More than 600,000 children have been immunized against measles in the Liberian capital Monrovia and two nearby counties since peace returned to the country in August, UNICEF said last Thursday. The organisation said it aimed to complete coverage of Montserrado and Margibi counties, just to the north of Monrovia, by the end of this year.

The cholera outbreak in Lusaka has spread to Chongwe and Nampundwe areas. Central Board of Health (CBoH) director of technical support services, Dr. Victor Mukonka, said if people were not careful about keeping their surroundings clean, the cholera situation could get out of hand. Dr. Mukonka said four more new cases were also reported in Lusaka.

On this 55th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, threats of new terrorist attacks and the dangers of weapons of mass destruction dominate the headlines. But the real weapons of mass destruction go largely unnoticed by those of us who live far from conflict and war. Those weapons are the 639 million small arms in circulation, and at least 16 billion units of military ammunition produced every year -- enough to shoot every man, woman and child on the planet twice, said Mary Robinson, former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the 55th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Robinson called for the creation of a new treaty to control the global trade in small arms.

A refugee for nearly 15 of his 40 years, Daniel J. Kinapoe’s life is filled with horrific memories. Witnessing the brutal murder of four of his brothers and his sister - who was weeks away from giving birth to twins - remains the worst. That indelible memory and life-altering event convinced Daniel that even if he wanted to live in his homeland, Liberia was no longer safe. During the next 12 years, Daniel lived a relatively quiet and peaceful life in the southwestern Ivorian town of Tabou, where he taught school and raised his five children.

Recent security incidents in Liberia have led humanitarian agencies, including UNHCR, to temporarily reassess some operations in the country, including the relocation of displaced people near the capital, Monrovia. Over the last two days, there have been reports of random shooting, banditry and looting of humanitarian supplies in various areas of Liberia, caused by former combatants dissatisfied with the terms of an ongoing disarmament programme.

The US-based oil giant ExxonMobil has been ordered to pay three Niger Delta communities 1.4 billion naira (US $10.1 million) as compensation for the effects of a 1998 oil spill, Nigerian and company officials said on Monday. In a judgment delivered on Friday, Justice Abdullahi Mustapha of the Federal High Court in Lagos held the oil company liable for damage done by floating crude oil to fisheries and the ecology of the coastal communities of Bonny, Brass and Andoni, a court official said.

Under pressure from world public opinion, especially from the Jubilee 2000 movement for debt cancellation, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) proposed the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in 1996. In 1999, the Initiative was revised to include more countries that were left out in its first phase.

But another important characteristic of the “enhanced” Initiative was the addition of a new conditionality, called Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which all eligible countries were required to submit in exchange for “debt relief”. The PRSP requirement was an implicit recognition on the part of the two institutions of the utter failure of structural adjustment policies (SAPs), which, for more than two decades, had been imposed on developing countries, in exchange for loans.

The PRSPs, we are told, represent a “major departure” from SAPs, in that they are “nationally-owned” and aim at “reducing poverty”, according to the two institutions. But what is the reality behind the rhetoric?

The myth of “national ownership”

If we are to believe the IMF and the World Bank, the PRSPs are “country-driven” and reflect the priorities of each country in its fight against poverty. Accordingly, the PRSPs are drafted after a large “participatory process”, involving the government, civil society organisations (CSOs) and even the private sector. But in reality, “national ownership” is more theoretical than real.

For one thing, the PRSPs should follow a framework proposed by the International Financial Institutions. That framework, spelled out in a voluminous document called the PRSP Sourcebook published by the IMF (Ames et al., 2001) proposes “sound macroeconomic policies” to HIPC countries in drafting their PRSP. It is consistent with the conditionalities attached to the IMF Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF), the new name of the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF).

The compliance with PRGF conditionalities makes the basic macroeconomic framework non negotiable: fiscal austerity; trade and investment liberalization; deregulation of labour and goods markets; emphasis on export-led growth; privatisation of utilities and State-owned enterprises are at the heart of PRSPs.

