The Global Knowledge Partnership (GKP), the Open Knowledge Network (OKN) and OneWorld Africa invite Africa-based projects to submit applications for the Yeomans Award for Local Content. This is a re-advertisement for applicants for the African category of the Award. Projects from Africa which applied for the first round but were not short-listed should not re-apply.

The United Nations children's and public health agencies may be able to develop and market anti-HIV/AIDS formulations for children within 18 months, the UN Special Envoy helping to coordinate the battle against HIV/AIDS in Africa says. Addressing a conference on AIDS orphans in Africa, Special Envoy Stephen Lewis said the lack of treatment suitable for children was a long-time problem, but the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO) were now trying to find solutions.

The Finance Ministers of the G7 - Canada, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, the UK and the US - met in London on 4 and 5 February 2005. In their final communique, they agreed to review the debts of the countries within the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) initiative, based on a "willingness to provide as much as 100% multilateral debt relief". They also referred to the possibility of using IMF gold reserves to fund debt cancellation. This is the first time that all the G7 nations have accepted that some countries may need 100% of their debts cancelled, rather than the limited - and woefully inadequate - relief so far offered through HIPC.

The organisers invite participation from African and other youth organisations in this conference. Topics covered include how to build a youth movement, identity, the importance of culture and hip-hop, and education.

"The World Social Forum (WSF) is coming to Africa in 2007. This is great news. But how exactly will the coming of the WSF to Africa in 2007 advance the struggle against neo-liberalism and capitalist domination? This is an important question for people who want to stop the centuries-long pain and suffering of the masses in Africa and other parts of the world. Having attended all the world social forums, I think that they continue to be an important rallying point for all struggles against neo-liberalism in the world. But there are certain tendencies developing in the WSF which have me very worried. My wish is that when the WSF comes to Africa we should be able to build on its strengths and eradicate its weaknesses," writes activist Trevor Ngwane.

A collaboration between Population Services International (PSI)/Mali and Ikatel, HIV/AIDS and Malaria prevention text messages are sent twice a month to 350,000 cell phone clients and are being printed on one million pre-paid phone cards. Messages such as: "Anyone can get HIV - everyone can prevent it" and "Protect your family against malaria - use an insecticide-treated mosquito net" are part of the campaign's aim to raise awareness and promote PSI's Protector brand condoms, BLOC insecticide re-treatment kits, and Super Moustiquaire Famille Protégée nets.

This is a project of the World Health Organization (WHO) that aims to improve health workers' access to malaria information. A Malaria Resource Centre is based in the University of Zimbabwe's Medical School Library. The Malaria Red Trunk is a collection of over 60 books, manuals and other texts on malaria, and the Malaria Red File is a compilation of basic information on malaria for health professionals. Electronic access to malaria information is encouraged through email and Internet facilities, use of CD-ROMs, and a website.

Paul Kagame, the President of Rwanda, has reiterated the role ICT can play in accelerating the socio-economic development in a recent interview. The recent Accra preparatory regional summit has provided the Rwandan government an opportunity to review its ICT policies.

The Kenyan Ministry of Health on Wednesday admitted a day after a speech by U.S. Ambassador to Kenya William Bellamy that it has failed to distribute $54 million in funding to fight HIV/AIDS, the AP/CNN International reports. Bellamy in a speech on Tuesday said that government inefficiency is threatening the disbursement of millions of dollars in funding to fight the disease.

The head of security for Middle Shabelle region, who is also the brother of local chief Mohamed Omar Habeb, authorised journalist Abdiqani Sheik Mohamed to return to work on 3 February 2005, the local press freedom group Somali Journalists Network (SOJON) told Reporters sans frontières (RSF). The journalist, formerly of the privately-owned station Radio Banadir, had been living in internal exile in Mogadishu, in precarious circumstances, since a decree issued on 27 September 2004 banned him from "practicing his profession." (Fench version included)

I would imagine that we are all familiar with the maxim that 'societies get the leaders they deserve'. Being Kenyan myself, I have often wondered as I watch the twists and turns that Kenya goes through, what it is that Kenyans have done to deserve what they have in terms of leaders. While I do not have a ready answer to this question, I often think that so long as there is some learning happening, so long as there is a semblance of forward movement, we must continue to hope, to be vigilant and play our part where this is necessary and to encourage growth at all levels - both of ourselves, the organizations we work for and our leaders.

Some months back, we had reason to celebrate change. We attributed the change to many factors, not least of these the efforts that many NGOs are credited with in civic education and encouraging participation, which we saw as finally paying off. The 'feel good factor' was higher in Kenya than anywhere else in the world, at a certain moment in time.

Months later many Kenyans are on the verge of despair. This is understandable. Yet, we all feel strongly about Kenya and the potential she holds. I doubt that Kenyans have the same faith in their leaders as they had at the critical moment that change took place a while ago. It is clear that there has been a major breach of contract between Kenyans and their leaders. Can we do anything about that? I think we can - and we must. But we have to put our house in order first.

Having been literally 'brought up' in the NGO sector, I often use NGOs as the basic vantage point from which I perceive the world around me. Where Kenya is concerned I usually look back with pride at the proactive way in which the sector managed to change the NGO Act of 1990 into the kind of legislation that the sector could live with - as opposed to the draconian piece of legislation it had been intended to be. This involved the entire sector and many of us were greatly inspired by the demonstrated sacrifice and determination that went into creating the change we all wanted to see. I am aware that many things have changed over a decade later, but I fear that the change has not always been entirely positive. I was encouraged therefore to learn about the 'Okoa' effort and to note the determination that those who see the potential of the Council have put into reclaiming the ownership of the Council with the presumed intention of giving it the kind of leadership it deserves. I just wanted to applaud this effort and to let those who are involved know that they are doing duty that will have an important place in the history of the NGO movement in Kenya. If indeed we get the leaders we deserve, then we have to admit the momentary lapse that led to the leadership we ended up with in the sector and the attempt to correct this anomaly is only laudable. We have learnt important lessons and will hopefully be the wiser for them.

I would like to suggest that our complacency and sometimes self righteous attitude - our reluctance to get involved in what we see as petty politics or jostling for leadership has put us in trouble. We need to create the leaders we want and imbue them with a sense of accountability, because we placed them there. This is a real defining moment for the NGO Council.

A UN-appointed expert, just back from a 13-day mission to Somalia, is urging the new government to investigate and prosecute crimes committed during the country's 13-year-old civil war. The United Nations' independent expert on Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, told reporters in Nairobi Monday reconciliation will never happen in Somalia unless past crimes are dealt with and human rights in general are respected.

Published by Alan Guttmacher Institute, this article highlights findings from a number of small-scale, community- based studies which indicate that intimate partner violence is an important factor affecting women's reproductive health. The authors note that in many countries, violence is perceived as a legal or human rights issue rather than a health issue. They point out that forced sex is associated with a range of reproductive health problems, including HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, unwanted pregnancy, and urinary tract infections.

