ZimWatch Bulletin 7 - 6 February, 2002
__________

* Comment by Peta: International community has let Mugabe off the hook (The
Independent)
* Peta: My ordeal as Mugabe's prisoner (The Independent)
* Opposition leader stands up to coup threats (The Guardian)
* Zvobgo cuts Moyo to size (Zimbabwe Independent)
* Mugabe lets in poll observers to fend off sanctions
* Accreditation of observers for election starts today (Daily News)
(The Sunday Times)
* Recycled cooking oil on sale (Daily News)
* Analysis: 'Mugabe has militarised the election campaign'
__________

Comment by Basildon Peta:

International community has let Mugabe off the hook

The Independent (UK) - Wednesday, 6 February 2002 - www.independent.co.uk

Zimbabwe has certainly reached breaking point. The future looks gloomy. Mr
Mugabe is not about to concede that the country needs a fresh start without
him. He wants another six-year term, by hook or by crook. The international
community has let him off the hook.

Despite all the murders of his opponents, all the illegal arrests of
perceived opponents, the pillaging of a once promising economy and the
passing of some of the most repressive laws imaginable, the EU says: "We
will not impose smart sanctions on Robert Mugabe for now because he is doing
nothing to block the deployment of EU election observers." But is the
admission of these observers worth all the people who have lost their lives,
their property, their livelihood and all they have worked for because of the
unbridled ambitions of a power-crazed geriatric dictator? I can only wonder.
__________

Peta: My ordeal as Mugabe's prisoner

The Independent (UK) - Wednesday, 6 February 2002 - www.independent.co.uk

As repression has tightened its grip on Zimbabwe, the Independent's Basildon
Peta has found unsought prominence as a champion of freedom. On Monday came
the reprisals he had been dreading: arrest and imprisonment. This is his
account of his terrifying experience:

"Look, you are in a VIP cell. You don't have to worry. We will attend to you
when we are ready," the detective barked. I knew then I was in for a long
night. The tiny cell I was being dumped in was next to a stinking blocked
toilet, whose flushing system seem to have failed over a decade ago. The
suffocating stench wafted straight into the next room. The floors and the
walls of my cell were filthy. The few sticks of furniture were collapsing
with age.

For my night in Harare Central, the notorious headquarters of President
Robert Mugabe's state security agents, I was given a few broken planks of
wood on which to spend the night.

I was not surprised, however. When I first heard that armed detectives were
hunting for me on Thursday night, I could almost have predicted everything
that would play out over the next couple of days.

I knew that I would have to suffer for an imaginary crime that I did not
commit. I knew that there would be nothing imaginary about the way the
police would treat me in their filthy, dimly lit cells and offices at the
Harare Central police station. And I suspected, in my heart of hearts, that
at the 11th hour - after President Mugabe's state security agents had drawn
sadistic pleasure from their treatment of me - all charges might be dropped.

I knew also that the police would show no remorse and would not bother to
apologise for their unconstitutional and illegal treatment of me. In short,
I was aware that in any contest with President Mugabe's agents, I would
always come second.

So I did not even bother to ask why the police officials had stormed my home
at dawn on Saturday as if they were hunting for a bank robber or an armed
terrorist. I tried to co-operate all the way through, even though I knew the
crime they were purporting to investigate was a hoax. I suggested that they
stop looking for me and I promised I would surrender myself soon after
finishing the private family business that had occupied me for the previous
two days.

But that did not stop them from pretending that I was not co-operating.
Despite the fact that my lawyer had managed to arrange an appointment for
Sunday at 10am, they still saw fit to go to my house on Saturday and force
their way in without a search warrant. They ransacked the house, breaking
into cupboards, wardrobes and bathrooms, knowing full well that I was not at
home.

I returned from Johannesburg on Monday and while the police headed to my
house I went to Harare Central Station to turn myself in. At 1.45pm they
arrested me.

For the second time in four months I walked down the stairs into the
basement of a shabby building that would not look out of place in the middle
of Kabul.

