Introduction

Between 1980 and 2000 Zimbabwe was a relatively peaceful, stable and generally tolerant country. It is now being torn apart by violence and the ZANU (PF) government is now constantly inciting racial hatred.

At the beginning of 2000 the ruling party found that its popularity was rapidly declining due to the dire economic situation. The economic deterioration was largely due to reckless economic policies and rampant corruption. Facing political defeat the ruling party decided to use violence to try to retain power. This violence has had devastating effects.

The Mugabe regime has declared war on its own people using the so-called war veterans as its main attack force. In the name of land reform it has deliberately unleashed chaos throughout Zimbabwe. Leaders and supporters of the main opposition party, the MDC, are hunted down like animals. They are killed, severely assaulted or taken to torture centres where they are subjected to unspeakable torture. Their houses are set on fire or ransacked. Anyone who opposes or criticises the actions of the ruling party is viewed as the enemy. The private press is under constant attack. Simply not to be seen to be vigorous supporter will create the suspicion that anyone may be aligned with opposition and this can place people in physical danger. The perpetrators of State sponsored violence have almost complete immunity and are above the law. The rule of law has been replaced by the rule by thugs.

Most Zimbabweans desperately want to see an end to the violence and a return to peace and stability. They ardently believe that the land issue and other problems of the country could then be resolved by peaceful means. Zimbabweans also believe that the democratic political process should be allowed to take place without obstruction. They wish to be able to exercise their political rights freely and for free and fair elections to take place.

The vast majority of people in this country, of whatever tribe, colour, creed or sex, are honest, hard-working, peace-loving folk who would like to get on with their lives in conditions of stability.

Political terror

The main focus of recent reports about Zimbabwe has been on the land issue. Undue prominence has been given to attacks on white farmers. This has deflected attention away from the countrywide terror campaign being conducted by the ruling party against its political opponents.

When in 2000 a strong opposition party emerged ande mounted a serious challenge to its hold on power, ZANU (PF) set out to smash it using gangs of war veteran led militias. These groups have been as large as a several hundred. War has been waged on leaders and supporters of this opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), a war that has led to heavy casualties. The ruling party militants have set up bases and torture centres around the country.

· At least 45 MDC officials and party supporters have been killed. Only in respect of one of these killings has a suspect been arrested and is facing trial.
· Leaders of the MDC and have been physically attacked or have received death threats.
· MDC Members of Parliament and MDC Parliamentary candidates have been attacked in their homes. These attacks have resulted in injuries to themselves and members of their families and destruction of their property.
· Thousands of supporters or suspected supporters of the MDC have been hunted down and attacked by militias consisting of up to several hundred ZANU (PF) supporters or taken to be tortured.
· Hundreds of MDC supporters have been severely assaulted and many more have been subjected to torture.
· Thousands of actual or suspected supporters of the MDC have been forced to flee from their home areas and become refugees.
· All educated people in the rural areas are suspected of sympathising with the MDC and many teachers, doctors, social workers, civil servants and nurses have been forced to flee from rural areas. Those who are government employees have been transferred at the insistence of the war veterans.
· The war veterans have warned rural hospitals and clinics not to offer any medical treatment to MDC supporters who have been injured in attacks upon them by ZANU (PF) militants.

The war veterans and members of their militias have been encouraged to believe that they are totally immune from legal responsibility for their actions. This belief has been fortified by the amnesties granted to them by Government and by the police more often than not turning a blind eye to their violent activities.

The protection of the law has been withheld from MDC supporters and such people can expect almost no protection from the law. The law enforcement agencies are now entirely politically partisan. Police officers who have sought to carry out their duties professionally and on a non-partisan basis have been forced to resign or have been transferred. Large numbers of war veteran have been recruited into the police force and many of these war veterans actually or effectively command rural police stations. The end result of this is that the police take no action against ZANU (PF) militants when they attack MDC supporters but will immediately arrest MDC supporters who have engaged in any violence. There are frequent reports of the police trumping up false charges against MDC supporters and even arresting MDC victims of violence instead of the perpetrators of the violence.

Leading members of the ruling party have repeatedly proclaimed that the MDC will never be allowed to come to power in Zimbabwe or that a war would be waged against it.

From February 2000 until the present there has been widespread violence in Zimbabwe. Much of that violence has been aimed at eliminating support for the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change.

The perpetrators of violence
71.5% of the violence has been perpetrated by ZANU (PF) supporters such as war veterans and youths, 2.2% by MDC supporters, 4.4% by army personnel, 0.2% by personnel from the Central Intelligence Organisation and 7.3% by persons whose political affiliation is unknown.
(Report by Amani Matabeleland on the period Feb 2000 - May 2001)

The victims
The victims have overwhelmingly been persons known or suspected to be members of the MDC.

Some cases

What follows is a small sample of the large numbers of gross human rights abuses that have been committed by ZANU (PF) militants.