The activist organisation, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), will return to the streets of the capital, Harare, on St Valentine's Day next week to demand democratic and violence-free elections in March. Under the theme, "The power of love can conquer the love of power", the women will hand out red roses and cards to symbolise their anti-violence message.

Kenya’s civil society groups are protesting over a law that gives parliament sweeping powers to alter the country’s draft constitution, without involving the people. The parliament has been urged to repeal the law. Civil society groups argue that the new law interferes with the concept of a people-driven constitution. The problem heightened after President Mwai Kibaki in December silently assented to a controversial Bill that allows a simple majority of parliament to amend the draft constitution. The public only learned of the assent in the local newspapers January 25.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), an African initiative aimed at tackling poverty on the continent through better governance, has been criticised by international organisations for ignoring press freedom. Five organisations, including the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), the International Press Institute (IPI), the Inter American Press Association (IAPA) and the World Press Freedom Committee (WPFC), have expressed concerns that NEPAD's lack of safeguards for press freedom may encourage some governments to continue repressing the media.

"The future of ICT in Secondary Schools - Strategizing for Implementation" was the title of a four-day workshop held at Kunduchi Beach Hotel of Dar es salaam from January 24 to 27 this year. It was a unique workshop that probed and eventually set a foundation for integrating Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) as a compulsory subject and a learning tool in secondary education in Tanzania Mainland. Aloyce Menda, a journalist with JUSTA-AFRICA who participated fully in the workshop narrates his observations.

The Fund for Global Human Rights serves as an intermediary to facilitate the support of human rights organizations in places where there is great need and access to funding is minimal. Its primary goals are to: 1. Identify, assess and provide funding to local, national, and regional human rights organizations addressing critical issues; and 2. Encourage the creation of for a and networks for exchange of ideas, strategies and mutual support among otherwise isolated human rights organizations.

Pascal Lamche's documentary Sophiatown should be seen by all who have an interest in South Africa’s relatively recent past - especially those interested in the way politics and culture were necessarily entwined. Sophiatown is a documentary about the Johannesburg suburb that was destroyed by the apartheid government in the late 1950s. It was destroyed because it was an area of the city in which people of colour had freehold rights to their properties. It was also an oasis of transracial contact, as well as a hothouse of jazz and crime.

BBC Focus on Africa Magazine is published quarterly by the BBC World Service. Each edition covers the latest political, economic, social, cultural and sporting developments in Africa. The latest edition looks as Somalia and the challenges that lie ahead for the country.

The shooting of a British journalist working for the BBC by unidentified gunmen outside her hotel in the capital of Somalia has the hallmarks of a targeted attack that threatens all media staff working in the country, warned the International Federation of Journalists. Kate Peyton, 39, a producer based in Johannesburg, was taken to the Madina hospital in Mogadishu for an operation to remove a bullet wound to her back but later died of internal bleeding. The circumstances surrounding the incident remain unclear, but according to local reports Peyton was entering the Hotel Sahafi when two masked men drove by in a taxi and shot her in the shoulder.

The decision by African regional organisations to send troops to Somalia risks destabilising Somalia's fragile transitional institutions and jeopardising the peace process. At an emergency session of the African Union Peace and Security Council in Addis Ababa last week, the Horn of Africa inter-governmental organisation IGAD received the green light to send 7,500 troops in response to a request from Somalia's interim President to help him return to the country and disarm its warring factions. The Somali transitional government is deeply internally divided over the issue, and the parliament has not yet approved any foreign military deployment. Various Somali leaders and groups have threatened to oppose such an intervention by force.

"Chaos, incompetence, secrecy and arrogance on the part of the National Election Commission (CNE) are all shown in the ruling last month of the Constitutional Council and in internal CNE documents released by Renamo. Numbers don't add up, results were changed without explanation, crimes were not investigated or prosecuted, and instructions from the Constitutional Council were ignored." This is the latest analysis of the elections in Mozambique from the Mozambique Political Process Bulletin which notes that perhaps it is time for civil society to hold public hearings and promote changes to the electoral system.

Public-private partnerships in Africa over the past 15 years have generally failed to provide much-needed water and electricity, a new study shows. According to a study by the South African Institute of International Affairs, about 600-million people in sub-Saharan Africa lack access to electricity, about 300-million have no access to safe water, and there were just eight telephones per 100 inhabitants. The report acknowledged successes achieved by public-private partnerships in sectors such as telecommunications, transport, ports and eco-tourism, but said that much still needed to be done to hone an effective partnership model in water and electricity provision.

UN peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo have been banned from having sex with locals after claims of widespread abuse of women and girls. The new rules were disclosed in a letter from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to the Security Council. Mr Annan also called for 100 extra military police and French-speaking investigators to "root out" the abuse.

A group of farmers in Burundi's northwestern province of Cibitoke, who were recently banned from a forest reserve, have appealed to the government to allow them to harvest their crops, their representative said on Monday. "In [the northern province of] Kirundo people are dying because of food shortage; we are worried that the government will not allow us to harvest our crops in the Masango Zone yet it has not been able to feed all people starving in Kirundo," Michel Niyonsaba, 44, the farmers' representative, said.

A tsunami of the sort that hit Asia will hit Africa sooner or later. It's just a question of how much sooner or later: one year, 10 years, a 100 or a 1000 years, and if it will be bigger or smaller. The impact it will largely depend on how prepared the continent, individual countries and governments will be for its consequences.

Tectonic plates on which all continents rest are continuously shifting - triggering underwater quakes and volcanoes. Global warming and melting of polar caps will also raise sea levels, increasing the chances of submersion of coastal areas. Over 30,000 earthquakes are recorded annually. On average one or two are seriously destructive to different degrees. There are 500 active volcanoes and about 50 of them erupt in any given year. More importantly quake zones change as tectonic plates beneath the continents shift. Wishful thinking will not prevent a tsunami, but anticipation, preventive measures, containment and effective emergency measures will nullify or ameliorate its consequences. The time to prepare is now.

Now that the big headlines from Asia are gone its time for sober assessment by the next potential victims and they don't come bigger than Africa. The reason is simple. Africa has the least developed infrastructure to cope with destruction on a mass scale.

Every scale of practical assessment - early warning and evacuation capacity, communications and transport network, flood defences, building safety and standards, population density of coastal cities, medical facilities, emergency relief procedures, emergency stocks of water, food, blankets etc - indicate that were a tsunami of similar scale to that of 26 December to hit Africa today, the death scale would not be around 300,000 as in Asia but between 500,000 and a million depending on what coast of Africa is hit. The number of countries and coastal cities involved will be key factors influencing the casualty rate and for sure the displaced and homeless rate will top the roughly 2 million from the Asian tsunami.

For instance, a major line of seismic activity runs along Africa's western and southwestern coast in the South Atlantic Ocean. A major quake there could trigger a tsunami that will hit the western and south western coast of Africa, including most or all coastal cities and towns in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote D' Ivore, Ghana, Togo, Nigeria, Benin, Sao Tome and Principe, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Angola, Namibia and parts of South Africa. This could include significant coastal cities such as Accra, Cape Town, Lome, Dakar, Banjul, Monrovia, Freetown, Abidjan, Luanda and Lagos that range in population from less than a 100,000, to Lagos which alone has an official population of 14 million. In these cities millions live within two kilometres (tsunami range) of the ocean, especially in Lagos where the estimate is at about three million. The statistics project a monumental disaster.

