Amnesty International has written to the chairman of the African Union, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, urging him to support a Security Council referral of the situation in Sudan to the International Criminal Court (ICC). This is becoming more urgent as the Sudanese government continues to downplay the human rights violations and war crimes committed during the recent conflicts. Earlier this week while addressing the Security Council Ali Osman Taha, the First Vice President of Sudan, rejected the prospect of any tribunal outside Sudan, while Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) leader John Garang allegedly said that issues of human rights violations and war crimes should take a back seat to peace and aid efforts in the region.

Aforthcoming time-limited structured discussion on: HIV/AIDS AND MOBILE POPULATIONS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA will take place on the AF-AIDS eForum between February - June 2005. The overall aims of this discussion are to share our experiences and raise awareness about the issues of mobile populations and HIV/AIDS, particularly in the Southern African region. Your contributions and comments on the following themes will be particularly encouraged: Topic 1: Migration and HIV/AIDS - How does migration and population mobility lead to increased HIV/AIDS vulnerabilities in Southern Africa? Topic 2: Migration and HIV/AIDS - How does HIV/AIDS affect migration and population mobility patterns? Topic 3: The brain drain of healthcare professionals from Southern Africa The discussion will begin soon, although we welcome your early contributions now. If you are already a member of the AF-AIDS eForum DO NOTHING, further information will be sent to you in the next few days. To join the eForum, send an email to: [email protected]

The Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal presents a seminar and the 1st Wolpe lecture in the 2005 Harold Wolpe Memorial Lecture series. Gregory Elbo will be speaking on "Contesting Neoliberalism: Conceptual and Political Divisions" and on "The Global Social Justice Movement: Old and New Socialist Projects" on Monday 21st February.

The primary responsibility of the Nutritionist Nurse is to provide hands-on care, identifying and treating malnourished children, and upgrade the skills and knowledge of local counter parts and/or community health workers.

Based on a song created in 2001 by students in Outjo Secondary School, the film "The Days are So Long" tells the story of Tasha, who continues engaging in sexual activity with many boyfriends despite the advice of her brother Pandu. When she discovers she is HIV-positive, she commits suicide in front of Pandu. The message in the song performed by Pandu, in honour of another HIV-positive student who feels stigmatised and isolated, is: "Take my hand, I'm tired and lonely, Give me love, Give me hope". This song was adopted as the slogan for World AIDS Day in Namibia.

The first Millennium Development Goal (MDG) aims to significantly bring down the levels of poverty in developing and transitional countries, over the next decade. But progress towards meeting this target has been slow and if it continues at a similar rate, we shall underachieve by 60 per cent. It is possible to turn this around but, only if donors and developing countries intensify efforts in combating rural poverty, says an article from ID21 Development Reporting Service.

The International Federation of Journalists has condemned the Zimbabwe government for unleashing "a new wave of intimidation and terror against media" in advance of hotly contested elections to take place on 31 March. The IFJ was responding to the arrest of three foreign correspondents in Harare. "For the last two years, Zimbabwe's media have been in a state of censorship and paralysis," said Aidan White, the General Secretary of the IFJ. "These latest arrests signal a new wave of intimidation and media terror by the regime of Robert Mugabe. Journalists around the world rightly condemn these latest attacks".

The Lancet, a leading international scientific journal, has lambasted the South African government for being defensive and urged it to “show backbone and courage to acknowledge and seriously tackle the HIV/AIDS crisis of its people”. The comments followed an editorial in this week’s Lancet on the findings of a Medical Research Council study that attempts to quantify misclassification of HIV/AIDS deaths concluded for the year 2000-01.

Radio for Peacebuilding, Africa Search for Common Ground (SFCG) invites you to produce audio elements for a series of programmes on different peace-building techniques. These elements (+/- 3 min.) will be combined to create exemplary programmes in English, French, Swahili and Hausa. All formats are welcome: news, talk-shows, soap operas, music programmes, etc. Your contribution automatically gives you the chance to participate the Radio for Peacebuilding, Africa Awards, which will give prizes for the best audio elements. In addition you will be able to win 50 Euro if you are among the first 40 who submit high quality radio elements. But you must contact us first for more information. To participate in the project and/or get more information, please contact us at [email protected] with "audio element" as the subject title. Please be sure to include your name, phone number and radio station so that we can get back to you.

In a vote of confidence in Liberia's peace process, the first convoy of Liberian refugees have begun heading home to Lofa county, the hardest-hit area during the 14-year civil war with the largest-scale displacement. 140 Liberian refugees left Guinea's Kouankan camp for Voinjama, the main town in Lofa county, northern Liberia. Most families in the convoy will continue further east to Zorzor district, where the UN refugee agency has set up a transit facility and rehabilitated seven schools and a clinic.