There I was dumped into the wretched cell beside that foul-smelling lavatory
and left there for what seemed like an eternity. Despite the efforts of my
lawyer, Tawanda Hondora, to prepare all the paperwork so that we could
proceed directly to the courts, the police were intent on making it a long
wait.

They went about their business as if I was not there. There was a good
reason - after the courts close they have to keep you overnight. In the
meantime my cellphone was turned off and I was out of touch with the outside
world.

Late into the night, one of the officers called and announced my crime - I
had failed to notify the police about a demonstration by a group of
journalists last Wednesday to protest against a media law that is widely
seen as likely to eliminate independent journalism in Zimbabwe. The crime,
covered under the new Public Order and Security Act (POSA), carries a
two-year jail sentence, plus a hefty fine of Z$100 000.

I immediately contested the charge, saying that under the POSA, professional
associations are exempt from seeking police permission to demonstrate. The
Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ), of which I am secretary general, is a
professional association and allowed to demonstrate against anything
affecting the interests of its members.

The discussion went nowhere. My interrogator suddenly changed tone and
wanted me to help him locate Andy Meldrum of the Foreign Correspondents
Association and The Guardian, so that he could also be arrested for
co-organising the demonstration. I refused to co-operate - not least because
I don't know Meldrum's home address. The officer left. My incarceration
continued.

Dawn came, and I was taken from the cell. Armed police officers hurled
themselves into the back of my car. I was told to drive them to the courts
via the attorney-general's office. Here my fate for the next two years would
be decided. Making me drive myself felt like another insult: it was as if
they would not waste the petrol on me.

At the AG's office, which also houses the British High Commission, I was
left in the vehicle under armed guard. After a long period, one of my
interrogators came down smiling and showed me some notes written by the AG's
office on my documents saying that I had no case to answer.

The demonstration was perfectly legal, and if the police thought otherwise,
they would have to prove it. I was ordered to drive my jailers back to the
police station. End of story.

Not for the police. Spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena gave the media another
version. "The Attorney General has ordered us to carry out further
investigations and we will revisit the matter once we are ready." Does this
mean another arrest at some point? I can only wonder.
__________

Opposition leader stands up to coup threats

The Guardian (UK) - Monday, 4 February 2002 - www.guardian.co.uk

Andrew Meldrum in Mutare, eastern Zimbabwe

The Zimbabwean opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, has faced down senior
military officers who have threatened a coup if he wins next month's
presidential election, by saying that he will sack them.

Last month, the army high command said it would not recognise any government
that did not adhere to the aims of the "revolution", and that any president
was confined to a "straitjacket", taken to mean that he could not pursue
policies the military does not like.

The opposition Movement for Democratic Change has until now avoided direct
confrontation with the military, but at the launch yesterday of his campaign
for the March 9 and 10 election, Mr Tsvangirai told supporters that he would
sack army officers who did not have "the professional integrity to respect
your vote".

The MDC candidate has further angered the military leadership by pledging to
pull 10,000 Zimbabwean troops out of the Democratic Republic of Congo. It
would be a popular move with the rank and file who do the fighting, but
senior officers and ruling party officials have grown rich from mining and
other contracts since the military intervention in Congo.

"When we come to power, we will plan an orderly withdrawal from the Congo
war where our men are dying and our dollars are being wasted," Mr Tsvangirai
said.

At an election rally at the weekend, President Robert Mugabe focussed on two
favoured targets: Britain and gays. He accused Tony Blair of trying to
overthrow him because of the president's opposition to homosexuality, and
said that the British cabinet was "full of gays".

"I have people who are married in my cabinet. He has homosexuals and they
make John marry Joseph and let Mary get married to Rosemary," Mr Mugabe said
on Saturday. "We are saying they do not know biology because even dogs and
pigs know biology. We can form clubs, but we will never have homosexual
clubs. We will punish them."