So, African governments and civil society organisations (CSOs) are left with only one option: identify areas where safety nets are most needed to “alleviate poverty”. For this reason, African governments tend to put in their PRSPs what the IMF and the World Bank would like to see in those documents, rather than what their development priorities are.

On the other hand, CSOs have been frustrated by the PRSP process. They found out that they were used more as alibi than considered as true partners whose opinions are valued and taken seriously. In several countries, including Uganda, Mauritania, Senegal, Tanzania and Mali, CSOs have found themselves as the “guinea pigs” of the PRSP process.

Moreover, democratically-elected bodies, such as National Parliaments, have been ignored by the Bretton Woods Institutions (BWIs). Finally, we know that the final say belongs to the Boards of the two institutions, which should give their seal of approval to any PRSP before its implementation. Under these circumstances, talking about 'national ownership' is a bit disingenuous, to say the least.

The myth of “pro-poor” policies

It is even more disingenuous on the part of the BWIs to claim that PRSPs contain “pro-poor policies”. As indicated above, the basic macroeconomic framework is the same as the one that underpinned the failed and discredited SAPS. For this reason, there is a big gap between policies that are in the interests of the poor and most of the recommendations contained in the PRSPs. For instance, low-income and poor groups call for cheaper and more affordable prices of staple goods and for free access to basic services. This is in contradiction with the delivery of such services by the market, as recommended by the BWIs.

The privatisation of essential services, like water and electricity and the deterioration or privatisation of public services, such as health and education, have never been in the interests of the poor. For instance, the imposition of user fees on health care or education has led to a sharp drop of hospital attendance and school enrolment from poor or low-income families and increased the gender gap, since girls and women are the main victims of those policies.

In Senegal, where water is privatised, poor and low-income groups in urban areas pay three to four times more than rich groups. Still in Senegal, the liberalization of the groundnut sector, imposed by the IMF and the World Bank against the will of the government, cost at least 400 jobs following the dissolution of one State-owned enterprise and led millions of peasants and their families to the brink of famine. The Government had to draw up an Emergency Relief Plan worth more than $23 million to avoid a national catastrophe.

On the other hand, price deregulation and the elimination of subsidies have led to the collapse of the purchasing power of average citizens, in particular of low-income groups. This explains, inter alia, why in Senegal more than 64 % of people surveyed in the PRSP document said that their situation has worsened between 1995 and 2002, a period of so-called “high growth rates”.

Still in Senegal, the liberalization of the groundnut sector, evoked above, led to a sharp fall in agricultural production in 2002. This, in turn, resulted in a more than 50 percent decline in economic growth, from 5.6 % in 2001 to 2.4 % in 2002, according to early estimates. The difference is an annual income loss of roughly $200 million for a country where two out of three citizens live under the poverty line.

How, in the world, can the IMF and the World Bank claim that such policies aim at “reducing poverty” and are “pro-poor”?

Another example is Zambia, where in less than 10 years, the textile industry was wiped out as a result of sweeping trade liberalization undertaken under the Chiluba regime. The Zambian textile industry fell from 140 units to 8, shedding in the process more than 90 % of the workforce. In several other countries, local industries have been destroyed by cheap imports of poor quality, in the name of “free trade” imposed by the IMF and the World Bank.

But it is widely documented that trade liberalization is one of the main causes of the widespread poverty experienced in the world as well as the widening gap between the rich and the poor. The latest UNICEF Report, the State of the World's Children, indicates that in some developing countries more than 90 percent of children under 5 are in absolute poverty. Trade liberalization, deregulation and privatisation are among the factors behind that catastrophic situation, according to the Report, which was released in October.

Trade liberalization has worsened Africa's terms of trade. A study by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in 2001 indicates that if Africa's terms of trade had remained at their 1980 level:
- the continent’s share in world trade would have been double its current share;
- average per capita income would have been 50 percent higher;
- annual economic growth would have been 1.4 percent higher than.