Case 1
On 4 June 2000 in Mberengwa 18 war veteran led militias abducted at gunpoint the Zhou brothers from their home in Danga, near Mataga. They were taken to Texas Farm where they were tortured by being beaten and burned for more than twenty-four hours. The violence was prompted by the fact that Finos Zhou had signed nomination papers for an MDC Parliamentary candidate. Finos died of internal injuries on 6 June 2000. James Zhou needed extensive skin grafts and reconstructive surgery. On 6 June 2000 the militias at Texas Farm forced Simbarashe Muchenwa to sit on fire and dropped melting plastic over his body. He was later hospitalized in Harare in critical condition.

Case 2
On 15 April 2000 a ZANU (PF) vehicle stopped a convoy of MDC vehicles. Two men armed with AK47 rifles and others bearing iron bars emerged from the ZANU (PF) car. Joseph Mwale, a Central Intelligence Office operative and Kisitatota Zimunya started to attack the MDC vehicle with iron bars. The MDC youths at the back of the MDC truck fled at the sight of the guns. Mr Chiminya and Ms Mabika were trapped in this vehicle. Mwale ordered petrol bombs to be fetched and these were then thrown into the car. Although both later managed to escape from the burning vehicle, Chiminya had been badly burned and died a few metres away. Ms Mabika died later in Murambinda Hospital. The police were parked less than 100 metres away from the scene, and acted only later. The police did not intervene and they made no effort to stop the ZANU (PF) vehicle or to follow it when it then left the scene. Neither Mwale nor Zimunya have been arrested, despite the fact that a High Court judge has ordered that the Attorney-General’s office to pursue this matter. The judge commented that the killing of these two people was “a wicked act.”

Case 3
On 17 April 2000 militants took David Stevens, a commercial farmer and an active member of the MDC, away from a police station in Murehwa and shot and killed him in cold blood. Despite the fact that the police can identify the people who removed Stevens from the police station, no one has been arrested and charged for this murder.

Case 4
On 19 April 2000 Martin Olds was attacked at his farm after dark by a group of about 100 militants who were armed with automatic weapons. The militants arrived at the farmhouse in a number of vehicles. The police had allowed the militants through a roadblock but had stopped farmers from going to the assistance of Olds. After a protracted gun battle Olds was wounded. He was then beaten to death with metal rods. The police did not go to the assistance of Olds whilst the gun battle was going on. After the killing the militants were allowed again to go unimpeded through the police roadblock. The police know of the identity of at least some of the assailants as they visited in hospital a number of militants who had been injured by Olds during the gun battle. No one has been prosecuted for this murder.

Case 5
On 6 February 2001 MDC Member of Parliament for Chitungwiza in Harare, Job Sikhala, was assaulted by two truckloads of army personnel at 4.00 am, while at his home. His pregnant wife and domestic worker were also assaulted. The soldiers whipped Sikhala and his family with chains.

Case 6
On 7 April 2001 Mr Tawanda Hondora, a lawyer and the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights was brutally attacked by members of ZANU (PF) in full view of, and with the active participation of, members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police. Mr Hondora had gone to a rural area in the company of two other black lawyers to investigate allegations that persons from the area who came forward to testify in the court case challenging the election result in the district had been assaulted by local police officers. When they got to the area the lawyers observed that a group of about 30 ZANU (PF) supporters was assaulting one of the election challenge witnesses, Mr Chivanga. Uniformed police officers stood by and watched. The group of assailants saw the lawyers and chased them. They caught Mr Hondora and kicked and slapped him, hit with fists, whipped him and hit him on the head with a stone. The mob then forced Mr Hondora to chant ZANU (PF) slogans and to toyi toyi to the police station. At the police station Mr Hondora and Mr Chivanga were then extensively searched, interrogated about their relationship to the MDC and further tortured. A constable in the presence of Assistant Inspector Majora assaulted them. Two male and two female constables later took over the beating. When the other two lawyers arrived at the police station to rescue their colleague, Assistant Inspector Majora detained them as well. He ordered all police details to be armed and distributed live ammunition. Assistant Inspector Majora then proceeded to lecture the lawyers about the evils of the MDC stating that as educated people they ought to be wiser and not allow themselves to be used by white people. He threatened to call Mr Chenjerai Hunzvi, war veterans and the army to further assault the lawyers.

Case 7
On 13 April 2001 ZANU (PF) militants kidnapped a young MDC supporter from his home at night and took him to a rubbish dump. They told him that they were going to teach me a warning lesson that would help teach him and others not to play with fire by supporting the MDC. The warning they said was going to be ‘in writing. At the rubbish dump the militants were shouting abuse at two other people who were writhing in agony. A red-hot chain had been applied to their backs to make an “X” mark like the mark used on a ballot paper when voting. He then witnessed this torture being applied to the back of another man. The red-hot chain was then applied to the back of the young man. He had been warned not to scream otherwise the chain would be applied again to his back. He could not, however, stop himself from screaming and the chain was applied a third time.

