The Catholic Institute of Education is looking for a national fieldworker, willing to travel extensively, who will be responsible for implementing, monitoring and evaluating the CIE's HIV/AIDS prevention programme in Catholic primary schools.

The Alliance for Children's Entitlement to Social Security (ACESS) is a national alliance of 70 organisations sharing a common vision and mission of ensuring that children's rights to survival and development are promoted and protected through the development of a comprehensive and effective social security system. It is currently seeking a National Co-ordinator, and Advocacy co-ordinator.

Dot Org Media is hosting an online discussion for all who work with databases and information managements. Read more...

Need to look up a word or technical term? An anagram? Academic reference? Try one of the following sites.

Africa Affiliates of Transparency International (TI), the global non-governmental organization devoted to curbing corruption worldwide, has stepped up its campaign for the repatriation of Africa's stolen wealth estimated between 20-40billion dollars.

The Second e-Symposium on Conflict Prevention co sponsored by the Japan Center for Conflict Prevention (JCCP) and the Japan Times with support from the Sasakawa Peace Foundation was successfully held from February 6-14, 2002 on the theme "The Future of Conflict Prevention in the Post September 11 World" on the internet with an expanded global reach over the First e Symposium held in July 2001 that can be seen in the increase in the number of registered participants.

The cost of certain HIV/AIDS drugs has dropped in recent months, but shortages are placing many patients at risk, says a coalition of NGOs. Many pharmaceutical companies reduced their prices last year by between 50 and 98 percent for governments, international agencies and NGOs fighting HIV/AIDS in Africa. However, the Kenya Coalition for Access to Essential Medicines, which groups together several NGOs, has accused the drug companies of "giving with one hand and taking with the other".

KIT Gender is delighted to announce our website devoted to Gender and Governance. The website is part of an international programme on Gender, Citizenship and Governance (GCG) that KIT Gender is implementing together with 16 partner organisations from South Asia(Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) and Southern Africa (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe).

Three North American tribal leaders who led a drive to stop new oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge were among eight "eco-heroes" awarded a top world environmental award Monday. Other winners of this year's $125,000 Goldman environmental prize include a Somali grandmother who has fought to preserve her country's dwindling stands of old growth acacia trees and a Polish conservationist who pioneered the use of eco-tourism to preserve traditional family farms.

Protesting outside the Coca-Cola Co.'s annual shareholder meeting in Manhattan, activists said the company has "fail[ed] to cover the cost of HIV/AIDS treatment" for most of its African workforce, the Washington Post reports.

As the fallout from the elections in Zimbabwe began to make itself felt throughout Africa and the international community, John Makumbe, a respected professor of political science at the University of Zimbabwe, remarked that the election was more than about "just Zimbabwe's future. What's at stake here is whether Africa is willing and able to police itself and is able to show the world that it is able to take that step forward to democracy and stability, rather than remain mired in the muck of autocracy and stagnation." The reaction of African elites to the election debacle is well known. In fact, African elites fell over themselves in talking up the legitimacy of the elections. An observer team from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) said the elections were "transparent, credible, free and fair" whilst Nigerian observers in Zimbabwe endorsed Mugabe's victory, saying it had "recorded no incidence that was sufficient to threaten the integrity and outcome of the election." Daniel arap Moi of Kenya rushed to "convey to your excellency and dear brother congratulations and best wishes on your re-election" whilst Tanzania's Benjamin Mkapa asserted that Mugabe was "a champion of democracy" and "it was up to the people of Zimbabwe to decide who should lead them, and the people of Zimbabwe have now spoken loudly and clearly." For its part, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) "endorse[d] the position taken by the SADC ministerial task force on Zimbabwe that the elections were substantially free and fair," Bakili Muluzi of Malawi-who currently holds SADC's rotating presidency-was quoted as saying. Putting in their worth, the South African observer team blamed the long lines of voters unable to vote despite waiting many hours on "administrative oversights", drawing audible laughter from journalists and diplomats attending their press conference in Harare. No wonder that one Zimbabwean newspaper stated that the South African "observers" were "next to useless."