In light of this, it is clear that trade liberalization has been costly to Africa. It has led to the collapse of the continent's commodity prices, increased its external dependency and destroyed many local industries. The same UNCTAD study has indicated that Africa's de-industrialization has accelerated since the 1980s.

Still according to that study, capital flight has worsened as a result of financial liberalization. This flight, combined with debt service, has resulted in net financial outflows from Africa to developed countries over the last 20 years. In other words, the poorest continent is financing the richest countries. This is one of the most glaring achievements of the IMF and the World Bank.

Indeed, more trade and investment liberalization, more deregulation, more privatisation and a further weakening of the State are more likely to generate more poverty than promote economic and social well-being. No wonder in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) about 500 million live on less than $2 a day, according to the World Bank. This number is projected to rise to more than 600 million in 2015, despite all the fuss about the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Therefore, so long as the PRSPs, like the now discredited and failed SAPs, are within the framework of the neolberal model, they will generate more poverty than “reduce” it. And like SAPs, the PRSPs will ultimately fail.

Conclusion

After spreading poverty at an unprecedented scale in Sub-Saharan Africa and in other developing countries, the IMF and the World Bank are trying to mislead world opinion, especially in the North. They make people believe that they are really committed to “reducing poverty.” But the truth is that this has never been their intention. Their real mission is to promote the interests of global capitalism, by opening Africa's economies to multinational corporations and financial speculators and by transforming them into markets for Northern countries' goods and services.

The true mission of the BWIs in Africa and elsewhere should have been clear to everyone, especially to NGOs familiar with their philosophy and policies. Yet, some African NGOs, which have been among the leading critics of SAPs and in the forefront of the struggle for debt cancellation, have been misled by the BWIs' rhetoric on PRSPs. These NGOs have found some “merits” to the PRSPs and think that with the emphasis on more spending for social sectors, like education, health and nutrition, the PRSPs could help “alleviate poverty”.

This is a big mistake. One cannot trust the BWIs to reduce poverty in Africa or elsewhere. So long as they avoid challenging the unequal power relations that define the unfair rules of the international financial and trading system, these institutions will never be in a position to “help” Africa or other developing countries. In reality, what the IMF and World Bank try to achieve with the PRSPs is to:
- create the illusion of “poverty reduction” while pursuing the same failed and discredited policies, with even more conditionalities;
- promote a superficial “national consensus” on short-term “poverty reduction” programs at the expense of a serious and deep reflection on long-term development policies;
- drive a wedge between “reasonable” and “radical” civil society organisations in Africa;
- shift the blame to HIPC countries' governments and citizens for the inevitable failure of the PRSPs.

* Demba Moussa Dembele is Director of the Forum for African Alternatives. Click on the link below for references to this article.

* Please send comments on this editorial - and other events in Africa - to

In December 2004, the PhD program of the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (IEP) and the Institut de Recherche pour le Development (IRD) will jointly host a colloquium under the title “State, NGO's and Production of Security Norms in the South”. The meeting will be held in Paris. The aims are to explore discourses on security as these are formulated by states, multilateral organisations and civil society; to examine the norms and values which inform both the theory and practice of security at the global and at the local levels; to scrutinise the everyday relations of power around the concept of security; and to understand the way in which security is practiced in a world of interdependence. We are calling for proposals for papers that deal with the widening, beyond its traditional military and diplomatic setting, of the idea of security in a globalized world; examine new ways of producing security norms; and help to draw different actors into the world of security in changing political and social conditions.

The announcement by Zimbabwean government officials that they would pull the country out of the Commonwealth following their continued suspension raised the stakes dramatically, ironically on the eve of International Human Rights Day on December 10. This has serious implications for the organisations capacity to promote human rights in Africa and amongst non-African countries.

If the commonwealth takes no further action, it would appear all a country has to do to side step its authority is to withdraw from it. If however it decides to take further steps against the Zimbabwean government as provided for in its Harare principles, it risks widening the split in the organisation and triggering a spiralling crisis. It is significant that the 14 member Southern African Development Community (SADC) issued a statement on the 10th of December expressing its "displeasure and deep concern with the dismissive, intolerant and rigid attitude displayed by some (Commonwealth) members." The organisation called for “engagement” and “not isolation” saying, isolation “will do nothing to assist the people of Zimbabwe overcome their difficulties".

