PAMBAZUKA NEWS 180: REGIONAL COOPERATION: WHAT FUTURE FOR SADC?

The Electoral Institute of Southern Africa (EISA), International IDEA, and the Executive Secretariat of the Non-Governmental Process for the Community of Democracies, are co-organising an African Regional Workshop which aims to facilitate discussion with a broad group of actors in Sub-Saharan Africa on the main democratic deficits in the region, and to provide concrete proposals to be presented at the next Ministerial meeting in Santiago (2005). For more information, visit the website provided.

Accra, the capital of Ghana, will be the venue for the Africa Regional Preparatory Conference of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) from 2 to 4 February 2005. The theme for the conference is Access, Africa's key to an inclusive Information Society . The first preparatory conference took place in Bamako, Mali in the year 2002.

The One World Trust is a non-profit organisation that lobbies decision-makers to develop global rules and organisations to achieve the eradication of poverty, injustice and war. You can sign up for OWT news alerts at their web site.

bilaterals.org is a collective effort to share information and stimulate cooperation against bilateral trade and investment agreements that are opening countries to the deepest forms of penetration by transnational corporations. Visit their website to find out more information.

The Monthly Watch is an independent Monthly Newsletter of the Somali Organisation for Community Development Activities (SOCDA). First published in December 2001 to act as an organisational mouthpiece, a voice for the struggling Somali Civil Society Organisations and a catalyst in the reconstruction of Somalia. Contact the editor at [email protected] for more information.

The SANTEC Weekly Newsletter is an e-mail service aimed primarily at people interested in using information and communication technologies to improve the quality of education in the developing world.

Many thanks for publishing Professor Mamdani' s brilliant analysis of the situation in the Sudan. But the Ugandan intellectual should have included his nationality instead of just telling his readers that he is an eminent professor at Columbia Univesity. Hence, Dr. Mamdani, in spite of what is happening in Africa, ought to be proud of not only his Asian roots but also his birthplace Africa (Uganda).

Editors reply: The omission of Mamdani's nationality was our doing, not his. The description of his present post was inserted by us, not him. We don't, as a policy, declare contibutor's nationalities, just as we haven't included yours.

I was in South Darfur during the last two weeks, when I received the article "How can we name the Darfur crises?" I read the article with great interest. While I was there during the past two weeks, I have been listening to the views and analysis of some intellectuals from the area, some tribal leaders and civil society actors. They all stressed:

- The ongoing conflict has nothing to do with natural resources based conflict, it has nothing to do with tribal conflict; it is a political conflict between the government and the rebels, in which the government used the Janjawid to fight the rebels.

- Darfur people have been living together for hundreds of years, there have been intermarriage relationships between all tribes, Darfur people have mixed bloods. They said when Darfuria people go to the centre or north Sudan people there call all of them westerners. When people in the north label you as westerners they mean that you are not Arab. So the so called Arab from Darfur is not considering as Arab in the north and central Sudan.

- The international experts especially those who are now working in delivering humanitarian assistance in Darfur are all driven by the western mentality; most of them mistrust the Arab staff. As a result a new culture has been developed in the camps (for which some international agencies should partly be held responsible). You know, some people in the camps were telling us that when people in the camps want to say their prayers they will just pretend that they are not saying prayers, for they think that they might cause anger.

But when you discuss this issue in Khartoum (even with intellectuals), their analysis and accordingly their proposal for intervention is misleading. In Khartoum and up to now most are saying that either it is a natural resource based conflict or a tribal conflict with political interference. Sometimes it is hard for me to convince or even to continue discussing it, for the media in Khartoum is continuously sending the message that the conflict is over natural resources.

I am happy that I found most of my thoughts in your paper, which is really talking to the minds of the people (it is not an emotional article, as some others are). I have sent the article to as many people as possible, especially those I felt have to read it. Thanks a lot for providing us with such a rational and deep article, which really represents the reality.

The African Dreams essay competition was launched jointly by People's Health Movement Africa (PHM-Africa) and Italian NGO AIFO and carries a cash prize of 500 Euros each to the three best entries. Since lots of people have written to say that they have found out about the competition very late, it has been decided to extend the last date for entries to this competition to 15 January 2005 to allow wider participation. Full details about participating in the competition are available at http://www.aifo.it/english/resources/announcements.htm

Money spent on weaponry is being diverted from the fight against poverty, warns an Oxfam report, with the estimated total annual expenditure on arms of $900bn coming in much higher than the $60bn allocated to aid. The Oxfam report notes that military expenditure in sub-Saharan Africa rose by 47% during the late 1990s. This expenditure comes at a direct cost to the population of Africa. In the case of Tanzania, a radar system bought by the country could have provided health care for 3.5 million Tanzanians. The six billion dollars which South Africa spent on new weapons in 2003 could have purchased treatment drugs for all the country's five million AIDS sufferers for two years, says the Oxfam report.

Diego Garcia, an island between Africa and Asia, was once a paradise for its 2000 inhabitants. But all that changed in the 1960s when the United States took over the island for use as a military base and forced the inhabitants into exile. Commentator John Pilger writes in a recent article that often it is one crime that exposes how a whole system works. “To understand the catastrophe of Iraq, and all the other Iraqs along imperial history's trail of blood and tears, one need look no further than Diego Garcia,” he writes.

A widening investigation has implicated some of the world's largest oil services firms in an alleged scheme to bribe Nigerian officials to win $5.3 billion in contracts to build a natural gas complex in the African country. As details of the case unfolded, one of the key players, Houston-based Halliburton Co., said that the questionable conduct occurred almost entirely before it became a partner. But information shows that Halliburton, through a subsidiary, was more involved in some of the suspicious deals than it has acknowledged.

The mining sector in the DRC is seen as a potentially large revenue earner capable of funding rehabilitation and economic revival, but hopes that mining can act as an engine for growth will not be realised unless immediate action is taken to control the illicit trade in minerals from the south-eastern province of Katanga.

"Stringent and transparent management of natural resource exploitation is crucial to the future peace, stability and economic development of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)," says a report from Global Witness released in September. The report says there is currently a “cobalt rush” occurring in Katanga caused by record-high international cobalt prices. But it notes that there is “little indication” that this dramatic rise in trade has had any benefit to the DRC economy or the Katangan province.

The real losers in the “cobalt rush”, notes the report, are artisanal miners working under "appalling" conditions in mines throughout southern Katanga. "Deprived of any alternative sources of employment, young men and boys work for as little as US$1 per day gathering mineral soil by hand. They have no protective equipment, and their activities are left completely unregulated by local authorities."

The report makes recommendations to the international donor community, the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, transitional government and United Nations. The DRC is emerging from a devastating conflict that cost the lives of an estimated three million people. A transitional government is charged with taking the country through to elections in 2005.

* Written from the report by Pambazuka News. For the full report, click on http://www.eldis.org/cf/rdr/rdr.cfm?doc=DOC16091

On 24 October 2004, Zamzam Abdullahi Abdi, a member of the Somalia Women Journalists Association's (Sowja) governing board, was abducted and detained overnight by unidentified armed individuals in Mogadishu before being released on 25 October. "We welcome the fact that Abdi was released safe and sound, but her abduction reinforces the urgent need to rebuild a state in Somalia. We call on President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, as part of his new duties, to do justice to press freedom activists like her by heeding their struggle and their message," Reporters sans frontières (RSF), said.

Two Kenyan radio journalists trained in how to cover HIV/AIDS under Internews Network’s Local Voices project have won a prestigious award for the best HIV/AIDS radio program in Africa. The Union of African Radio and Television Organizations (URTNA) announced recently that Ann Mikia and Sammy Muraya had won the award for their program, “A Stitch in Time.” They both work for the Kenyan Broadcasting Corporation’s (KBC) English Service.

Less than two months before presidential and general elections in Ghana, radio stations operating in the Northern Region of the country have been banned from broadcasting "political" discussions, interviews and phone-in programmes. Deputy Minister for the Region Charles Bintim, who is also chairman of the Northern Regional Security Council (REGSEC), imposed the ban on 11 October 2004 in a meeting with directors and news editors of radio stations in Tamale, the regional capital.

Press Code improvements will not guarantee greater liberty if authorities circumvent the code, as they have in the past, says a report on press reforms in Togo from the Committee to Protect Journalists. And while the government has promised political parties equitable access to the state media - the only media with a nationwide reach - there is reason to be wary of this guarantee as well. Togolese President Gnassingbé Eyadéma is Africa's longest-serving head of state whose ironfisted tactics and numerous human rights abuses led the European Union (EU) to suspend cooperation with Togo in 1993. But in Brussels in April 2004, the Eyadéma regime pledged 22 democratization reforms in a bid to get EU economic sanctions lifted.

Children who live and work on the streets are vulnerable to human rights violations in the juvenile justice system and are less likely to be able to defend themselves from abuse once they are within the system, says a report from the Consortium for Street Children. The publication aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the causes and consequences of street children's involvement in criminal justice systems in a wide range of countries. The document includes descriptions of the treatment children receive at different stages of the criminal justice system. It also provides a framework of overarching concepts and recommended approaches to reform, an introduction to international human rights standards and guidelines on how to use them, and practical examples of projects and approaches from around the world.