Case 8
On 16 July 2001 the Harare home of Mrs Sekai Holland, MDC Secretary for International Affairs was laid siege to. Mrs Holland and her husband Jim were inside the house, which was surrounded by armed policemen. Mrs Holland had been driving in central Harare earlier this morning when she realised that her car was being followed by a white Defender Land Rover. A chase ensued as Mrs Holland tried to evade her pursuers, during which shots were fired at her vehicle. She managed to reach her home, and while entering the house further shots were fired, and her domestic employees were assaulted. Avondale police were called and on arrival discovered that the persons laying siege to the Holland's home were themselves policemen, from the Criminal Investigation Department. They say they wish to speak to Mrs Holland as they suspected that her car was involved in “household burglaries”.

Case 9
On 4 September 2001 Mr Elliot Pfebve left his house at around 9.00 pm to arrange security for his office. which has been repeatedly broken into by suspected members of the Central Intelligence Organisation. His wife, maid and one year old daughter saw him out. While they were going back into their house, Mr Pvebve’s wife, daughter and maid were threatened with a knife by certain men and forced into a 4x4, Mazda double cab motor vehicle. There were two men in front. Two other men sat with Mrs Pfebve, their one year old daughter and their maid in the back. They drove along Enterprise Road until they got to Shamva turn-off. There the car made a U turn and dropped them off at Newlands Shopping Centre. Whilst they were driving Mrs Pfebve was asked about the US lawsuit documents. Before they were dropped off Mrs Pfebve was told that they would not be harmed but she would be picked up again next time. By that time she should have sufficient information about the lawsuit if she does not want to be harmed. Neither Mrs Pfebve nor her maid was able to take down the registration numbers of the motor vehicles. She can identify the kidnappers. This was reported to Harare Central Police Station.

Mr Pfebve, and three other persons who lost relatives as a result of political violence in 2000 are bringing a lawsuit in the United States of America against President Mugabe. Mr Pfebve’s lawsuit arises out of the brutal killing of his brother by a large gang of ZANU (PF) militants. Elliot who was a Parliamentary candidate believes that there was a plan to kill him and when the militants could not find him they proceeded to the communal home where his family lives in Mukumbura in the Zambezi Valley and attacked his family members in his place. They badly assaulted his father and then took away his brother and beat him to death.

Patterns of recent violence
Political violence in Zimbabwe has steadily intensified throughout 2001 and looks to continue with local by-elections and the presidential campaign. Violence began in January with the Bikita West parliamentary by-election. It continued as witnesses in the election challenges to contest the outcome of the June 2000 parliamentary elections were routinely harassed and assaulted. Since then recent by-elections have been marred by further violence, particularly in the Bindura by-election in July. Eight deaths were reported in that month along with 288 cases of torture. The upcoming elections could see violence increase at an exponential rate in the coming months. If past elections are any indication of future trends, Zimbabwe is in store for a very violent pre-election period.

While violations have been committed across the political divide, forces loyal to Zanu (PF) are committing the vast majority of atrocities. Through the end of August the Forum found 55 assaults perpetrated by MDC members. In comparison Zanu (PF) supporters, members of ‘war veteran’ militias, the ZRP, the army and the CIO accounted for 1163 assaults.

The figures given below are a gross underestimation of the scale of violence in Zimbabwe. They only represent cases that could be absolutely confirmed by witnesses reporting to the Human Rights NGO Forum or from the press. In addition, the examples of violence presented below are only a small representation of the actual state of affairs in regards to violence. For each example there are sometimes hundreds more just like it blotting the landscape. In some cases initials are used to protect the identity of the victim.

Cumulative Totals for Political Violence
January-August 2001

Sources:
Newspaper reports, Amani Trust medical assessments and HR Forum legal statements.

Notes to Table:
The following categories have been changed and/or expanded due to the nature and the volume of crimes.
Unlawful Arrest/Detention: Perpetrated by members of the police force.
Kidnapping/Disappearances: Victims who have been released and those who are still missing.
Torture: Crimes of torture include rape. Rape is a highly underreported crime in Zimbabwe. To date, the HR Forum has only been able to document three cases, all in the month of June. Rape has not been allotted its own category as the low number would minimize the actual occurrences of rape and not effectively illustrate this crime.
Displacement/Eviction: This category is not included in the graph, due to the total having increased exponentially to 37,130, a number so high that it could not be included in the graph.
Disclaimer: Press reports may be incomplete; therefore exact numbers are not always available.

Farm workers

There are about 300 000 farm workers in Zimbabwe. Together with their families they constitute a population of about 1.5 million. Many of these workers are of Mozambican, Malawian and Zambian descent. Although many have been denied Zimbabwean citizenship, most are third-generation Zimbabweans, who were born in Zimbabwe and know no other country. They would not be allowed to return to their countries of origin.

