CONTENTS
1. Summary
2. Media affairs
3. International political pressure
4. Political violence
5. Election aftermath

1. SUMMARY

The media was dominated by a variety of interpretations of two
election results and the increase in international pressure on
President Mugabe and his government. An upsurge in political
violence, which claimed at least three deaths during the week, was
also widely reported in the print media.
However, the perspectives from which these topics were reported
once again revealed the state media’s enslavement to
government’s interpretation of the events. This manifested itself by
the vastly disproportionate publicity granted to the ruling party in
the aftermath of the elections in Bulawayo and Makoni West at the
expense of the MDC, and in the fact that the conditions for
supporting Zimbabwe’s land reforms spelt out in the Abuja
Agreement, and more recently by SADC leaders in Harare, simply
didn’t surface in the state media.

2. MEDIA AFFAIRS

None of the media appears to have reported what is evidently a
campaign by the international human rights watchdog, Amnesty
International, calling on government to end the harassment of
journalists and respect Zimbabweans’ rights to freedom of
expression and information. However, two stories carried by The
Daily News during the week appeared to be testing these
freedoms, and provoked a barrage of criticism from government
institutions, including the police, who were reported in The Sunday
News (16/9) to have threatened to arrest the offending journalists.
The first story (11/9) reporting that South African President Thabo
Mbeki, had “stormed out” of the SADC summit on Monday night,
did not corroborate its opening statement, and a later editorial
attempting to defend its report ignored the fact that the paper did
not follow the basic journalistic practice of confirming with the
South Africans that Mbeki’s departure constituted a protest.
The second story (13/9) concerning Information Minister, Jonathan
Moyo, being quizzed by ZANU PF officials about issuing cheques
for projects in Bulawayo that were dishonoured, provided no source
for the claim. The report merely told its readers that:
“Several cheques issued by Moyo for projects are said to
have been dishonoured by the banks.”
No effort was made to find a victim of the dishonoured cheques, or
even to establish who made the claim.
ZBC was quick to quote one of its former directors, Chris
Mutsvangwa in his role as a war veteran, and a South African
official, Rev Frank Chikane, (ZBC Radio 2/4, TV 11/9, 8pm) denying
the story. Mutsvangwa was also quoted on ZTV (13/9, 8pm) saying
that the war veterans association would take The Daily News to
court if it did not retract the story.
Not wanting to miss an opportunity to vilify its rival, The Herald’s
‘Daily Lies’ story (12/9) falsely accused The Daily News of lying
over the Mbeki story, simply on the basis that the South Africans
had denied that their President had walked out as a form of protest.
The Herald provided no evidence of a deliberate attempt by the
privately owned daily to mislead its readers, thereby committing
the same sin as The Daily News.
The state- owned Sunday News quoted Minister Moyo denying that
he had issued cheques to beneficiaries in Bulawayo that were
dishonoured, but didn’t make an effort to get an independent point
of view. And in a related story, the same paper reported that the
police were planning to arrest a number of Daily News journalists
on the grounds that the two stories were criminally defamatory.
MMPZ condemns these crude attempts to intimidate journalists
with such a repressive law, as it does the more blatant efforts by
the police earlier in the week to intimidate two Bulawayo based
journalists from the private Press who were inquiring about the
arrest and detention of three MDC personnel held on illegal
weapons charges. The two journalists were arrested, allegedly for
the barely credible offence of trespassing in a police station, and
briefly detained. Their press accreditation cards were also
reportedly confiscated for no apparent reason.

3. INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL PRESSURE

a. THE ABUJA ACCORD
While the state media continued to tout the Abuja agreement as “a
breakthrough” that would allow – and even speed up –
government’s fast track land reform (The Herald 11/9) which is
being carried out legally, the private Press carried more realistic
analysis of the agreement.
However, none of the media provided a definitive and clear analysis
of the undertakings that Zimbabwe and Britain had agreed to, or
exactly how these were to be interpreted. While the state media
acknowledged that Zimbabwe would not allow any more farm
invasions in return for Britain’s financial support, the private Press
reported further that the Commonwealth-brokered deal committed
Zimbabwe to a transparent, fair and orderly return to the reform
programme before financial support is granted. The private Press
also stressed Britain’s demand for “a commitment to restore the
rule of law to the process of land reform”, (The Zimbabwe
Independent 14/9), but none of the media has asked exactly what
this means in relation to a number of Supreme Court rulings that
still stand declaring all invasions of commercial farmland illegal.
The illegal nature of the farm occupations was highlighted again in
the week by a report of another High Court ruling (The Financial
Gazette) ordering the Commissioner of Police and the Governor of
Mashonaland East to evict illegal settlers from one farm whose
owner was the victim of a brutal assault by illegal occupiers last
year.
The Daily News and The Herald (10/9) both quoted President
Mugabe hailing the agreement as a victory for Zimbabwe and the
white farmers. The Daily News even quoted him as saying: "We
were fighting for the farmers to be compensated and they should
have realized that long back."
But The Financial Gazette (13/9) saw the agreement in its editorial
as trapping the President, while an analysis of the accord in The
Zimbabwe Independent believed that Mugabe had “outwitted” world
leaders by using the Abuja agreement to buy time ahead of the
Brisbane Commonwealth conference to forestall plans to punish
Zimbabwe at the summit. The Gazette's view was that "In signing
up to Abuja, Mugabe may indeed see the pact as giving him
breathing space in the face of imminent…sanctions against
him…But the reality…is that the President has been trapped by
the international community to finally show his true colours by fully
delivering on the last-ditch accord, or be typecast by the entire
world as a leader who refused all reasonable measures aimed at
resolving his country's crisis."
There were also follow-up stories to the Abuja agreement on ZBC
during the week. However, the public broadcaster only accessed
comments from ZANU PF officials and sympathisers who gave the
impression that the success of the agreement hinged on the
commitment to the conditions of the accord by Britain and the
white farmers.
For example, Mutumwa Mawere (ZTV, 11/9, 8pm) who was quoted
criticising the Abuja agreement for being similar to the UNDP's land
proposals, stated that: “…The dispossession (of land) was driven
by Britain. Therefore Britain must take full responsibility…”
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa was also quoted expressing
his scepticism of the Abuja agreement, which he said would only
be successful if the white farmers and Britain show commitment.
He stated, (ZTV, 15/9, 8pm), “…The British cannot see, cannot
accept a situation where white people are not owning land in Africa.
They want to continue their influence in this country and I believe
that our own white farmers here are not interested in receiving
compensation, they are only interested in hanging on to the land…I
believe that the worst is still to come… We will see after Brisbane
whether the British are genuine with the commitment that they
have made. We will also see after Brisbane or even from now
whether the white farmers are genuine…”
Chinamasa was not asked if the government was also willing to
fulfil its commitments before Britain provided financial support for
the reforms.
A variety of other stories, mainly propagandist opinion, appeared in
the state print media echoing Chinamasa's sentiments. A prime
example was The Herald's story (11/9) headlined, The Onus Lies
On Blair; Zimbabwe's problems a legacy of colonialism.

b. SADC LEADERS VISIT

The week saw SADC leaders join other world statesmen in
condemning ZANU PF’s fast track land reforms. But initially, the
state media also attempted to portray the SADC leaders' fact-
finding mission to Zimbabwe as a show of African solidarity and
another chance to ram home the colonial injustices of land
ownership. Zimpapers failed to report the criticism of the violent and
illegal nature of government's land seizures by the SADC mission's
leader, Malawi's President Bakili Muluzi. But without explaining
exactly what he said, The Herald (12/9) eventually attacked him for
being "discourteous" when he came "to lecture to Zimbabweans on
the rule of law in the tone of the British and American
governments…"
The state Press also turned on South Africa's Thabo Mbeki for
leveling similar criticism against the government. A story in the
same edition of The Herald quoted an unnamed analyst accusing
Mbeki of not doing anything to address the land issue in South
Africa and of refusing to talk to the PAC. "He pretends it is not a
problem…but for how long can he suppress the land issue?" the
analyst asked. The article also saw his presence in the SADC
mission as ironic.
Part of the article read: “While Pretoria has taken it upon itself to
mediate in Zimbabwe’s land affairs, the landless people in SA are
increasingly getting impatient by their government’s inaction, hence
the rising numbers of murdered farmers.”
Both articles received strong objections from the respective
governments, published in The Zimbabwe Independent (14/9).
The Herald (11 & 12/9) also devoted large tracts of space to those
organizations which gave evidence to the SADC mission in support
of the government's policy of confiscating white owned farmland at
the expense of other more critical submissions. However, The
Herald did provide some coverage to the submissions of the MDC
opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who, it reported, had insisted
that land was not a core issue.
The privately owned Press was more realistic. Muluzi warns
Mugabe, The Daily News (11/9) reported. The Zimbabwe
Independent story, SADC Leaders Nail Mugabe, and The Financial
Gazette's story, The Day Mugabe Lost His Fire, all reported the
SADC mission's criticism of the government's violent land seizures
and the collapse in the rule of law.
The Independent quoted political commentator Masipula Sithole
describing the SADC meeting as a “diplomatic public flogging” for
Mugabe.
ZBC valiantly attempted to dilute the severe nature of the attacks,
but was obliged to quote Muluzi (ZTV, 12/9, 8pm) saying:
“What we are saying is that the distribution of it (land) must be
done orderly…we all support the land reform programme. What we
don’t support is violence, the intimidation which is being perceived
as a result of land reform programme…”
ZBC’s Reuben Barwe, attempted to tone down this criticism by
portraying the meeting as a success. While quoting unnamed
sources, he stated, “…The desire for a government of national unity
failed, the Abuja agreement got the nod and the minimum pre-
conditions by the opposition MDC party for the 2002 presidential
elections should only be discussed by the parliamentary multi-
party committee which is yet to be formed. And the summit was
thus a success.”
ZBC never provided any information about what the SADC leaders
had advised the president to do. Nor did it allow Tsvangirai's
comments to be heard.
In its efforts to promote government perspectives for the benefit of
the SADC leaders, ZTV (11/9 7am) allowed war veterans to issue
inflammatory statements laced with race hate rhetoric without
question. War veterans’ leader, Andy Mhlanga, was quoted as
saying, “White farmers in Zimbabwe are very rude, they have not
been able to handle themselves in a manner that makes us believe
that they want to socialize with us Zimbabweans…They are
teaming up against black settlers. We continue warning them that
they have no place in Zimbabwe for as long as they haven’t
changed their attitude”
This was a theme explored in a "story" penned by the ZRP that
appeared in The Herald (14/9) under the heading, Most Farmers
Intent On Derailing Land Reform.