The incidence of cholera and malaria in South Africa is likely to increase dramatically during the next 50 years because of the effects of global warming. This is a warning from Professor Roland Schulze, of the University of KwaZulu-Natal's School of Bioresources, Engineering in Pietermaritzburg. People should begin preparing now to deal with global warming, Schulze warned, because there were already indications that climate change was affecting the country.

Leading environmental and development organisations have joined forces to demand action on climate change. The groups say that unless action is taken, the UN millennium development goals - which aim to half global poverty by 2015 - will be impossible to achieve, and that human development achievements could even be reversed. The alliance - which includes Oxfam, Christian Aid, ActionAid, Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth and 15 other organisations - launched a report 20 October in London outlining the steps it says must be taken.

The United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) first Global Women’s Assembly on Environment: Women as the Voice for the Environment (WAVE) convened from 11-13 October 2004, in Nairobi, Kenya. The Assembly focused on generating outputs related to the upcoming Beijing+10 review session, the five-year review of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and the 13th session of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD-13). Over 150 participants from 60 countries attended the Assembly, some from remote indigenous communities and small island developing States.

The number of people in the world struck by natural disasters has more than doubled over the last decade and economic losses have more than trebled, a top United Nations official told his counterparts in other UN agencies on Monday. Jan Egeland, under-secretary-general of humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, told a committee of the UN General Assembly considering sustainable development that in 2003 alone, disasters had affected more than 254 million people. Locusts in Africa and tropical cyclones and floods in the Caribbean and Asia have already caused "immense losses" in 2004, he said.

Most drug discoveries are made by public institutions. Private pharmaceutical companies, however, generally take over the development and commercialisation of the drugs. This "privatisation of science" has been accelerated by shortcomings in the patent system, says Carlos María Correa, director of the Centre of Interdisciplinary Studies of Industrial and Economic Law at the University of Buenos Aires. Writing in the Bulletin of the World Health Organisation, Correa says large drug companies have exploited the patent system. Developing nations need to design and implement patent laws that prevent strategic patenting and which promote competition and access to medicines, Correa concludes.

In September 2004, the Ugandan government began to integrate traditional medicine in the national health system by setting up a commission to develop standards and decide which practices should be authorised. Uganda is also one of the first African nations to include traditional healing in its schools' national curriculum.

The National Network on Violence Against Women (NNVAW) is a non-profit-organisation (NPO) consisting of member organisations, individuals and government departments around the country. The NNVAW is a leading collaborative organisation in South Africa whose sole aim is to bring together organisations into a collective, to fight and end Violence Against Women (VAW). The NNVAW is inviting a mature, dynamic and experienced person, with sound knowledge and technical skills in fund raising and solid understanding of South African and international NGO environment.

Nigeria has failed to agree on a new date for handing over the disputed Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon after refusing to withdraw from the potentially oil-rich territory by the original deadline of 15 September, the UN mediator in the border dispute has announced. The UN Office for West Africa (UNOWA) said the latest meeting of the Cameroon-Nigeria Mixed Commission in Abuja on 21 and 22 October had simply referred the issue to the heads of state of the two countries and UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

The publication of this volume is part of the efforts of the Pan-African Programme on Land and Resource Rights to disseminate a uniquely African voice on matters of land and resource rights. The authors proceed from the understanding that poor Africans are critically dependent on land and other natural resources for survival, but their ability to access these necessities is hampered by inappropriate laws and policies as well as social, political and economic marginalisation.

The Institute for the Advancement of Journalism (IAJ) announces the Steve Biko scholarships for African journalists which are meant to honour the memory of Steve Biko, as activist and writer. This scholarship programme aims to help develop a democratic culture of vigorous and independent journalism in Africa and to foster a stronger working relationship among African journalists.

African researchers and knowledge managers are invited to apply for participation in the Knowledge Sharing for Development Workshop to be held in Cairo, Egypt February 2005. The workshop aims at enhancing the knowledge sharing and research dissemination capacity of research institutes and networks in Africa.

The British Council South Africa invites applicants to join 'InterAction,' an exciting Pan African programme focusing on leadership development, transformation and empowerment. Successful participants will be part of a community from 19 African countries, attending a one-week training and networking event in another African country, before joining a wider Pan African Conference network.

City-dwellers in one of Africa’s poorest countries have faced soaring bills and mass disconnections since an international consortium, which includes the British company Biwater, was put in charge of their water supply. According to a new report from the development charity ActionAid, water privatisation in the Tanzanian city of Dar es Salaam has neglected the needs of poor people, despite the World Bank’s assurances that access to water for poor residents would be improved.

Refugees from neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) who fled to Kilwa Island in northern Zambia earlier this month have refused to relocate to refugee camps, according to local authorities. Provincial Minister Kennedy Sakeni said the estimated 3,000 Congolese who had fled insecurity in Katanga province preferred to stay on Kilwa Island in Lake Mweru, hoping the situation would return to normal, but were in dire need of food.

At least 20,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in northern Uganda were left homeless after a rainstorm wrecked thousands of grass-thatched huts in their camp in the district of Gulu, relief agencies in the area said on Monday. "Three people were injured while about four thousand huts had their roofs blown off when a strong storm swept through Pabbo IDP camp on Sunday evening," Coreen Auma of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), said by phone from Gulu. Pabbo camp, situated about 400 km north of the capital, Kampala, is home to 62,000 people displaced by the 18-year old war between government forces and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA).

Water supplies are drying up for tens of thousands of Sudanese refugees in eastern Chad, warned the UN refugee agency, saying that at least one refugee camp could run out of water within two weeks. Eastern Chad is one of the driest places on earth with a rainy season of only three months per year. The situation was exacerbated by the fact that this year's rains came late and far between, with total rainfall only about a third of normal amounts.

Refugee warehousing needs to end, argues this commentary. "It is time to rethink warehousing, and refugee groups and the UN high commissioner for refugees have recently begun to explore how to help refugees become more self-reliant. Refugees who learn skills or earn money can be an asset to their war-torn homelands when they return. Moreover, there are ways to open up refugee camps without angering host populations. Zambia, for example, has given Angolan refugees land to farm. The food they grow has turned sleepy villages into trading centers, fueling local commerce."

Questions posed by the opposition Democratic Alliance to President Thabo Mbeki in the national parliament over the HIV/AIDS issue have led to a heated debate over racism in the country. In his reply to the Democratic Alliance’s Ryan Coetzee, Mbeki said: “I pray that one day the Honourable Coetzee, and others like him, will discover within themselves the intellect, the courage and the humanity to hear and understand what Frank Meintjies, Franz Auerbach, Edward Rhymes, Cynthia Kaufman, as well as millions of people in our country and elsewhere on our globe, are saying about the hurt, anger and aspirations of those who know the meaning of race oppression, which the Honourable Coetzee clearly does not.” Coetzee hit back in an open letter to Mbeki published on Tuesday: “Millions of people in our country are HIV-positive and hundreds of thousands are dying each year, according to all the best estimates. What I pray, therefore, is that one day you will discover inside yourself the intellect, courage and humanity to hear and understand the meaning of HIV/AIDS in South Africa today, which clearly you do not.” You can read Mbeki’s full reply at http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2004/text/at42.txt and Coetzee’s response at http://www.da.org.za/DA/Site/Eng/News/Article.asp?ID=4475

Some seven US ex-Congressmen who passed for observers of the October 11 presidential election in Cameroon have been accused of receiving bribes to the colossal sum of 400.000 US dollars to authenticate the polls in the face of the international community, reports Cameroon journalist Jumkondah Francis Garriba in this www.zmag.org article. The accusation emerged from Cameroon's frontline opposition Social Democratic Front, SDF. According to Mr. Nkemngu Martin, communication officer for the SDF, the so-called US observers were in Cameroon on a rescue mission. Referring to them as hungry con men, Nkemngu said their mission was to rescue "the ailing regime of incumbent president Paul Biya". Mr. Biya has been glued to power since 1982.

Attention should be focused on what the ANC government plans to do about the deepening socio-economic crisis that grips SA, says this analysis on the University of Natal's Centre for Civil Society website. President Mbeki placed poverty eradication and the creation of jobs at the centre of his recent State of the nation Address. The question being asked is this home-grown structural adjustment programme thankfully now being abandoned? Not likely, says the article. "In essence we have a sophistication of the GEAR strategy not its abandonment. Macro-economic strategies are being complimented by a series of micro-economic reforms that government hopes will lead to increased economic growth."

People in many areas of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are taking steps to improve their methods for resolving arguments over land. Community structures are being developed to settle disputes without the need to go to higher courts, which is often time-consuming and expensive. An example of a successful new initiative is the ‘peace committees’ developed in Mali to resolve conflicts between herding groups and farmers. This is according to research by the International Institute for Environment and Development in the UK that looks at the issues emerging from changes to land policies in SSA, including the increasing conflicts over land ownership and access.