Mr Mugabe has repeatedly attempted to portray the MDC as a British-funded
front for white interests. Mr Tsvangirai responded by accusing the president
of reducing the country to anarchy in a desperate bid to hang on to power.
"There is anarchy in our country. Is there a person here who has not been
affected by violence and beatings? I promise there will be law and order,"
he said.

Mr Tsvangirai urged his supporters not to seek revenge for the widespread
political violence by the ruling Zanu-PF party.

Residents in Mutare had reported that they were threatened with beatings and
even death if they attended the opposition rally. The threats reportedly
came from Zanu-PF officials, who went from door to door, escorted by police
officers.
Mr Mugabe is due to sign into law a repressive press bill which was finally
passed by parliament last Thursday and which critics say will stifle
criticism of the regime during the election campaign. The bill provoked a
public split in Zanu-PF.

The European Union is due to announce today what measures it will take to
encourage free and fair elections.
__________

Zvobgo cuts Moyo to size

Zimbabwe Independent (Zim) - Friday, 1st February 2002

Dumisani Muleya/Forward Maisokwadzo

AS parliament last night prepared to pass the hotly contested Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Bill, Eddison Zvobgo emerged as the
man who blocked what amounted to a constitutional coup by unelected members
of President Mugabe's inner circle. And observers point out he would never
have done so without significant support from within the ranks of Zanu PF.

While the parliamentary legal committee, comprising two of Zimbabwe's
sharpest attorneys, Zvobgo and Welshman Ncube, as well as Kumbirai Kangai,
has now issued a non-adverse report following extensive changes to the Bill,
it earlier this week foiled Information minister Jonathan Moyo's bid to give
himself sweeping powers to subvert provisions of the constitution on basic
rights.

The thwarting of Moyo's Napoleonic ambitions came as resistance within Zanu
PF mounted to the blustering spin-doctor's plans to occupy new political
ground. Party sources said Moyo's blandishments have annoyed the old guard
who now want his wings clipped.

In its earlier adverse report on the Bill, the legal committee blocked
Moyo's calculated self- empowerment agenda by rejecting numerous provisions
designed to subvert the constitution and give the minister sweeping powers.
While some of those provisions remain intact, many others have been shot
down in the horse-trading that followed the report this week.

Committee chair Zvobgo said the repressive legislation would have created a
"government" out of Moyo's department. It would have given him "frightening
powers".

"Ask yourself whether it is rational for a government in a democratic and
free society to require registration, licences, and ministerial certificates
in order for people to speak. It is a sobering thought!" Zvobgo said.

Moyo wanted to arrogate to himself enormous powers including control of
other ministers and the government bureaucracy as well as supervising the
functions of the judiciary and parliament, Zvobgo said.

He would be able to initiate investigations and direct police operations,
access state secrets and personal information, protect and target
individuals, and manage news and public information, among other things,
Zvobgo said.

Party luminaries said to be opposed to Moyo's ambitions include national
chair John Nkomo, information secretary Nathan Shamuyarira, retired General
Solomon Mujuru, politburo member Oppah Muchinguri, external affairs
secretary Didymus Mutasa, and deputy commissar Sikhanyiso Ndlovu.

Zanu PF heavyweights interviewed yesterday confirmed growing resistance to
Moyo's political plans. "Moyo has damaged the reputation of the party
through his futile propaganda," a senior politburo member said yesterday.
"If we lose the presidential election he should shoulder a lot of the
blame."

Law lecturer Lovemore Madhuku said the row "exposes the excesses of Moyo's
honeymoon in power".

Moyo yesterday afternoon gave a lengthy justification for the Bill which
included a biting attack on veteran journalists and the independent press.
__________

Mugabe lets in poll observers to fend off sanctions

The Sunday Times (UK) - Sunday, 3 February 2002 - www.Sunday-times.co.uk

Hundreds of international election observers were yesterday preparing to
move into Zimbabwe as President Robert Mugabe tried to avert European Union
sanctions that could start this week.