4. POLITICAL VIOLENCE

Of the 13 reports of politically motivated violence in The Daily
News, five were farm-related violence as were two of the three
cases reported in The Zimbabwe Independent. The Daily News
covered farm invasion stories in the context of the recent Abuja and
SADC meetings, and gave the impression that the government was
failing to abide by the conditions set by these initiatives. One story
was aptly headlined Violent Invasions Continue After Abuja.
The Daily News story (14/9) on the murder of a Chivhu headmaster,
Felix Mazava, allegedly by Zanu PF supporters, ignited media
interest on the forthcoming Chikomba by-election. The Herald of
the same day initially treated the case as another crime report with
police corroboration. It acknowledged the killing could have been
politically motivated, but did not blame it on anyone. However, the
next day, The Herald (15/9) countered The Daily News story,
quoting three Zanu PF officials claiming the headmaster had
defected to the ruling party. The Herald capitalized on the fact that
he was wearing a Zanu PF T-shirt when his body was found, thus
allowing the police and the paper itself to speculate that the MDC
was responsible. The article was placed next to an apparently
unrelated story about the murder in Epworth of two alleged Zanu
PF supporters, creating the impression that the MDC was
systematically perpetrating these acts.
ZBC’s audiences have yet to be informed of the murder of the
headmaster.
The Daily News broke the story of a shooting incident at the MDC
offices in Bulawayo, an alleged assassination attempt on the
party’s top officials including MDC’s vice-president, Gibson
Sibanda. The Chronicle and The Herald picked up the story the
next day confirming the shooting but dismissed the whole incident
as staged.
On the day that the press started reporting on the terrorist attacks
on America, the Daily News reported alarming statistics of political
violence recorded by the independent human rights organisation,
Amani Trust. It recorded 19 political murders in the last 8 weeks
and 1770 cases of assault including 1165 cases of looting and
destruction of property, 6 rapes and 583 abductions in the period
from January to August-end. The findings corroborated the Daily
News' coverage of political violence in the past 6 months, and also
highlight the extent to which the media has ignored incidences of
violence.
ZBC’s continued suppression of politically motivated incidents of
violence is proof that the country urgently needs another
broadcasting station that is independent of government control.
Those relying on ZBC for information do not have a true picture of
what is happening on the ground. The broadcaster ignored
incidents of violence reported in the private Press, perhaps to give
the SADC delegates the impression that all was well in the country.
In rare cases where incidents of political violence are reported, ZBC
only peddles ZANU PF’s side of the story. For example, in the only
story reported on television (10/9,7am), ZANU PF Chairman for
Manicaland Mark Madiro was quoted accusing the MDC of
attacking ZANU PF youths. No comment was sought from the
MDC. In its follow-up, the state broadcaster reported that three
people had been arrested in connection with the incident (ZTV,
10/9, 8pm).
As has become the norm, ZBC (13/9, 8pm) broadcast a statement
from the Department of Information denying reports of new farm
invasions.
No media followed up the previous week’s reports of the arrest of
the MDC aides who were accused of possessing firearms.