In a new report, Refugees International announced that 11 million individuals worldwide have no citizenship or effective nationality and called on the United Nations and individual countries to take measures to reduce the problem. “Stateless people are international orphans who have fallen through the cracks of the United Nations,” said Maureen Lynch, Refugees International’s Director of Research and the author of the report. “Unlike other populations of this size, the international community has largely ignored the problems facing the 11 million people who have no citizenship or effective nationality. This is especially true for those who are not classified as refugees.”

Africa's satellite business is set to boom as governments deregulate telecom markets and technology-hungry companies seek alternatives to patchy phone lines, industry experts said on Monday. Executives in the satellite industry say that space-based technology is perfect for Africa, where underinvestment in phone lines and a big rural population mean that almost half the continent's 800 million people have never made a phone call. Internet access is a paltry 1.4 percent in the world's poorest continent, but demand is growing fast.

"Members of our union have always been compassionate and committed to helping those in need, whether it's in their own backyards or across the world. Now, more than ever, our help is needed for a cause that's near and dear to my heart: the AFT-Africa AIDS campaign. It is a cause that feels near to me, despite the geographic divide, because I was able to learn about the devastation first hand as part of an American Federation of Teachers' contingent that travelled to South Africa in fall 2003. As many as 60,000 teachers are expected to die of AIDS-related illnesses there in the next five years." You can learn more about the Africa AIDS crisis and how you can help by going to the AFT's Web site: www.aft.org/partners/africa-aids

Africa will only be able to provide universal access to primary schooling by 2150, yet it also has to begin focusing on improving the secondary education sector, says a new report. It could take the continent another century to achieve the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of Universal Primary Education (UPE), due by 2015, "and even then it may not acquire the skills its needs to truly develop," said a new report, 'Back to the Blackboard' by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA).

"I use a razor, scissors and thread," says traditional midwife Peris Machanja, describing part of her work in delivering a baby. "Sometimes I use gloves, which I disinfect to use for another job – that is, if they are not torn. If they are, I try to get new ones.” Fifty-five year old Machanja, who lives in the low-income area of Kayole on the outskirts of Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, assists with about five births a month, although this figure can double during busy periods. Her fee for doing so is about 6.5 dollars. But, if Kenya is to reach the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of reducing maternal mortality by three quarters in the next decade, officials may have to call a halt to the work of this traditional birth attendant.

A controversial national conference to discuss political reform in Nigeria will start next Monday, despite fierce criticism, the president has said. The National Political Conference could lead to constitutional changes, but parliament refuses to fund the project. The conference is being boycotted by the opposition, which says it has too few powers. Civic and human rights groups have long demanded the chance to debate relations between Nigeria's many ethnic groups.

Tens of thousands of people have been displaced by recent violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo's north-east region of Ituri. People are fleeing the resumption of activities of ethnic-based militia groups in the area. Neither the Congolese government nor the UN seem able to bring an end to this conflict, which has already claimed an estimated 50,000 lives.

Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki shuffled his cabinet on Monday, just days after western donors had urged his government to act on reports of corruption and bad governance. In a statement announcing that two permanent secretaries had been dropped, the president said the changes were aimed at improving government service delivery, accountability and efficiency, and called for greater transparency and speedy implementation of social programmes.

The military build-up on the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea could "aggravate" simmering tensions, the president of the UN Security Council said. Ambassador Joel W. Adechi of Benin said the 15-member body was considering asking UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to send either an envoy or a mission to defuse pressure, UN News reported on Tuesday. The envoy or mission would help push forward the "political dialogue" between the two Horn of Africa neighbours.

The latest number of ratifications to the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa stands at ten, following intensive campaigning at the Fourth Ordinary Summit of the African Union (AU) that took place between 24-31 January in Abuja, Nigeria.

Members of a coalition of civil society organisations operating under the banner of Solidarity for African Women's Rights (SOAWR) worked during the summit to accelerate the ratification of the Protocol by African governments.

As part of their campaigning work, SOAWR representatives handed out red cards to ministers of those countries who have not signed or ratified the protocol. Ministers of those countries who have signed the Protocol but not ratified received yellow cards, while those countries who had signed and ratified the Protocol received a congratulatory green card.

Sparked to action by having received a yellow card (signed, but not ratified), Senegal sought to correct the record in a meeting of 51 African ministers by noting that they should have been awarded a green card. Senegal had erroneously submitted their ratification to the AU by fax, but this had been rejected. Senegal's President Wade later arrived in Abuja with the original instrument of ratification.