Zimbabwe was in many ways the test case for evaluating the credibility of the New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and a clear opportunity for African leaders to signal that they had changed their ways. It is quite clear that this has not happened and questions over the trustworthiness of the document as a real program for change rather than yet another "Declaration" are now very important. Unfortunately, when discussing such issues, accusations of "Afro-pessimism" or even "racism" seem to creep in, not to address the issues at hand, but rather to muddy the waters. It must be a strange mind who thinks defending Mugabe's tyranny is defending Africa's integrity, particularly when (and this is admittedly mere anecdotal evidence), the ordinary person on the street here in Africa seems to have no time for misplaced "solidarity" with someone widely regarded as an embarrassment to the continent. As the guest "expert" (a misplaced optimism on the part of the station!) on a one-hour radio talk show in Botswana devoted to discussing Zimbabwe, I was surprised by the depth of denunciation of Mugabe by well over ninety percent of the callers. Those who try and advance the idea that Mugabe is an African hero who enjoys popular (as opposed to elite) support are mistaken--or don't live in Africa. But be that as it may, the fall-out from the Zimbabwe elections and their impact on the NEPAD needs discussing.

In an earlier article I wrote that the Zimbabwe situation and the reaction by Africa's elites had caused the "death" of the NEPAD (online at 0203nepad.html). Now, a few weeks later, it is possible to re-visit this analysis and here I think the definition of "death" needs expounding upon--perhaps a curious task, but bear with me. It does not mean that NEPAD is dead in the water, in the sense that it will now be, post-Zimbabwe, totally ignored as an irrelevancy by the North. Fortunately for Africa, it seems that a number of well-placed Western elites (Tony Blair, Jean Chretien, etc.) are interested in contributing to Africa's renewal and do see worth in the NEPAD document. Obviously the type of support and more importantly, the developmental philosophy--in particular the more neo-liberal-inspired elements of the document- need interrogation, but it would be wrong to dismiss some Western support for the NEPAD as a mere sham. But then what does "the death of NEPAD" mean? A subtler response towards the NEPAD by the West will likely emerge. In this, lip service to the NEPAD will probably dominate and where Western donors think there is a genuine chance of some of the initiatives working they will likely support them, but it is highly doubtful that the type of reactions vis-à-vis the NEPAD as witnessed at a wide variety of multilateral fora pre-Zimbabwe elections will be seen again. The acclaim that greeted Thabo Mbeki et al at the G7/8 meeting in Genoa in July 2001, and at the Davos Conference in New York in January 2002 were before the Zimbabwe elections and at a time when, presumably, Western leaders took seriously the words of their guests relating to democracy and governance. Those days are now probably gone and in this sense the acclamatory ambience surrounding the NEPAD is most certainly dead.

In addition, the type of visits to Africa by Tony Blair's recent trip may be less likely in future. Little more than a month before Zimbabwe's presidential elections, Blair went on a high-profile tour of four West African countries (Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal and Sierra Leone). Here he spoke of a "new generation" of African leaders who were committed to reforming the troubled continent, were well aware of their responsibilities, and were committed to developing concrete policy proposals to address the continent's problems. Unfortunately, Zimbabwe's crisis provides little evidence to justify Blair's faith in Africa's elites (as opposed to Africa's peoples). Indeed, the reaction of a number of leaders who only weeks before were being cast by Blair as "new" and "responsible" can only reduce the credibility of certain African elites in the eyes of much of the West, at least as the potential architects of a "new" Africa.

Even the eventual agreement to suspend Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth for twelve months was cloaked in controversy. The decision to suspend Zimbabwe required unanimous agreement among the three members of the panel that included Thabo Mbeki, Olusegun Obasanjo, and Australian Prime Minister John Howard. Walter Kansteiner (U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs) commented that the suspension "had saved the position" of the NEPAD on the agenda at the G-8 summit in June. In this he is correct in that, as pointed out before, the initiative will not regarded as an irrelevancy. But, nor will it likely remain as high on the agenda as it might once have been and it is perhaps predictable that there may be some back-pedaling on the actual nature of the contribution from key Western states to the project. Certainly, the way in which the two African leaders eventually agreed to the suspension does not exactly inspire confidence in them. Firstly, Mbeki and Obasanjo were obliged to base their ruling on the recommendation of the Commonwealth's own election observer group and were thus severely constrained by that group's negative findings. One can only imagine what would have occurred if the two had been granted the space to take into account some of the more exotic "alternative" readings of the elections--such as the South African or the OAU's. Secondly, the decision took place after three hours of "deliberations" where there was a lot of "pushing and shoving and cajoling and pleading" with ten minute phone calls being made to Mbeki by Blair. Finally, at the announcement of the suspension neither Mbeki nor Obasanjo said anything and left immediately, refusing to answer questions. None of this behavior, I would argue, indicates any real depth of commitment to the NEPAD's basic premises.