Faced with the prospect of a ban on travel to Europe and the freezing of
bank accounts there, the ruling Zanu PF elite appeared to be doing the
minimum required to meet international demands ahead of the presidential
elections scheduled for March 9. At least six EU observers are expected to
be accredited tomorrow, when South Africa will send a further 41.

The Southern African Development Community and the Commonwealth are also
ready to send hundreds of observers for an election widely expected to be
far from free and fair.

"We believe Zanu officials are seriously worried about having their assets
frozen," said an official of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) in Johannesburg yesterday. "The EU has put forward benchmarks
for the election, and we believe in them."

A European commission spokesman in Brussels said there was optimism that
Mugabe would allow both observers and journalists to report on the
elections, and that the president would withdraw his Zanu militias and quell
violence.

In a surprising announcement yesterday, the government newspaper, The
Herald, said a draconian new media bill passed last week "may take quite
some time before it becomes law, if at all". Zimbabwe's information
minister, Jonathan Moyo, attacked negative comments made by Jack Straw,
Britain's foreign secretary, about the bill's purpose, and accused him of
"megaphone diplomacy" and having an "open mouth and a shut mind".

There are few signs, however, that many foreign journalists will be allowed
into Zimbabwe, and Mugabe himself has kicked off his campaign in a cloud of
anti-colonial rhetoric. "We are in a war to defend our rights and the
interests of our people," he told a Zanu rally near Harare on Friday.
"Whatever (Tony) Blair tries to do, we will not back down. You can count on
us to fight. Down with MDC, down with Britain."

The European commission has promised that if its observers are impeded in
any way, sanctions will be approved on Wednesday. Visa bans would be imposed
on Mugabe and 19 of his party cronies, preventing all travel to the EU and
blocking access to any assets there.

The commission spokesman said no names had been released, because those
concerned were thought likely to move their funds out of targeted bank
accounts to avoid the sanctions. The Treasury has investigated Zimbabwean
accounts held in British banks.

The MDC is concerned, however, that the European commission may allow the
elections to go unchallenged, even if gross violations are seen. Farmers in
the Marondera, Mtoko and Karoi areas claim workers have been forced to vote
for Zanu at secret polling stations opened more than a month early. "It's
not just about how many journalists and observers get to Harare," countered
the commission spokesman.

"Free and fair means complying with international norms." A third sanction
to be taken by the EU would ban all exports of arms and material "likely to
be used in repression" to Zimbabwe. Britain put the policy into effect two
years ago.

However, Foreign Office sources confirmed they were worried that some EU
countries saw Britain's stance on Zimbabwe as a trading opportunity, and
criticised Austria for selling armoured personnel carriers to the Mugabe
regime.
__________

Accreditation of observers for election starts today

Daily News (Zim) - Wednesday, 6 February 2002 - www.dailynews.co.zw

A statement issued by Thomas Bvuma, the information and public relations
co-ordinator of the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC), said the
accreditation would take place at the Media Centre behind the Harare
Sheraton Hotel.

"We will be accrediting observers from the Southern African Development
Community, Libya, India and Nigeria on Wednesday," Bvuma said in the
statement. He said that the accreditation of domestic observers would take
place tomorrow at the same venue.

Bvuma said international observers would be required to pay US$100 (Z$5 500)
each. Domestic observers will pay Z$1 000 per person. International
observers are required to bring their passports, while domestic observers
should bring their national registration cards or their passports.

"Both international and domestic observers are required to produce proof of
invitations that were extended to them.

"International observers are eminent persons from outside Zimbabwe or
individuals representing foreign countries, international or regional
organisations who have been invited by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to
come and observe Zimbabwe's elections," said Bvuma. He said international
observers included individuals from regional bodies that exercise functions
similar to those of the ESC who have been invited by the ESC itself.

All the observers are accredited by the Observers Accreditation Committee,
which is chaired by the chairman of the ESC, Sobusa Gula-Ndebele, a lawyer
in private practice. Observers will be furnished with identification cards,
which they are required to wear at all times during observation of the
election.

Meanwhile, a secretariat team from the Commonwealth in London is expected to
arrive in Harare today, while Commonwealth observers are scheduled to arrive
in the country a few days later.