Since the violent campaign to drive white commercial farmers off the land commenced, life for farm workers has become a living hell. The ruling party is creating a terrible humanitarian crisis.

The ruling party believes that all farm workers are supporters of the MDC.

In the period leading up to the June 2000 elections gangs of ZANU (PF) raided farm compounds, setting fire to the house of farm workers and severely assaulting many of them.They also forced farm workers to attend political indoctrination meetings at which suspected members of the MDC were assaulted.

Since June 2000 attacks on farm workers have continued. There have also been violent clashes between farm workers and occupiers of white owned farms.

The land resettlement programme makes no provision whatsoever for farm workers to be re-settled.

Up to August 2001 large numbers of farm workers had been put out of work as a result of violent farm occupations.

In the week ending 30 August 2001 about 7000 farm workers were forcibly evicted from the commercial farms where they were working in areas around Chinhoyi and in Hwedza. Many of the displaced are living in the bush without food, shelter or sanitation, after escaping the farms with just a few cooking pots and other personal belongings In Hwedza, one group of families, who gathered outside the police station and district government offices to appeal for help, were threatened with arrest if they soiled the paths. Other workers caught begging at roadsides were chased back into the bush or fled to relatives into adjoining communal lands, although most have no right to farm in the communal lands.

In the eighteen months up to the end of August 2001 the Commercial Farmers Union estimates that up to 70 000 farm workers plus their families had been ejected from commercial farms.

Government has refused permission to the International Red Cross to set up a refugee camp in Hwedza to house these displaced and destitute people.

If as expected the onslaught against commercial farmers intensifies, thousands more farm workers will be displaced.

Farai Mutengingwa, wife of supervisor on Dean farm 120 km south-east of Harare. Farai and several other workers were assaulted by farm invaders and labourers from different farms loyal to the ruling ZANU (PF) in May 2000.

Farm workers and families wait with their belongings for transportation at Brystol Farm in Wedza, Zimbabwe, 120 kilometres (74 miles) east of Harare, Friday 24 August 2001, after being forced off the land by pro-government militants. The militants have illegally occupied more than 1,700 white-owned farms since March 2000. (AP Photo)

Farm workers carry their belongings as they leave Felsi Estates in Mashonaland East, after pro-government militants forced them off the farm where they worked, Friday, Aug. 24 2001. (AP Photo)

A farm worker injured in attacks upon them by Zanu (PF) in the Chinhoyi area towards the end of August 2001

A farm worker injured in attacks upon them by Zanu (PF) in the Chinhoyi area towards the end of August 2001

Farm workers camping outside tobacco barn after being thrown out of their homes

Commercial farmers

The Commercial Farmers Union estimates that up to 83% of commercial farms in Zimbabwe have changed ownership since 1980. Thus many white farmers bought their farms after the Mugabe government came to power. Some of these farmers invested large sums of money in their farms after receiving certificates from the government that it did not intend to acquire their farms for resettlement.

The farms of 95% of white commercial farmers have been earmarked for acquisition. Some 5000 farms have been earmarked.

Since government sponsored farm invasions began at the end of February 2000, large numbers of white commercial farmers have been physically attacked or subjected to continuous psychological intimidation. Nine farmers have been murdered, at least seven having been murdered by ZANU (PF) militants. Most of murdered farmers were active members of the MDC.
Many farmers have had property on their farms, such as crops, livestock and farm implements, destroyed. Some farmers were forced to abandon their farms due to threats of death to themselves and members of their families. Some farmers and their families have been held captive in their farmhouses by ZANU (PF) militants.

In August 2001 there was a drastic intensification of the violent campaign to drive all white farmers off their land. This campaign has been led and encouraged by leaders in ZANU (PF). It followed a statement by the Minister of Agriculture that white farmers whose land had been designated for acquisition must be off their land by the end of August to make way for settlers to be placed on that land.

Zimbabwean farmer's wife Judith Swan holds a piece of broken furniture in her homestead on Gainful Farm in the Mhangura district, 160 kilometres (99 miles) north-west of Harare Tuesday, 14 August 2001. Scores of farms in the area have been looted and destroyed by war veterans, ruling party supporters and in some cases farm labour, in Zimbabwe's ongoing land crisis.
(AP Photo.)

Economic costs

With its rich natural resources and developed infrastructures Zimbabwe has enormous economic potential. However, prior to 2000, reckless economic policies, the hugely expensive military intervention in the DRC and rampant corruption had already seriously damaged the Zimbabwean economy. The widespread violence and the chaotic land grab have caused further massive devastation.