Indeed, the collective response to Zimbabwe's crisis raises a raft of difficult questions about the pivotal position that the NEPAD affords African elites in the regeneration of the continent. The document's commitment to democracy and peace--signed by African elites themselves--has unfavorably contrasted rhetoric with action and even though the NEPAD proclaims that "development is impossible in the absence of true democracy, respect for human rights, peace and good governance" it appears that there is, sadly, little real commitment to these standards. But why should this matter? Surely the NEPAD is an Africa-originated document and should not depend on the vagaries of the West? As the South African Minister of Trade and Industry Alec Erwin angrily said, the West "should not hold the NEPAD hostage because of mistakes in Zimbabwe. If NEPAD is not owned and implemented by Africa it will fail and we cannot be held hostage to the political whims of the G8 or any other groups."

But here lies the rub: whilst the document may have been written in Africa, it most certainly is not "owned" by Africa and, dependent upon massive injections of aid, it is difficult to see how it can be "implemented" if the West ever decided to pull the plug. This issue is of major relevance as the NEPAD requires an injection of $64 billion a year to meet commitments outlined in the document. It is all very well for African elites to try and reject linkages between Zimbabwe and the NEPAD but as one diplomat was quoted in the South African Mail and Guardian, it was "unrealistic to expect the developed world to separate NEPAD and the Zimbabwe elections... Zimbabwe--and the African response to it--[was] an acid test of the continent's commitment to democracy." If--as I believe they have--the elites have failed this test, what if any contingency plans exist for advancing the NEPAD without huge donor support? There is no evidence of any and this returns us to the fundamental issue: if African elites voluntarily commit themselves to certain conditions, and hinge their entire renewal project on a quid pro quo (in essence, we'll behave--you pass us the cash), then these same elites are rather hypocritical to turn around and lament that their agreed conditions are now being held against them.

This of course leads us to the very heart of the matter: what exactly is the NEPAD and who is it for? The attempt to penetrate the shield of sovereignty behind which too many corrupt leaders have hidden for too long holds potential for advancing the interests of the ordinary African, but beyond that the jury is very much out. Notably, civil society in Africa has been extremely critical of the total non-consultation that went into the drawing up of the document. Whilst Alec Erwin might talk of "ownership" the lack of consultation is eerily reminiscent of that other "vision" dreamt up by one of the very same African leaders: the "African Renaissance" of Thabo Mbeki. Launched with much gusto, it has generally slipped from view as, predictably, it had absolutely no foundations in civil society and beyond the media glare had no real presence. Until a strategy is grounded not in the elites but in the ordinary citizens and is based on basic human needs, then any project for renewal is subject to a wide variety of destabilizing forces, not least when elites seek to duck out from the commitments they themselves have made. To return to John Makumbe, Africa is indeed willing and able to police itself and to show the world its readiness to move towards democracy and stability. Whether the elites are prepared to follow--or indeed allow--their citizens to achieve this remains one of the major questions facing the continent today.

Women from the North Rift want State protection accorded to girls threatened with female genital mutilation. They were contributing views to the the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission session in Eldoret.

Why is the teaching of mathematics in black schools in South Africa so poor? What motivates would-be pedagogues to teach maths? Are they satisfied with the pre-service preparation they receive? Are teachers of teachers wedded to pedagogically naïve methodologies? How can training be improved?

The entire Pool region of the Republic of Congo (ROC) remains inaccessible, even for humanitarian missions, with Congolese authorities stating that access will not be possible until at least 25 April, the office of the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator in the ROC reported on Monday.

With only a month to go before elections, Prime Minister Mosisili has finally conceded and officially announced a state of famine in the country, after numerous attempts of subsidies and counter productive initiatives to curb the serious threat of cereal crop deficit in Lesotho.

Yes, I am signing this petition, which is my vote against child labour and for education for all children, decent jobs and respect for trade union and other labour rights for adults, calling on:
All governments to say YES to education for all children and NO to child labour, by ratifying and implementing ILO Child Labour Conventions 138 and 182.

It is with great pleasure we introduce the International Centre for Environmental Social and Policy Studies (ICESPS), a non governmental organization in Kenya actively involved in programmes on environmental policy, sustainable Development and capacity building, with emphasis on Research, Training and the promotion of grassroo s communities initiatives. At present ICESPS is accredited on a consultative status to major International organizations, including UNEP (Nairobi), Habitat (Nairobi) GEF-UNDP, and other UN agencies vocal points, ECOSOC (Newyork) and has just been appointed as a member of the working group in the global mercury assessment (Unep-chemicals Geneva) and Ministry of Environment and Natural resources prep-coms for the world earth summit. We are also active members in the intergovernmental negotiating committee for an international legal binding instrument on persistent organic pollutants (POPS) under UNEP.
We provide high quality consultancy and technical assistance to public and private institutions and communities in various fields.