Following the summit, The Comoros, Libya, Rwanda, Namibia, Lesotho, South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Djibouti and Mali had ratified the protocol. A further two countries, Benin and Guinea, are in the process of ratification, while 24 other African countries have signed. Once 15 countries have ratified the Protocol it will come into force and the process of domesticating the provisions of the Protocol in national law will begin. The Protocol offers significant protection to the rights of women in Africa.

At the AU meeting, Winnie Byanyima, gender director in the office of the AU chairperson, said: "We must remember that rights are not given, they are claimed. I would like to thank the 19 women's organisations calling on the Heads of States to ratify the Protocol and deposit their instruments of ratification. Thanks to the efforts of your campaigns, we will acquire the number that we require. You should note that the Protocol stands apart from the tradition of most African instruments that are not ratified at such speed. We plan to work with you in future to promote women's rights."

The Situation in Togo since the death of its long-term dictator, Gnassingbe Eyadema, has not shown any sign of being resolved. The sub-regional organisation, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), backed by the African Union and supported by the United Nations and the EU, has led global opinion in rejecting the succession of Baby Eyadema. All the right noises have been made and in an unprecedented consensus, Faure Eyadema has been told that this time around the answer is Non!

However strengthened by Togo's army, which is nothing but a personal militia of his father, Baby Eyadema and the ancient forces of reaction built by his father have continued to ignore the wishes of their people and advise of neighbours and the rest of the international community. Their tactics are very simple. They intend to sit it out hoping that with time their unconstitutional change may become a fait accompli and all concerned will shut up so that even if he is not accepted by de jeur he will remain leader by de facto. After all his father, even when democratisation through the Movement for Sovereign National Conferences in many former French colonies in the 1990s swept aside fellow dictators, managed to weather the storm. A divided opposition and a ruthless capacity to intimidate, co-opt or eliminate the opposition helped him to maintain an iron grip on power for almost four decades. He also relied on liberal exploitation of ethnic and regional fault lines to divide his opponents and the country in addition to presenting himself as the only 'strong leader who can hold the country together'.

However Baby Eyadema cannot be as lucky as his father for many reasons. One, the Togolese people, brutalised and silenced by his father and his henchmen for many years, have remained consistent in fighting for their democratic rights against all the odds. They fought his aged father to a standstill, often betrayed by opportunistic and factionalised opposition parties and leaders. Eyadema was a lame duck leader for many years but held on to power by subterfuge, intimidation, corruption and luck in his choice of formal opponents. It was not just raw power and its use that helped him to remain in charge. The fact that most people under the age of forty did not know any other leader other than Eyadema conspired to create a psychological situation of 'if not him who can?' His son does not have all these advantages, but more importantly the Togolese were no longer afraid of his dad by the time he gave up the ghost. The opposition is not just within the political class but spread across the whole society.

Two, the sub regional situation in West Africa has changed in favour of democratic constitutional rule. Related to this is a willingness of ECOWAS to intervene in the affairs of erring member states. Liberia, Sierra-Leone and Ivory Coast are clear examples of the region acting together, sometimes with great contradictions, to help stabilise a neighbouring country. This precedence compels ECOWAS countries to reverse the military coup in Togo. Three, what is further strengthening the regional resolve is the qualitative changes that have occurred at the continental level through the more proactive provisions of the charter of the new African Union. The Act of Union makes it clear that it is not only military coups that are no longer tolerated but also all unconstitutional changes of government.

From 1999 when the Algiers principles were unanimously adopted the continental body has shown its willingness to put its money where its mouth is. The first casualty was the hapless military regime of General Gueye in Cote d'Ivore. The OAU refused to recognise his regime precipitating the uncompleted transition that forced Gueye out of power. Since that first example Central Africa, Madagascar, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, Equatorial Guinea and Liberia, with different outcomes, have provided opportunities to test the principle. Whatever the contradictions it is now clear that the old narrow definition of sovereignty and territorial integrity that operated as 'leave my victims to me and I leave yours to you' is no longer operational in Africa. We have moved from non-interference into 'non-indifference'. In 1980, Samuel Doe assassinated the then Chairman of the OAU, William Tolbert, and he was able to sit in the next summit because it was considered an 'internal affair'. This is no longer possible in Africa today therefore the internal affairs of all member states have become legitimate concern of the AU.

