Printer-friendly versionSend by emailPDF version

The Federal Government of Somalis as constituted today does not represent the populations under the authorities of Somaliland, Puntland, Jubbaland and Southwest regions. The Provisional Constitution designed to shackle the arbitrary and capricious behavior of rulers has become a worthless piece of paper for lack of compliance and respect.

National governance is at once one of the most practical and emotive features of the modern nation-state system. All societies need national governments, for – amongst other things – fthe promotion of social cohesion, protection of the rights of all citizens, defense from external harm and aggression, maintenance of political and security order, to spur economic development, and for the provision of emergency assistance. Conversely, governments can also be a machinery used for killing or oppression, can promote insecurity and economic depredation, or function as a puppet regime for foreign powers. History shows that countries blessed with accountable governments led by patriotic leaders enjoyed steady progress and stability. Sadly, in the last five decades, most African countries were ruined by autocrats who used violence, divide and rule, and corruption to remain in power, leading to the death and destruction of their countries – as in the case of Somalia. The latter experience could not and should not be the model for rebuilding the new Somalia.

The Somali people credit the establishment of their first independent democratic government to the rectitude and impeccable leadership of late President Adan Abdulle Osman, who firmly believed in the supremacy of the law, and in the collective welfare of the people and country over personal enrichment or interests. Similarly, in the United States, people credit the success of their unifying federal government to the conscious behavior of the first president, George Washington, who applied and practiced the federal constitution in positive and restrained ways. He refused the majestic title proposed by congress, accepting the simple title “Mr. President”, and refused to stay more than two terms in office. These are historical lessons in humility and leadership for national leaders.

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), established in August 2012, was warmly welcomed as the embodiment of the bond and unity of the people and country of Somalia. But it quickly lost the legitimacy of national representation provided under various articles (namely, 1, 3(4), 4, 7, and 8) of the agreement (link in Somali) signed in Kismaio on December 29, 2014 between Ahmed Modobe of Jubbaland and Sharif Hassan of Southwest reveals the wrong rationale behind the imposed new clan federation.

If clan based “New Somalia” becomes reality, Somalia as we know it will be history and the new clan satellites will be enclaves where poverty, insecurity, and foreign manipulations persist.

Furthermore, he Somali-ethnic State of Ethiopia coaches Somali satellite states to brainwash them out of Somali nationhood.In 2009, the Somalis’ Djibouti Agreement terminated the entry of Ethiopian forces into Somalia, and secured the complete withdrawal of those which were there. Today, Ethiopian forces have reoccupied Somalia using the illegal rubber stamp of FGS leaders. This presents an inauspicious future for Somalia.

Soon after his election in 2012, President Hassan became the star, face, and manager of the FGS and committed to adhering strictly to the provisional constitution. But serious blunders, contradictions, and scandals belied his pledges and eroded public expectations. Doubling-down on FGS failure, some external actors subtly pursued anti-Statebuilding strategy by frustrating Somali reconciliation and unity and nurturing clan balkanization.

A number of reports and articles have been published explaining how the FGS fumbled and lost the right path towards responsible, accountable, and legitimate national governance. A new report released in 2014 assessed the much-lauded support of Turkey to Somalia between 2011 and 2013, and highlighted that Somali leaders lacked the necessary national vision to develop attitudes and strategies in line with the five principles plan which was outlined by Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey’s former foreign minister, as a prelude to the 2012 Istanbul Conference on Somalia.