In this respect, a strong complicating factor is the apparent double standards exhibited by some ‘western’ governments. The idea for instance that any government could float the idea of relaxing sanctions on, or even ending the suspension of Pakistan while simultaneously calling for stiffer penalties against Zimbabwe at the Commonwealth may yet rank in history alongside the worlds biggest foreign policy blunders. Some Asian countries especially India, which is a traditional opponent of Pakistan, would also have watched this closely. Alluding to this David Ellery, writing in the letters pages of the UK Guardian of December 9 2003, stated, “Mugabe is missing a trick. All he has to do is offer to send a token force to Iraq and Blair and Bush will be praising him as a bulwark of democracy and human rights.”

This double standards and what is seen by some African governments as covert support by some ‘western’ governments for opposition interests opposed to land reform has not only strengthened Mugabe’s resolve, it has mobilised his party behind him as well as those African governments that share a similar colonial past.

However, it is important to remember that the central problem as regards Zimbabwe is not the resolution of the problems in the Commonwealth. The central problem is the resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe. The contradictions in the Commonwealth have long existed and Zimbabwe has only brought them to the fore again.

To many around the world [including within the Commonwealth], the crisis has several sides to it. To some the question is “are you for land reform or not?” To others the question is “are you for democracy and human rights or not?”

These questions have been shaped by the perceptions that to be strongly for land reform suggests uncritical support for the Mugabe government and its policies and that to be strongly for human rights and democracy suggests an uncritical alliance with ‘white farmers’, ‘former colonial masters’ or the opposition as currently represented by the MDC.

This conundrum confirms that as is sometimes the case, the perception is as important as the reality. In this case, key factors behind these perceptions are race and political convenience.

Conflicts that are complicated by race and ideology are often tricky waters to navigate. It is necessary therefore to be courageous and unambiguous in standing by principles that will facilitate consistency. In the case of Zimbabwe, it is time for courage.
It is therefore possible in Zimbabwe and elsewhere, to stand:
- For democracy;
- For the rights to freedom of opinion, expression, association, assembly, and political participation;
- Media freedom;
- And simultaneously recognise the urgent need for land reform and redistribution to correct the injustices of colonialism based on racist oppression, discrimination and exploitation.

It is also principled to stand for correction of colonial injustices and simultaneously demand that the need for land reform and redistribution should not and cannot be used as an excuse or cover to sanction violence and murder. Land reform can and must be carried out but only on a constitutional and equitable basis. This should have been the position of the Commonwealth; this should be the position of the African Union and of the SADC.

It is important to sort out the Zimbabwean crisis now on the basis of clear and unambiguous democratic principles not just for Zimbabwe, but also because the land problem may rear its head in South Africa sooner than many think. If it manifests in South Africa on the same basis as it has in Zimbabwe then the legacy of apartheid, the unresolved issues around race, the economic divide, the sharper role of ideology in the liberation struggle and the size of the country and economy – all will combine to make it far worse than it could ever be in Zimbabwe.

Africans and democratic minded African leaders and governments must not allow perceived ‘western’ double standards to distort their views on democracy. It is possible for President Mugabe to be a former liberation fighter, to have been once democratically elected and to now pursue undemocratic policies. Violence is not necessary to ensure land reform in Zimbabwe. It is also not justified by the fact that colonial settlers used violence and murder to illegitimately seize land from Africans. Had it been determined to do so before it started facing political problems, the Mugabe government could have enforced land reform in a constitutional, legitimate and equitable way at any time in the last two decades.