Three, the international environment has also changed dramatically. The cold war is over even if it has mutated into another kind of war, no less intense. However the old practice of 'their bastard and our bastard' that turned every dictator into a bride is becoming obsolete. Structural Adjustment Programmes, the IMF/World Bank and globalisation have delivered African countries to imperialism in a way that makes it increasingly insignificant who is in power as they will follow the neo-liberal hegemony. Therefore interests of former colonial powers are no longer tied to that of one individual or group in a particular country. Though there are still notions of 'strong man' or 'the best they have got' that feed the ego of reluctant democrats across this continent, the tolerance level for unreconstructed dictatorship and personal rule has become very high. Eyadema relied on France for most of his rule and when he had contradictions with France he could flirt with the Eastern bloc, but all these are gone now.

The odds are weighted against Baby Eyadema and the Togolese army. If they go peacefully that will be good for Togo and the rest of Africa but if they refuse, targeted sanctions and swift military intervention when necessary should be deployed to get rid of them. It will be a signal to other political megalomaniacs who think that their countries are their personal property to be ruled in perpetuity by themselves or their offspring that Africans no longer accept self proclaimed divine misrule.

ECOWAS has to learn from the horror of Ivory coast where regional pressure forced out Gueye but produced an inconclusive outcome that is still wasting that once prosperous country. While pressures must be unrelenting in restoring constitutional rule in Togo immediately there is a need for wider engagement with the broad democratic forces: political parties, civil society groups, professional associations, trade unions, etc so that Eyadema's people do not exploit the situation to create chaos. Togo is not just a test for ECOWAS but an opportunity to show the rest of the world that Africa is no longer prepared to continue 'business as usual'.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to

Zambia's top court may throw the country into a constitutional crisis over who should be head of state if it finds the election which voted President Levy Mwanawasa into office was illegitimate, analysts said. The Supreme Court is due on Wednesday to deliver its judgement on a petition brought by opposition parties which claims the 2001 elections were rigged. "There might be a constitutional crisis in the event the court decides to nullify the 2001 election results because there is no provision in the law as to who should be the interim president," said Alfred Chanda, a prominent Lusaka constitutional lawyer.

United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, saying the evidence pointed to crimes committed by the Sudanese Government, militia and rebel forces, has urged the Security Council to act urgently to stop further death and suffering in the strife-torn Darfur region and "to do justice for those whom we are already too late to save." He addressed the Council as it received a report from UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour on the findings of the five-member International Commission of Inquiry on the conflict in Sudan's vast region in the west.

The International Centre for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) has urged the Congolese government to vet and prosecute former militia leaders instead of appointing them to high-ranking positions in the newly integrated national army. "If the Democratic Republic of the Congo [DRC] is to achieve a lasting and sustainable peace, it must not appoint individuals to the army when there is evidence that they may be responsible for serious abuses," Juan Méndez, the president of the ICTJ and UN Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, said.

‘We used to think that women could not do the same things as men, due to religion. But now we no longer believe that. We are glad that women will stand for Parliament and [dramatic pause] we will vote for them’. - A member of the House of Aqils (local community leaders who administer justice) at a meeting with Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR) in December 2004.

The independent but internationally unrecognised state of Somaliland (North West Somalia) is due to hold parliamentary elections in March/ April 2005. This should be the most important phase of its democratisation process, marking the change from a clan-based and government-dominated polity with little effective parliamentary opposition. Such a polity has shown little intervention in social areas, and seemingly little commitment to overcoming gender and other non-clan inequalities. The regularisation of political representation in parliament could provide additional support in resolving conflict peacefully. Somalilanders see this as vital in avoiding a return to the instability that has plagued Somaliland and Somalia in the past. It could also mean that burgeoning Somaliland civil society will be able to campaign on and monitor government policies and spending. However recent decisions of MPs have made the progress of democratisation uncertain and the elections liable to delay. Uncertainty also continues in (South) Somalia despite the latest (and fifteenth) version of peace and a new government.

Somaliland, having decided unilaterally in 1991 to end its commitment to its union with Somalia, determined in the late 1990s to embark on a process of democratisation. For some Africanists this is seen as an interesting experiment which deserves greater study (and support) in its incorporation of democratic values within a well understood and traditionally-based social structure. A referendum in 1999, local elections in 2002 and a presidential election in 2003 all contributed to this process. There have been some setbacks, notably in the government’s incomplete and seeming reversible compliance with human rights standards, shown by the arrest of journalists and its perceived leaning on the judiciary. Authoritarian responses by the Hargeisa government to some of its critics such as the gaoling of journalists like Hassan Saeed, show lack of respect for human rights and the constitution. Illegal public safety committees are believed to exist. The recent gaoling for ‘treason’ of a 16 year old girl, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, on minimal evidence shows both the fragility of the democratisation process and the paranoia about security.

Somalilanders are though, rightly concerned about statements from the new Somalia President, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed suggesting that Somaliland be forcibly reincorporated into Somalia. When military leader of Puntland, the semi-autonomous territory to the east of Somaliland, tensions ran high between the two territories, especially Puntland’s occupation of Somaliland territory in Sool in October 2004.