A spokesman for the Commonwealth, Wanebeya Mwambu, said President
Mugabe had extended an invitation to the organisation to send observers for
the election.
__________

Recycled cooking oil on sale

Daily News (Zim) - Saturday, 2nd February 2002 - www.dailynews.co.zw

From Sandra Mujokoro in Bulawayo

RECYCLED cooking oil has resurfaced on the black market in Bulawayo. The
Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) Bulawayo branch said notorious for this
are fast food outlets which use the oil for the whole day before selling it
through the back door at the end of the day.

"Customers must be aware that used oil is not only cheap, but very
poisonous. They must query the traders if the oil is very dark in colour or
has no proper label on the original container," said Rosemary Chikarakara,
the regional manager of the CCZ.

She said anyone caught trading recycled cooking oil would be severely dealt
with by the Bulawayo City Council health department, while those
overcharging would be arrested by the price monitoring unit. Queues of
desperate cooking oil seekers have been seen at the premises of some
companies which sell the commodity illegally.

One woman in a queue said she did not mind where the suppliers obtained the
oil because it was difficult to find it in the shops anyway.
__________

Analysis: 'Mugabe has militarised the election campaign'

allAfrica.com - Friday, 1st February 2002 - www.allafrica.com

Charles Cobb Jr. and Akwe Amosu

Washington, DC - A "system of semi-military command centres" has been set
up at both national and provincial levels in Zimbabwe in order to ensure
victory for President Robert Mugabe in forthcoming presidential elections
next month, according to Mark Chavanduka, editor of the independent Zimbabwe
Standard newspaper.

He says the structures group representatives from the army, the police, the
Central Intelligence Organization, Zanu-PF Youth and the militias:
"Basically what they are doing is mobilizing, through violence, support for
Zanu-PF in the forthcoming elections."

Zimbabwean political scientist Eliphas Mukonoweshuro agrees and claims "some
18,000 soldiers in civilian clothes...are campaigning on behalf of the
ruling Zanu-PF party"; he describes the system as "an official
infrastructure of violence that permeates all the corners of Zimbabwe,"
making free and fair elections impossible.

Mukonoweshuro, a professor at the University of Zimbabwe, Harare, and
Chavanduka, who was tortured and put on trial for treason in January 1999
for reporting that military officers were plotting a coup, arrived in the
United States this week to press for increased governmental and
non-governmental pressure on Zimbabwe's government.

President Robert Mugabe faces a challenge on March 9-10 from Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in a bitter
political battle which has seen a rising tide of violence and a disastrous
economic collapse. While Zanu-PF sees the battle in terms of an argument
over whether agricultural land should be taken from white farmers and given
to black Zimbabweans, the MDC and other critics say the land issue is being
used by President Mugabe to whip up support and justify dubbing his
opponents 'neo-colonialists'.

Both Chavanduka and Mukonoweshuro were sharply critical of legislation,
passed by the Zimbabwe parliament Thursday, that tightens government control
over media and specifically prohibits criticism of President Robert Mugabe.
"There can't be a fair election where one of the candidates is immune from
criticism," says Chavanduka. "How can any other candidate present his
credentials without attacking what he perceives to be the shortcomings of
the incumbent?"

They expressed disappointment with the response of regional governments in
Southern Africa. There has been "mind-boggling solidarity" with the Mugabe
government, said Mukonoweshuro. South Africa in particular has been "a major
disappointment."

Asked why President Mbeki was reluctant to pressure Zimbabwe, Mukonoweshuro
suggested that he might fear a "demonstration effect".
Confronted by a powerful trade union confederation in Cosatu and a former
labour leader with strong grassroots support like Cyril Ramaphosa waiting in
the wings, Mukonoweshuro argues, Mbeki may not want to do anything that
would help the MDC, which is itself headed by a workers' leader with strong
union support: "I think it is in Mbeki's interest that the alternative in
the offing in Zimbabwe is not viable," Mukonoweshuro said.