Our expertise covers inter- alia, drafting on environmental law and Natural resources management issues, water, rivers, energy, waste management micro-finance in all the above mentioned areas, we provide the necessary information and guidance in the preparation of policy framework papers, project development, development and implementation of adequate policies, strategic laws and regulations. We have drafted Bills on Air Quality and Hazardous Waste for the states of Oman and Belarus respectively.

Our team of experts is comprised of highly qualified professionals with extensive experience in various fields.

Thanks for the Newsletter. We have generally found it to be very informative. We look forward to a continued working relationship with you.

Eritrea’s first National Book Fair is being held this week in the country’s capital, Asmara. The fair, attended by Eritrean authors, publishers and booksellers, is intended to promote reading and literature in a country where, after 30 years of war, books are considered an expensive luxury. Many schools have no books for their pupils, the country’s only two public libraries are in Asmara and the handful of bookshops which exist offer a very limited range. “There is a shortage of books but also little awareness of reading, especially in the countryside,” said Arefaine Tecle, a school librarian and member of the fair’s organising committee. “Our main objective is to promote literature, to tell people that reading is good for them and that it is fun. We also want to make readers aware of indigenous books and authors.”

A classic is born in this tender, intensely moving and even delightful journey through a white African girl's childhood. Born in England and now living in Wyoming, Fuller was conceived and bred on African soil during the Rhodesian civil war (1971-1979), a world where children over five "learn[ed] how to load an FN rifle magazine, strip and clean all the guns in the house, and ultimately, shoot-to-kill." With a unique and subtle sensitivity to racial issues, Fuller describes her parents' racism and the wartime relationships between blacks and whites through a child's watchful eyes. Curfews and war, mosquitoes, land mines, ambushes and "an abundance of leopards" are the stuff of this childhood. "Dad has to go out into the bush... and find terrorists and fight them"; Mum saves the family from an Egyptian spitting cobra; they both fight "to keep one country in Africa white-run." The "A" schools ("with the best teachers and facilities") are for white children; "B" schools serve "children who are neither black nor white"; and "C" schools are for black children. Fuller's world is marked by sudden, drastic changes: the farm is taken away for "land redistribution"; one term at school, five white students are "left in the boarding house... among two hundred African students"; three of her four siblings die in infancy; the family constantly sets up house in hostile, desolate environments as they move from Rhodesia to Zambia to Malawi and back to Zambia. But Fuller's remarkable affection for her parents (who are racists) and her homeland (brutal under white and black rule) shines through. This affection, in spite of its subjects' prominent flaws, reveals their humanity and allows the reader direct entry into her world. Random House; ISBN: 0375507507, 2001.

In 1980, Zimbabwe was the great hope of Africa, a place where blacks were supposed to realize their postcolonial destinies under the enlightened leadership of Robert Mugabe. But now the country formerly known as Rhodesia is an international basket case with a wrecked economy and a dim future. In this disturbing book by Martin Meredith, a British journalist with extensive experience in southern Africa, Mugabe transforms into a villain. "Year by year, he acquired ever greater power, ruling the country through a vast system of patronage, favoring loyal aides and cronies with government positions and contracts and ignoring the spreading blight of corruption," writes Meredith. "Power for Mugabe was not a means to an end, but the end itself." His reign has been so wretched, in fact, that some of the most sympathetic people in Our Votes, Our Guns are the white farmers who once supported apartheid-style rule but decided not to flee when Mugabe came to power. They were promised multiracial harmony; what they got instead was a racist dictator who thought nothing of using violence against them. Admirers of Philip Gourevitch--or, indeed, anyone with an interest in African politics--will appreciate Meredith's depressing but important story. Public Affairs; ISBN: 1586481282, 2002.

UNESCO Dakar has launched an online discussion forum on educational facilities in sub-Saharan Africa. Six debates are proposed focusing on different aspects in education such as the impact of globalisation and poverty on schools and education.