Liberia's transitional government has been warned that it must account for public funds in a more transparent manner if the United Nations is to lift sanctions on timber and diamond exports and if donors are to release funds for the country's reconstruction. This blunt warning was delivered by a joint team from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the US Treasury which is visiting Liberia to look at the way the government is handling its finances, the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) said.

In a plea for the government to protect its citizens against abuse, the chairwoman of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, Salamata Sawadogo, has urged the authorities of the Republic of Congo to set up state institutions to guarantee the protection of its people from abuse. The government, she said, needed to implement conventions to which it was a signatory. She said her visit to Congo was intended to draw the attention of the government to three "important subregional conventions" on the protection of human rights that had not yet been ratified by the country.

A crowd of young Mozambicans gathered under the shade of a tree last week to discuss what they knew about HIV/AIDS, as part of a peer education programme underway in central Zambezia province. Some answered confidently but others were reticent, with the girls, especially, keeping their heads down when asked how HIV was transmitted.

Somalia’s newly elected president said on Monday his administration would not remain in exile, but would return to the war-ravaged country before security was completely restored. President Abdullahi Yusuf said once his cabinet was selected they would return – although they would initially establish themselves outside the capital, Mogadishu. He rejected calls for the new government to return only when security is restored.

Cholera has broken out in Dakar, the capital of Senegal, for the first time in eight years, government doctors said on Tuesday. Doctor Bassirou Johnson, an epidemiologist at the Ministry of Health, told IRIN that 66 cases of the highly infectious water-borne disease had been reported in slum areas of the city since 11 October, but there had so far been no deaths.

The disappearance of thousands of voter-registration cards in the Central African Republic (CAR) was one of several problems marring the process of registering, an effort that ended on Sunday. Officials said the number of people to register was relatively low. Next week, the Independent Mixed Electoral Commission, known as the CEMI, plans to publish the number of people registered to vote.

The effects of the 2002 food crisis in Malawi continue to take a heavy toll of the country's children, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) said in a new report. The 50-page study, launched last week, noted an increase in the number of children forced to seek informal employment to cope with the aftershock of food shortages two years ago, when consecutive poor harvests placed over three million people in need of emergency food aid.

The African Union (AU) warned last Thursday against the "erosion of human rights" as governments engage in the fight against terrorism. At the closing of the first-ever AU conference on African national human rights institutions, officials warned that without proper checks, rights could be abused. They said that the fight against terrorism must be balanced with the protection of the rights of people detained as suspects. African governments also faced calls to establish "independent and national" human rights organisations to protect their citizens.

The Ugandan government is to investigate a corruption charge against former vice president Speciosa Kazibwe charged with using public money of 2.5 billion shillings (1.45 million US dollars) for her studies in the United States. Minister of State for Ethics and Integrity in Office of the President Tim Lwanga was quoted Tuesday by state-owned newspaper The New Vision as saying that "if there is something wrong, we shall rectify it and move on."

In the course of the armed conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), tens of thousands of women and girls have been victims of systematic rape and sexual assault committed by combatant forces, says a new report from Amnesty International. "Women and girls have been attacked in their homes, in the fields or as they go about their daily activities. Many have been raped more than once or have suffered gang rapes. In many cases, women and young girls have been taken as sex slaves by combatants," says AI.

The report, 'Mass rape - time for remedies' says rape has often been preceded or followed by the deliberate wounding, torture (including torture of sexual nature) or killing of the victim. Rapes have been committed in public and in front of family members, including children. Some women have been raped next to the corpses of family members. Despite the official end to the war and the inauguration of the transitional government, humanitarian needs in some provinces have been increasing, notes Amnesty. "Throughout large areas of the east people are lacking even the most basic services for health and food security."

Amnesty estimates that fewer than 30 per cent of Congolese have access to even basic health care. The countrywide malnutrition rate is around 16 per cent, rising to up to 30 per cent in areas of the east, with 13 per cent classed as severe malnutrition. It is believed that over one million children aged under five suffer from acute malnutrition, and that one in every five Congolese children do not live to see their fifth birthday.

Although the levels of conflict in eastern DRC have diminished since the signing of the peace agreements, violence has continued. In many areas the violence is now sporadic and localised, but in other cases has been more extensive and threatened to reignite widespread armed conflict in the east.

* Compiled from the report by Pambazuka News. The full report is available at http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engafr620182004

Against the backdrop of another poor performance by Nigeria in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) Independent Advocacy Project (IAP) the good governance group, has expressed serious concerns about the ineffectiveness of government anti corruption programmes and how corruption continues to impoverish Nigerians.

Abandoned and orphaned children are languishing in South African institutions while bureaucrats take up to two years to decide whether they can be adopted. Around a quarter of a million South African children are orphaned but large numbers are falling through bureaucratic cracks. By mid-2004, according to the Actuarial Association of South Africa (ASSA) 2002 model, 250 000 children in South African had lost both parents but government departments tasked with the welfare of these vulnerable children are unable to confirm actual numbers who are being cared for in children’s homes.

This briefing explores the logic of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan conditions to developing countries and why the IMF insists that keeping inflation low is more important than increasing public spending to fight HIV/AIDS in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. In 2003, funding levels for HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment are estimated to have reached almost $5 billion; meanwhile financing needs will rise to $12 billion in 2005 and $20 billion by 2007. But if these large increases in foreign aid become available, will lowincome countries be able to accept them? Despite the fact that the global community stands ready to significantly scale-up levels of foreign aid to help poorer countries finance greater public spending to fight HIV/AIDS, many countries may be deterred from doing so due to either direct or indirect pressure from the IMF.

A leading women's advocacy group in Zambia has appealed to health authorities to spend more funds on improving maternal care. An increasing number of women have died during childbirth in recent years. The latest figures from the 2001/02 Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) indicated 729 deaths per 100,000 live births, significantly higher than in neighbouring countries. Lumba Siyanga, the acting executive director of the women's advocacy NGO, Women For Change, said pregnant rural women were made increasingly vulnerable due to the lack of access to reproductive healthcare and the low quality of treatment.

Toll-free help lines in Tanzania have logged more than 22,000 calls inquiring about HIV/AIDS information and counseling services. Thirty per cent of the calls requested information on HIV transmission, 22 per cent on AIDS testing, 11 per cent on condom use and 6 per cent on AIDS treatment.

The sleepy town of Cabinda has a forlorn air about it, but few outward signs of the decades-long conflict that has plagued the oil-rich Angolan province. Although Cabinda produces 60 percent of Angola's oil revenues, the province, saddled with one of the highest HIV rates in the country, has been slow to respond to the epidemic.

The development of mechanisms - domestically and with an eye toward future international process(es) - to establish accountability, prosecute individuals, and address impunity is one of the recommendations made to the United Nations Security Council by 16 Sudanese women peace builders at a recent meeting in Washington, United States. The women further recommended that international observers and protection officers should work with local women’s organizations on issues such as witness identification to ensure local credibility and legitimacy.

Over 100 women from the Great Lakes Region earlier this month concluded a meeting in Kigali, Rwanda, where they discussed key issues, challenges and action required to bring peace and stability to the conflict-affected region. The event, which took place from 7-9 October 2004, is the third regional meeting of the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region, and the first women's meeting. The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) was a lead facilitator of the event, coordinating the activities of women from numerous countries to ensure that different viewpoints on key issues were adequately reflected, and that national perspectives would feed into a broader regional vision.

UNAIDS is establishing a Technical Support Facility (TSF) in Southern Africa. This TSF will seek to collaborate with country and regional partners in the provision of high quality technical assistance required for the strategic planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of efforts in support of national HIV/AIDS programmes.

The TSF will be established and managed by an existing national/regional organisation or institution on a contractual basis for a period of two to three years. Applications are welcomed from groups working as a Consortium or network.

The main aim of the TSF will be to:

· Improve country partner access to timely and quality assured technical assistance in agreed priority areas
· Strengthen the capacity of country partners to manage technical assistance effectively
· Assist in the professional development of national and regional consultants
· Encourage a harmonised and collaborative approach to the delivery of technical assistance in support of country partner-owned and partner-led action plans

Interested parties in the tender to manage the TSF will need to demonstrate their ability and capacity to:

· Build strong links to sources of technical assistance both in the region and internationally
· Recruit consultants and other providers of technical assistance
· Establish and maintain comprehensive databases of relevant consultants
· Market services to potential clients
· Manage contracts
· Provide professional development for national and regional consultants
· Strengthen the capacity of country partners to manage technical assistance
· Provide quality assurance of technical assistance
· Liaise with the UNAIDS Secretariat and other relevant stakeholders

Please note that only organizations based in Southern Africa will be eligible to submit a proposal.

All tenders should be submitted by email to [email protected] by 2400hrs GMT on 30 November 2004. Further information on tendering documents, eligibility criteria and required formats of tenders are available from Vicki Beard ([email protected]).

Despite reports that the South African HIV/AIDS advocacy group Treatment Action Campaign had dropped its legal action against the South African government to force it to make its antiretroviral treatment program rollout plan publicly available, the group has not dropped its suit and is asking the government to "urgently" develop and publish an implementation plan, the SAPA/SABC News reports.

