Taking the Tiger by the Tail: The National Electoral Commission and the Presidential Elections

By Rakiya A. Omaar

I am looking forward to 14 April, in common with most people living in Somaliland. It will be the first time ever that I vote in my homeland. Having missed the December municipal elections, the prospect of taking part in a free and fair election to choose the next president of Somaliland will not only be a new experience, but given what it has taken us to get here, a deeply rewarding one. The people whose job it is to ensure that the elections fulfil our expectations are the six men and one woman who make up the National Electoral Commission (NEC). Their task is not an enviable one, given the unique circumstances of Somaliland.

The last presidential elections took place so long ago, in 1968, that more than 60% of the electorate has no memory of them. And for those who do remember, they recall the violence, the political tensions and the deeply flawed nature of the exercise which paved the way for a military coup d’état. Everyone agrees that this time, we must all play by different rules. But with everything so new, we are all learning, including, and especially, the Commission itself.

The Commission was established in December 2001 with a five-year mandate to prepare municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections. In December 2002, they organised country-wide local council elections contested by six political parties, a milestone in Somaliland’s political journey. They were not perfect, with a lower than expected voter turn-out, allegations of vote-rigging in at least one region and complaints by the opposition parties that the government used national resources to further it’s party interest, shortages of human and financial resources, transport and communication equipment.

Despite the lack of familiarity with voting, political parties and procedures, the calm and orderly manner in which the vote took place throughout the country came as a pleasant surprise to everyone. The Chairman of the Commission, Ahmed Haji Ali, known as Adami, paid a warm tribute to the voters. “The success of the election was due to the public. They policed themselves, stood for hours in the blazing sun and showed in every way possible their commitment to the electoral process. Our confidence in the voters is the most important legacy of those elections.” Candidates from the three most successful parties—UDUB, Kulmiye and UCID—are now the contenders for the post of president.

There were other lessons as well that the NEC has been trying to address in the run-up to the presidential elections. One of the most important is their decision to bring in a chairman and a secretary for each of the polling stations who will not be a native of that area, so that local people cannot collude in electing a person of their choice. As the Chairman put it, “they are less likely to blow whistles to each other when outsiders are in charge.” To better service urban areas, polling stations have been increased from 800-900. To pre-empt double voting, a penalty of one year in prison has been introduced for anyone caught casting their vote more than once. Women, in particular, are being targeted as their use of henna and hair dye on their fingers made it easier for them to multiply their votes. But now equipped with the facilities that detect this ruse, the NEC is looking to women’s organisations to spread the message among women. And to give the police the time and flexibility to prepare its force adequately, the NEC has decided to transfer funds to the regional forces directly.

One of the major weaknesses of the local council elections was the quality of the representatives of the political parties, who were often young and inexperienced. Since then, the parties and the Commission have worked out an appropriate training programme. Each of the three parties will select 36 candidates who will be trained from 6-8 April and who will in turn train the 900 agents that each party will field on election day. The NEC will finance the full training programme which will take place in Erigavo, Burao, Borama and Hargeisa and cover all the regions.

Although local council members were selected by their parties, the ease with which people abandoned party loyalty to vote along clan lines disappointed many people. But where poverty and unemployment are widespread and the family and clan are the only reliable social security system, and where political parties are uncharted territory, it is not difficult to understand the choices people make. “After all”, said one of the Commissioners, Shukri Haji Bandere, “the municipality is not going to bury you when you die.” As the election draws closer, alliances are shifting rapidly as each party seeks to boost its electoral chances, bringing people of different clans together.

While the parties look to the Commission to organise a fair election, the Commission is asking the parties to use the forthcoming elections to help transform the political landscape of Somaliland. “They must not appear to be the property of an individual or a group”, said the Chairman, “but be national in their composition, outlook and policies. Above all, they must show the people that they are responding to their needs.” Confidence in political parties is the only hope of diluting the importance of political allegiance to clans. But even with goodwill, progress will be slow since economic insecurity limits people’s choices.

Clashes and tension between Somaliland and Puntland have raised concerns about voting in parts of Las Anod and the El Afweyn area of eastern Sanaag which border Puntland. The NEC knows that worries about safety will inhibit voters, keep out its own staff as well as observers, and make it easier to stuff ballot boxes. Commissioners have been sent to the areas to verify the situation, and voting will take place in those areas only upon their recommendation.

Accusations that UDUB, the party of the incumbent president, is misusing the resources of the government, prompted the NEC to issue guidelines which forbid the use of official cars for campaign purposes and the use of shared national symbols, such as the flag, as the logo of UDUB. After consultations with the Commissioner of Police, it was agreed that cars violating these rules would be taken to the headquarters of the traffic police until the slogans were removed. So far, seven cars have been taken in by the police. But only two days ago, the Vice-President travelled to Berbera with a huge fleet of government vehicles to campaign for UDUB. The Commission also criticised the recent appointment of new ministers of state without portfolio, dubbed “ballot-box ministers.” The Commission recognises that there is little it can do in reality. “We don’t have investigators or people who can arrest the offenders”, commented the Chairman, “and the institution that can monitor and control these wrongs doesn’t exist.” He added that and his colleagues sought to prevent abuses “by the shovel”, but that mistakes “by the teaspoon” were to be expected.

Lack of funds and transport continue to worry Commission staff. Most of their funds have come from the government, with contributions from Britain, Denmark and Switzerland. It is particularly unfortunate that the United Nations, which has spent millions of dollars on meetings that reinforce the power base of the warlords in Somalia, has given no support to the elections.

Looking beyond the April elections, establishing a census and the provision of identity cards or voter registration cards are essential in order to help Somaliland move forward politically. But most important of all is to come up with a well-thought out, and on-going, civic and voter education programme that aims to take politics to the people, and not merely to bring the people out for periodic elections. In this context, the Commission said they have begun discussions with the Ministry of Education about the teaching of civics in schools. They also want to train local council members, many of whom do not understand what is expected of them or how to do their job. And as Shukri Haji Bandere pointed out, local councils do not operate in a vacuum; their shortcomings cannot be corrected if the police force and judiciary do not function well.

Addressing these inter-connected issues is not a responsibility that lies only, or even principally, with the Commission or the government. The manner in which political parties and local NGOs should raise the political awareness of their constituents and help them to keep politicians to their election promises. It would be a huge mistake if voter education becomes, like so much else in Somaliland, a subject discussed in the same small groups meeting in workshops in the hotels of Hargeisa. The wider public, whose welfare has been ignored for the most part, will continue to be shut out, and the political process, on which our collective future depends, will make little progress.

The very fact that vigorous campaigning is taking place peacefully in Somaliland for presidential elections is a remarkable feat in itself, given recent history. That this is happening despite lack of recognition for the go-it-alone approach that has marked Somaliland’s emergence from the political ashes. Much rides on how well the NEC acquits itself of this important responsibility. We all wish them well, and must do our best to help them help us.

* Rakiya A. Omaar is the director of the international human rights organisation, African Rights.