islands of Zanzibar, and one to the mainland. Visit the EISA Tanzania country profile on our web site for more information. The political overview has been recently updated and features an archive of data from past elections, as well as links to relevant EISA publications (Election Updates, etc) and press releases regarding the EISA observer mission.

The Yes (Banana) and No (Orange) campaigns go head-to-head October 18 in a 70-minute live radio and television debate. Prof Anyang' Nyong'o, Mr Chris Okemo and Mr Mutula Kilonzo will front the Orange platform while Mr Paul Muite, Mr Raphael Tuju and Dr Mukhisa Kituyi will speak for the Banana campaign. The debate seeks to refocus attention on the issues that have given rise to the differences over the proposed constitution and divided the Cabinet and country and paralysed Parliament.

Panic and fear spread across Brazzaville, capital of the Republic of Congo, on Wednesday as government troops exchanged heavy gunfire with "Ninja" rebels holed up in the Bacongo District of the city. As the fighting raged, residents in the southern part of the city, where Bacongo is located, fled to the safe northern parts of the city. Vehicles heading to the southern city districts were halted temporarily and the state-owned television station in Bacongo only resumed transmission on Wednesday evening.

Souad never suspected how much her life was about to change when she was summoned four years ago by the Ministry of Health and Population to test for HIV/AIDS. There she was told that her husband had been tested positive for the virus two years earlier. Altogether, 2,115 cases of HIV/AIDS have been reported to the health ministry since 1986. However, UNAIDS reckons the infection is much more widespread in this country of 77 million people.

A little known protest that demands global attention is taking place in a small garden in Cairo, Egypt. Sudanese refugees in Egypt, fed-up with having to endure appalling conditions and the constant abuse of their rights, have camped out near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and are demanding protection from forced repatriation and protection of vulnerable groups. The protest has gained momentum after 19 days and is now estimated to include up to 1200 people. None of the protestors plan on going anywhere. “We will wait here, we will die here. We have no other place to go,” said one women. Photographs of the protest can be seen at http://www.flickr.com/photos/fahamu

Sudanese refugees have been holding a sit-in since September 29th in front of Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Cairo’s Mohandiseen district, significantly situated near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After nineteen days, the demonstration continues to grow larger; one observer counted 600 men and approximately 200 children and the women numbered 400estimated around 1200 people, and refugees say that others continue to join them from as far away as Alexandria and the Sinai. Saturday, the 15th, when refugees who have work are having a day off, the numbers were doubled.

Refugees have listed at least thirteen demands, chief among them protection from forced repatriation (The demonstrators described the current option provided by UNHCR as “compulsory voluntary repatriation”) protection of vulnerable groups, the reopening of ‘closed files’ and eventual resettlement to a third country. Demonstrators point to war in Darfur, violence in Khartoum, landmines and total lack of infrastructure in the South as evidence against claims to safety and stability. They complain of high levels of discrimination and violence against their communities as well as arbitrary detentions here in Egypt. Refugees complain about arbitrary detentions and there are banners with photographs named cases of individuals killed or disappeared in this country. They are particularly disturbed about the lack of protection of unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and unsupported women who head households. They are also worried about sexual abuse of the women and children.

Until about three years ago, UNHCR rejected the majority of applicants for determination interviews, an action contrary to the provision of prima facie recognition under the 1969 OAU Convention. Consequently thousands of cases were closed under “questionable” circumstances, an institutional failure that demonstrators want rectified. Refugees at the sit-in are also worried about sexual abuse, not only of women but of their children as well. Not the least of their complaints is the treatment meted out to them by UNHCR staff, which they describe as arrogant and rude - people recall being greeted by interviewers with remarks such as “Tell me your lies” A woman from Darfur articulates her problems with Egyptians, but she is not talking about any Egyptians, she means an Egyptian woman at UNHCR. Four months ago she went to UNHCR to ask about registering her daughter for school. The UNHCR staff member took her yellow temporary protection card and her passport and has never returned them. The last time she went there to retrieve them, they were reported lost, but no attempt was made to replace even her yellow card.They also reject the notion of “integration into Egyptian society” and the new “four freedoms” legislation, enacted in 2004, which entitles Sudanese and Egyptian nationals to enter each other’s countries without a visa, hold residence, own property, and work. Accepting the four freedoms, they argue, will be tantamount to accepting the authority of the government from which they fled.