The end result can be summed up in the following facts:
· Unemployment now stands at about 60% and is rising as the economy contracts and businesses close or downsize. Nearly 700 businesses have closed down over the last 18 months. Over the last 12 months 500 businesses have closed and 10000 people have lost their jobs since the beginning of 2001. President Mugabe claims that businesses are closing deliberately in order to embarrass the government. He has also alleged that Jewish businessmen in Zimbabwe are collaborating with South African Jews to close businesses in Zimbabwe to make the country dependent upon imports from South Africa.
· Formal sector employment has fallen by 90,000 (7%) to its lowest level since the mid-1990s.
· The farm invasions have resulted in large numbers of farm workers being put out of work and made homeless. At least 70 000 farm workers have been put out of work over the last 18 months and together with their families they have been rendered destitute.
· Inflation is now officially at 70.4% is forecast to reach 100% by the end of 2001.
· The cost of staple items has escalated following the increase of over 70% in the price of petrol in June 2001.
· The vast majority of Zimbabweans suffer from poverty and the situation is deteriorating rapidly. According to a recent report of the Consumer Council over 74 per cent of the country’s 12.5 million people are now living below the poverty datum line.
· Some 70% of the country’s GDP is required to service its foreign debt, and the Government has defaulted on foreign debt repayments (In August 2001 the repayment arrears on foreign debts was US$695.2 and was likely to rise to US$1 billion by the end of 2001).
· The annual budget deficit in 2001 is likely to be over 4% of the GDP. The economy is forecast to shrink by about 10% in 2002.
· Foreign investment has plummeted.
· What were once growth industries, such as tourism, have been devastated; tourists have stopped visiting Zimbabwe because of the violence and instability. There has been a reduction in tourism of about 70%.
· Once a large exporter of food crops, Zimbabwe is having to import maize to avert famine in the country in the next few months.
· There has been a huge exodus of black middle class professionals, including doctors, nurses, teachers, accountants and other people with skills that are badly needed; the small white population has also shrunk considerably.
· Several foreign Governments have cut, reduced or suspended aid to Zimbabwe to register their disapproval of the lawlessness that now characterises the country.

The economic decline and violence in Zimbabwe have had serious adverse regional effects. The decline in the rand is at least partially attributable to the crisis in Zimbabwe. The fall in tourism in Botswana by about 50 per cent is clearly connected with the situation in Zimbabwe.
Campaign against the private media in Zimbabwe

Legal measures

Criminal defamation

26 January 2001 – Four Daily News journalists and Mark Chavunduka, from The Standard, are questioned over reports that a civil lawsuit had been filed in the United States against President Mugabe. They are charged with criminal defamation.

22 August 2001 – The editor of The Standard, Mark Chavunduka, is arrested and charged with criminal defamation arising out of an article in the paper suggesting that President Mugabe is being haunted by the ghost of the late Josiah Tongogara.

Publishing false story likely to spreading alarm and despondency
Section 50 of Law and Order (Maintenance) Act
8 February 2000. Four journalists from the Zimbabwe Mirror are arrested by police in connection with an article reporting on a Zimbabwean casualty in the DR of Congo conflict, whose family, apparently, was sent only his head for burial. The government denied these allegations. While two of the journalists, Fernando Goncalves and Farai Mungazi, are released a short while after being taken in, the other two, Grace Kwinjeh and Ibbo Mandaza, are held overnight and released on bail the next day. Kwinjeh and Mandaza are charged under the Law and Order Maintenance Act. When, on 30 April 2000, Mandaza and Kwinjeh appear in the Harare Magistrate’s Court for a review of their bail conditions, they are informed that the charges have been dropped and no reasons were given for this.
12 January 1999 The Standard’s editor Mark Chavunduka and senior reporter Ray Choto are arrested and charged with this offence after the paper published an article about an alleged military coup attempt. They are handed over by the police to army personnel and are brutally tortured. (See below.)

22 January 1999 Clive Wilson, managing director of The Standard, is also arrested and charged with this offence. The journalists challenge the constitutionality of the charge brought against them and the Supreme Court later finds that this offence is unconstitutional as it is far to wide and vague and violates the freedom of expression guarantee in the Constitution.

Subversive statements
Section 44 of Law and Order (Maintenance) Act

21 August 2001 – Two Zimbabwe Mirror journalists, Wallace Chuma and Constantine Chimakure, were questioned by the police in connection with a story published in the paper alleging police involvement in looting of farms in Mhangura.
14 August 2001 – Two journalists, Lawrence Chikuwira and Mduduzi Mathuthu, from the Bulawayo bureau of the Daily News, are arrested. They had reported that people gathered to commemorate “Heroes Day” walked out after Vice-President Joseph Msika had called on them to sing ruling party slogans. The two journalists were released that evening.
15 August 2001 – Geoff Nyarota, editor in chief of the Daily News, is arrested was arrested just after midnight on 15 August. Later the same day, police detained three other journalists from the Daily News: Sam Munyavi, John Gambanga and Bill Saidi. The arrests are in connection with an article the previous day that reported that police vehicles were used in the looting of white-owned farms in Mhangura. The four journalists were charged with “publishing false information likely to cause alarm or despondency in the public” They were released that same evening after a High Court judge ruled that detaining journalists under for this offence was illegal as the Supreme Court had previously ruled that this offence was unconstitutional. On 16 August, police again interrogated Nyarota for one hour before bringing new charges against him and the other journalists for “publishing subversive material”.