But a tsunami will not be the first 'natural' disaster to hit Africa. Over the past decade, between four million and six million Africans have died annually from 'tsunami' scales of leading killer diseases, malaria, HIV, TB, measles and typhoid. Malaria alone kills about 3,000 children a day in Africa. Almost double the number of Asian Tsunami victims die every month of preventable or treatable diseases in Africa. Some may feel that if the bodies were laid side by side every month for the cameras, maybe governments would wake up to their responsibilities. With all due respect to the Asian victims and their families, it is no less sad that mosquitoes strike individually and each family suffers in isolated grief.

The relevance of this here is that African governments are already failing their people in respect of preventive measures for the leading causes of death. Even in a war, such a casualty rate would be untenable.

In addition to human life that is not measurable in monetary terms, such losses to disease are bound to have an economic impact. Malaria alone is estimated by world economists to cost Africa in social and economic terms the equivalent of about $12bn a year yet it would cost only a fraction of this to contain it. This is roughly the same figure at the lower end of estimates for reconstruction in the Asian tsunami zones and twice the amount being offered in debt relief by Paris Club and G8 countries to affected Asian countries.

Should Africa then spend time and resources preparing for a tsunami that has as much chances of happening today as in 10 years time while for sure an equivalent number of projected tsunami victims are already dying every month of preventable diseases and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future? The answer is a resounding - Yes! For one thing, a tsunami would knock already stumbling economies and healthcare systems into a coma.

Preventable diseases, terrible as they are, take human life and rob Africa of her most precious resource - its people. Earthquakes and tsunamis will not only take lives, they will simultaneously concentrate and magnify the depth of misery by wrecking cities and creating refugee situations across massive urban areas. For instance, nearly three million people have been displaced by the Asian tsunami and some experts estimate that about four million would have lost jobs. That's four million more families with no income. The projected social implications for basic rights such as education, nutrition and healthcare are mind boggling not to mention social dislocation, anarchy and crime.

In Africa, the domino effect from a refugee crisis in major cities would also sink already non-existent public housing sectors. Health wise, Africa already looses the highest percentage of its trained health care personnel every year to emigration and a public health crisis is looming in major cities. A tsunami hit would massively complicate the malaria, TB, HIV and measles situation, not to mention diseases transmitted by contaminated water and malnutrition.

Economically speaking, the fact that historically, coastal cities in Africa have evolved into main centres of commerce (flowing from when slaves were transported through them and later raw materials for the same trans Atlantic routes) means that any significant mass destruction of these cities will have a multiplier effect on national economies not dissimilar to shockwaves from a nuclear bomb. Already stumbling economies will be laid comatose.

Any observant visitor to major coastal cities in North America, Japan or Australia for instance would not have failed to notice that there are tsunami warning systems and evacuation routes planned in advance and clearly marked. Australia for instance issued a tsunami warning within half an hour of the December quake. These indicate clearly that even reasonably developed economies cannot afford the potential loss of life that could be wreaked by such natural disasters. Some will argue that the pacific and Indian oceans are more prone to tsunamis. While this is true, surely it is a warning shot that the Asian tsunami travelled seven hours to east Africa thousands of miles away and killed 137 in Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania and Madagascar.

Having realised that a warning system (giving 15 minutes to 2 hours notice) could have saved at least 200,000 lives, all countries in the Asia region met in Thailand within a month of the Asian tsunami to agree on logistics for establishing an Indian Ocean tsunami warning system. The cheapest system possible will be ready by 2006 and will cost about $8m. India alone is planning to invest $29m in warning systems. Enthusiasm at the conference was so high that countries clashed over where the coordinating centre should be located with some offering more money than it would cost to establish it to secure the centre. When the Asia-wide warning system is ready, Africa will be virtually the only continent without a tsunami warning system. If other continents think it necessary to protect themselves, why not Africa? Governments and people need to be ready and on current form this will not happen.

For instance, how many governments (never mind people) know that on the 29th of January 2005 a moderate 5.5 quake occurred just North of Ascension Island a mere 1035 km (650 miles) SSW of Monrovia, Liberia. Earthquakes are devastating in part because of the element of surprise and relative unpredictability. Just two or three notches up the scale and for sure West Africa (and probably south West Africa) would now be in a state of mourning. The Asian tsunami was an 8.7 to nine on the Richter scale and travelled at roughly 500mph. Africa had seven hours yet managed to loose 137 lives despite this being sufficient time to be half way round the world. It goes without saying that it needs no further debate to make the case for a warning system.

But a warning system alone will not do. People will also need to know what danger signs to look out for, what to do, where to go and how to get there. If all houses cannot be quake proof as they increasingly are in most parts of California and Japan, there must be available public places such as schools and hospitals designed and built to withstand waves, floods and quakes. As Tim Radford, a science editor with the UK Guardian, pointed out in a recent article, "survival depends not just on open lines, wakeful authorities and an educated public, but educated planners, builders and building inspectors as well". The social and communications network needed to pass warnings on to citizens must be established and road and transport networks improved. Greek scientists have established that simply widening road junctions and roundabouts leading to higher ground would save hundreds of lives in the event of a tsunami.

Warning systems need not cost the GDP of entire countries. A Swedish company (MedDay) announced at the end of January a cheaper system based on mobile phones which Asian countries are eager to test run. According to the company it will take about six weeks to install. But this can only be an interim measure. Development of electricity, medical and other modern infrastructure are the long-term solution. African countries must get in on such preparation and preventive measures.

Until this is done, hundreds of thousands of Africans will go about their daily lives waiting to die in a 'natural' disaster. Should this eventually happen, it will be nothing short of criminal negligence and no amount of debt relief, international rescue and relief teams and foreign aid workers from international charities will be able to hide the fact that Africa leaders would have once again failed their people in upholding that most basic right of all - the right to life.

*Sankore is coordinator of CREDO for Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights an NGO focussing on rights issues in Africa. Pleas send feedback to [email][email protected] and [email protected]

We encourage you to take part in our Web Discussion Forum by logging on to the EASSI Forum, which is in preparation for the 49th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) due to take place in New York. You can go straight to the Forum by visiting http://www.eassi.org or http://www.eassi.org/forum/index.php?bulletinCategoryId=4

After surviving many coups d'Ètat, political assassination attempts, political upheavals and different political transitions and dispensations, Africa's political dinosaur finally bowed out last Saturday, February 5, 2005. General Gnassingbe Eyadema died, according to reports, of a heart attack while being flown abroad for medical treatment. What is intriguing about his death is not so much the fact that the last of the dominant francophone trio (Houphouet Boigny-Mobutu-Eyadema) is gone, after a record 38 years in office, but the circumstances under which a successor was found.