Although not linked, the killings of three foreigners in October 2003 meant that personnel of international organisations have had to travel with armed guards from the Special Protection Unit (SPU). Despite the security precautions, on a visit in December 2004, the country seemed peaceful and people can travel round.

This democratisation process has therefore both internal and international dimensions with the strategy of increased democratisation bringing hoped-for de jure international recognition (it can be argued that there is some minimal de facto recognition). There is within this an often explicit comparison between the chaotic, internationally-funded (and located) and expensive process to the south in Somalia and the home-grown, traditionally-rooted process in Somaliland.

Three political parties – Kulmiye (‘Bringing Together’), UCID (‘Justice and Welfare’) and the governing UDUB (‘Democratic United Peoples Movement’) party will contest the elections. The first describes itself as ‘social democratic’, the second as ‘like the British Labour Party’ and the third as ‘conservative’, although all are parties in formation rather than cohesive political and ideological units. Indeed UCID told us that it characterised the other two as one party split in two. Kulmiye (whose office was packed out, unlike the other two) appears to have strong support from women and youth, and from the old liberation fighters in the Somali National Movement (SNM). It also has a strong base in the diaspora – with UDUB fending off questions on the governing party using the advantages of incumbency by stressing the greater amount of remittances going to its major rival. Neither of the opposition parties saw the National Electoral Commission (NEC), as biased, rather stressing the commissioners’ lack of experience and the problems they face. The parties expected a free election – i.e. in terms of the overall context, but were less convinced over the fairness (i.e. the conditions around the actual election). Both stressed the need for change, their commitment to human rights as well as security, ensuring sovereignty, the environment and overcoming economic decline especially unemployment.

Somalilanders say that as the international community is pushing for democratic norms and practice in Africa, it should support them not least in observing an expected reasonably free and fair election. Previous elections according to international observers (such indeed as our own institute) have proved peaceful, reasonably free and fair and enthusiastically welcomed.

However the delicacy of the situation for others does present problems for Hargeisa. In contrast to 2002, the EU and member states appear less keen to show their support – financial or moral - for these elections. This appears linked to their equally important funding of and desire to see success in the Mbagathi government- building process in (Southern) Somalia and worries that the new ‘government’ (still investigating where to relocate to in Somalia) will react negatively to funding for the Somaliland parliamentary elections. Additionally the Somaliland government is only willing/ able to provide 30% of the projected budgetary costs of the election due to a decline in revenues and increased military expenditure due to the Somaliland/ Puntland dispute. A scaled down election may be possible, although 6-7,000 people will still be needed to run any kind of election. The Danish government has agreed to provide a consultant to work with the National Electoral Commission (NEC), following British funding of a consultant to work on a draft electoral code.

As well as external constraints, there are also internal differences. There was an initial unwillingness, as there was in 2002 by political parties to accede to demands for women candidates to be placed towards the top of party lists - the closed party list system operates, due at least in part to widespread illiteracy. Whilst complete gender equity is unlikely, there was in the draft electoral law a formula, although seemingly under threat from traditionalists, that would enshrine the right of women to be candidates in the top 5 of the party lists without the constitution being breached. All three political parties claimed to us that they had shifted position on accepting (and publicly welcoming) women candidates since 2002. The women’s umbrella body, NAGAAD, is keen to keep plugging away on gender representation questions following up on their campaigning and lobbying in media, and meetings with government and parliament. There has been training of women candidates in the political parties.

Other civil society organisations have committed to helping in the electoral process as indeed have the Aqils (local community leaders who administer justice at dir (sub clan) level). Both wish to promote peaceful elections through civic/ voter education, encouraging communities to vote and help organise neutral help for the blind, illiterate etc in polling stations. One leading local NGO, the Academy for Peace and Development has committed its staff to election-related work until the election period finishes. It is involved in discussions with the Parliament and the political parties, including the parties signing up to a voluntary code of conduct. NAGAAD, having had experience in the last two elections, expects to coordinate local observer groups with COSONGO, the national NGO umbrella, and to run civic education programmes dividing up the country east and west as they did in 2002 and 2003.

The opposition parties and sections of the populace allege that parliamentarians, especially those allied to UDUB, have more commitment to their own stay in power than to the democratisation process. The recent electoral law passed in early February 2005 by parliament calling unrealistically for a census and full registration process does little to overcome that perception. Many Somalilanders also expect UDUB to lose to Kulmiye. President Riyale has though told parliament to pass the electoral code as a matter of urgency, and informed at least one would-be foreign donor of the commitment of the government to the electoral process.