Impending restrictions on Zimbabwean newspapers and journalists

The Zimbabwean Government intends to pass a law that will impose further drastic restrictions on local journalists. These will enable the Government to close media houses accused of false reporting and to withhold licences from journalists to stop them from practising as journalists.

Measures against international journalists

International journalists are now finding it increasingly difficult to obtain the necessary accreditation that they must have in order to enter and report on events in Zimbabwe. Three foreign journalists have had to leave after their accreditation was withdrawn. Reporters from the BBC are being denied accreditation.

Maintaining State monopoly over electronic broadcasting

October 2000 Police, acting on instructions from the Minister Jonathan Moyo close down an independent radio station, Capitol Radio, during test transmissions.

After the Supreme Court rules that the Government monopoly over electronic broadcasting is unconstitutional, the Government passes legislation to control electronic broadcasting. Far from opening up the airwaves, this legislation imposes completely unreasonable restrictions relating to electronic broadcasting.

Extra legal measures

Threats of death and violence

2000 – 2001 Numerous death threats are made against journalists. Those threatened with death by anonymous people include Ibbo Mandaza the editor in chief of The Mirror, Ray Choto, a senior reporter at The Standard and the news editor of the Financial Gazette, Basildon Peta.

10 March 2001 – War veterans tell Njabulo Ncube, bureau chief in Bulawayo for the Financial Gazette, that he will be dead by the 2002 presidential elections.

20 August 2001 – The Standard reveals the existence of a security services hit list of lists “to be harmed or killed”. Persons on the list include Basildon Peta, news editor of The Financial Gazette, Geoff Nyarota, the editor of The Daily News, Iden Wetherell, the editor of The Independent and Mark Chavunduka, the editor of The Standard.

22 August 2001 – War veteran leader Joseph Chinotimba, threatens to invade the offices of independent newspapers over what he alleges are negative stories about war veterans and of President Mugabe. Speaking to The Standard Chinotimba said the war veterans would close down the Financial Gazette, Daily News, Zimbabwe Independent and The Standard if these newspapers continued to write stories which caused divisions among the war veterans or downplayed their contribution to society. “Why don’t you write about the good works that we do? We are always portrayed in the press as villains. If this continues, we will come to your offices and teach you how to write. If you do not comply, we will close you down indefinitely. Don’t think you can divide us with your propaganda. This was not the first time that the war veterans have threatened the independent press. Last year, they announced that they had banned the Daily News and shortly after this.

Torture and assaults on journalists

Some of the assaults that have occurred are as follows:

January 1999 – After the newspaper publishes a story that their had been a failed military coup. Mark Chavunduka, the editor of The Standard, and one of the papers reporters Ray Choto are arrested by the police and then handed over to the military who take them to a secret detention centre and subject them to vicious torture for several hours. Chavunduka is stripped naked. His head is plunged into water. He is then handcuffed and electrical shock treatment is applied all over his body. Choto is stripped naked and electrical shock treatment is applied to his genitals and other parts of his body. The intensity of the shocks is progressively increased. He is beaten on the soles of his feet. His head is forced into water. His hands are stamped upon. He is slapped on the ears for a long time and one of his eardrums is perforated. He is made to roll around on ground that seems to have spikes in it. Both journalists are threatened with death. They are told that the law and courts will not protect them.
20 January 1999 In Masvingo, Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) officers assault staff working for the The Zimbabwe Mirror and The Tribune. The officers accuse the journalists of writing anti-government stories.
18 October 2001, four journalists were badly beaten by soldiers. According to reports, the journalists were stopped by soldiers in armoured cars and subsequently taken from their own vehicle and beaten with whips and batons. The attack continued until the soldiers had seized film footage taken by the journalists of the victims of earlier assaults. The journalists were made to lie down and then they were savagely beaten all over their bodies with whips. After the attack the injured journalists, including Zimbabweans Peter Maringisanwa and Vincent Murwira, representing the South African Broadcasting Corporation, Chris Mazivananga, a cameraman for Associated Press, and photographer Rob Cooper, also from Associated Press, were taken to hospital.
May 2001 One of The Standard’s journalists, Samuel Mungadze, is attacked last week by ZANU (PF) youths in Ruwa - a small town close to Harare. The journalist was investigating claims that people in the surrounding farms were being forced to attend independence celebrations held at the Ruwa Rehabilitation Centre. The assailants who attacked Mungadze accused him of reporting for a newspaper that they deemed to be anti-government.
On 27 August 2001, armed war veterans and ZANU (PF) supporters attacked Daily News reporter Mduduzi Mathuthu. He was reporting on a dispute between war veterans and a commercial farmer. The knobkerrie wielding militants accused the reporter of writing stories that put the land redistribution in a bad light. Even though there were police details at the incident, the policemen just stood by when the militants attacked Mathuthu. Mathuthu sustained a cut above his left eye and he also complained of chest pains after the attack.
Assaults on newspaper vendors

A number of vendors have been assaulted when trying to sell papers from the independent press.