Parliamentarians from around the world have called for greater action to defend sexual and reproductive rights of all individuals. Over 130 parliamentarians from 90 countries committed themselves to a set of actions that would help realize the ICPD Programme of Action, agreed upon ten years ago by the governments of the world in Cairo, with the goal of bringing about sexual and reproductive rights and health for all by 2015. The missing MDG: Universal access to reproductive health services by 2015 is for millions of women and men simply a matter of life and death.

At the invitation of the Independent Electoral Commission of Botswana, Prof. Alpha Oumar Konare, Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, sent a 15-member multidisciplinary team of observers to participate in the forthcoming general elections, which will be held countrywide on October 30. The African Union Observer Team, led by Hon. Justice J. B. Kalaile, Chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission in Malawi and composed of Parliamentarians, members of Electoral Management Bodies, Civil Society Organisations and other officials drawn from various African Countries, arrived in Botswana on October 24.

The United Nations is set to launch a new initiative to strengthen its support in promoting and protecting human rights in countries around the world. Known as "Action Two," the plan is a response to a report by Secretary-General Kofi Annan on ensuring that the world body devotes its attention to the priorities identified by its Member States. The scheme ultimately aims to develop a common understanding of the linkages between human rights and development or humanitarian actions, establish thematic groups to deal with human rights issues in UN country teams, and have UN agencies develop cooperative programming arrangements to support national efforts to foster a culture of human rights, including through education.

Two decades after HIV/AIDS was discovered, it continues to spread across continents, infecting and killing millions and destroying entire communities. Sub-Saharan Africa, which accounts for 11 percent of the total world population, has 70 percent of all HIV/AIDS infections in the world, making it the worstaffected continent.

Although one may dispute the alarming figures, the fact remains that HIV/AIDS has had devastating consequences for countries, societies, families and individuals. It is a global crisis and the outlook is worsening, with India, China and Russia projected to be the next centres of the pandemic.

HIV/AIDS attacks every sector of the society, affecting food security, depressing national economies, and rolling back the development gains of the last thirty or more years, as the African experience has shown, especially in the worst-affected countries.

Underlining the pandemic in which women figure disproportionately is the fact that HIV/AIDS thrives in and reinforces conditions of deprivation, poverty, oppression, conflicts, social violence, and social collapse. Thus HIV/AIDS has to be tackled from a social and economic perspective, taking into account the global structures and forces that have led to social and economic crises and exacerbated the vulnerability of populations to death and diseases including HIV/AIDS.

Combating social inequalities within a country and between countries is fundamental to Health for All. This means challenging the power structures and policies that engender ill health, be they governments, the World Bank-IMF, unequal trade agreements, structural adjustment policies, corporate-driven privatisation or free-market fundamentalism, all of which have severely affected public health systems particularly in the Third World.

It is within this context that the HIV/AIDS catastrophe has to be considered. HIV/AIDS cannot be tackled with technocentric and medical solutions alone. HIV/AIDS requires an integrated social, economic and political response, where health is recognised as a fundamental human right and health inequities are simply unacceptable.

This document is a joint effort of the Third World Network and the People's Health Movement. It is hoped that the articles and perspectives in the book can be a useful source for campaign and advocacy.

Produced by Third World Resurgence
154 Pages
Price: Third World - US$10.00; First World: US$14.00 (Prices are
inclusive of postage cost by air mail.)

For more information mailto:[email protected]

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As access to the Internet remains limited in many rural areas in Africa, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), through its African Information Society Initiative (AISI), is looking at ways to expand online usage, especially in remote areas of the continent.

The Southern African NGO Network (SANGONeT) and ICOZA have launched a new joint venture, called NGO.ZA. The overall aim of NGO.ZA is to meet and respond to the South African NGO sector's connectivity, hardware and e-business infrastructure requirements, and as a result, transform the ICT usage, capacity and infrastructure levels of the sector.

Information services on appropriate technology (AT) provided to the poor do not benefit them as much as they could. Although a wide range of organisations provide such resources to the poor, inappropriate services and lack of co-ordination constrain their effectiveness. Development organisations and information resources need a better understanding of and respect for existing knowledge that local people have and how to build on it.

This paper analyses a project that aimed to make Ugandan 'Telecentres' more relevant to rural women there. It had been found that these resources were under used because of lack of literacy, gender roles at home and lack of suitable content. The project identified a need for information on income generation activities and therefore developed a CD-ROM with easy to follow modules outlining the basics of marketing, credit and sales management.

Scheduled to open in the summer of 2005, San Francisco's Museum of the African Diaspora aims to explore and celebrate the history, culture and contributions of African-descended people around the world. "The goal of the museum is to connect people to the stories and experiences of the African diaspora, through exhibitions, presentations, workshops and other activities,'' said Patricia Johnson, the museum's executive director.

Since its inception 17 years ago, Black History Month UK (BHM) has become an important feature on the British calendar and an invaluable way of showcasing the contributions that Africans and people of African descent have made to world civilization. The celebration goes a long way to rectify the popular belief that Africans have no history.

Eye to Eye is a conference bringing people together from all over the world who are concerned with cultural relations. It is the first event of its kind and will begin to seed a global constituency of people who see an understanding of cultures –the way they work, interact and communicate – as vital to all our futures. Eye to Eye will help you travel from your world and into a new, worldwide network, formed of people who, like you, see cultural relations as a key to the future.

Recent trends seem to suggest a shift away from strengthening of regional cooperation in Southern Africa. But such regionalism has been hitherto a declared priority on development agendas. Hampering factors presently include political differences such as the controversy over Zimbabwe. This escalated into a sharp division of views among the member countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It is hardly an exaggeration to state that the inability to agree on a common approach has an almost paralysing effect. The following analysis is however concentrated on socio-economic factors of concern, which divide the region further instead of bringing it closer together.

Strategic shift towards NEPAD

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) seems to emerge increasingly as a type of mega-NGO to channel aid-funds into developmental projects, which at best claim but in reality fail to be driven by a desire towards enhanced regional collaboration. The programmes and policies funded under NEPAD are implemented mainly by countries and not by regional bodies. Hence NEPAD in effect more undermines than strengthens an agency such as SADC (or any other regional institution).

This is a trend notwithstanding the fact that NEPAD attributes substantial relevance to regional bodies when identifying ways and means to achieve the defined socio-economic goals. NEPAD claims that its agenda is “based on national and regional priorities and development plans”, which ought to be prepared “through participatory processes involving the people”. So far, however, no visible signs in the SADC would indicate that the collective (multilateral) efforts aim at a united approach of the region in its relations with the outside world.

Nor does NEPAD so far translate its noble aims into practical steps for implementation. The blue print emphasises sub-regional and regional approaches even under a separate sub heading. It stresses “the need for African countries to pool their resources and enhance regional development and economic integration … to improve international competitiveness”. But the crux of the matter lies there: the emphasis on international competitiveness comes at the expenses of strengthening the local economy and the local people. Instead, integration in Africa should as a priority meet the socio-economic and environmental needs of its citizenries and not seek to turn even more into an export platform.

NEPAD claims further to enhance the provision of essential regional goods as well as the promotion of intra-African trade and investments, with another focus on “rationalising the institutional framework for economic integration”. But again, such an approach neglects the local/internal in favour of the global/external orientation. The implementation of NEPAD will hence most likely have the adverse effect and assist in an increased outward orientation of a regional bloc at the expenses of internal consolidation. It is interesting to note in this context, that notwithstanding the decisive role of South Africa within NEPAD, SADC has so far hardly acknowledged and certainly not embraced the initiative.

Divisive Free Trade Agreements

The Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and South Africa (EU-SA FTA) negotiated since the mid-1990s, had a similarly divisive effect on the Southern African region by entering into a preferential trade relation with one country and thereby enhancing differences within the region resulting from existing conflicts of interest among the national economies.

South Africa herself, the monetary zone, the South African Customs Union (SACU) and SADC are already not in harmony at any time and less so given the effects of the FTA on regional economic matters. Hence the EU intervention adds more friction. The new Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) negotiated between the countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific Islands (ACP states) on the one hand and the EU on the other hand not only seek to replace the previous Cotonou Agreement by means of sub-regional separate negotiations but also aim towards compatibility between EU-ACP trade relations and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). They are hence dependent upon the settlement of the Doha Development Agenda's controversial and yet unresolved issues.

Interesting enough, the draft European Constitution makes no reference to cooperation with ACP states. It is only fair to assume that the EU enlargement shifts interest even further away from the neighbouring continent towards more collaboration closer to Brussels. In addition, the negotiations by the EU aim at separate accords with each region, and no country may negotiate in more than one bloc. As such, SADC is reduced to seven member countries (half of the 14 SADC states) under the EPA negotiations.

It is not far fetched to see that there is an inbuilt conflict between regionalism as it exists and the negotiations of new multilateral processes. Countries might differ over the advantages between benefits from the continued protection of regional arrangements or the creation of individual preferential access within other trade agreements. But if regionalism is considered as a problem or obstacle towards further global harmonisation under the WTO, it stands little chances of being a viable point of departure for strengthening in particular the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the South within the global trade arrangements.