The implication is that without substantial funding there will be a cut-price election where the free and fair nature of the election will be under threat or at least demand a great deal of consensus. Given the circumstances of the 2003 presidential election where Kulmiye lost by a small margin, claiming that it had in fact won but was prepared for the sake of the nation to accept the result, such consensus is unlikely to be forthcoming. This is especially the case if due to the electoral law, the process has to be delayed. At the time of writing we still await the reaction of the NEC and indeed the President to the practically impossible conditions set by Parliament if elections are to go ahead within less than two months.

A general worry therefore is that if there is not an election the one stable part of ‘greater Somalia’ will relapse from the democratic path, thereby rendering useless the internal and international goodwill, investment and work that has been undertaken so far. The less the technical conditions are perfect, the more the NEC and others have to rely on mutual goodwill and argued for consensus. These will be the first direct parliamentary elections in greater Somalia for 35 years. Somaliland still has a long path to go towards democratisation (which is a process rather than an event after all); the parliamentary elections and a new parliament (and possibly government) open up great opportunities for civil society. It can be empowered to seek greater government accountability, and a constructive but critical engagement with government on key issues in society, economy and polity – not least human rights, development, issues like HIV/AIDS, and greater commitment to gender equality and opportunity.

Whilst Somaliland vaunts its home-grown approach, it is also desperately aware of its need for international assistance which up till now has been forthcoming. The situation is now complicated not just by the new electoral law, but by its usual funders being engaged with the process in (southern) Somalia and the sensitivities of those it is engaging with down there. However, outside donors can make a lot of difference with small amounts of money. Indeed Somalilanders told us that they do not want assistance beyond their capacity to control and monitor such outside resources. They do stress, however, that the international community has wanted Somaliland to take the ‘good governance’ path and there is need for support from those suggesting that path.

The worry is that without support the cash-strapped government will not be able to run an election that can be shown to be free and fair and therefore that instability will result from this. Given the internal and external commitment to stability in Somaliland and the general climate amongst donors (inside and outside of the NEPAD and Commission for Africa processes) to push for ‘good governance’ and democracy in the continent, this would be an opportunity squandered. The fragility of this region cannot be overstressed – something that Somaliland parliamentarians also need to reflect upon.

* Steve Kibble is Africa/ Yemen Advocacy Officer at CIIR. Adan Abokor is the Country Representative of International Cooperation for Development, the name by which CIIR’s skillshare programme is known in certain countries.

* Please send comments to

The most urgent need in Darfur is for concrete measures to end the current violence and restore security and dignity to its people, including taking the issue to the International Criminal Court (ICC), United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour told the Security Council on 16 February. ...

Briefing the Council on the work of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, the High Commissioner said murder, torture, enforced disappearances, destruction of villages, rape and forced displacement continue to be committed against the people of the western Sudanese region.

"These crimes have been and, it appears, continue to be perpetrated, on a widespread and systematic basis, by Government officials and Janjaweed leaders or those under their command", she said, adding that members of rebel groups were also responsible for war crimes.

"The Commission, in my view, eloquently and powerfully argues that referral to the ICC is the best means by which to halt ongoing violations and prevent future ones", she said.

Mrs. Arbour argued that the ICC could be activated immediately. "With an already existing set of well-defined rules of procedure and evidence, the Court is the best suited institution for ensuring speedy investigations leading to arrests and demonstrably fair trials", she said.

Speaking on the Commission's conclusion that the Government of Sudan had not pursued a policy of genocide, the High Commissioner recalled that the panel had also recognized that only a competent court could determine, on a case by case basis, whether individuals, including Government officials, ordered or participated in atrocities motivated by the genocidal intent to exterminate a protected group, in which case they could be found guilty of the crime of genocide.

"It is, in my view, important to stress that nothing in the Commission's report precludes the possibility of individuals being convicted of acts of genocide in relation to the events in Darfur", she said. "Personal criminal responsibility is not determined by government policy"

The British ambassador to Kenya launched a fresh attack on President Mwai Kibaki's government on Wednesday, saying tentative anti-graft efforts failed to stop the "massive looting" of public funds. Edward Clay, High Commissioner to Kenya, added in a speech that foreign associates of the previous government of former President Daniel arap Moi were working with Kibaki's officials to steal funds through crooked procurement ventures.

Parliament has begun debate on the report on the Government White Paper on the constitutional review process with some MPs asking the President to state his position on whether he wants a third term. The White Paper, released in September 2004, contains the Government’s position on the recommendations of the Constitutional Review Commission. One of the proposals in the White Paper is that Parliament should decide on the issue of lifting the presidential term limits, which would make Museveni eligible to stand for a third term.