Following Eyadema's ability to manoeuvere his way and have the constitution amended to make him run for unlimited terms, lowering the minimum qualifying age for a President from 40 to 35 years, and carving a cabinet post for his son Faure Gnassingbe, speculation became rife that Eyadema indeed had dynastic ambitions. Interestingly, as usual, Eyadema, saying that destiny would decide dynasty, denied this. But events and circumstances surrounding how the deceased's son came to power, described as a "relative newcomer to politics," seems to confirm what many Togolese had feared and political pundits had predicted.

A few days before Eyadema's death, the President of the National Assembly, Ouattara Sambare Natchaba, had travelled to Europe on official assignment as head of a parliamentary delegation. He was still away when Eyadema passed away. Contrary to the norm of shrouding the death of an African leader of the calibre of Eyadema in secrecy, his death was announced the same day on state radio and television by the Prime Minister Kofi Samma. According to reports, about 2 hours later, the Chief of Staff of the Togolese Armed Forces, General Zachari Nandja, appeared on state television to say that "the constitution had been suspended and Faure Gnassingbe, who was a junior minister in the government, had been appointed head of state." In justification for the take-over of power Gen. Nandja is reported to have said, "The armed forces of Togo find itself faced with the evidence of a total vacuum of power in Togo. This is because the speaker of the national assembly is absent. Therefore, in order not to create a power vacuum, the armed forces of Togo has decided to declare Faure Gnassingbe the head of state." He is further quoted as saying, "The Togolese armed forces swear allegiance to Faure Gnassingbe as President of the Republic of Togo," said Nandja, who was flanked by the country's other top military commanders. At the same time, Gen. Nandja announced the closure of the country's borders (air, land and sea).

Following these two announcements from the Prime Minister and the Army General, messages of condolences began to pour in from African and other world leaders, as well as condemnatory reactions to the installation of Faure Gnassingbe as the new leader of Togo.

Noteworthy among the reactions is the swift and vehement opposition to, and condemnation of, the takeover of power by the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States.

Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo, the chairman of the African Union, said the appointment was unconstitutional. "President Obasanjo will not accept any unconstitutional transition of power in Togo," his spokeswoman said. "Speaking on behalf of the AU, President Obasanjo urged the people of Togo to insist on respect of the constitution on the provision of an interim leadership that will lead to the democratic election of a new president for Togo." African Union Commission Chairperson Alpha Omar Konare, did not mince words: "What is happening now in Togo, you must call things by their proper name, is a seizing of power by the Army. It's a military coup d'etat." ''The constitutional order must be re-established so that power can be held by the president of the national assembly." A spokesman for Mr. Konare, Adam Thiam, went as far as to say that, ''This administration will not be recognized because it comes from a coup d'Ètat." The U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan also weighed in, saying that he hoped Togo would ensure a peaceful transfer of power in line with its constitution.

Following this reaction, and perhaps to fit into the AU's narrow definition of what would constitute unconstitutional change of government, the Togolese Parliament stepped in and convened an extraordinary session of Parliament to amend the constitution and replace the legitimate speaker of the National Assembly with Mr. Faure Gnassingbe.

The BBC quoted one European diplomat who seemed to imply that this "neat trick" might be accepted. "It is a political manoeuvre that has not violated the constitution. One might feel manipulated but it is within the lines of the constitution."

However, it is the writer's opinion that this "neat trick" indeed violates the Togolese Constitution, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, and international law which the Togolese Constitution itself upholds.

A careful read of article 65 of the Togolese Constitution stipulates that, in case of a vacuum in the presidency created through death, resignation or incapacity, the functions of the President shall pass on provisionally to the President of the National Assembly or Speaker of Parliament. The Constitutional Court will establish the validity of the vacancy. Afterwards, the provisional government shall be given 60 days within which to organise elections and elect a new president who will run a full term of 5-years as prescribed by the Constitution.

Therefore, automatically, Mr. Natshaba should have been sworn-in as the interim head of state to run the 60-day transition period. Rather, he was not allowed to re-enter the country, having had his plane diverted to neighbouring Benin, thus creating the "power vacuum." The fact that the Army suspended the constitution, installed Faure Gnassingbe as the new head of state, instead of the President of the National Assembly, and pledged allegiance to him (Faure Gnassingbe) simply amounted to a military coup d'Ètat. Article 147 of the Constitution makes it explicit that the Togolese Armed Forces are "a national, republican and apolitical army, totally subject to the constitutional political authority". And 148 says that all attempts to overthrow a constitutional regime by personnel of the Forces or the public security services is considered an imprescriptible crime against the nation and punishable according to the laws of the land. Furthermore, article 49 stipulates that the security forces and the police, under the authority of the government, have the role and responsibility of protecting the free exercise of the rights and liberties, and to guarantee the security of the citizens and their property.

The after-the-fact act of going to Parliament to legalise and legitimise the illegality and illegitimacy of the military act cannot help. This is because by reference to article 54 of the Constitution, in case of a vacuum created in the Presidency of the National Assembly through death, resignation or any other reason, the National Assembly shall elect a new person in his/her stead. It is important to note that since the Speaker was leading an official delegation to the European Union, he was still acting as the Speaker even while outside the country. He did not die nor resign. The only other recourse, that is, based on "any other reason" could only give room for his removal and replacement if done by the National Assembly. There was no reason assigned by the Army for removing the Speaker from office. More importantly, it was not the function of the Army to do that. That was the work of Parliament. Also, the Army did not have the power to appoint a new person to replace the Speaker. Again, this is the responsibility of Parliament.

But can we say that what the National Assembly did on Sunday, February 6, a day after the military take-over was justified constitutionally? After all, one would say that Article 54 clearly mandates them to do so. Therefore, at worse, they cleaned up the dirty work of the military and met the condition of the international community that the transition of power should proceed on the basis of the constitution. Can one also argue that the National Assembly act of February 6 was in line with article 150 of the constitution?

Interestingly, article 150 of the constitution stipulates that in the event of a coup d'Ètat or any use of force to overthrow the constitutionally elected government, all members of government or the National Assembly have the right and the duty to have recourse to all means to re-establish constitutional legitimacy. It further states that in such circumstances, to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as 'the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

What the National Assembly did on Sunday February 6 was not to restore constitutional legitimacy but to smear a veneer of legality on an illegal act. The National Assembly did not condemn the Act of the military; they did not call on the Constitutional Court to rule on the illegality of the military take-over of February 5 and have Faure Gnassingbe and the top brass of the military arrested and tried. They did not make any efforts to re-open the borders and let the Speaker of Parliament come in to take over his constitutional duties as interim president.

Rather, they took steps to make the "President of the Nation" who had been installed a day earlier and which act amounted to an imprescriptible crime against the nation, to be installed as the Speaker of Parliament. The contradiction is clear and irreconciliable: from President of the Republic to President of the National Assembly.