For this reason African rights campaigners must be steadfast on the question of rights and democracy in Zimbabwe and appreciate the fact that support for democratic principles in Zimbabwe is not the same as endorsing the policies of “western interests”, or any opposition parties or organisations. International rights campaigners and non-African governments must also be clear and unequivocal that in addition to campaigning for democratic principles that they stand for land reform and redistribution as a step towards correcting the injustices of Zimbabwe’s colonial past. If not, they risk becoming part of the problem instead of contributing to the solution.

Given the opportunity, the people of Zimbabwe will make the right choices and these choices will in the long run be consistent with democratic principles, human rights and correcting the injustices of the colonial past on a constitutional, just and equitable basis.

*Sankore is a member of the Pambazuka Editorial Board and is Coordinator of CREDO for Freedom of Expression and Associated Rights, which works on rights issues in Africa. CREDO can be contacted via Pambazuka News or via [email][email protected]

* See the Letters and Comments section of Pambazuka News for letters and debate on Zimbabwe.

It requires a great deal of political clarity to sort the issues on Zimbabwe and a short message cannot do it in depth. Nevertheless I think it is important to make some clarifications on the question of race and criticism of President Mugabe.

1. It is not proper or correct to allege/imply that [all] black Mugabe critics are in effect supporters of white supremacy.

2. I for example could never be accused of being such a person. I do not need to go into detail but suffice to say that all my life, I have fought and will continue to fight against all manifestations of racism.

3. I have also lived under [and suffered the consequences of the repression of] another undemocratic African government that did not have a land controversy at hand to blur the issues. I have had the unfortunate benefit of seeing journalist colleagues disappear, be jailed, tortured, killed and hounded in to exile in many countries. None of them were supporters of white supremacy. [Ironically, ‘western’ interests supported some of such dictators such as Mobutu of Zaire especially during the cold war]

4. Yes there is an overwhelming need for land reform and redistribution not just in Zimbabwe but also across southern Africa. In truth it should have been done - not in the last two years - but long ago. It can also be done in a civil way without inciting lynch mobs to murder people.

5. The issues in Zimbabwe are not just about minority whites owning the most land and blacks not having access to land. It is also about democracy and human rights, which are universal concepts. Black people are dying of AIDS and Famine in Zimbabwe.

6. Yes there is a reasonable element of racism in the support for anti-Mugabe forces by some white people and western interests. Such interests are clearly identifiable and there is no need to mix them up with those that don’t share their interests. [Descendants of colonial settlers for instance would be happy to hang on to their land under any circumstances and would never have spoken up for human rights of Africans were they not under attack themselves.]

7. While it is true that white people that have not suffered the consequences of slavery, colonialism, apartheid or racism do not appreciate the extent to which race may colour their perception of issues and how this in turn colours how their actions and policies are perceived by Africans. The truth is that not all white people are racists. Some have even fought and died for the anti-apartheid, anti-colonial struggles and the civil rights movement etc.

8. Mugabe need not have waited till he faced growing political opposition to sort the land problem. He could have done it when there was little or no opposition anytime in the previous 20 years. While it is true that some interests will rather ruin Zimbabwe than see land reform, the truth is that Mugabe’s policies are also undermining the Zimbabwean economy.

9. It may seem attractive to some people to imply that because white colonial settlers murdered millions of Africans and violently seized land, the same should be done to them. However although ‘revenge’ may give immense satisfaction, this simply reduces the perpetrators to the same bestial mentality that generated colonial murder and exploitation. [There will never be enough space here to discuss the place of revenge and vengeance in the human psyche and society, if it is appropriate or not, to what extent is it reasonable and so forth.] More importantly if land reform is the objective, it can be done without mayhem. Prior to the last elections Zanu-PF had enough political strength to ensure land reform in a constitutional manner. It is not impossible to do so even now.

10. Finally and to reiterate: It is possible to campaign for democracy and human rights in Zimbabwe and elsewhere in Africa without being a supporter of white supremacy. Note also that:
(1) If you fight the beneficiaries of undemocratic policies by undemocratic means, you loose your legitimacy and moral authority especially if you play on a legitimate cause to selfishly hang on to power and the fall out is that thousands of innocent people suffer the consequences. (2) To campaign for democracy, free expression and other rights in Zimbabwe is not an endorsement of the MDC or its policies.