The would-be assassin of former Daily News editor Geoff Nyarota decided he could'nt go ahead with the plot after he met Nyarota in a lift and the editor enquired after his family. Instead he confessed his intentions and details of the plot, intended to silence the Daily News, were published in the newspaper. But six months later on January 28, 2001, an explosion destroyed the printing press of the Daily News. In this commentary Nyarot`a, remembers the extraordinary sequence of events that led to the uncovering of the plot to kill him.

UNICEF has reiterated its call on governments to move swiftly to stop the harmful practice of female genital mutilation and cutting. "Female genital mutilation and cutting is a violation of the basic rights of women and girls," UNICEF Executive Director Carol Bellamy said Friday, speaking on the eve of the International Day of Zero Tolerance of Female Genital Mutilation. "More than 130 million women and girls have undergone female genital mutilation and cutting (FGM/C), a practice that occurs in countries ranging from Senegal and Mali to Yemen and Oman."

Although Angola applied for funding to fight malaria, the money will arrive too late to switch to more effective combination drugs and avoid another grim season of preventable deaths. Stamping out the scourge - one of the biggest killers of Angolan children - is considered a top priority by many in the health ministry and the humanitarian community, but events have undermined the good intentions of the government.

Nigerian troops on Friday shot and killed four villagers who were protesting at the main export terminal run by ChevronTexaco in the Niger Delta, one of the demonstration's organisers said. More than 200 protesters from the village of Ugborodo near Warri stormed the Escravos plant just before dawn to demand a fairer share of the 300,000 barrels of crude oil that are pumped out every day.

A critical lack of resources is jeopardising Malawi's efforts to achieve its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015, according to a joint report by the UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the government. The assessment showed that while progress had been made in reducing child mortality and improving access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation, the country lagged behind on all the other development targets.

Lack of finance has left the Harare Central hospital, one of Zimbabwe's major referral centres, on the verge of collapse. The superintendent of the 1,428-bed hospital, Chris Tapfumaneyi, told IRIN, "Most of our machines are obsolete and cannot be repaired - some of them have been like this for the past 10 years".

"The Freedom of Expression Institute welcomes the progress made by the Independent Complaints Directorate (ICD) and the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) made with respect to the investigation of complaints of assault and torture by three activists of the Landless Peoples' Movement (LPM) on the 15 April 2004. As a result of investigations by the ICD, the DPP has charged one police officer, and others may also be prosecuted in due course. "

I just wanted to say that I'm glad to see that an organization is doing something for African women's rights! The evil that is going on in the Sudan, DRC (Congo), and other places in Africa against women causes me sadness and action! I've written to the Sudanese government twice, written to the Congo once, and now I have started to place my letters concerning women's rights on our website, in the "article" section. is the web address. I feel so bad being a man of African descent and knowing that other men in Africa that are African(and Arabs too) are mistreating our mothers and sisters. Please know that we African men didn't treat our women like this 6,000 years ago, not even 800 years ago. Please keep up the good work! And I hope that this petition drive is a big success! I feel that there will come a day when we African men and women will treat each other with equal social standings and respect!

The International Women's Media Foundation (IWMF) is accepting nominations for its Courage in Journalism Awards and one Lifetime Achievement Award. The Courage in Journalism Awards honor women working in the news media who have demonstrated extraordinary strength of character in pursuing their profession under difficult or dangerous circumstances, such as government oppression, political pressure, physical danger or other intimidating obstacles. The award carries a cash prize of US$5,000 and a crystal sculpture that symbolizes freedom and courage. The Lifetime Achievement Award recognizes a woman journalist who has a pioneering spirit and whose determination has paved the way for future generations of women in the media. Recipients also demonstrate a strong commitment to freedom of the press and a solid record of accomplishments in journalism. A crystal sculpture is presented with this award. Deadline for nominations is March 15, 2005.

The Islam and Human Rights Fellowship Program at Emory University School of Law, Atlanta, USA is pleased to announce the launch of an updated version of our Islam and Human Rights website (www.law.emory.edu/IHR ) with lots of new content offerings. The new content on the website includes:

a) Versions of the site in Farsi, French, and Bahasa Farsi: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/FARSI/index.html French: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/FRENCH/index.html Bahasa: http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/BAHASA/index.html
b) Section on religious rights and fundamental freedoms http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/actcons.html c) A special module on the Islam and Human Rights Fellowship workshop held in Istanbul in 2004. The section includes downloadable presentations and audio files of workshop sessions and public events http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/workshop.html
d) A revamped articles section, with articles classified by topic for easy access http://www.law.emory.edu/IHR/acessay.html