They say that black Sudanese are daily exposed to racial discrimination and are afraid to let their children play in the streets. We ourselves observed a group of teenage boystaunting and harassing the demonstrators with slurs such as “black dogs” and other epithets. The refugees are demanding they be sent to a country where they would not face discrimination.
Sudanese refugees from all parts of their country have been arriving in Egypt since the civil war began in 1983. They joined the other 3 million Sudanese migrants who have been settled here for generations. Up until 1995, Egypt operated an “open door” policy to all Sudanese, and UNHCR generally assumed it unnecessary to grant refugee status to new arrivals even though they were fleeing war and persecution. After the 1995 assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Ethiopia, presumed to be facilitated by the Sudanese government, Egypt revoked many basic privileges such as education and healthcare once enjoyed by Sudanese residents and imposed visa and residency requirements on all new arrivals.

Subsequently UNHCR began interviewing individuals to determine their refugee status. Neglecting Egypt’s signatory status to the OAU Convention and working solely under the 1951 Convention definition, interviewers applied appallingly low procedural standards in determining refugee status. (Michael Kagan, 2002, “Assessment of Refugee Status Determination Procedure at UNHCR’s Cairo Office, 2001-2002”, Working Paper No. 1, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies, The American University in Cairo.) Ironically, had the same refugees fled to Uganda or Kenya, they would have received prima facie recognition under Article 2 of the OAU Convention recognizing refugees who have fled from, among other things, civil disorder. Since most “closed files” represent people who are refugees and cannot return, they are relegated to the margins of society, have no valid documents, and risk detention and refoulement (The term refers to forcibly repatriating refugees to a country where they face persecution. The right to non-refoulement is now customary international law).

Since UNHCR has stopped conducting individual status determination interviews, they have been issuing ‘yellow cards’ indicating that the holder is an asylum seeker. A yellow card grants no rights beyond residency and, theoretically, healthcare in extreme emergencies, through CARITAS, UNHCR’s implementing partner. One interpretation of this shift is that UNHCR is rightfully encouraging the Egyptian government to recognize refugees on prima facie basis; another interpretation is that UNHCR will be able to convince all Sudanese to repatriate. The demonstrators are protesting this new arrangement and demanding that they should be individually interviewed for refugee status.

Organization of The Demonstration

A meter-high fence surrounds the park. The refugees have closed off all but one of the entrances to allow their internal security to monitor the crowd. Walkways partition the park into sections for women and children, and men. The perimeter of the park is hung with bold-lettered English and Arabic banners on which are written a variety of slogans. “Attention please: Who will restore our rights?” asks one; “We reject local integration,” and “We are the victims of mismanagement,” read others. The banners include political cartoons and special displays devoted to those who have disappeared or been killed in Egypt.

Upon entering, the deliberate and careful organizational structure inside becomes strikingly clear. All visitors are required to identify themselves to the refugee security, and sometimes to the Egyptian police as well. The refugee security officials are easily distinguished by their red vests and badges. Journalists and students are quickly ushered into the garden and introduced to a media representative who provides copies of their demands. They are then directed to different demonstrators eager to articulate their experiences and complaints; translators are readily provided.

For the large number of people in this relatively small place, the atmosphere is surprisingly tranquil. There is no shouting, just a low murmur and a few crying children set against the background of a congested Cairo street. Multi-coloured sheets are hung up to protect people from the hot midday sun. The park has been kept clean; garbage is regularly collected; mats and blankets cover the ground in a haphazard patchwork. Donations are collected from within the group and food is distributed nightly. People have access to toilets at the mosque across the street and at the homes of sympathetic friends in the area. Some leave for work and personal matters but return to keep the numbers up. Even the leaders leave in shifts.