The second pilot scheme of a Commonwealth strategy to promote tolerance and help fight racism and discrimination through education has been launched in Pretoria, South Africa. The pilot framework for citizenship education, part of the new approach to citizenship education being developed by the Commonwealth Secretariat, involves teaching recognition and respect for the heritage of every group in society as well as promoting values that support a multicultural society.

ZIMBABWE is one of 61 countries in the world without a free Press, according to the Annual Survey of Press Freedom 2002 released this week by an American civil liberties watchdog Freedom House. The survey, conducted in the aftermath of the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States which raised fears of increased repression of the world’s media, found that slight gains were made in media freedom last year.

AFFORD promotes innovation in international development by connecting Africa with the African diaspora - UK-based African civil society organisations and individuals - to enhance their contribution to Africa's development.

The finalists for the 2002 ICT Stories Competition run by the ICT Stories Competition is run by infoDev and the International Institute for Communication and Development (IICD)have been selected. We are delighted to learn that Kabissa's story has made the shortlist.

In the words of Tobias Eigen, Kabissa founder: “When I was in Nigeria in 1998 working on a capacity building project with the World Organisation Against Torture (http://www.omct.org), my task was to provide 10 human rights groups in five cities with access to Electronic mail so that they could do a better job of reporting human rights abuses to them. In actual fact the organisations were desperate for capacity building training and access to the net. Access to Email was helpful, but they had already heard about the potentials of the Internet and were hungry for more. On the fly, I added a website component to the project by providing them with space on my web server, creating websites with them and training them on maintaining their websites.”

On his last night in Ikeja, Lagos after the OMCT project was completed, Tobias sat in the “Goat’s Head Soup” Café with Innocent Chukwuma, the director of the Nigeria’s Centre for Law Enforcement Education, and the two of them brainstormed on the implications of the lessons learned on this project. Innocent agreed with Tobias’ assertion that organisations throughout Africa share very similar needs for affordable Internet services and training on how to use computers and the internet better. Together they laid out plans for establishing an entity called Kabissa which would aim to fill this gap. Kabissa, meaning “complete” in kiswahili, would be operated on a non profit basis and headquartered outside of Africa. Kabissa would ensure that non profit organisations throughout Africa working in human rights, health and in other ways are agents for improving the lives of people in Africa, would have a presence on the Internet. Through an unbureaucratic and simple online procedure comparable to Geocities but without the advertising and other hidden costs, organisations would be able to complete an application form at http://www.kabissa.org to request space on the Kabissa server. Organisations that provide their name, mission statement and contact details for at least two people working in the organisation would be accepted and provided with mailboxes and web space provided by Kabissa. The modest server costs would be recovered through donations and provision of additional features such as domain hosting, mailing lists, and online databases... []

The world's long awaited permanent war crimes court, lauded by many as a giant step for humanity, has become a reality even though big states like the US, Russia and China will not take part .

The sheer scope of the problem of trafficking almost defies description. Every year, hundreds of thousands of people - perhaps even more - are tricked, sold, forced or otherwise coerced into situations of exploitation from which they cannot escape. These individuals are the commodities of a transnational industry which generates billions of dollars and, almost without exception, operates with virtual impunity. Despite recent encouraging developments at the national, regional and international levels, little has changed for those caught up in this sordid trade. Attempts to deal with trafficking have, thus far, been largely ineffective. This is not a very positive evaluation but it is, I believe, an honest one.

In its latest report covering the period 25-31 March 2002, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum said it was was worrying that incidents of torture which started in early 2000 continued unabated, even after the country's controversial presidential election.

The UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) launched publications on Wednesday designed to help police officers uphold human rights issues during the upcoming elections.

With Lesotho's elections set for 25 May the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is focusing on conflict resolution initiatives to avoid a recurrence of the unrest that followed 1998's poll.

A Rwandan former priest, Hormidas Nsengimana, was on Wednesday transferred from Yaounde, Cameroon, where he was arrested last month, to the United Nations Detention Facility in Arusha, Tanzania. According to a news release from the Arusha-based International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Nsengimana is the fifth clergyman to be arrested at the request of the Tribunal on charges connected with the genocide in Rwanda in 1994.

Eighty Tanzanian religious leaders came together at a forum in Dar-es-Salaam recently to raise awareness about HIV/AIDS and agree on ways to support the national campaign against the deadly epidemic.

The Intl Network for Environmental Compliance and Enforcement has an unusually good website with excellent information that is important for anyone managing a regulatory environmental program. It includes two major publications available on online that provide good overviews of these complicated topics. These would serve as good primary references for program managers.