Instead, the predictable outcome of the current negotiations under the WTO related agreements will be a shrinking of “development space”. To avoid such in-egalitarian pseudo-partnerships, a shift in balance from the drive to homogenize trading commitments to other states towards granting states reasonable scope to choose appropriate levels of national protection is required. A development strategy would therefore have to operate in a zone where both internal as well as external integration reinforce rather than undermine each other. Instead, issues of internal integration (including issues of regional integration) have largely dropped out of the development agenda as the gospel of the free trade paradigm dominates the discourse.

EU and US as partners?

The same limiting effects can be expected from the Free Trade Agreement between SACU and the USA. The SACU-US FTA seems to promise nothing different from the US-American African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which tends to separate and divide instead of bringing African economies and interests closer. The benefits from AGOA differ among African countries according to their resources.

Ironically, within those countries having been allocated a LDC status under AGOA (receiving additional preferential treatment), external capital (from mainly East Asian countries) has managed to exploit the opportunities created for supplying the US market under preferential tax regimes with cheap textiles from these countries. The by and large unqualified and underpaid workforce in the local sweatshops is hardly reaping any benefits from the super exploitation. Nor does the fiscus in these states, as initial investments and running costs for operations are substantially subsidised with public revenue instead of providing any tax income from the profits generated.

Such recent trends indicate towards less rather than more regional cooperation and integration. The political and security interests might provide with increased support by the G8 (the group of 8 most industrialised countries of the Northern hemisphere) and the strengthening of initiatives towards closer regional collaboration in reducing armed conflicts and securing more stability. Such stability continues however to be perceived as regime security, in contrast to a concept of human security. The latter would give primacy to human rights in favour of the citizens and not preference to the governments in power.

Even if there would be achievements in this direction, the multidimensionality and heterogeneity of a region like Southern Africa is likely to persist and may eventually increase. This does not prevent external support towards further positive regional interdependence. But this requires more than merely the opening up to the global economy. More so, it would have to re-visit matters of regional economic collaboration and seek involvement of the majority of the African population in these countries. The current initiatives by the EU and the US under the WTO offer little to no promise to contribute to such a desirable tendency, neither in SADC nor elsewhere.

* Henning Melber is Research Director at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala/Sweden and has been Director of the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit (NEPRU) in Windhoek between 1992 and 2000.

* Please send comments to

It would be hard to exaggerate the significance of land as an asset for the poor in today’s structurally adjusted, economically liberalised and globalised world. Trying to understand the many dynamics at play in today's complex post-Cold War world is not easy. As someone who since 1997 has tried to support Oxfam International staff, partners and allies engaged in land issues principally, but not exclusively, in Africa, I feel this problem acutely. What is really happening in the contexts in which we are seeking to intervene, and what are the critical links between the local, national, regional and global levels? There are never easy answers to these questions, but it is important to continue to ask them.

At the level of ideas, I find quite helpful some of the debates which have appeared in the pages of the Journal of Agrarian Change. But they do make for rather gloomy reading. In one of his many contributions, Henry Bernstein (2002, 2003, 2004) ponders pessimistically about the prospects for significant future redistributive land reform targeted at the poor. He argues that the long wave of land reform across the world beginning with the French Revolution came to an end in the 1970s, coinciding with the emergence of the phenomenon we now refer to as globalisation. The back of feudal landlordism was broken in many parts of the world, allowing the development of both industrialisation and more productive agriculture, based on capitalist relations. Industrial urbanisation took people off the land and provided new and expanding markets. But now, Bernstein argues, we live in a globalised world characterised by the search for ever cheaper and more exploitable labour.

The existence of cheap labour export processing zones (EPZs), which many governments seem proud to boast of, is an illustration of this. In the infamous maquila factories of Central America or in the clothing sweat shops of East Asia, we seem to be in a world in which human and labour rights are being put into reverse gear. The lack of bargaining power of poor people in today's global supply chains has led some NGOs to characterise this as ‘the race to the bottom’. We are all aware of the growing gap between rich and poor and the intensification of inequality in many parts of the world.

Africa's recent economic history has been almost uniformly dismal. Structural adjustment may well have been necessary to attack the bloated and unproductive bureaucracies and parastatals in many countries, but the social impact of the medicines applied has been harsh in the extreme. Zambia is one of many countries to have suffered truly radical economic decline. As someone who lived in Zambia in the 1970s and witnessed with my own eyes the rapid formation of a new urban middle class as Zambians abandoned the land in their tens of thousands for new economic opportunities in the cities, it has been deeply disturbing to return in subsequent decades to observe the rapid and demonstrable decline in people's hopes, expectations and lifestyles.

In Zambia, as in much of Africa, the huge loss of regular urban jobs has made it far harder for people to engage in economic reciprocity with rural kinfolk. Scholars such as Deborah Bryceson have written of 'de-agrarianisation' or 'de-peasantisation', to describe a process in which people adopt what in the jargon is now called ‘diversified livelihoods strategies’ in an increasingly desperate attempt to survive. In such a context, intensified by population increase and related pressure on resources, access to land as a key asset for survival has become much more important, in ways that would have seemed highly unlikely in Zambia back in the mid-1970s. As a result, conflicts over land have intensified across the continent.

The purpose of this brief, crude global sketch is to make the point that struggles over land will take different forms in different parts of the world depending on a range of important variables such as levels of economic development, political awareness and mobilisation, degrees of urbanisation and literacy, levels of education and technology, and the agricultural potential of soils - a critical factor in Africa, as Archie Mafeje (2003) has pointed out recently. In short, the local context is all important.

In South Africa the ANC Government has clearly judged (perhaps correctly) that it can afford to delay meaningful land reform because it fears no danger of peasant revolts in the foreseeable future. In countries such as Uganda and Kenya, small pressure groups including land alliances have little serious political constituency and bear no resemblance to the great Brazilian mass movement of the landless, the MST (O Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra). Decades of political conflict culminated in the 1988 Constitution, which proclaimed that land in Brazil must perform a 'social function'. In other words (and this has particular resonance for the Zambian Copperbelt) that it is not politically acceptable for vast tracts of land to lie idle in the legal hands of absentee landlords, neither producing anything nor providing jobs.

Elsewhere, for example in Guatemala and Honduras, class configurations are very different and the local equivalents of the MST struggle against the outright and often violent hostility of the big landlords (and vigilantes) and their urban allies. Here the issue is further complicated by ethnicity - by the palpable hostility directed towards the indigenous people of Central America; in Honduras there is a 'popular' saying 'better be dead than have indigenous people living on my land'.

In this part of the world land activists need to be both extremely courageous and members of organised trade union or political movements. Put crudely, in parts of Central and South America such people routinely get killed for their beliefs. This does not happen in Africa. This is a fundamental difference, reflecting contrasting historical conditions. (Of course, people do regularly get killed in local level conflicts over land in Africa and this seems likely to increase as conflicts intensify over resources more generally.)

A persistent theme in much of the land advocacy work in which I and many others have been involved is that of lack of information, particularly on the part of the politically powerless. This is a state of affairs which governments in general and ministries of land in particular are often keen to perpetuate in their own interests. Extracting information from them can often be extremely difficult, though donor demands for transparency can be helpful here.

A very imaginative land campaign (Campanha Terra) in Mozambique sought to address this by translating key aspects of a potentially progressive new land law into local languages, and by using imaginative media such as comics, audio cassettes, theatre, music and posters to help raise people's awareness of their new rights. This was particularly important in a country such as Mozambique, with its high levels of illiteracy, and where the law imaginatively and unusually acknowledged peoples' historical rights to land as communities, on the basis of acknowledged occupation rather than formal written records. (Palmer 2003, Hanlon 2002).

Awareness of one's rights is nowhere more important than in the area of women's land rights. These too vary greatly across the world depending on factors such as the legal context (which is surprisingly gender progressive in Latin America) and levels of political awareness and organisation. Even between neighbouring countries realities can be very different, with women enjoying greater legal rights in Columbia and Nicaragua than in Honduras and Mexico because of greater mobilisation by and unity within women's groups.

But in Africa women face particular obstacles, often being regarded legally as minors and generally enjoying only secondary rights through their husbands, if married. Such rights are frequently ill-defined, of uncertain duration and subject to change and to maintaining good relations with others. Women often need to be married - and may remain in oppressive relationships - in order to enjoy access to or rights in land. Patriarchy remains dominant at all levels, while patrilineal traditions, combined with the HIV/AIDS pandemic, make women particularly vulnerable to loss of assets, including land, on the death of her spouse. Widows are frequently chased away by their late husband's relations and there are increasing harrowing individual tales of destitution as a result. In such a context the work of legal aid and information groups such as the women lawyers' association, FIDA, in Kenya and Uganda and the Women's Legal Centre in South Africa is particularly important.

Despite strenuous efforts by women lobbyists, including the Uganda Land Alliance, concrete gains by women have been few and far between. Awareness and support work are absolutely critical. Changing laws is important, but changing social norms is even more so (FAO/Oxfam GB 2003). Information is indeed power, but Latin American experience suggests that there is no substitute for political struggle in the fiercely contested arena of women's land rights - as elsewhere.