Another issue that obviously raises eyebrows for any constitutional expert is, what steps were taken to remove the President of the National Assembly from office? What were the charges against him? Also, considering that the session that Parliament held on February 6 was an extraordinary sitting, were the rules for convening an extraordinary session followed? According to the constitution, the Speaker of the House can only convene such a session, after it has been demanded by the President of the Republic or the absolute majority of deputies. In this regard, either Mr. Natshaba should have been present or a new President of the House appointed. If a new one was appointed, it could obviously not have been Mr. Faure Gnassingbe since the President of the House is the one who should convene the extraordinary session. But it was the extraordinary session that led to the removal of the constitutionally legitimate President and his replacement by Mr. Gnassingbe. And if a new President of the National Assembly was appointed who in turn convened the extraordinary session, then the House should have dismissed this new President before replacing him with Eyadema's son. One wonders if all these steps were taken.

Yet another issue to discuss is the amendment of the Constitution to remove the legal requirement to hold elections in Togo within 60 days of the death of a President. The new inserted article states that the President of the National Assembly succeeds the President of the Republic and can stay in office until the end of the previous President's mandate.

According to the Togolese constitution, the responsibility for taking steps towards an amendment of the constitution is shared concurrently between President of the Republic on the advice of the Prime Minister and at least a fifth of the members of the legislature. Furthermore, the amendment bill shall be considered adopted if voted by 80% of the deputies constituting the National Assembly. In the event that this majority is not attained, the bill shall be subjected to a national referendum. More important to note, the Constitution is categorical in stating that no procedure for amendment shall be initiated or pursued during an interim period or a vacancy or when it relates to the territorial integrity of the nation.

There are a lot of questions about the legality of the amendment process itself. Among these is the fact that the amendment was made during an interim period or vacancy. There was then no President of the Republic or the House. According to Reuters' reporter, John Zodzi, the amendment was made before Faure Gnassingbe was appointed head of the National Assembly.

In light of the above analysis, the writer strongly lends support to the unequivocal position taken by the African Union. Their actions are in line with the objectives and principles of Union. Article 3 (g) and (h) states that the objectives of the Union shall be to: (g) promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; (h) promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments. Also, Article 4(m) and (p) says: The Union shall function in accordance with the following principles: (m) respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance; (p) condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments.

Also, the AU Framework for Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government places a responsibility on the Current Chairman of the AU and the Secretary-General, whenever an unconstitutional change as provided for in the definition of unconstitutional change should occur in a Member State, to "immediately and publicly condemn such a change and urge for the speedy return to constitutional order." Also, the Current Chairman and the Secretary-General should also convey a clear and unequivocal warning to the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change that, under no circumstances, will their illegal action be tolerated or recognized by the AU."

While the Constitutive Act did not elaborate on what could constitute unconstitutional change of governments, the AU Framework outlines 4 definitions of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government:

i) military coup d'etat against a democratically elected Government;
ii) intervention by mercenaries to replace a democratically elected Government;
iii) replacement of democratically elected Governments by armed dissident groups and
rebel movements;
iv) the refusal by an incumbent government to relinquish power to the winning party after
free, fair and regular elections.

However, the AU decided "to restrict the definition of unconstitutional changes of government to paragraphs (b) (i to iv) of the "Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government" (Doc. Rev1 of the Central Organ).

While the military act of February 5 falls neatly into the first category, the Parliamentary faux pas of February 6 seems a bit tricky, particularly in view of the AU decision to restrict the definition of unconstitutional change of government.

However, it remains clear that the Parliament endorsed the military coup of February 5 through their attempts to regularise the illegal acts of the military working in cahoots with Faure Gnassingbe. These are summarised as following:

Failing to condemn the suspension of the constitution, and the announcement and the installation of Mr. Faure as the new head of state;
Failing to call on the Constitutional court to rule on the illegality of the take-over and calling for the arrest and prosecution of Mr. Gnassingbe and the army brass;
Failing to call for the return of the President of the National Assembly to assume his legitimate role as interim President;
Convening an emergency session of Parliament in contravention of the procedures laid by the constitution;
Amending the Constitution contrary to spirit of the Constitution.

It is the author's considered opinion that, but for the above reasons, applying the strict and narrow definition of situations which may amount to unconstitutional change of government, the acts of the Togolese parliament may have passed the test of proper and legitimate change of government. It is therefore suggested that the AU decision paragraph 2 be revoked and the paragraph 4.3.1 of the Draft Declaration on Elections, Democracy and Governance be amended to be in line with the Framework's text which suggests that the paragraphs (i) to (iv) are only examples of unconstitutional changes of government, and that other possibilities may exist. The text reads: "In order to give practical effect to the principles we have enunciated, we have agreed on the following definition of situations that could be considered as situations of unconstitutional change of government.

Such an approach will be in conformity with the spirit and principles of democracy that the Framework upholds. It will cover for example, the situation involving the actions of the Togolese Parliament standing on its own and without any link to the previous day's military take-over. Other situations that could be covered may include a government coming to power or perpetuating itself in power through election fraud, which is becoming part of the continent's democratic ethos. Also, a situation where a government, though having come to power through democratic means turns out to be overtly undemocratic may also be covered. In fact, these examples constitute some of the major factors that lead disaffected politicians and military personnel to stage coups d'Ètat. The fundamental issue therefore is whether the way the country is run is likely to jeopardise the peace and security of the country. The Peace and Security Council of the AU could be charged with the responsibility of assessing the situation and making a recommendation or presenting its findings before the AU Assembly.

Yet another troubling issue about the Framework is the stipulation giving an unconstitutional regime 6 months to return the country to constitutional rule. Udombana's reaction to this arrangement is cynical but to the point: it gives "sufficient time to a smart regime to wreak havoc on the national treasury before disengaging, like General Abdulsalami Abubakar's regime in Nigeria." Obviously, it buys Faure Gnassingbe more time (compared to the 2 months allowed under the Togolese constitution) to "put his house in order."

Addressing parliament afterward, Gnassingbe said: ``Togo is engaged without reserve in the democratic process, which I will pursue to its logical conclusion. The challenges are many, and difficult. But I believe that I can count on all of you, and all Togolese of goodwill who believe in peace, national unity and security,'' Gnassingbe said."

It is time for the Constitutional Court and the people to stand up against the illegal acts of the military and the Parliament, as demanded by the Constitution that, "Sovereignty belongs to the people. The people, through their representatives and through referendum, exercise sovereignty. No section of the populace, a state body or individual can claim that power for itself." Article 43 of the constitution also urges the people that the defence of the fatherland and the territorial integrity is the sacred duty of the citizen." Again, it is worth quoting article 150 which says, inter alia, that to disobey and organise to abort the establishment of an illegitimate authority is considered for all Togolese as "the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties."

The legacy of the two other members of the dominant Francophonie trio, H. Boigny of CÙte d'Ivoire and Mobutu of Zaire are evident for all to see. Both countries are embroiled in civil war. The peace and stability of the whole West African region is threatened if the international community does not stand up and take action to support the legitimate struggle of the Togolese people to restore order and democracy in their country.