The fallouts of slavery, colonialism, apartheid and more sophisticated modern day exploitation of Africa can only be solved by more democracy and more human rights, not less. Some racists that were never and never will be democrats will exploit circumstances to hang on to their land. However in the long run, a genuinely democratic Zimbabwe will not accept minority control of majority land, but will address the problem in a non-violent and democratic manner.

There is compelling evidence that the Sudanese government is largely responsible for the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Darfur in the western Sudan, Amnesty International said after its delegates returned from visiting refugee camps in eastern Chad. "At the very least the Sudanese government has totally failed in its obligation to protect its own people," said Amnesty International. "The testimonies of scores of refugees describing attacks on rural communities by militias which included members of the armed forces or other security forces has led us to the bleak conclusion that at least some elements in the army are encouraging this devastation."

The Union of Kenya Civil Servants is up in arms against a call by the donor community for further retrenchment. The union is calling on President Kibaki not to give in to "retrogressive conditionalities" for resumption of donor funding being prescribed by the World Bank and other donors.

Mozambican Prime Minister Pascoal Mocumbi last Thursday officially launched a national survey on perceptions of governance and corruption in the country as part of public sector reform started in June 2001. "The proper functioning of the public sector is a condition sine qua non for consolidating democracy in the country since it will allow the established public powers to respond to the demands of society, and to exercise the State's role of guaranteeing citizens' rights," he said at the launch.

Mama Cash, the first independent funding organisation for women, strives for a peaceful and just world, a world where women are free to make their own choices and to develop their myriad talents and skills. The average grant ranges from $2,000 to $10,000.

Donor responses to the current food emergency in southern Africa need to start with an acknowledgement of their responsibility for the increase in poverty and vulnerability in southern Africa. "They must be willing to explore, together with southern African governments and citizens, pro-poor macroeconomic, debt relief and budgetary policies, even where these differ from orthodox beliefs," says a paper from Christian Aid.

Kenyan primary schools are starting to equip themselves to promote gender equality, poverty alleviation and local economic growth. How can headteachers gain the necessary managerial and community liaison skills? Is a cascade system the best way to help them develop new expertise? What scope is there for learning from the bottom up to improve community-school partnerships?

BlogAfrica, a collaboration between Geekcorps, AllAfrica.com, the Berkman Centre and others, is intended to bring African and Africa-centric blogs closer to the forefront of the blogosphere. A catalogue of these blogs has begun. In coming months, volunteer-led instruction on blogging and free weblog hosting are planned. To get involved or add your Africa-related weblog to the list, please visit the site.

As a one off investment in meeting the Millennial Development Goals, the World Bank and IMF, non-G7 bilaterals and private creditors must cancel the outstanding debts owed to them by low income countries whose feasible revenues and levels of donor aid are not sufficient to finance their nationally owned development goals. This is according to a paper from CAFOD; Christian Aid; Eurodad; and Jubilee Research that sets out the policy actions required by the World Bank, IMF, and bilateral donors if their stated commitment to the fulfilment of the MDGs is to be taken seriously.

INSTRAW News is an electronic newsletter that announces gender-focused forthcoming activities, forthcoming projects, opportunities and new publications.

The Centre for Civil Society's online discussion forum welcomes the participation of everybody interested in African civil society. It is a forum for discussion and debate as well as the posting of articles, information and announcements of interest to people concerned with African civil society.

A crucial round of talks, between the Sudanese government and rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) resumed on Monday with both sides reiterating their earlier commitment to reach a final agreement before the end of the year.

Mozambique's electoral commission announced this week that the opposition Renamo party had won the port city of Beira, while authorities promised to investigate claims of irregularities during the local elections.

Concerns about a proposed anti-terrorism law in Kenya were set to reach boiling point Saturday, with a gathering of human rights activists in the capital. The activists belong to more than 40 human rights organisations that have formed an umbrella body called the Kenya Human Rights Network (K-HURINET), to sound an alarm about the Suppression of Terrorism Bill.