Three times a day the group’s motivational speakers and morale builders address the group for some 45 minutes. An occasional cheer or round of applause interrupts the otherwise silent crowd that is captivated by the speaker’s commanding voice emanating from the megaphone. He reminds them to “respect this place - it is your community” and “respect the police, they are protecting us.” The speakers instruct them to ignore the people who pass by hurling insults. The demonstrators are to remain within the garden, stay orderly, and avoid violence and rowdy behaviour. The organizers know what went wrong at last year’s protest and are determined not to repeat the same mistakes (In August 2004, an Egyptian NGO, SOUTH, mobilized a group of Sudanese to protest the issue of yellow cards. A meeting was organized with UNHCR at 2p.m. but refugees began arriving at 7 a.m. Around noon, things began to turn violent, police were called and tear gas was used to disperse the crowd. Twenty Sudanese were detained.) They take rightful pride in the dignity and resolve of all who continue to weather the days in this small park, and are quietly celebratory of the unity they have found in their defiance.

The organizing force behind the demonstration calls itself Refugee Voices. According to one spokesperson, the group was "formed by accident" after three leaders of the protest attended a Human Rights and Refugee Law seminar in March. A few weeks later, these three men and some other leaders of the Sudanese community were discussing complaints being voiced by members of their refugee communities. The creation of Refugee Voices was seen as a way to compile and examine the issues facing Sudanese refugees and begin searching for solutions. By mid-September, frustrated by a lack of progress with UNHCR, they decided to take action. A list of grievances was assembled and preparations were made to deliver it to the UNHCR office to be followed by a protest if their demands were not met. This action was planned to coincide with the start of Ramadan in the opening days of October. It was ultimately moved forward after one member of the group broke ranks and, with a separate group, approached UNHCR directly with the list. In response, the others began the sit-in early - on the 29th of September - and have subsequently barred him and his friends from the demonstration.

UNHCR and the Sit-In

During the first days of the sit-in a select group of the organizers had the opportunity to meet with a UNHCR official at the Cairo office, Ahmed Mohsen, the Deputy Protection Officer. One demonstration organizer reported Mr. Mohsen as saying UNHCR is in no position to resolve their demands; “there are 58,000 Sudanese refugees in Cairo and there is no way UNHCR could possibly be there for all of them.” At another meeting, the demonstrators report UNHCR patronizingly lectured them on the 1951 UN Convention and 1969 OAU Convention. UNHCR subsequently closed its offices for the ‘foreseeable future,’ fearing possible violence. After four days of closure, they have now reopened.

Out of fear of reprisals, the refugees refused to give their names to UNHCR at the few meetings they held. There is a palpable distrust of UNHCR and little expectation that their demands will be heeded. They feel that UNHCR is not only ignoring them but undermining their rights. Therefore the demonstrators are focusing their attention more broadly. “We won’t find a solution here. We want the international community to come,” one demonstrator told us, “and bring attention to the real problem here”. Indeed, the first banner at the gates of the demonstration asks in bold English letters, “Where is the international media?”

What’s next?

So far, the only international attention that the demonstration has garnered is from the Sudanese Embassy. The protestors routinely see embassy vehicles circling the sit-in during the day, but at 3 a. m. on 15 October, four men in an embassy car stopped and began distributing alcohol among some refugees. The leaders apprehended the four men and turned them over to the police, who promptly took them away. Refugees unscrewed the rear license plate of the vehicle, and are retaining it as evidence of the encounter. More incidents like this could jeopardize the future of the demonstration, and the refugees worry about how long the police will allow them to stay. One policeman told us that the demonstration “is illegal, but we are being patient”. How long this patience will last is unclear.

When asked about future plans for the sit-in refugees appeared resolved to stay indefinitely even if UNHCR continues to refuse their demands. They say the desperation that brought them here will keep them here. “We will wait here, we will die here,” declared one woman. “We have no other place to go.”

* Refugees Voices has setup an email, [email protected], and are using a website, www.sudaneseonline.org, so that supporters can sign on.

* A continuation of this article will be featured in next week’s edition of Pambazuka News, focusing on UNHCR’s reactions to the demonstration and further developments.