Additionally, other sections on the site, containing valuable content for scholars, activists, and media persons, have also been updated. We invite you to visit the website at www.law.emory.edu/IHR. We welcome contributions to the website, as well as comments and suggestions on how to improve and enrich the website. Any feedback may be sent to [email protected]

Professional Development and Training International (PDTI), Swaziland, will be organizing dozens of courses from April to June 2005 such as Advocacy, Lobbying and Fundraising, IT Skills for Managers, Advocacy, Behaviour Change Communication, Education and HIV/AIDS and Gender and Sustainable Development. If you or your officers are interested in attending any of the courses, please indicate this by requesting for an application form from: The programme Coordinator, Professional Development and Training International P. O. Box 5124, Mbabane, Swaziland. Tel.: 00268 4221882/6037576; Fax: 00268 4221882/4048262.

If a United Nations report can decree, just days after Holocaust Memorial Day, that the killing of tens of thousands of people in Darfur did not amount to genocide, then what does it mean to say 'Never again'? asks Andrew Donaldson. In July last year, a US state report found evidence of genocide in the oil-rich region. However, a UN report released just days after Holocaust Memorial Day has ruled otherwise - thus freeing the international community from a legal and binding obligation to bring to a swift end the killings there and to punish the perpetrators.
Related Link:
- Oil greed trumps genocide concerns
http://www.worldpress.org/Africa/2025.cfm
- New UN Force for Sudan Will Skirt Darfur Crisis
http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/sudan/2005/0208unskirts.htm

At least 30 people were killed and around 2,000 displaced during clashes between pastoralists and farming communities in various parts of Kenya in January 2005. The recent unrest broke out when pastoral groups accused farming communities of diverting scarce water supplies. Kenya still hosts around 360,000 people who were displaced by political violence in the 1990s.

This award for African journalists recognises the best articles on education published in the African press. The goal of the award is to highlight the paramount importance of relevant and quality public information and communication for the development of education in Africa.

The Child Rights Advisory Documentation and Legal Center (CRADLE) is a non-governmental, non-partisan and not for profit organization committed to the promotion, protection and enhancement of the rights of the child through legal aid; legislative and policy advocacy; child rights awareness creation; and research, monitoring and documentation of the rights of the child. The CRADLE wishes to engage the services of suitably qualified persons who possess an LLB degree, experience as a legal officer and knowledge of both International and National Child and Human Rights laws and policies, for the following vacancies: Juvenile Justice Network Coordinator; Policy and Legislative Advocacy Programme Officer and Legal Aid Officer.

The primary target participants of this workshop are:
- People who are directly involved in rural development projects, say in economic, education, health, environment, culture, etc.
- Those who have already integrated ICT in their programmes and have adequate experience in terms of challenges or successes that they would like to share with other participants.
As a part of the selection process, geographical diversity, gender and self-sponsored participants will all be taken into consideration.

Leaders of seven African nations have signed a joint treaty to protect their continent's massive rainforest - second only to that found in the Amazon basin. They were joined by international officials as well as French President Jacques Chirac in the Congolese capital, Brazzaville. The treaty aims to breathe new life into a conservation project set up five years ago, which has not progressed.

The health minister of Nigeria has said that capacity building in science and technology - and particularly in the health aspects of biotechnology - is essential if Africa is to meet development goals agreed by member states of the United Nations. But he warned that, at present, sub-Saharan Africa was "off track" towards achieving almost all of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which governments have committed themselves to achieving by 2015.

National Education For All Coordinators, NGO representatives and education experts from Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe were to meet from February 7 for a 3-day discussion on Education for All. The gathering "Joining Hands and Taking Action for Education for All” is co-hosted by World Education, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and UNESCO.

The Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN) is looking for a new Executive Director. We invite people of faith, especially those who have lived, worked in and have a love for Africa, with experience in fundraising or development, and a proven interest in public policy, justice and peace, and the application of Catholic Social Teaching to apply. The Executive Director: Coordinates and leads AFJN in collaboration with members, staff, Board, and coalition partners to accomplish its Mission; Works to expand membership in AFJN; Develops and implements programs and policies consistent with the AFJN Mission Statement; Manages AFJN finances and engages in fundraising activities; Assumes responsibility for the administration of the AFJN office; Serves as an official spokesperson for AFJN.

The International AIDS Conference is open to people from around the world, and aims to advance knowledge of HIV/AIDS in all its medical, social, scientific, community and political aspects. Conference participants will include researchers, health care providers, public health workers, people living with AIDS, non-governmental organisations, advocates, policy makers, UN organisations, government officials, the business sector, and the pharmaceutical industry.