Bombings of private press
22 April 2000: A bomb thrown from a passing car explodes outside the offices of the Daily News, which has been vocal in its criticism of the government.
28 January 2001 The printing press of the Daily News is bombed. Five days earlier, the Minister for Information, Jonathan Moyo, said the independent daily would be silenced because it posed a risk to the nation.

Burning of newspapers

The war veterans have burnt papers from the independent press.

Banning of newspapers

In some areas the war veterans have banned the sale of independent newspapers.

Denunciations of actions to stifle press freedom

Various international press bodies have condemned the attacks by the Zimbabwean government on press freedom.

Jack Straw, denounces the persecution of journalists in Zimbabwe yesterday as the hallmark of a “brutal and insecure” regime. Mr Straw attacked the “absolutely appalling and outrageous way” in which the Zimbabwean government was attempting to stamp out dissent.

Statements from members of ZANU (PF)

Statements from President Mugabe

During the election campaign:
“We are saddened that there are others who want us divided. But people must not listen to small, petty little ants which we can crush.” (March 1990)

White farmers are “hard-hearted, you would think they were Jews.” (1992)

At public gathering:
“Those who try to cause disunity among our people must watch out because death will befall them.” (March 2000)

Warning the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, that he was playing with fire:
“Let him not start the fire which may engulf him!” (April 2000)

Told the ZANU (PF) congress that the commercial farmers have “declared war” on the people of Zimbabwe. He says that the white man is “not indigenous” to Africa and is part of an “evil alliance.” He tells his audience “we must continue to strike fear into the heart of the white man, our real enemy.” His audience reply with chants of “hondo” (war). The courts can do whatever they want, but no judicial decision will stand in our way . . . My own position is that we should not even be defending our position in the courts. We cannot . . .brook interference court impediment to the land acquisition programme.” (December 2000)

Speaking in Bulawayo:
“Yes, there are hardships, but if they (white industrialists) leave, it's a good thing, because we will take over the companies. To those of you who support whites, we say down with you.” (1 September 2001)
Speaking at a textile company, owned by a prominent Jewish family in Bulawayo:
“Jews in South Africa, working in cahoots with their colleagues here, want our textile and clothing factories to close down.”
Mugabe drew accusations of anti-semitism. He refused to apologise.
Mugabe on Friday urged workers at the factory to monitor companies and to inform the government of their activities.
"We want you to be inspectors," he said. "Listen to all factory rumours, open your eyes and tell us which companies are closing. Tell us in good time.
"Yes, there are hardships, but if they (whites) leave, it's a good thing, because we will take over the companies."
In an impromptu speech in the city centre, he urged people to back his bid to seize white-owned land and declared: "To those of you who support whites, we say down with you."

Statement from Vice-President Msika

“Whites are not human beings . . .” (August 2001)

Statements from Government Ministers

Minister Mahachi:
“We will move door to door, killing like we did to Chiminya. I am the minister responsible for defence therefore I am capable of killing.” (June 2000)

Minister Mudenge
Speaking at a teachers college:
“You are going to lose your jobs if you support opposition political parties in the presidential election. As civil servants, you have to be loyal to the government of the day. You can even be killed for supporting the opposition and no one would guarantee your safety.” (July 2001)

Minister J Moyo
Briefing a press freedom group he warned that Zimbabwe’s independent media must expect violence for “provoking” supporters of President Robert Mugabe’s regime. He said it was “understandable” that journalists who were seen as supporting an anti-ruling party agenda would be threatened with violence. (May 2001)

Deputy Minister Aeneas Chigwedere (now a full Minister)
His ministry would not provide security to teachers affected by violence perpetrated by war veterans and ZANU (PF) supporters for supporting the opposition. (June 2001)
Statements from Members of Parliament and high-ranking ZANU (PF) officials
Governor Josaya Hungwe
Threatened white commercial farmers with war if they did not vote for the ruling party. He said “We do not want another war. If you want peace you should support me and the ruling party . . . If you want trouble vote for another party.” (May 2000)

C Hunzvi (war veteran and Member of Parliament)
“Whosoever is killed , it’s tough luck.” (December 2000)