A non-governmental organisation that lobbies for debt relief, Chambers of Justice, has renewed its appeal for cancellation of Kenya's massive external debt. The debt burden currently stands at about nine billion dollars, three times more than the annual national revenue of approximately 2.7 billion dollars.

On November 24 2003, the Zanzibar government suspended the publication of the weekly “Dira” newspaper, which is published by the International Media Company. The Minister of State in the Chief Minister’s Office, who is responsible for information, Mr. Salum Juma Othman, said the tabloid was being suspended for violating professional ethics.

A new National Policy on HIV/AIDS has been concluded and will be released before the end of the year, Chairman of the National Action Committee on AIDS (NACA), Prof. Babatunde Osotimehin, has said. Osotimehin told a News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) forum on Monday in Abuja that the policy was an improvement on the first one adopted in 1997.

The UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and partner NGOs have mounted relief operations to respond to the needs of increasing numbers of war-displaced in the Burundian capital, Bujumbura, following two weeks of fighting between government forces and rebel elements of the Forces nationales de liberation. UNICEF reported on Friday that following recent hostilities around Bujumbura, more than 40,000 people had been displaced, while over 17,000 people, fearful of fighting, were spending nights in areas of the city they considered safe.

A UN General Assembly committee ended its session on Monday in New York, approving draft resolutions on human rights in three countries, among them the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Under the draft's terms, the UN General Assembly would condemn the continuing violations of human rights and international law in the Congo, and condemn all massacres and reported perpetration of acts of mutilation and cannibalism, cases of summary or arbitrary executions as well as the continuing recruitment and use of child soldiers.

The Internally Displaced People (IDPs) in Corner-Kilak camp, Pader district, have requested the Government to beef up security around IDP camps to stop abductions. In a recent memorandum which they presented to Zackary Olum, chairman of Acholi Parliamentary Group, the IDPs said the tight security would cripple the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebel group.

Zambia launched its first draft Information Communication Technologies (ICT) policy at the national ICT conference organised by OneWorld Africa held on 27th-28th November 2003.

In a rather peculiar way, Botswana has been sharply put in the spotlight by the greenhorn-South Africa - in her ‘shoddy’ treatment of indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), and its holders. This emerged at a three-day workshop on intellectual property rights and indigenous knowledge systems.

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) can play a key role in development and poverty reduction. But ICTs can only become an effective tool for development and poverty reduction if they are an integral part of a broader, more comprehensive national development strategy. Donor agencies need to ensure that their ICT programmes and strategies are better adapted to the specific needs and circumstances of individual developing countries and to become better informed through more information sharing and more rigorous analysis of recent experience of ICT-for-development programmes.

Successful collaboration, whether online or in person, depends on good team dynamics. The facilitator plays a key role, and careful planning is necessary. Internet-based group collaboration tools range from simple e-mail to sophisticated multimedia environments. This guide provides tips on how to build online communities through the use of web and email technologies.

A non-governmental organisation has set the ball rolling on sport and games in Sierra Leone's refugee camps in the hope that young refugees will be able to have fun with a purpose. Since starting its programmes in Sierra Leone in March, Canadian-based group Right to Play has introduced football, volleyball, kickball, softball and frisbee to Liberian refugee youth in five camps. Besides keeping them active and channelling their energies into positive activities, these sports also teach them important values and life skills like self-confidence, teamwork, communication, inclusion, discipline, respect and fair play.

This 12-week course intended for staff members of human rights and/or social justice organisations aims to provide participants with a range of human rights advocacy methods and critical concepts as a means for them to reflect on and deepen their own work. The course will look at the theoretical foundations and critical issues of human rights advocacy, elements of advocacy planning, and strategies for action.

A U.N. conference on climate change opened Monday, with organisers stressing there was "unquestionable" scientific proof that human beings caused global warming. The meeting was clouded by new doubts that the U.S.-rejected Kyoto pact on curbing greenhouse gas emissions would ever go into effect.