The failure of Commonwealth foreign ministers meeting in London Wednesday to
suspend Zimbabwe also angers the two men. "I think the Commonwealth is a
toothless bulldog," says Mukonoweshuro. Commonwealth ministers have
expressed the hope that there is still a chance for a valid election. But
Mukonoweshuro says this is wishful thinking.

"We are seeing a militarisation of the election campaign structure," he
says: "What is in place is not civilian structures but military command
structures; for the opposition to penetrate the rural areas, it would have
to meet those structures with similarly militarized structures. And of
course you are describing a civil war if that happens."

So is the MDC preparing to respond that way? No, he says, it is not. "They
don't have the resources and they don't believe in violent confrontation of
that nature. But of course, the patience of ordinary civilians on the ground
is wearing thin. You know, they are beginning to organize now to resist so
that their neighbourhoods are not terrorised by these state sponsored
thugs."

Mukonoweshuro and Chavanduka claim there is considerable dissatisfaction
with Mugabe within his own party. But they believe that it is not the
elected party politicians who are driving policy. "It is the non-elected
[directly appointed] MPs who have been made ministers [without] any
democratic credentials - the minister of information, of agriculture, of
justice; those are the people now with Mugabe's ear," says Mukonoweshuro.
"They do not have any other constituency except Mugabe himself and they
remain in power at Mugabe's pleasure."

But if other elements in the party are not happy with the present course of
events, why aren't they speaking out? Professor Mukonoweshuro believes
ministers in the government are fearful about how they would fare under a
new political dispensation, having enriched themselves in office. "A new
government coming to power might not necessarily pursue these people but
that doesn't stop civilians from seeking justice in the courts."

The army too has "benefited immensely from Mugabe's patronage," adds
Chavanduka, particularly from business dealings in the Democratic Republic
of Congo. But, he believes, they too realize he is a liability. All the army
wants, Chavanduka says, is a guarantee that there will be no retribution
against Mugabe should he lose the election.

Chavanduka and Mukonoweshuro describe the immediate future as "frightening".
"As long as Mugabe will have stolen the election and declares himself the
president of Zimbabwe it will be a contested legitimacy. We are likely to
see chronic instability, untold suffering, substantial departure of skilled
manpower; we are likely to see the country being reduced to the level of
peasant subsistence." said Mukonoweshuro.

What both men hope is that the U.S. and the international community can
"find appropriate methods of engaging the Zimbabwe government to stop the
catastrophe that is likely to happen in the event of a contested election."
Specifically, they are backing the recently approved "smart sanctions"
targeting high-level Zimbabwe officials. "It is much better than imposing
blanket sanctions on Zimbabwe."
__________

Amsterdam, Wednesday, 23 January, 2002

Dear journalists,

The situation in Zimbabwe is still worsening dramatically in the running up
to the presidential election (in February or March 2002). Political
violence, torture, murder and disappearances of opposition members, impunity
and the disregard of the juridical system is an everyday problem nowadays in
Zimbabwe. This is why a consortium of Dutch NGOs has formed Zimbabwe Watch.

Apart from trying to influence politics, Zimbabwe Watch weekly spreads the
above ZimWatch Bulletin, an overview of interesting news stories, features
and analyses from divers media. If wanted, Zimbabwe Watch co-ordinator Wiep
Bassie can give away interviews. Apart from this, Zimbabwe Watch has many
interesting contacts and resources in Zimbabwe, who can provide detailed
information and/or give away interviews.

Zimbabwe Watch lobbies governments and governmental networks as EU, SADC,
Commonwealth and the United Nations for them to put pressure on the
Zimbabwean government to hold free and fair elections. Political and
economical sanctions could be useful means to pressurise the Zimbabwean
government. (Read more at www.niza.nl/zimbabwewatch/index.html)

If you do not wish to receive this bulletin, please send an e-mail to:
[email protected]

All the best,

Wiep Bassie
Co-ordinator and spokesman Zimbabwe watch