* DR Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua is a human rights academic, a member of the Ghana Bar Association and holds a Doctor of Civil Law degree from McGill University in International Human Rights Law.

* Please send comments to

Signatory civil society groups to this statement express their anger at the lifting of Ayman Nour's parliamentary immunity. The speed with which Nour, a member of the People's Assembly and leader of the Ghad political party, was arrested, the timing of the arrest and its illegality under the People's Assembly internal regulations all raise strong suspicion, says this statement from the Arab Center for the Independence of Judiciary and Legal Profession (ACIJLP). Increasing this suspicion is the fact that he was arrested, his home and office searched and Nour himself insulted in circumstances which clearly indicate that the charges laid against him - of falsifying the signatures of founder members of the party - are unfounded.

An international seminar was held in London on 31 January and 1 February 2005, bringing together African, British and Canadian policy-makers, researchers and research users to discuss how to collaborate more effectively in building science and technology capacity in Africa. News reports, transcripts and other materials are all available through the website provided.

As South Africa enters its second decade of democracy, we find that health gains anticipated in 1994 remain unrealized for the majority of our people, particularly the poorest in society. Why is it that, despite a Constitution hailed as the most progressive in the world, a victorious liberation movement and a set of governmental and non-governmental institutions designed to promote human rights in our society, we have failed to translate the provisions of our Bill of Rights into reality? To understand this contradiction, we need to understand, firstly, what are human rights; secondly, the relationship between health and human rights; and, thirdly, how human rights commitments can be translated into health-generating conditions and material gains in health for those who need it most. There are potential contradictions between a human rights approach and broad strategies for Primary Health Care, but these arise because of an incomplete or selective understanding of human rights, sometimes deliberately so, intended to further neo-liberal or imperialist political agendas.

Close to three years down the line, the questions still remain: is life any better for Africans? Is there a revised thinking in Africa's leadership? What economic yields are there to talk of? Have the many conferences facilitated by the two bodies made any impact on the lives of the ordinary African people? The formation of the AU and NEPAD were key developments geared towards transforming African economies; turning the continent from an under-developed one to one that that is self sustaining economically, politically and socially.

In a nutshell, some of the key premises upon which the two bodies and their inherent visions came into fusion is: the need to put all children through primary school; halt the spread of HIV/Aids by 2015 and fight other diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis and cholera which claim millions of souls every year; curb hunger and starvation; stop civil war; and cultivate democracy in Africa - the list is endless. But even as the African leaders undertake reforms at various levels, underscoring the urgency of establishing modern institutions and creating better social, political and financial frameworks to catalyse development, nearly 30 million Africans are battling the HIV/Aids scourge, civil war has taken its toll in many African countries and many souls are perishing due to hunger and starvation.

AU's slow progress

Despite the AU making slow but steady progress on other fronts to improve the lives of its people, Africa still faces numerous obstacles. The United Nations Human Development Report shows that 26 out of 40 countries with the lowest rankings on the human poverty index are in sub-Saharan Africa. Conflict has caused major human suffering, displacement, deaths, destruction of both social and physical infrastructure, and the disruption of economic activities and civilian life.

Statistics indicate that more than half of the millions of weapons imported into Africa (nearly 8 million) are found in West Africa alone. They are used illicitly in such activities as drug trafficking, armed robbery, terrorism and organised crime. The easy availability of and access to such weapons has created a cycle of instability in which the most vulnerable members of society - children and women - are brutalised, maimed and killed.

Among other key developments is the challenge of enrolling all children through primary school. Whereas many counties have integrated this in their national policies, the situation in Swaziland reveals the contrary with school enrolment reported to have fallen by 20% due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. Moreover, UNICEF estimates that 860,000 children in Africa have already lost their teachers to HIV/Aids.

In eastern Africa, efforts by the AU to broker Peace between the Sudan government and the Janjaweed Arab Militia and two black rebel movements, the Justice And Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) have stumbled. For more than two decades now, Sudan has been in the grip of civil war, with the most affected region being the Western part, where Darfur falls. As a result of this war, 50,000 people have died and over 1.2 million others have become refugees.

Lopsided trade

On the economic front, Africa continues to be adversely affected by unfavourable terms of trade, low commodity prices, limited access to external markets and lack of internal capacity and conducive policy frameworks to enable it to complete effectively in global markets. These factors have contributed greatly to the downfall of strong economic performers such as Ghana and Uganda whose economies were performing considerably well in the early 90s. The average economic growth rate of about 3% in sub - Saharan Africa hardly outstrips population growth.

Dictatorship and poor governance among many African leaders has also contributed a great deal to the poor performance of African economies. This has constrained the mobilization of both internal and external savings for investments that could boost production and spur growth. Clearly, African countries have benefited least from the globalisation process. The total global exports have declined.

Few strides

Though there are some positive achievements such as a reduced child mortality rate in Eritrea, increased school enrolment in Malawi, and successful national strategies against HIV/Aids in Senegal and Uganda, there are still many obstacles.

Development is about expanding the choices of people and people have to lead lives that they value. As statistics continue to reflect more people in sub-Saharan Africa are living below the poverty line, the role of the AU and NEPAD is coming under sharper scrutiny. In this light, NEPAD's peer review mechanism - which is meant to encourage member states to ensure their practices and policies conform to agreed political, economic and corporate governance, values, codes and standards enshrined in the NEPAD document - is a welcome step.

Nevertheless, NEPAD and AU need to go beyond their many seminars and conferences and settle at the grassroots with measurable and decisive action plans. Africa needs more than just words on paper. Until a radical change is made to improve the lot of the masses right from the rural folk, the economic growth needed to reduce poverty on the continent remains elusive.

* This editorial was written by Caroline Mutugi and was originally published in New People Economics issue 32 and has been reproduced with permission by the author. For comments on this editorial, please email

Updated African Union official documents

The Institute for Security Studies has recently released over 20 official African Union (AU) and related documents on: the January 2005 African Union Summit, Recent decisions and declarations made by the AU Assembly, updated country fact files on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan, investigation reports from Darfur, Nigeria and Mozambique, African anti-corruption commitments and other communiqués dealing with African human rights and good governance. Please go to What's New? at http://www.iss.org.za for access to additional information and all of the documents.
http://www.iss.co.za

- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Summit, Abuja, January 2005: Declarations of the Assembly
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/assdecl.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Decisions of the Executive Council (PDF 224kb) / Décisions
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/coundec.pdf
- 4th AU Assembly, Abuja, January 2005: Draft Report of the Permanent Representatives' Committee (PDF 211kb) / Rapport
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/au/jan05/prcrep.pdf
- Darfur: Report of the UN Secretary-General on the Sudan, 31 January
2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Sudan/darfur/s200557.pdf
- AU Mid-term Summit ends amidst high hopes
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Press%20Releases/Press%20Rele...
- Communiqué of the IGAD Heads of State and Government on Somalia Issued on the Sidelines of the 4th Ordinary Session of the African Union Summit, Abuja, 31 January 2005
http://www.iss.co.za/AF/RegOrg/unity_to_union/pdfs/igad/comsomaliajan05.pdf
- Statement by H.E. Mr Kofi Annan, Secreetary General of the United Nations, on the occasion of the 4th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of African Union, 30 January 2005 Abuja, Nigeria
http://www.africa-union.org/summit/jan2005/Assembly/SPEECH%20KOFI%20ANNA...