Land is always a deeply political issue, involving highly disputed and often very dangerous terrain, as events in Zimbabwe have illustrated all too graphically. Working on land requires adopting very long term horizons and sticking with things through thick and thin, for these are long term processes which defy quick fixes or easy final solutions. Donors, generally speaking, are unable to adopt such long-term horizons. Fashions come and go in the notoriously fickle development world, as they do in the academic world.

Contexts do differ greatly, but it is clear that the clumsy imposition of liberalisation, the rolling back of the role of the state and of the state marketing boards, grain reserves and the like, combined with manifestly unfair international trade rules, have left many poor people far more vulnerable than they were and far more dependent on access to land than ever before, while that very access is increasingly threatened in a globalising world.

In such a context, struggles for land rights continue to form a vital part of the wider fight for global justice. It is my very strong belief that continued support should be lent to support and sustain people and organisations who are engaging in fighting for land and justice for the poor. The fact that poor people are struggling against increasingly long odds in a hugely hostile global climate makes this more necessary than it has ever been. So the historic Frelimo slogan from Mozambique remains as valid today as it was back in the heady days of the Front Line States - A luta continua!

* Robin Palmer is Global Land Policy Adviser with Oxfam GB. This is a slightly shortened version of a paper presented to an Oxfam Zambia workshop on the Copperbelt in March 2004. Click on the link below for references.

* Please send comments to

Fifteen million children, including 12.6 million in Africa alone, have lost one or both parents to Aids. Many countries have taken steps to ensure that Aids orphans attend school; but new research by ActionAid and Save the Children shows that school attendance by itself does little to improve children's chances. Children are affected by the epidemic in many different ways. Some have lost family members; some are themselves chronically ill. Some live in refugee camps; others fend for themselves on city streets. The problems that children face include poverty, psychological trauma and social stigma. The two charities suggest specific educational initiatives to support children in all these situations and more. They urge education ministries to institute flexible approaches, which address the individual child's situation and needs.

Thirty Ministers of Education and of International Co-operation, heads of development agencies and civil society representatives will attend the fourth meeting of the High-Level Group on Education for All from 8-10 November. They will debate on gender parity, teachers’ working conditions, progress towards Education for All and aid to education. The High-Level Group serves as a lever for political commitment. Its role is to deliberate on policy responses to accelerate progress towards EFA, strengthen partnerships, identify priorities and highlight the resources to be mobilized.

Starting in the year 2000, free primary education has been rolled out each year in Lesotho and it is starting to revolutionize the country’s youth. At school, children are taught life skills and HIV/AIDS education and are given two meals a day through the World Food Programme’s school-feeding programme. At the Katlehong primary school, in Thaba Tseka, the schoolyard is jam-packed with over 150 chattering children, girls and boys, small and big. All of them had lost one or both parents to HIV/AIDS. Many of the children are heading households themselves.

The United Nations officially launched a nationwide programme to help educate thousands of former combatants in this war-battered West African nation. The UN will pay for basic education costs for young fighters participating in a disarmament programme that ends on October 31. It is unclear how much the project will cost.

With U.S. voters anxiously contemplating the body count arising from the United States' deployment in Iraq - as well as the associated threat of terrorism - it was probably to be expected that Africa would get little "face time" in the presidential election. But as the campaign enters its final week, the continent has received even less attention than some might have hoped. Nonetheless, certain observers believe Africa will be less easily sidelined after Nov. 2.

The Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo, has praised Anglican bishops from Africa for what he called their principled stand against homosexuality. At a meeting of 300 African bishops in Nigeria, Mr Obasanjo condemned homosexuality and same-sex marriages as un-Biblical, unnatural and un-African. The conference, to discuss future ties with the Anglican Church, has already vowed to stop training priests abroad. The African division - which represents over half of the world's Anglican congregation - has collided with its US counterpart over same-sex unions and the consecration last year of Gene Robinson, a homosexual.

The richest 10 percent of Kenya's households control more than 42 percent of its total income, according to a report that ranks the East African country among the ten most unequal nations in the world. The poorest 10 percent make do with less than one percent of Kenya's wealth, noted the report, which was launched on Tuesday. "For every shilling spent by the poorest 10 percent in Kenya, the richest 10 percent spend about 52 shillings," said the report, compiled by the Society for International Developmet (SID) in conjunction with Kenya's planning ministry and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida).

The foreign affairs ministers of Rwanda, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) agreed on Tuesday to create a tripartite commission to ensure that existing agreements concerning peace and security in the region would be properly implemented and that disagreements between the governments would be ironed out. At a news conference in Kigali, the Rwandan capital, the ministers spoke of a new era in regional relations. They would not be drawn into a discussion on current hostilities in Congo's North and South Kivu provinces.

The UN Security Council has voted unanimously to meet in the Kenyan capital of Nairobi next month in order to forge peace in southern Sudan, Africa’s longest running civil war. "My hope is that the parties will certainly close the differences very, very substantially, and it would be great if there were a peace agreement," said US Ambassador John Danforth, who sponsored the resolution. The Security Council will hold official sessions in Nairobi on November 18-19, which will be aimed at giving momentum to solving the crisis in Darfur, in western Sudan.

Talks between the Sudanese government and rebels from the country’s Darfur region, broke up early on Tuesday as both sides failed to agree on an agenda for resuming formal peace negotiations. The talks mediated by the African Union (AU) were due to resume on Wednesday. The Sudanese Liberation Army (SLA), one of two rebel movements represented at the talks, said it had asked for more time to respond to political proposals tabled by mediators. The peace talks resumed in the Nigerian capital Abuja on Monday after a first round in late August and early September failed to make progress.

The power of Transnational Corporations (TNCs) must never be underestimated. Corporate power has increased poverty and reduced many people to mere spectators in the development processes of their countries. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have been presented as the multilateral institutions designed to shape the financial and economic policies of the world “for a better life for everyone”. But they are the main architects of policies that have impoverished the third world. Corporate power has long been a global phenomenon where there is no global government accountable to the people of every country to oversee the globalisation process in a mode comparable to the national governments’ guided nationalisation processes.

The World Bank and International Monetary Fund's annual meeting in Washington earlier this month witnessed the members' rejection of two big ideas - debt cancellation and institutional democratisation. No surprise. However, important financial developments are now unfolding, reflective of Washington's geopolitical imperatives in Iraq. Bank and IMF activity there was relegitimised at the annual meeting, but in a contradictory and untenable manner...Hypocrisy on debt relief - Iraq gets waves, Africa only trickles - worries not only excellent groups like Jubilee South and the 50 Years is Enough network, who insist on 100% cancellation. In early October even Malawi's neoliberal finance minister Goodal Gondwe complained of double standards during the IMF/Bank meetings: 'What I am afraid of is that putting Nigeria together with Iraq we may emphasize for sentimental reasons that are currently in the air politically, that talking about Iraq could be at the expense of Nigeria.'
Patrick Bond

Today the United Nation’s General Assembly will be voting again on an issue concerning Cuba, as it has done for almost four decades now. The subject is the continuing blockade of the small Caribbean socialist nation by its bullying neighbour, the lone superpower (some will say hyper power).

The Assembly will undoubtedly call for the end to this punitive measure on Cuba by the US, not for any act of aggression or intent to do so, but just because Cuba has dared not to organise its society along the cut-throat vulture capitalism of its neighbour. For daring to imagine different worlds, successive US governments since the early 1960s have sought both to eliminate Fidel Castro and destroy Cuba’s socialism. In an enduring victory for common peoples across the world, the big guys have never won in this case!

Before the revolution of 1959 Cuba was a playground to the US. A combination of ideologically driven obsession with regime change in Cuba and nostalgia for US hegemony in the country fuelled by the powerful Cuban-American interests in the state of Florida in particular and across the US has meant that a rational debate on what threat, if any, this small island posed to the US has been almost impossible.

One does not expect that in an election year in which all opinion polls and forecasts predict a very close run between the incumbent hawkish Republican Bushman and his patrician democrat rival, reason can prevail on America’s negative policies against Cuba.

The rest of the world has no vote in the US elections even though its outcome has grave implications for all of us. However, all of us do have a voice in the United Nations even if the UN is a pejorative nomenclature inside the US. That voice should be used to restate again to the US that it cannot claim global leadership and at the same time defy global consensus and civilised standards. It cannot give itself the role of global Sheriff and act like a rogue.

Bush may have cowed many countries and peoples into quiet acquiescence in his irresponsible behaviour internationally but there is a growing concern at its exercise of power without responsibility both within America itself and internationally. The vast majority of the peoples of the world must use today’s vote on the illegal blockade on Cuba to yet again demonstrate to the US that the rest of us will have our say and exercise our right not to be colluders in US brigandage.

The usual suspect client states of the US, most notably Israel, will vote against the censure resolution while most countries of the world will vote for it. A small number may even abstain. Some African countries (a very small minority I am happy to say) in recent years have chosen, out of fear or misplaced loyalties or even diplomatic incompetence by officials, to abstain. Abstinence on such an issue is voting along with US bullying of Cuba.