* This article was written by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis,
Martin Rowe, Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in Cairo, Egypt.

The announcement that Senate elections would be held in Zimbabwe on November 26 has been interpreted as a move designed by President Robert Mugabe to contain fall out from his controversial appointment of Joyce Mujuru as vice president. It has also caused tension in the opposition Movement for Democratic Change over whether to contest the Senate polls. Writer Chenjerai Hove identifies a “Zimbabwean disease” which dictates that once an institution is formed it becomes a national cause to tear it apart.

The scene is a country called Zimbabwe, and the audience, thirteen million anxious Zimbabweans. The actors: Zanu PF and the MDC. The Stage Director, Robert Gabriel Mugabe. The title of the play: The Senate Bandwagon. The Zimbabwean political audience is once again faced with an ever more confused political situation. A few elections later, the people are rather puzzled as to what exactly is happening. President Robert Mugabe has dangled a new carrot, the Senate. And one already knows why this carrot is there, in front of the two political parties and their faithful. I always wondered why this causes confusion because the Senate is supposed to last only a short time. After all, it was abolished in 1987 on the pretext that it unnecessarily delayed urgent legislation which the government wanted passed the fast-track way. With the current series of endless crises, it would seem the need for urgent passing of legislation has not died. The land issue is still fresh and causing havoc to the economy, the economic mess fraught with so many other problems, the decline of services like health, education, transport. So many urgent issues! In the midst of all this, the president wants to introduce a Senate, an expensive undertaking which a shrinking economy can hardly afford.

It is well known now that Mugabe wouldn't care less if the country was broke or not, as long as he keeps power till he dies. So, in order to accommodate his 'fellows' who had fallen by the wayside, he decides to introduce a senate which practically serves no useful purpose except to give terminal benefits to his old and sickly friends he had forgotten to take along on his gravy train of economic plunder and electoral fraud. Then comes the side show: the MDC jumping onto this worthless project on the assumption that it might be possible to contain Zanu PF in its own game. To play or not to play the Zanu PF game? That was the question facing the national council of the MDC. Surprisingly, the outcome was half-half kusenga kwedhongi. The meaning of it all is that to play the game means the MDC accepts the rules and procedures which created the game. It also means an endorsement of the political manoeuvres which have created the senate, and also an acceptance of the recent constitutional amendments as valid. That is what President Mugabe wants to happen, realizing that he created this game in order to dangle a few crumps and left-overs in order cause a splits in the MDC and possibly civil society. Mugabe's project seems to be advancing without any hitches, so far.

As far as I can see, the problem of the MDC started when they participated in the parliamentary elections whose results were already predicted and known. Now, members of the opposition are in parliament, but not all who wanted to be there. Those who could not make it to parliament would argue that the current MDC members of the august house are enjoying the benefits of the gravy train while denying others the opportunity to do so in the new Senate. That is the problem facing the MDC. They have allowed themselves to taste of the niceties offered by the devil, and everyone wants their piece of the carrot. Exactly what Mugabe and Zanu PF wants, especially in these hard times of economic collapse and struggles for survival! Everyone wants to put bread and butter on the table, never mind the source! As far as I can see, wrapped inside the carrot, Mr Mugabe and his party gurus have thrown a live snake in the house of the opposition. Some from the opposition camp only see the skin of the carrot, while others have the vision to see the snake within. Thus, the opposition party begins its own demise fired by the energies and skills of Mr Mugabe's camp. The audience, we ordinary Zimbabweans, can only look and wonder whether the opposition is serious about participating in a Senate whose introduction it strongly opposed not so long ago.