The winner of the best short film at the Pan African Film festival has been awarded to Sechaba Morojele for Ubuntu's Wounds, one of the funded projects of The National Film & Video Foundation (NFVF). Morojele was already well known in the South African film industry as an actor and writer (Tsaba Tsaba in Going Up and Mr. Mahlatsi in Yizo Yizo and wrote scripts for Kelebone, Soul City, Generations and Isidingo) when he decided to enrol for a two-year degree in directing at the American Film Institute (AFI) In his first year he made five films and submitted the first draft of Ubuntu's Wounds, a film that tells the story of one man's disappointment with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Community representatives have welcomed reports that the UK government could be willing to compensate the families of some
220 Maasai and Samburu killed or maimed on Kenyan firing ranges used by the
British army.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame has ruled out an extension of the term of his Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) interim administration, due to expire next year, the Rwanda News Agency (RNA) reported on Thursday.

A Chadian woman lawyer who represents victims of the regime of former president Hissene Habre, has received the 2002 Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders, Amnesty International reported on Thursday.

Africa-Canada Forum, Canadian Council for International Co-operation, April 2002. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is an important statement by African leaders. The engagement of the G8 countries to respond to this initiative with an Action Plan at the June 2002 Summit represents an important political moment. After an initial process of consultation with its member organizations and colleagues and partners in African civil society, the Africa-Canada Forum, a working group of the Canadian Council for International Co-operation, wishes to stimulate debate by expressing the following concerns with regards to NEPAD:

There is evidence that older people are increasingly being infected by HIV/AIDS, according to a new UNAIDS report. According to the report - "Impact of HIV/AIDS on older populations" - older women appear to have higher incidence of infection than older men, with the number of new cases among women having increased by 40 percent during the past 5 years.

This new website from the John Hopkins Centre for Communication Programmes is an update and expansion of the Condoms CD-ROM first published in 1999 by JHU/CCP's POPLINE Digital Services. The website has ideas on designing condom promotion campaigns and putting together condom counselling information. You will also find calendars, flipcharts, kits and manuals, novelties, pamphlets, posters, research abstracts, and audio-visual materials from around the world.

The International Criminal Tribunal (ICTR) last week suspended Pierre Karangwa, a defense investigator, for his alleged involvement in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

Special courts will soon be set up to deal with corruption cases. Mr Justice Bernard Chunga, the Chief Justice, said he would inaugurate the courts within a week, adding that they would be headed by two senior magistrates based at the Nairobi law courts.

"I don't think we should put much hope on this regime's anti-corruption crusade," Lagos lawyer, Festus Keyamo cautions Nigerians two years after the inauguration of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Related Offences Commission to implement the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act No. 5 of 2000.

Arrest Chiluba, National Citizens' Coalition (NCC) president Pastor Nevers Mumba has demanded. Briefing the press in Lusaka, Pastor Mumba asked President Levy Mwanawasa to immediately arrest former president Frederick Chiluba to prove that he is committed to the fight against corruption.

Several thousand Ethiopians on Sunday gathered in Meskel Square, the central square of the capital Addis Ababa, to celebrate a ruling on the border with Eritrea. Both sides were claiming victory, following Saturday's announcement of the crucial ruling on border delimitation by an independent Boundary Commission in The Hague. The countries fought a bloody two-year war, triggered by a border dispute in May 1998 which claimed tens of thousands of lives.

Nevirapine is a non-nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitor used to reduce the viral load in HIV infection. Its side effects include hepatotoxicity, gastrointestinal symptoms, and dermatological reaction.1 Efiravenz, another non-nucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitor, has a similar structure to nevirapine and can cause insomnia and psychotic reactions.1 We report three cases of neuropsychiatric sequelae to nevirapine in patients with HIV infection but no history of mental illness.

As the world's economy becomes more global, the amount and variety of imported products raises concerns about child labor, workplace health and safety regulations in factories that produce the clothes we wear, the shoes on our feet and the toys and sports equipment played with by our children. Most companies are still exploring these issues, trying to determine the best ways to avoid using factories where abusive workplace conditions could potentially put reputations and brands at risk.

A website that exposes human rights abuses associated with child warfare, and advocates for the cessation of the practice. The website also works to facilitate collaboration across continents, and to make connections between children who could previously only read about war in the abstract (in textbooks) and those in their age group who have directly suffered the impact of war. At the same time, ex-child combatants can relate to other youth around the globe, identifying with their peers and hopefully, realizing that they are not alone.