Unfortunately, Uganda was one of those few African countries that abstained in last year’s vote despite assurances from the highest level to the contrary. Not long ago President Museveni bravely admitted in public that he was hoodwinked by Bush on Iraq and regretted the mistake in supporting the illegal occupation of the country. He needs to correct another US related diplomatic mistake by causing Uganda’s ambassador to the UN to vote in support of the UN resolution calling for an end to the blockade against Cuba.

* Dr Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is General-Secretary of the Pan African Movement, Kampala (Uganda) and Co-Director of Justice Africa

* Please send comments to

The Association for Progressive Communications (APC) has announced the launch of a new Africa ICT Policy Monitor website. "The most important feature of the new 'Africa Monitor' is the information section which houses policy documents, analysis, and country reports from civil society perspectives," says site editor, Emmanuel Njenga Njuguna. "People preparing to make interventions for engagement in ICT policy processes at national, regional or international levels will find it particularly useful."

Since May 2002, PeaceWomen has been producing the 1325 PeaceWomen E-Newsletter as a means to maintain the momentum and visibility of SCR 1325, to advocate for its full and rapid implementation, and to share information with UN entities, government representatives and civil society actors about the resolution and related women, peace and security issues. Their 50th issue features:
1. In Celebration of the 50th Issue of 1325 PeaceWomen E-News: Comments from Our Readers
2. The Final Days of Women, Peace and Security Month - October 2004
3. 1325 Translation Update: Dari, Punjabi and Urdu Translations Now Available
4. Women, Peace and Security News
5. Feature Reports: “Secretary-General’s Report on women, peace and security,” “Four Years On: An Alternative Report and Progress Check on the Implementation of Security Council Resolution 1325” (NGOWG), & Others
6. Feature Statements: Civil Society Statements to Arria Formula Meeting on Women, Peace and Security, Letter to Security Council Members on 28 October Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security (NGOWG), & Others
7. Feature Interview: Gender Issues in the UN Peacekeeping Operation in Haiti: An Interview with Nadine Puechguirbal, Senior Gender Advisor, UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)
8. Feature Resources: Inventory of UN Resources on Women, Peace and Security (OSAGI) & “FACES: Women as Partners in Peace and Security” (DPI-OSAGI)
9. UNIFEM Update: Commemorating the 4th Anniversary of Resolution 1325
10. Feature Analysis: UNMIK Office of Gender Affairs Places Gender Concerns at the Top of the Peacekeeping Political Agenda in Kosovo
11. Women, Peace and Security Calendar: Recent Events in Celebration of the 4th Anniversary of SCR 1325

* Editorial: Henning Melber unpacks the blockages to regional integration in southern Africa
* Comment and Analysis: Poor people are struggling for land against increasingly long odds in a hugely hostile global climate, writes Robin Palmer
* Pan-African Postcard: Columnist Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem urges African countries to unite against the US embargo on Cuba
* Conflicts and Emergencies: Violence continues in the DRC with malnutrition rates hitting 30% in some areas, says a new Amnesty International report
* Women and Gender: Women are gaining a place at the political table in a growing number of African countries
* Elections and Governance: SA’s quiet diplomacy challenged as unionists booted out of Zimbabwe
* Development: An Actionaid report reveals how the taps have been turned off for the poor in Tanzania after a water privatisation scheme
* Racism and Xenophobia: South Africa’s president and the opposition trade blows over HIV/AIDS and race
* E-newsletters and Mailing Lists: Fiftieth edition of Peacewomen e-news out now
* Books and Arts: Tackling HIV/AIDS means challenging power structures that lead to ill-health, says a new publication, ‘AIDS: In Search of a Social Solution’.

African women attending the 7th African Regional Meeting on the Review of the Dakar and Beijing Conferences (Beijing + 10) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from 6-14 October, 2004, expressed satisfaction with the efforts of the African Union (AU) and NEPAD to ensure that all their policies, programmes and practices are inclusive and engendered. The expert group meeting, chaired by Dr. Sara Longwe of FEMNET, heard from two panelists: Madam Bineta Diop, the executive director of Femmes Africa Solidarite (FAS) and Ms Litha Musyimi-Ogana, NEPAD Gender and Civil Society advisor who presented a paper on " Gender Responsiveness of NEPAD."

Amnesty International has welcomed a debate in the UN Security Council to assess implementation of Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. The organization urges all governments, the Security Council and the UN system as a whole to take concrete steps to make real the promises of Resolution 1325 for all women living in conflict affected situations. Adopted in 2000, Resolution 1325 calls for increased protection of women during armed conflict, for an end to impunity for gender-based abuses during and after conflict, and the participation of women at all levels of decision-making related to prevention, management and resolution of conflict.

"Progress For Children addresses the child survival Millennium Development Goal, graphically depicting the world's advances in the lead up to 2015. It states that despite global gains in child survival since 1990, significant discrepancies remain within and across countries and regions and 11 million children still die needlessly each year. By ensuring access to basic services and continued use of simple, cost-effective interventions, these deaths can be averted and the goal of a two-thirds reduction in under-five mortality from 1990 to 2015 achieved."

The Bush administration is poised to steal this election as it did the one in 2000. Thousands of voters, mostly African Americans, are in danger of being illegally disenfranchised by Republican party manipulations. In the year 2000, tens of thousands of African Americans were improperly purged from the voting rolls. Given that African Americans -- when they did vote -- overwhelmingly cast their ballots for Gore, and given that the margin in Florida was only 537 votes, it is clear that the last presidential election was stolen. Or was it? Imagine this defense of Republican scheming: "If Gore had been able to win his home state of Tennessee, he would have won the election. If he had been able to appeal to Arab American voters in Florida, he would have won. And so on." Our response to this should be obvious: the disenfranchisement by Republicans of Florida's Black voters was not a sufficient cause for Bush to win the election, but it was a necessary cause.

Police arrested 34 supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party attending a meeting here, in what the opposition party said was yet more evidence of continued harassment of its members by state security agents. Officials of the opposition party said heavily armed police stormed a community hall in Mpopoma constituency here and force-marched the MDC members who were meeting there to West Commonage police station nearby.

“There is simply no law and order in Zimbabwe," declared Cosatu vice president Violet Seboni upon her arrival back in Johannesburg after the deportation of her 13 strong delegation from Zimbabwe by the Mugabe government. "A nasty, horrible experience," was how Seboni summed up her ordeal at the hands of the Mugabe government. The consolation for her is that her mind has been cleared now: "There is no respect for labour rights in that country, no respect for human rights and the rule of law," she said.

A full-blown emergency is threatening Ethiopia’s Somali region, the UN warned on Thursday. Wells are drying up and malnutrition is beginning to set in, according to a joint UN rapid-assessment team sent to monitor the crisis. Somali region officials said last week that panic was beginning to set in among communities who fear they might suffer on a scale like that of the 2000 drought in the same region. In that year, an estimated 50,000 people died, mainly from measles.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS 179: Women and gender in postconflict reconstruction

Recent trends seem to suggest a shift away from strengthening of regional cooperation not only but also in Southern Africa. But such regionalism has been hitherto a declared priority on development agendas. Hampering factors presently include political differences such as the controversy over Zimbabwe. It escalated into a sharp division of views also among the member countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It is hardly an exaggeration to state that the inability to agree on a common approach has an almost paralysing effect. The following analysis is however concentrating on socio-economic factors of concern, which divide the region further instead of bringing it closer together.

Strategic shift towards NEPAD The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) seems to emerge increasingly as a type of mega-NGO to channel aid-funds into developmental projects, which at best claim but in reality fail to be driven by a desire towards enhanced regional collaboration. The programmes and policies funded under NEPAD are implemented mainly by countries and not by regional bodies. Hence NEPAD in effect more undermines than strengthens an agency such as SADC (or any other regional institution). This is a trend notwithstanding the fact that NEPAD attributes substantial relevance to regional bodies when identifying ways and means to achieve the defined socio-economic goals. NEPAD claims that its agenda is "based on national and regional priorities and development plans", which ought to be prepared "through participatory processes involving the people". So far, however, no visible signs in the SADC would indicate that the collective (multilateral) efforts aim at a united approach of the region in its relations with the outside world. Nor does NEPAD so far translate its noble aims into practical steps for implementation. The blue print emphasises sub-regional and regional approaches even under a separate sub heading. It stresses "the need for African countries to pool their resources and enhance regional development and economic integration … to improve international competitiveness". But the crux of the matter lies there: the emphasis on international competitiveness comes at the expenses of strengthening the local economy and the local people. Instead, integration in Africa should as a priority meet the socio-economic and environmental needs of its citizenries and not seek to turn even more into an export platform. NEPAD claims further to enhance the provision of essential regional goods as well as the promotion of intra-African trade and investments, with another focus on "rationalising the institutional framework for economic integration". But again, such an approach neglects the local/internal in favour of the global/external orientation. The implementation of NEPAD will hence most likely have the adverse effect and assist in an increased outward orientation of a regional bloc at the expenses of internal consolidation. It is interesting to note in this context, that notwithstanding the decisive role of South Africa within NEPAD, SADC has so far hardly acknowledged and certainly not embraced the initiative.