Didymus Mutasa An ex-Minister and a high ranking ZANU (PF) official
“Those who do not understand must be beaten until they do understand” (July 2001)

Governor Josaya Hungwe
Hungwe said a war would be declared if ZANU (PF) lost the mayoral election. Hungwe said: “If you do not vote for ZANU (PF) in the coming mayoral election, people are going to be killed. I want to tell you, someone is going to die.” (April 2001)

Statements from war veteran leaders

Andrew Ndlovu
Threatened to use violence to overthrow the MDC if it won the upcoming election. He said that the war veterans would never allow the country to go back to Smith and if the MDC did come to power the war veterans would declare a military government. He said: “We will get arms to defence the government of ZANU (PF). We will invade military camps just as we have gone to the farms.” (March 2000)

Reiterating threat,
“We will not accept an MDC victory. If they win we will go back to war.” (August 2001)

Comrade Zimbabwe
Told farm workers that the opposition would pay dearly if it won the elections. He said “If ZANU (PF) loses this election, you will not say that I did not warn you. If we lose, we will get out our guns. We cannot allow the MDC to sell our country.” He also said “We will be at the voting stations. If ZANU (PF) loses, the way forward will be filled with war. You will witness our strength in the coming weeks.” He wore a T-shirt marked “No Monkey Business - Vote ZANU (PF)” (May 2000)

Edmore Hwarare
Said that the ex-combatants would not accept election results if any opposition party won the elections. He said the president of the MDC should train its own soldiers to fight ZANU (PF) if he wants to rule the country. “This country was won through the loss of blood and not elections. Therefore, if anyone wants to take it he should go to war with the ruling party. Even if other people accept the results, we will not. “We are married to this country and Mugabe. We are going to support Mugabe until we bury him.” He said that teachers who support the MDC must resign from the civil service and go full-time into politics. War veterans would ensure that salaries of teachers supporting MDC were cut before the elections. (June 2000)

Comments on situation in Zimbabwe

“The wheels had come off in Zimbabwe. The situation has become untenable when it is seen that the highest office in the land seems to support illegal means of land reform, land invasions, the occupation of land, beating up of people, blood flowing everywhere.”
The Governor of South African Reserve Bank, Tito Mboweni. 23 August 2001

“Zimbabwe is in a tragedy - a tragedy because people who are supposed to be protecting innocent citizens from death are promoting death themselves. They no longer have a heart. They are prepared to look aside when their fellow citizens are dying. I followed closely when the ministers were talking, and I did not see them giving tangible solutions to Zimbabwe’s problems. What I saw was an attempt to justify their shortcomings without really offering solutions. It appears no one has really identified what Zimbabwe's core problems are. The capacity to solve Zimbabwe’s problem does not lie in these ministers. All the ministers who came to the retreat refused to condemn violence nor commit themselves to ending it. What was missing from your ministers was an unequivocal commitment to stop the lawlessness that has reduced Zimbabwe’s standing on the international map. What came out was tolerance of what is happening. The government is not being apologetic for the mayhem being caused by its supporters and this could lead Zimbabwe into a deeper crisis. The situation here is quite regrettable. Chinamasa was the most disappointing of the ministers. During his presentation, he refused to condemn violence or commit that government would act on political violence. Instead, he promised the clergymen more violence saying it was a necessary tool for land revolution. The moment the person responsible for administering the law becomes very tolerant to the behaviour of law breakers, then you really have a tragedy. Chinamasa seems to be sympathising with those responsible for promoting lawlessness. I was disappointed by his statements. Those are not words that are supposed to come from the mouth of a justice minister. When he made those utterances, I thought that there was something terribly wrong with him. We support the ZCC for its stance against misrule and we have no apologies for that. We don’t expect these people (government) to voluntarily see logic but at one point they will be forced to. I have no doubt that ultimately the will of the people of Zimbabwe will prevail. You may delay it, but it is inevitable. One day Zimbabweans will have their legitimate representatives.” (The ZCC attacked Mugabe’s government for plunging the country into a de facto warfare and reducing the country's once thriving economy to ashes, all in a bid to stay in power. The churches pointed to a leadership crisis in Zimbabwe.)
Dr Molefe Tsele, secretary-general of the 22-million strong South African Council of Churches 28 July 2001.

On violence
“A very frightening culture of politically motivated violence has emerged and has been part of all subsequent elections. Many people have fallen victim to this monster. We are witnessing murders, rapes, beatings and abductions. We have heard political leaders instigating violent actions against their opponents. Death threats have been publicly made. This is unacceptable.”
“The ZCC is deeply perturbed by the role given to the war veterans in ‘resolving’ national issues and by the violence surrounding their activities and the perception that they are above the law.”
“As church leaders, we are convinced that the President of Zimbabwe has the capacity to stop the violence.”

Extracts from Pastoral Statement from the Zimbabwe Council of Churches August 2001