Having participated in the formation and running of several national organisations, I have come to accept that the Zimbabwean disease is one and only one in terms of organisational management. Once an institution is formed, the next crucial task for some Zimbabweans is to find as many reasons and ways as possible to tear it apart. Some people call it factionalism. Others call it 'splinterism'. What I know is that both are usually not based on any basic principle or vision. They are usually based on some flimsy excuse and rampant opportunism, a national malaise in the affairs of our country. All the noble reasons underlying the formation of the organisation are soon forgotten. Every one for himself, and God for none of us! It is sad that the MDC is split and probably destroyed over a worthless carrot (Senate) dangled in front of them. Every citizen can see clearly that the Senate serves no useful purpose except to function as some kind of old-age pension and gratuity for Mugabe's loyalists and friends. Everyone knows who the new senators will be: old men and women discarded by either design or mistake by the Mugabe gravy train. Why anyone with a national vision and some kind of realization of where the country is going should join, I have no clue. In the end it also becomes a question of personal integrity and dignity. Zimbabweans are used to national abuse, especially by the ruining party, Zanu PF.

Sadly, it seems the MDC, having raised people's hopes, has also now embarked on this national malaise of thinking that they can earn good salaries from a national purse which does not exist. They can join the dance of Zanu PF pensioners and then wake up in the morning to call themselves the opposition. In Shona it is called 'kudziya moto wembavha'.(Warming themselves from the fireplace of a thief). As the Zimbabwean disease of splits and factions engulfs the political realm of the country, the decay continues, and more political parties will be formed in order to split again and again while Mugabe continues to destroy the country. The national vision dies, only to be replaced by financial greed and illusions of boundless power. In the end, national political fatigue creeps in, and no one wants to vote for anyone, knowing only too well that there is no Zimbabwean politician interested in shaping a genuine national vision devoid of greed for power and money.

* Chenjerai Hove is a leading Zimbabwean author and has several published books and poems including the aclaimed novel BONES. This article appeared on the www.newzimbabwe.com website and reproduced here with permission of the author.

* Please send comments to [email protected]

Human Rights. Accountability. Democratic values. These are not concepts that most people would match with their local police force. As a new report from the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) notes, Africa includes good cops and bad cops: good policing that upholds the human rights of the citizens; and bad policing where the police act as violent oppressors controlled by the political elite. The report ‘Police Accountability: Too Important to Neglect, Too Urgent to Delay’ provides an overview of accountability arrangements, highlights good practice, and gives recommendations for reform to assist governments, police officials, and civil society in developing and strengthening effective accountability regimes as part of the move towards truly democratic policing. Pambazuka News sent some questions to CHRI about the state of policing in Africa.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What are some of the policing problems related to human rights that are common to Africa?

CHRI: The violation of civil liberties by police, particularly rights of due process and disobedience to procedural law, is a glaring problem that seriously affects human rights and undermines the rule of law. This includes detaining people without reasonable cause, or for longer than permissible without bringing them before the appropriate authority, or carrying out arrests without warrants, illegal searches and seizures, or denying those arrested access to legal counsel.

Torture by police continues despite international and domestic laws and governments' promises, and hinges on impunity for those perpetuating it. Alarmingly, the demographic of people being tortured and/or illegally detained in Commonwealth countries, including Africa, by the police is very wide and speaks to governments' suppression of dissent as much as violation of law and human rights, as it can include suspected terrorists, but also armed insurgents, legitimate political opponents, government critics, suspected criminals, homosexuals, religious/racial minorities, suspected rebels/insurgents, human rights defenders, foreigners, to name a few.

Human rights are most seriously affected when the police act on illegitimate orders, or in some cases arbitrarily, to curb rights and freedoms.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What could be defined as effective and legitimate policing?

CHRI: CHRI is committed to promoting a model of democratic policing in which the police are:
- subject to the rule of law and responsible to protect human rights;
- accountable to a variety of institutions;
- transparent about policies, decisions and actions taken in most spheres of their work;
- responsive to the people they serve; and
- representative of the people they serve.

This is the model of effective and legitimate policing that democracy demands and governments are duty bound to provide.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the effect of bad policing on democratic governance?

CHRI: Bad policing means the public is not getting the service it deserves from a public agency, and the police are not doing their duty. More broadly, bad policing usually means the public does not trust its police, fueling a feeling of vulnerability and lawlessness. The effect of all this is that it moves people further away from their governments and makes governance less democratic.