Divisive Free Trade Agreements The Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and South Africa (EU-SA FTA) negotiated since the mid-1990s, had a similarly divisive effect on the Southern African region by entering into a preferential trade relation with one country and thereby enhancing differences within the region resulting from existing conflicts of interest among the national economies. South Africa herself, the monetary zone, the South African Customs Union (SACU) and SADC are already not in harmony at any time and less so given the effects of the FTA on regional economic matters. Hence the EU intervention adds more friction. The new Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) negotiated between the countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific Islands (ACP states) on the one hand and the EU on the other hand not only seek to replace the previous Cotonou Agreement by means of sub-regional separate negotiations but also aim towards compatibility between EU-ACP trade relations and the World Trade Organisation (WTO). They are hence dependent upon the settlement of the Doha Development Agenda's controversial and yet unresolved issues. Interesting enough, the draft European Constitution makes no reference to cooperation with ACP states. It is only fair to assume that the EU enlargement shifts interest even further away from the neighbouring continent towards more collaboration closer to Brussels. In addition, the negotiations by the EU aim at separate accords with each region, and no country may negotiate in more than one bloc. As such, SADC is reduced to seven member countries (half of the 14 SADC states) under the EPA negotiations. It is not far fetched to see that there is an in build conflict between regionalism as it exists and the negotiations of new multilateral processes. Countries might differ over the advantages between benefits from the continued protection of regional arrangements or the creation of individual preferential access within other trade agreements. But if regionalism is considered as a problem or obstacle towards further global harmonisation under the WTO, it stands little chances of being a viable point of departure for strengthening in particular the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the South within the global trade arrangements. Instead, the predictable outcome of the current negotiations under the WTO related agreements will be a shrinking of "development space". To avoid such in-egalitarian pseudo-partnerships, a shift in balance from the drive to homogenize trading commitments to other states towards granting states reasonable scope to choose appropriate levels of national protection is required. A development strategy would therefore have to operate in a zone where both internal as well as external integration reinforce than rather undermine each other. Instead, issues of internal integration (including issues of regional integration) have largely dropped out of the development agenda as the gospel of the free trade paradigm dominates the discourse.

EU and US as partners? The same limiting effects can be expected from the Free Trade Agreement between SACU and the USA. The SACU-US FTA seems to promise nothing different from the US-American African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which tends to separate and divide instead of bringing African economies and interests closer. The benefits from AGOA differ among African countries according to their resources. Ironically, within those countries having been allocated a LDC status under AGOA (receiving additional preferential treatment), external capital (from mainly East Asian countries) has managed to exploit the opportunities created for supplying the US market under preferential tax regimes with cheap textiles from these countries. The by and large unqualified and underpaid workforce in the local sweatshops is hardly reaping any benefits from the super exploitation. Nor does the fiscus in these states, as initial investments and running costs for operations are substantially subsidised with public revenue instead of providing any tax income from the profits generated. Such recent trends indicate towards less than more regional cooperation and integration, at least in macro-economic terms along the official membership in such bodies like SADC. The political and security interests might provide with increased support by the G8 (the group of 8 most industrialised countries of the Northern hemisphere) the strengthening of initiatives towards closer regional collaboration in reducing armed conflicts and securing more stability. Such stability continues however to be perceived as regime security, in contrast to a concept of human security. The latter would give primacy to human rights in favour of the citizens and not preference to the governments in power Even if there would be achievements in this direction, the multidimensionality and heterogeneity of a region like Southern Africa is likely to persist and may eventually increase. This does not prevent external support towards further positive regional interdependence. But this requires more than merely the opening up to the global economy. More so, it would have to re-visit matters of regional economic collaboration and seek involvement of the majority of the African population in these countries. - The current initiatives by the EU and the US under the WTO offer little to no promise to contribute to such a desirable tendency, neither in SADC nor elsewhere.

* Henning Melber is Research Director at The Nordic Africa Institute in Uppsala/Sweden and has been Director of the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit (NEPRU) in Windhoek between 1992 and 2000.

* Please send comments to

Conseiller/Conseillère de Soutien en Technologie de l'Information Front Line, la Fondation Internationale pour la Protection des Défenseurs des Droits Humains, désire recruter un Conseiller de Soutien en Technologie de l'Information pour un projet dans l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo.
Le candidat retenu réalisera les tâches suivantes:
- aider à établir un soutien technique et à fournir des conseils stratégiques sur les systèmes de technologie de l'information utilisés par des défenseurs des droits humains. Cela comprend l'administration de réseaux, de Microsoft Office, des systèmes de courrier électronique et des bases de données;
- aider à établir, installer, tester et fournir un soutien technique pour des ordinateurs et leurs périphériques. Détecter et résoudre des problèmes liés au matériel et aux logiciels ainsi que réparer et remplacer du matériel informatique, des imprimantes et des logiciels défectueux;
- assurer le suivi et donner régulièrement des conseils en matière de sécurité sur des questions relatives aux systèmes de technologie de l'information des défenseurs des droits humains;
- assurer la formation des défenseurs des droits humains pour une utilisation en toute sécurité de la technologie de l'information;
- pouvoir se déplacer régulièrement dans l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo et parfois à l'échelle internationale;
- pouvoir gérer la mise en ?uvre de projets avec un petit budget et rédiger des rapports détaillés sur les activités et les dépenses;

Exigences minimales :
Langues: Maîtrise du français (une bonne connaissance de l'anglais constitue un atout).
Études: Diplôme universitaire avec spécialisation en informatique et en technologie de la communication Internet et/ou formation et expérience équivalentes.
Expérience: Expérience de la prestation de séances de formation sur des sujets techniques. La connaissance des logiciels libres au code source disponible est souhaitable.
Capacités: Ingéniosité ainsi que bonnes capacités d'organisation et de communication, ce qui comprend la capacité de travailler de façon autonome et de communiquer avec courtoisie et diplomatie avec des gens provenant de divers milieux. Il est essentiel de comprendre les besoins et les méthodes de travail des organisations non gouvernementales dans l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo ainsi que de pouvoir travailler dans un environnement peu sûr.

Modalités:
Le poste est d'une durée de trois ans. Le candidat retenu recevra une formation adéquate en matière technique et en matière de sécurité. Le poste est situé dans l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo. Le salaire est en fonction de l'expérience. Pour poser votre candidature pour ce poste, veuillez envoyer votre lettre de motivation accompagnée de votre C.V. à Mr Andrew Anderson [email protected] ou par fax au + 353 1 212 1001 avant le 31 octobre 2004. Merci.

Dear Editor,
The article by Riaz Tayob of the Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (Seatini) in South Africa is very education and informative. One wonders whether some of the African leaders spare time to read this kind of literature. It would should help them become exposed and understand on how to deal with their counterpart leaders from the North. Institutions like World Bank and IMF have literally taken over the roles and responsibilities of the states in Africa through pushing through the throat of high indebted countries in Africa with a bitter pill aimed at underdeveloping them. Like Riaz says, this is done through imposed free trade and liberation policies. Which from the countries in the North, who appear to have the control in these IFIs, did not in their time when they were developing dared not to follow. My observation is that this type of information, that Riaz is sharing, must reach out to more people in Africa. Especially the poor. The challenge remains how to do this in the context of the prevailing underdeveloped information communication systems. Even the language used, is of the oppressor, which very few urban based intellectuals can access. Who may use it for themselves and not even widely share this knowledge to empower the African populace. This is one big weakness with our 'educated' Africans. How then do you think Pambazuka could assist to popularise such information and widely communicate it to reach out to the grassroots. This I believe can be one way towards liberalisation of Africa from both social and economic bondage. If the people of Africa are empowered with information, knowledge and their anger evoked, they would control their destiny with or without the elite, whose interests appear to compromise with the oppressor as 'consultants' opportunists at the expense of the poor and Africa as a whole.

Editor's response: Like you, we think it is important that articles such as this should be widely circulated both at grassroots level as well as to parliamentarians. We would like your help in sending copies of Pambazuka News as widely as possible, and encourage everyone to write to their members of parliament with a copy of the article.

While the international community procrastinated last week about whether events in Darfur constitute genocide, I visited the Ardamata refugee camp in Geneina and found that nothing much has changed. I have sent a full report to Tony Blair and will ask a question about Darfur in the House of Lords today [Monday]. My report is a catalogue of systematic violence driven by ethnic hatred and aided by the Sudanese regime. The report is on the website of the human rights group the Jubilee Campaign, which arranged the visit (www.jubileecampaign.co.uk).

The International Cricket Council on Sunday said a probe had found no evidence of racism in Zimbabwe's cricket. Cricket in Zimbabwe is in turmoil following a strike by 15 white players led by former captain Heath Streak who alleged racism in Zimbabwe cricket in April. The Zimbabwe Cricket Union refuted the allegations, sacked the rebel players and has subsequently been forced to field a weak and inexperienced side under young captain Tatenda Taibu.

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