MIGRANT.NEWS informs you on issues of international migration, treatment of migrants, and protection of the human rights of migrants. Contact [email protected] for more information.

The Tanzanian parliament has blocked plans by the government to allow genetically modified (GM) seeds and crops to be imported, saying that they are not needed in the country and could damage its environment. The decision was made during a debate on draft legislation earlier this month covering the import and distribution of GM seeds.

ILLUMINATIONS, an international magazine of contemporary writing, is seeking contributions for next July's special issue celebrating the life and work of South African poet and activist Dennis Brutus.

Many thanks for your newsletter which continues to provide a wonderful source of important information and conscientisation. I would like to suggest a new section be added which relates to the real Development and Aid - which is actually from Africa to the North. This section would provide information about, for example, the numbers of health workers, teachers and other skilled professionals who are being 'imported' by countries in the North after we have paid to educate and train them - thereby saving the 'importing' countries billions of dollars, and at the same time stripping our countries of vital social capital. It would also keep readers up to date with the profits that are going to the North from businesses which market and sell our cultures (or music, or medicines etc etc). And what about all those wonderful cheap holidays and holiday homes that are being bought by Northerners. Their trips here provide them with extraordinarily cheap access to exotic holiday breaks where they can also feel human and in touch with real human values enabling them to go back refreshed and able once again to participate in their work settings. These excursions must be almost priceless? What do you think?
PZ Replies: Absolutely agree and thanks for the letter. We hope to have an editorial on this subject in the future. We are also going to have some new sections introduced shortly, one of which will be an African Diaspora section, which will hopefully highlight the issues you mention.

This book is written for policy-makers, managers, and programme staff in development and humanitarian organisations, to promote debate about the changes that need to be made to their programmes if they are to work effectively in a world which has been changed for ever by the pandemic of AIDS.

At a time when most societies have lost any sense of direction, here is a book that explains why present economic and political systems are not working. Arthur Dahl offers creative new thinking for those with an interest in economics and development, new perspectives for environmentalists in the application of ecological analysis to economic and social problems, and explanations of the critical linkage between religious beliefs and our social and environmental crises.

Reporting to the West and Central Africa Regional Director this position is responsible for developing the capacity of the HFHI Ghana National Organisation and its board of directors in order to fulfil the purposes of Habitat for Humanity.

The Advocacy Director will work with Africa Division staff to design and implement strategies to promote and protect human rights in Africa. Principal advocacy targets include African governments, institutions, or actors, and influential governments and international actors such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the European Union, and others.

"On this World Aids Day, the Pan-African Treatment Access Movement (PATAM), a grassroots social movement for access to anti-retroviral therapy and other essential medicines extends a hand to our grandparents, brothers, sisters, friends and many others in our communities who relentlessly bear the brunt of the epidemic with unending fortitude. They are the ones whose attention does not stray away from those who lie immobile, as their bodies slowly succumb to the wiles of the HI virus. They are the young who are forced to stop attending school so that they can look after their even younger brothers and sisters because mum and dad have long died of Aids. We salute you!"

Rural Uganda is a difficult place for women. Many women are the primary providers for households, either responsible for doing much of the agriculture work, or running a small business. Despite this role as providers, men, not women, usually have access to credit and local business exchanges. The Uganda chapter of the Council for the Economic Empowerment for Women of Africa (CEEWA) tries to rectify this problem and help women find the financial resources they need directly. In addition, as part of its Women's Information Resource Electronic Service (WIRES) initiative, CEEWA-Uganda recently brought information and communications technologies (ICTs) directly to the villages by building local telecentres.

Africa has given birth to her own Linux distribution, Impi Linux, free for all at the Linux website. It was not an easy birth. Two years and two false births, Impi Linux was finally born to South Africa's Gauteng Linux Users Group, www.glug.org.za. Impi is the Zulu word for 'a group of warriors' and Impi Linux is one with a host of proven open source software.