Bad policing and impunity persist not by accident, but by design. If people do not feel assured of state protection from crime, if people are being tortured by the police for political ends, if the people feel the police, or even worse the entire criminal justice system, is controlled by government - these are sure signs that the system of checks and balances which is so critical to democratic governance is failing. Bad policing can also affect the functioning of the criminal justice system as a whole. If the police are not carrying out their investigative and law enforcement duties lawfully, this can influence the quality of evidence presented in court and have serious consequences in terms of "fair trial" guarantees.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What are the gender implications of bad policing?

CHRI: Crimes against women abound across the Commonwealth but are often met with a very poor response by the police, with stereotypes and traditionalist attitudes prejudicing the way a predominantly male bastion handles women's cases. Rape, domestic violence and trafficking are usually under-policed - this happens because of lack of domestic legal protection, stigma in reporting, but also because of the unsympathetic response of law enforcement agencies towards victims. Women may trust the police less than men, and in many Commonwealth countries, women fear the police. This is unjustifiable when seen against the volume of crimes committed against women all across the Commonwealth, and the special attention women need from the police.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What are some of the international laws and protocols signed up to by African countries that govern policing and to what extent do these govern policing and provide a mechanism for redress?

CHRI: This is discussed in more detail in chapter 3 of the report, but for a quick overview:

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the seminal human rights document that all Commonwealth countries have agreed to, enshrines fundamental human rights for all. Police organisations are expected to know and enforce the UDHR and uphold, defend and protect people's civil and political rights, as well as foster an environment that will promote their economic, social and cultural rights.

The human rights standards laid down in the UDHR have been refined and re-stated in legally binding treaties that guarantee civil and political rights, rights against racial discrimination, women's rights, children's rights, and rights against torture, among others.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) contain special provisions regarding policing, and together with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICMW), form the seven core UN human rights treaties.

Importantly, some of the treaty committees accept complaints from individuals whose rights have been violated which could lead to redress - these include the Human Rights Committee, the Committee against Torture, Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, and Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.

The 1990 UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials and the 1979 UN Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials were both adopted by UN General Assembly resolutions, and do not have the same binding status of international conventions and treaties. Nevertheless, they are seminal for the police and are designed to guide domestic legal and policy formulation, with the Code of Conduct setting out basic standards for policing agencies, and the Basic Principles providing a series of human rights standards regarding the use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials.

In Africa specifically, The African Charter on Human and People's Rights or Banjul Charter was adopted by the members of the former Organisation of African Unity - OAU (now the African Union) in 1981. In the Commonwealth context, it is the youngest of the regional mechanisms and also the most widely accepted of the regional charters, with 53 ratifications or accessions. All African country members of the Commonwealth are part of the regional Charter. The African Commission on Human and People's Rights is the institution created under the Charter to promote and protect human rights in Africa and interpret the Banjul Charter when required by the states or institutions of the African Union. The Commission has procedures in place to receive complaints from states and individuals.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Briefly, what reforms are needed and what would be the key aspects of a democratic police organisation?

CHRI: Reforming police organisations across the Commonwealth requires changing and refining laws to reflect the rights-based approach, putting in place innovative institutional mechanisms that can ensure independent oversight of the police, and altering the culture within police organisations by properly implementing disciplinary and ethical standards. As well, the traditional oversight of the police by the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government must be strengthened.

Democratic policing is applicable to any context in the Commonwealth, rich or poor, large or small, diverse or homogenous. In a nutshell, a democratic police organisation is one that:
- Is accountable to the law, and not a law unto itself;
- Is accountable to democratic government structures and the community;
- Is transparent in its activities;
- Gives top operational priority to protecting the safety and rights of individuals;
- Protects human rights;
- Provides professional services;
- Is representative of the communities it serves.

A key feature of democratic policing is that the police are formally held to account, in a variety of ways, for their performance as much as for any wrongdoing. Police officers found guilty must be made to bear the consequences.

* These questions were answered by Devika Prasad, a Research Assistant to the Access to Justice Unit. The report and executive summary can be downloaded from the CHRI website:
www.humanrightsinitiative.org or the link could be viewed at http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publications/chogm/chogm_2005/defau...

* Please send comments to [email protected]