* Africa gets seats in the UN, but not power
http://www.amsterdamnews.com/News/article/article.asp?NewsID=3716
&sID=12
Africa is scheduled to receive two new permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council as part of a historic process of U.N. reform, but veto power won't come with the seats.
* Into Africa
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20050204-090252-9196r.htm
A recent African Union (AU) summit highlighted shortcomings of governance, producing a lofty-sounding communique that is far removed from the everyday troubles of most Africans, says the Washington Times.
* AU starts to flex its muscles
http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=vn20050106061822370C368824
The right to intervene in each other's affairs is one of the most important reasons the AU is now a body to be counted on in conflict resolution on the continent.
* AU to send peace mission to Somalia
http://iafrica.com/news/worldnews/411708.htm
The African Union (AU) has authorised an east African body to deploy troops to help the new Somali government, exiled in Kenya, relocate to its war-shattered country, an official statement said on Tuesday.
* Can Africa solve African problems?
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0104/p07s01-woaf.html
For 2005, one theme stands out: Africa tackling its problems without much outside help.
* The African union moves a quiet revolution
http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0207/p09s02-coop.html
The continent is finally heeding the call by South African President Thabo Mbeki for an African "renaissance," including finding African solutions to African problems.

Five years after he was tortured by agents of the government's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) during the run-up to the 2000 parliamentary election, opposition activist Dumisani Moyo is still in pain. But mention Zimbabwe's upcoming general election in March and Moyo's visibly dejected and angry face lightens up as he vows he will be back on the MDC campaign track, the inherent dangers of doing so not withstanding.

Distracted by Iraq and the Asian tsunami, the United Nations is ignoring a flare-up in Uganda's 18-year-old civil conflict, an aid group said last Thursday. "The United Nations Security Council has been appallingly negligent of the conflict in Uganda, failing to pass a single resolution," said Emma Naylor, head of Oxfam in Uganda. The British-based group said the Security Council should have used a meeting on African humanitarian issues in New York last Thursday to focus on one of Africa's longest-running wars.

The desperate act by Guinea Bissau students holding their country’s ambassador hostage in Moscow speaks volume about the terrible conditions of African students studying abroad. The Bissau students had become so impoverished due to allowance arrears, that some of them have resorted to eating from waste bins and stealing to survive. Worse, those of them lucky enough to finish their studies under such terrible conditions are stranded and cannot go home. In Cuba, Bissau students who finished their studies five years ago, were still waiting for their return tickets back home last November.

Lured by an array of incentives, a growing number of African- Americans are trading countries for a new life in Ghana. Centuries ago, the Gold Coast — Ghana's name under British rule — was a major slave-embarkation point; every year thousands of Africans left here to become human chattel in the New World. Untold numbers died in slave raids or making the "middle passage" in cramped, pestilential ships. Some parts of Africa were left virtually unpeopled. The tide was reversed in 1957, when Ghana became one of the first countries in sub-Saharan Africa to gain independence from colonial rule.

You are invited to apply to participate in the following hands-on training workshop aimed at non-profit and public sector workers, as well as people from small businesses running community-style telecentre ventures. It is a priority of the workshop that participants should find opportunities for participating in the global wireless networking community, and for taking project ideas further in their communities.

ACORD, an Africa-based development organization is seeking nominations to its Board of Trustees. We are looking for candidates who are African nationals, bilingual (French, English, or Portuguese) with an understanding of the African political/social/economic context and experience working in development. Knowledge of African NGO networks would be an asset. Although this is an unpaid position, it is an opportunity to make a contribution to the development of an African voluntary organization where the board and members are drawn from a number of countries. If you would like more information about ACORD please visit our website www.acord.org.uk or for more information about becoming a trustee contact, Betty Plewes [email protected]. A more detailed outline of Board duties and responsibilities is available.

MSCISA is pleased to announce the 2005 schedule for our sexual and reproductive health training series. Each course is led by Master Trainers and features presentations by seasoned experts from the field. Curricula are designed to combine theory and practical application of the fundamentals.

It may not come as news that the World Bank is choking the rural poor. But participants at the World Forum on Agrarian Reform in Valencia in December, learned the literal truth of it from Filipino delegates, who brought news of an all too familiar story. Last month, 14 people were killed outside the Hacienda Lusita, a sugarcane plantation in the Philippines. Among those killed were a two-year-old and a five-year-old, who suffocated on the teargas that the police fired into a crowd of protesters. The 5,000 workers at the plantation, farmworkers, and sugar-mill workers were fighting the firing of union members during wage negotiations, and demanding an increase in their wages: they want an increase of $1.78 on top of the daily gross pay of $3.39, together with medical benefits. The Labour Secretary authorized the use of force to compel the strikers to return to work, and on November 16, a convoy of armoured personnel carriers and other military vehicles rammed the picket line, following up with water-cannon, teargas and rifles. Firepower like this doesn't come without friends in high places, and the Hacienda Lustia is well stocked with them: it's owned by Corazon Cojuangco Aquino's family, she of the 1986 populist overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos.

The rural violence in the Philippines isn't an aberration. Activists from the Landless Peasant Movement in Brazil, the Bangladesh Krishok Federation and the Colombian Asociacion Nacional De Usuarios Campesinos were just some of the groups reporting rural activists being killed, routinely and frequently, simply for standing up for their rights to food, dignity and justice. The killers are the police, the military, and private militias. They take their orders from the landed elites, the plantation owners, the buyers. Who in turn constitute the government. Which in turn pari pasu walks with the World Bank.

The armed violence is not the only kind of repression available in rural areas. The chronic structural violence of the landed elites is handily maintained by the tyranny of the market. And all of this is legitimized by a "post-Washington consensus" that pretends no other destiny for the rural poor than peonage, death, or migration to the cities. This is the agrarian prophesy of neoliberalism, and it has the means to turn vision into reality.

Summer

You might be wondering what this agrarian revolution looks like. Well, it's going to take time to work it out. And democracy. The one-size-fits-all school of agrarian reform isn't one that Via Campesina are keen to replicate. There are, however, principles and mechanisms for distinguishing progressive from reactionary agrarian transformation, which can be applied in specific circumstances, the principles of Food Sovereignty as developed by Via Campesina involve "Food sovereignty is the peoples', Countries' or State Unions' right to define their agricultural and food policy, without any dumping vis-à-vis third countries, ... including prioritizing local agricultural production in order to feed the people, access of peasants and landless people to land, water, seeds, and credit; the right of farmers, peasants to produce food and the right of consumers to be able to decide what they consume, and how and by whom it is produced; the populations taking part in the agricultural policy choices and, the recognition of women farmers' rights, who play a major role in agricultural production and in food."