5. ELECTION AFTERMATH

ZBC’s patronage was again reflected in its time allocation to ZANU
PF’s victory in Makoni West while suppressing that of the MDC in
Bulawayo. Television allocated ten minutes to election-related
stories. ZANU PF was given eight minutes (80%) and the
remaining two minutes (20%) were allocated to the MDC. However,
the two minutes were basically announcements of the Bulawayo
election results. ZANU PF was the only party accessed for
comment and the MDC was denied any platform to express their
opinion on the elections.
After the announcement of the results there was a blackout on
MDC's victory in Bulawayo and emphasis was put on ZANU PF's
victory in Makoni West. Jonathan Moyo was quoted describing the
MDC victory as insignificant and that the Makoni West elections
were more important since they were a ‘national election’. In
celebrating ZANU PF’s victory and underplaying the MDC victory,
Moyo said (Radio 1/3, 11/9, 1pm), “ I don’t think that you expect us
to become a local party, we are a national party and the results of
parliamentary by-elections that we have held since June, last year
speak for themselves. We have won each and all of them. What is
important is that even in the context of local politics in Bulawayo
we have 18 wards that we control; that is not something which any
reasonable democratic minded person would ignore”
Moyo was not asked why the government had aggressively
campaigned in Bulawayo if the mayoral election was insignificant.
No comment was sought from the MDC's winning candidate in the
Bulawayo elections.
Contrary to ZBC reports that the Makoni West by-election was free
and fair, there were reports of a flawed electoral process from
organisations such as ZESN who monitored the elections. Reports
of headmen in Makoni West recording names of those who voted
and coercing their communities to vote were neither investigated
nor reported.

Whilst front page status was accorded the election results in the
print media, The Daily News (11/9) under a headline “MDC 8, ZANU
PF 0” relegated the Makoni West result, won by ZANU PF, to page
two. In contrast, The Herald’s (11/9)
headline boldly announced Zanu PF’s victory in Makoni West but also
acknowledged the ruling party’s loss in Bulawayo.
In contrast, its sister paper, The Chronicle (11/9) led with the MDC win, ahead
of the Makoni West result and provided the new mayor, Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube,
ample space to comment on his victory. Notably, the Bulawayo elections
attracted more media interest than the Makoni poll.
Although The Herald coverage was plain announcements, it was minister Moyo’s
post mortem analysis, (also in The Chronicle) of the Bulawayo results that was
conspicuously hare-brained. In his capacity as ZANU PF’s deputy secretary for
Information and Publicity, he claimed victory where there was clearly none,
descending to meaningless voter share or “base” statistics. The Herald, on its
“analysis page”, allowed Moyo to attack the MDC, whites, the British and
Americans, and rubbished the results as an “empty victory”. Both state dailies
allowed Moyo to churn out bitter and far-fetched propaganda.
The following day, The Herald and The Chronicle (12/9) followed up the Bulawayo
results with a story that afforded the ruling party’s political commissar,
Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, the chance to save face and accuse other “forces” for the
party's defeat. Ndlovu attributed the loss to “some people” who were allowed to
vote twice, intimidation, MDC arms caches (wrongly spelt “catches”) and unnamed
“economic saboteurs” responsible for price increases. However, the reporter was
sufficiently alert to describe Ndlovu’s reasons as “claims”. The same issue
repeated Gibson Munyoro’s Makoni West victory with no fresh twist, as did the
Mr Speaker Sir column, The Herald (15/9)
The weeklies provided most of the analysis of the elections. The Sunday Mail
(16/9) regurgitated all the tit bits of news carried in the public press during
the week, affording Zanu PF lavish coverage. Nowhere was the MDC quoted. The
writer also failed to distinguish himself from Zanu PF officials and exposed
himself to gross partiality. The article referred to other previous “crushing”
Zanu PF victories in Bikita West and Bindura and completely ignored the
magnitude of violence.
The Financial Gazette carried three articles on the Bulawayo election results.
One interpreted Zanu PF’s loss as a blow to the 1987 Unity Accord, while
another forecast that the Bulawayo result was a pointer to the 2002 elections.
Two sources were solicited to corroborate this prediction, but the article
failed to reconcile this with the Makoni West and other Zanu PF parliamentary
election victories.
The Daily News (14/9) featured an article in which the losing MDC candidate for
Makoni West, Remus Makuwaza, attributed his loss to pre-poll violence and
indicated that he intends to challenge the results in court.
Of note was the use of cartoons by the public and private press to
ridicule or discredit each other’s stories or mock the losers in the
elections.
Ends