This last point is the litmus test of the vision for rural transformation. The agrarian reform Via Campesina advocates isn't about reconstructing some past idealized rural existence, in these rural idylls, women were uniformly exploited and no amount of nostalgia through the soft focus of "heritage" can alter that fact. Since the exploitation of women is at the very heart of agrarian capitalism, there's going to have to be some fairly heavy changes in agrarian relations. As Shalmali Guttal, from Focus on the Global South put it, "perhaps with all these changes, we don't really mean agrarian reform. What we're really saying is that we need agrarian revolution."

In South Africa, there is occasion to test these principles. Apartheid has shaped an exceptional agrarian landscape, and if there is such a thing as a classical agrarian society, South Africa isn't it. The histories of dislocation, urbanization, eviction, colonization, cultural rearticulation and conquest have left South Africa looking very different from the rest of the continent, let alone the rest of the world. Although the idiom of land for all South Africans had played a central mobilizing role in the struggle against apartheid, the government has made pitiful progress in its commitments to justice for South Africa's rural and disenfranchised poor. This is in no small part because, in the ten years since the democratic dispensation, the capture of the state by neoliberalism has been swift and almost total. From the heady days of the Freedom Charter, in which the ANC proclaimed in 1955 "All shall have the right to occupy land wherever they choose", the ANC let it be known in 1994 that 30% of agricultural land would be transferred within five years. The target has been pushed back a little since then: the government's current aim is to redistribute 30% of agricultural land by 2015. To do that, it would need to transfer 2.1 million hectares a year, between now and then. The prospects aren't good, it has only managed to transfer this much in the eight years since the programme started. Part of the reason for this sloth is the government's commitment to neoliberal conceptions of agrarian justice: no expropriation from those who have for generations profited from the sweat of Africans. Instead, the "willing buyer-willing seller" approach to land redistribution, in which property rights trump all other rights - is the principle of justice that guides the state. It is an almost global and certainly Pythonesque phenomenon that, when confronted with the idea of willing-seller/willing-buyer, poor people observe that they'd probably be willing to buy had they any money, but if they had money, they wouldn't be poor and landless.

In South Africa in particular, one might think that the inequities of apartheid might enter the calculus of justice in land reform. Instead, the law is being used to frustrate the process of land reform. For example when dealing with restitution claims of families evicted in 1913 with the introduction of the Native Land Act the government requires communities to submit their land claims to the state. For this the claimants need a lawyer. But since the government's legal aid system is acutely under-funded, the only public lawyers available are buried in criminal cases. Gary Howard, of the Campus Law Clinic at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, one of the few places where a handful of land claims can be processed, is clear: there are precious few places with the resources and knowledge capable of addressing the land question through legal means in South Africa. In other words, the ANC's land reform programme seems to be intentionally designed to fail.

*Raj Patel is a researcher with the Land Research Action Network, co-edits the Voice of the Turtle, and works at the Centre for Civil Society, in Durban. www.voiceoftheturtle.org and

Last Thursday the World Bank announced it would release $73 million in cash to Haiti's government of Gerard Latortue that was installed by foreign powers after elected President Jean Bertrand Aristide was forced from office. For Haiti to get the World Bank cash it had to pay $52 million in outstanding arrears. Canada helped out by giving the regime a $12.7 million grant.

What's going on?

The Canadian government, like the US and the European Union, stopped providing aid to the Haitian government after accusations that the May 2000 elections were unfair. The basis for this claim was that in 10 multi-candidate contests where Lavalas gained a plurality rather than a majority of votes, according to the constitution they should have faced a second round election. Instead Lavalas' "plurality winners" simply took their seats.

Objections were raised even though the same method was used in previous elections and it was public knowledge prior to the vote that this would happen again. So, while more than 3500 other positions were judged to have been filled fairly in the same election, the Organization of American States and the US claimed electoral fraud. The opposition used this claim to justify their boycott of presidential elections later that year and to say Aristide's victory was tainted, even though no one claimed the opposition had any chance of beating the popular former priest. The "tainted" election became the excuse to divert aid money from the government to opposition "civil society" groups.

>>>>>To read the full article, please click on the link below.

At last something is coming around the corner. You might agree with me that children have always been delicate assets of our world communities. No wonder the United Nations formed an organ looking at their plight - UNICEF. Much as a lot of things and programmes have been done to do with children, their voice has been heard from the background. Its either someone does something for them or dictates their choices. And child rights activists will tell you that this is child exploitation.

Can you now imagine listening to a child sharing his or her views independently on radio without someone putting words in their mouths? It could sound quite ambitious to some, but this is what 2005 is looking forward to on Radio Chikuni. Suggested as the best idea for Interactive Radio Instructions (IRI) Campaign Programmes for 2005 under the Education Development Centre (EDC), 'Our Talk' will be the first radio programme in Zambia to be hosted by children. As if that is not enough, this programme will be hosted not just by children but IRI or Taonga Learners.

These are children who could not go to formal schools for various reasons, among them being lack of money due to poverty, traditional beliefs, having no one willing to sponsor them and other logistical hindrances. Called Ijwi Lyesu in Tonga, the programme producers, who are children themselves, will be hosting fellow children to discuss various issues that are affecting their daily lives.

The executive producers will just be helping them identify the issues and how to present the programme. This is in an effort to give them time to share their thoughts, hopes, visions and ideas to the development of their communities. It begins on Friday 17:30hrs starting January 15, 2005. As they always say that children are the leaders of tomorrow, 'Our Talk' will be shaping and tidying the path for their ideal. As Jesus said "the brick that the builders ignored became the most sought for later. "Today's rejects are tomorrow's heroes."

You may get the story from our website http://www.chikuniradio.org

The Transparency and Accountability Network (Tr-Ac-Net) is a not for profit tax exempt organization organized in the USA that aims to make excellence in transparency and accountability (Tr-Ac) the norm rather than the exception. The network is made up of individual professionals and organizations around the world committed to excellence in transparency and accountability and management information for relief and development. Tr-Ac-Net is a volunteer member network with country teams in South Asia, Africa, Latin America, North America and Europe. It is coordinated from New York USA and Chennai India. Tr-Ac-Net data can be accessed anywhere at any time through the use of an Internet enabled database. Tr-Ac-Net has a small budget for coordination and the maintenance of its information infrastructure.

Political divisions in Malawi were set to deepen after a meeting at the weekend to discuss the possible expulsion of the country's president from the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) party for alleged misconduct. "The meeting is intended to fire [President Bingu wa] Mutharika for being ungrateful to a party that sponsored him to become president," UDF secretary-general Kennedy Makwangwala reportedly told Agence France Presse late on Sunday.

Various international bodies have expressed concern about the bombing of the village of Rahad Kabolong in the western Sudanese state of North Darfur. According to African Union monitors, government aircraft bombed the village on 26 January, reportedly killing some 100 civilians, among them many women and children. The UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, said in a press statement released on 28 January that he was "deeply disturbed" by the attack.